Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Social Epistemology
Vol. 26, Nos. 34, October 2012, pp. 453469
Ten years after the publication of the special issue of Social Epistemology on feminist
epistemology, this paper explores recent feminist interest in the inhuman. Feminist
science studies, cultural studies, philosophy and environmental studies all build on the
important work feminist epistemology has done to bring to the fore questions of
feminist empiricism, situated knowledges and knowing as an intersubjective activity.
Current research in feminist theory is expanding this epistemological horizon to consider the possibility of an inhuman epistemology. This paper explores these developments through the subject of waste. Waste, as both an epistemological and material
phenomenon, invites timely questions about possibilities for acknowledging an
inhuman epistemology. These questions appear to be particularly urgent from an
environmental perspective.
Keywords: Feminist Epistemology; Environment; Waste; Inhuman
Introduction
Garbage is all that anonymous stuff falling between valued objects and simple dust.
(Kennedy 2007, 7)
Myra J. Hird is Professor and Queens National Scholar in Environmental Studies at Queens University,
Kingston. She is the author of Sociology of science (2011, Oxford University Press), The origins of sociable life
(2009, Palgrave), Sex, gender and science (2004, Palgrave), Engendering violence (2002, Ashgate), co-editor of
Queering the nonhuman (2008, Ashgate), Questioning sociology (2nd edition, 2011, Oxford University Press)
and Sociology for the asking (2002, Oxford University Press), as well as some 50 articles and book chapters
on topics related to science studies. She is currently conducting interdisciplinary research on the topic of
waste. For further information see http://www.myrahird.com/Home.html. Correspondence to: Myra J. Hird,
Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6. Email: myrahird@me.com
ISSN 0269-1728 (print)/ISSN 1464-5297 (online) 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02691728.2012.727195
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M. J. Hird
(Statistics Canada 2008b). By 2006, we produced over 1000 kg of waste per person;
35 million tonnes of waste in a single calendar year (Statistics Canada 2008a). The
bulk of this waste is landfilled (Statistics Canada 2008a). In 2010, 30% of existing
Canadian landfills reached or surpassed capacity. To make matters worse, 30% of
Canadas landfills are operational for less than 10 years; and these landfills make
up half the total volume of landfilled waste per annum (Statistics Canada 2005, 7).
To compound the issue, over one million tonnes of waste were exported out of
Canada in 2002, much of it headed from southern Ontario to rural regions of
Canada, the USA or further afield to countries such as China, where landfills are
often open, unlined and contain an indiscriminate mix of hazardous and non-hazardous waste (Statistics Canada 2005). Some Canadian cities have settled on new
local landfill locations, and in some cases invested in construction, only to discover
both significant public opposition and problems in risk and impact assessment.
Waste may be analysed in terms of the politics and economics of consumption;
intergovernmental and industry-government relations; urban-rural divides; health;
labour relations; gender and waste economies; science-public relations; risk; governance and so on (Maclaren and Nguyen 2003). Certainly, the increasing mountains
of waste humans produce are made possible through mass production, global
transportation and communication, and cheap mechanised labour. Current waste
management legislation, policies and practice speak to capitalisms production of
excess, and coping with excess is what passes in late-modern society for individual
freedom (Bauman 2001, 90). Further, waste management practices such as recycling further shift attention from industry and production to households and
consumption (Hawkins 2006, 104; Kollikkathara, Feng, and Stern 2009).
Waste provides appreciable epistemological insights into how humans determine the existence and status of objects (Kennedy 2007). This paper focuses on
how we know waste, particularly in the global north. In other words, this paper
seeks to analyse how we attempt to determine waste. Knowing waste, I will argue,
consists largely in its determination as such. Knowing waste is, in other words,
about rendering indeterminate entities determinate. I will draw on feminist science
studies (FSS) theory concerned with the problem of indeterminacy to argue landfill
engineering and science necessarily details the failure to determine waste itself. As
such, knowing waste is rendering the indeterminate determinate.
Waste Identities
Despite its ubiquity, waste exist[s] in the twilight zone where no clear, natural definition of [it] can be given, within wide margins of uncertainty and variation
(Wynne 1987, 1). This is true in both cultural symbolic and material senses. Waste
is an inherently ambiguous linguistic signifier: anything and everything can become
waste, and things can simultaneously be and not be waste, depending on the perceiver.2 For instance, Judd Alexander, former Executive Vice President of the American Can Company, defines waste as any areas of land not being used for landfilling:
Social Epistemology
455
The public perceives that the garbage crisis is caused by the runaway growth of disposables, packaging and discards in general. The real problem, of course, is not the growth of
garbage or the quantity of garbage; it is the closing of landfills and the failure to provide
replacement sites or alternate ways to handle the discards of towns and cities. The production of garbage responds to growth in population, household formations, affluence and
commercial activity, but the capacity for the disposal of waste depends more on the availability of landspacethan any other factor. (Alexander 2005, 21, my emphasis)
We waste things tangible and intangible including love, time, youth and energy.
