J