Supermodels and actresses become so emaciated that they waste away. Within
capitalist societies, waste is often associated with resources out of place that span
the gamut of lost work time and incomplete production to the failure to maximise
profit through the non-use of potentially usable objects such as land, as the
Alexander quote illustrates (Gille 2010).
This latter understanding introduces one of wastes many ambiguities because
we encounter an increasing number of objects as only a fleeting presence (Kennedy 2007, x). Single-serving objects such as coffee cups, sugar packets, stir sticks
and so on are determinate: we use them once, toss them in the garbage and forget
about them. We even have single-serving friends, according to Edward Nortons
character in the movie Fight Club. Our single-serving practices are relentless, as
Baudrillard (1998, 43) notes, as the gloomy, bureaucratic caricature in our societies, where wasteful consumption has become a daily obligation, a forced and often
unconscious institution like indirect taxation, a cool participation in the constraints of the economic order.
We encounter objects, Kennedy (2007, 158) observes, as essentially evanescent, instantaneous. Yet while most disposables appear the same before and after
their use, their ontology has fundamentally changed. Before use, the object is a
desirable commodity; afterwards it is garbage (Kennedy 2007). What makes things
garbage is their unusability or worthlessness to human purposes (Kennedy 2007).
As such, no entity is in its essence waste, and all entities are potentially waste.
In Combing through Trash: Philosophy goes Rummaging, Elizabeth Spelman
points out that despite our relative silence on the subject, waste nevertheless says a
great deal about who we are (Spelman 2011, 31325). Firstly, making garbage is
something we do every day yet rarely talk about. Indeed, as I have argued elsewhere, waste is an ironic testimonial to a desire to forget (Hird 2012). Diligent
middle-class western practices of placing garbage on sidewalks to be taken to
dumping stations, landfills, incinerators and the like ritualises this forgetting. It is
made possible by legislative decision, regulative enforcement, risk models, community accession and engineering practice. As such, landfills make their appearance
on and in the landscape as a material enactment of forgetting.
A society preoccupied with concealing its wastes must have, Kennedy
(2007, 4) observes, something important to hide from itself. The desire to disgorge our selves of waste and remove it from sight has psycho-social, evolutionary,
cultural and structural explanations. Douglas (2007) provided a well-known theory
of community development, stratification and maintenance defined by waste
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purification practices. Sigmund Freud detailed the anal stage as one of mastering
bladder and bowel control; mastering in other words, our first waste.3 Early life
observations show children learn from their caregivers to eschew their excrement
by defining it as waste, and practicing acceptable toilet habits rather than playing
with or otherwise remaining intimate with their excrement. In a sense, we continue this practice throughout life. Landfills swell with things we once wanted and
now do not want, once valued and no longer value. What remains after our disgorgement is what we (want to) consider our real self.
Yet, as Rathje and Murphy argue, who we are is to be found in what we abject
(Rathje and Murphy 2001; see also Douglas 2007). Skeptical of archaeologys ability to uncover in tombs, temples and palaces anything other than what past peoples wanted to remember and be remembered for, Rathje and Murphy suggest
excavating rubbish sets the record straight. Rummaging through garbageas any
Hollywood stalker will attestreveals intimate details of sexual practices, health
(what we really eat vs. what we report eating), personal hygiene, finances, personal
relationships, private thoughts, political affiliations and so on. Indeed, the Oxford
English Dictionary defines garbology as the study of human refuse in an attempt
to divine ill-begotten truths (Spelman 2011, 315). As such, (Spelman 2011, 323
4) argues trash provides an epistemologically privileged resource for understanding
what individuals and communities are all about. In other words, we know our
selves through waste.
Determining Waste
The term waste is derived from the Latin vastus, meaning unoccupied or desolate
and close to the Latin vanus, meaning empty or vain. Landfills, of course, are anything but unoccupied, empty and desolate. Forgotten and out of sight, waste does
not really go away. Returning to Wynnes characterisation of waste as defying easy
definition without wide margins of variability and uncertainty, this is also the case
in a material sense. Waste, as Gregson and Crang (2010, 1028) remind us, is a
long ways from stuff that just is rather it becomes. Apart from the odd
antique, most things spend little time within the realm of human production and
consumption. Indeed, in biogeological deep time, consumables are but one
moment in the wider life of a thing (Parsons 2008, 392).
Landfilling is, globally, the most common way we dispose of waste. Landfills
contain all sorts of thingsdiapers, dead pets, plastics, food, fabric, furniture,
wrapping paper, batteries and appliancesmixing so-called hazardous with nonhazardous waste. While hazardous industrial waste is typically differentiated from
municipal solid waste on the basis that it is generated from different sources,
Wynne (1987, 46) argues:
Hazardous waste should strictly include municipal, household waste, because the
toxicity of many domestic wastesbatteries, cleaning and polishing fluids, cosmetics,
medicines etc.is higher than that of some industrial wastes. The toxicity of some
leachates from municipal landfills is at least as high as that from controlled, hazard-
Social Epistemology
457
Once in the ground, these materials become part of bacterias production and
consumption economy. In other words, myriad heterogeneous materials enter an
inhuman domain. Landfills proliferate with leachate composed of putrescible viscous material created through bacterial metabolism. Initially, acetogenic biodegration under aerobic conditions produces material that is highly acidic and toxic to
surface water. Anaerobic bacteria do the bulk of the metabolising work deeper in
the landfill. Leachate is a heterogeneous mix of heavy metals, endocrine disrupting
chemicals, plthalates, herbicides, pesticides and various gases including methane,
carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, and hydrogen sulphide. There are over 7 million known chemicals, 80,000 of which are in commercial circulation and with about 1000 new chemicals entering into commercial use
each year (Wynne 1987, 48). Add to this the approximately 14,000 food additives
and contaminants added to landfills from discarded food. Major concerns include
soil and groundwater contamination, gas emissions and myriad adverse health
effects for flora and fauna. Ninety per cent of green house gas emissions from the
waste sector consist of methane emitted from landfills and wastewater, accounting
for about 3%of total greenhouse gas emissions (Chertow 2009).
Factors affecting leachate production rate and composition include the:
characteristics of the waste (initial composition, particle size, density and so on), the
interaction between the percolating landfill moisture and the waste, the hydrology and
climate of the site, the landfill design and the operational variables, microbial processes
taking place during the stabilization of the waste and the stage of the landfill stabilization. Most of these factors change during the operational period of the landfill as the
landfill is developed causing significant changes in leachate quality and quantity. (Yildiz and Rowe 2004, 78)
Via leachate, bacteria create well known, little known and new social forms.
458
M. J. Hird
Social Epistemology
459
lurk some heavy-duty social questions about sex, gender, power, and the social structure of European culture . In the work of the established evolutionary biologists,
past and present, talking about eggs and sperm gives us permission to prescribe appropriate gender behaviours.
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M. J. Hird
Wittgenstein (1994), Lyotard (1989, 1991), Heidegger (1991), Levinas (1988, 1990,
2004) or Derrida (1991, 2004). (See also Kendall 2008; Llewelyn 1991; Wilson
2004; Wolfe 2003.)5
FSS, sometimes engaging with ANTs emphasis on a parliament of things
assembled with human and non-human entities, focuses on the material relations
within and between humans and other forms of life (Latour 1993, 142). For
instance, Haraways theory of species meeting provides a superb analysis of
humannon-human relating in its complex diversity. In conversation with Agambens work, Haraway proceeds with the recognition of an always already incalculable enmeshing of species, and an urgent need to reach beyond the kinds of
speaking for species licensed through persistent claims of human exceptionalism:
Disarmed of the fantasy of climbing into heads, ones own or others, to get the full
story from the inside, we can make some multispecies semiotic progress. To claim not
to be able to communicate with and to know one another and other critters, however
imperfectly, is a denial of mortal entanglement (the open) for which we are responsible
and in which we respond Response is comprehending that subject-making connection is real. Response is face-to-face in the contact zone of an entangled relationship.
Response is in the open. Companion species know this. (Haraway 2007, 226; see also
Agamben 2003)
These FSS analyses are centrally concerned with how we know non-human animals, and living entities more generally, and equally importantly, how living entities know us, and other life forms. In this effort, FSS increasingly engages with
scientific research that observes and interacts with animals and other organisms.
What is of particular interest to FSS are studies that consider inhuman knowing
from perspectives that challenge human exceptionalism. For example, cognitive
ethologist Ristau describes her reason for studying the plover species of bird is precisely the apparent unfamiliarity of plover epistemologyhow plovers know and
respond to their changing environment:
I particularly chose to study birds not because a purposive interpretation of their
behavior is clear-cut or because we are easily able to empathize with their possible
communications and mental states (as we seem to with apes and our pet dogs), but
because it is difficult to do either. (1991, 93)
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artifacts such as conversations, normative conventions and so on) whose interaction cannot be determined through measurement (Barad 2012a, 14).
From this onto-epistemological perspective, matter and meaning are measuring
effects (Barad 2012a, 14). They do not pre-exist as individual entities, nor are
they inherently static in time or space (to make them so is to exact an agential
determination or cut, as Barad puts it. See Barad 2012a, 14). The world is not
composed of entities that we may or may not come to know; it is composed of
phenomena produced through measuring. Measuring, or knowing, is worldmaking. Measuring entangles; as Barad (2012a, 14) put it, measuring cuts
together-apart. Indeterminacy is the condition of measuring: how strange, writes
Barad, (2012b, 16) that indeterminacy, in its infinite openness, is the condition for
the possibility of all structures in their dynamically reconfiguring in/stabilities.
Schrader describes traces articulated when the indeterminate is rendered determinate phenomena through measuring:
There is no measurement without memory, no intra-action that wouldnt leave a trace.
But the trace by itself is not. Memories have to be read in order to be. That is, they
require work that involves material determinations. (2012, 43, my emphasis)
The work Schrader refers to is determining phenomenathe work that comprises knowing. Moreover, we cannot, writes Schrader, both be part of nature and
examine nature from an external position. It is not that we are part of a system of
which particular parts are currently inaccessible but accessible in some
futureHeisenbergs uncertainty positionbut rather because the scientists
work helps to enact the system boundaries she will have become part of (Schrader
2012, 44). Knowing, then, is about determining the indeterminate. We make determinations of the indeterminate. This is a limitless process; so long as there are
phenomena (including the ghostly virtual matter described in quantum field theory), there is indeterminacy rendered determinate:
Matter is never a settled matter. It is always already radically open. Closure cant be
secured when the conditions of im/possibilities and lived indeterminacies are integral,
not supplementary, to what matter is. (Barad 2012b, 16)
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464
M. J. Hird
Trash, as Kennedy (2007, 162) observes, dissembles the truth of its being
by presenting itself as immaterial, innocuous substance divorced from the relations to physicality that weave all beings into the interdependent context of the
manifest world. The problem is that leachate, groundwater, and landfill soil
that corrodes, moves and sometimes explodes, slides or collapses is anything
but indifferent. It is entangled, as Barads inhumanist philosophy details.
Elsewhere I have argued that centring geo-bacterial relations in formulations of
the human-other does more than expand the universe of things we must take
account of (Hird 2009). It asks us to consider ourselves as vulnerable to, and
with, our environment as latecomers to lifes already long-established flourishing
and failing within a volatile landscape. Nature relentlessly flows, but not in
ways that are necessarily compatible with human flourishing. Reflecting on the
engineering involved in asbestos disposal, Gregson, Watkins and Calestani
(2010, 1069) point to the difficulties certain materials pose for thinking
enchantment and generosity some materials are just not nice for humans to
know corporeally, at lest when they are in certain states. Clark (2011, 27)
similarly observes there are pressing issues in which what is most alarming is
lifes very exuberance; its unregenerate capacity to multiply, transform and
mobilise itself, its proclivity to turn up in forms we didnt anticipate, at sites
we dont want it, in numbers we cant deal with. This inhuman exuberance
incites Clark to ask, Are there people, places, plants, animals that should not
flourish? Or that should not flourish here, now, or in this way? (Code 1999,
67). Flourishing turns out to be an indeterminate route to travel.
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466
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
M. J. Hird
collected for scientific research. As soon as this biohazardous waste enters the placentologists laboratory, it is an object of study. By contrast, Maori people in New Zealand define
placentas as a highly symbolic material representation of kinship and spirit. Ironically, this
determination leads some cultures to bury placentas in the ground, albeit apart from landfills and with a different meaning. (See Scott 2012.)
We might argue the placenta is waste prior to urine and feces. In western cultures, placentas are often considered bio-hazardous waste and are either incinerated or used for scientific experimentation. In nonwestern cultures, placentas are highly symbolic material
spiritual entities, gifts to the earth and so on. (See Scott 2012.)
For research on slime moulds, fungi and bacteria see http://www.matsutakeworlds.org/,
Hird (2009); http://www.slimoco.ning.com, Tsing (2005).
Kennedy highlights the link between waste and human exceptionalism when he observes,
[human] bodily wastes symbolize the obstinacy of our lower animal nature and the
latters pitiable inability to live up to the directives and imperatives of pure reason (Kennedy 2007, 9).
For a discussion of humans being of nature, see Barad (2012a).
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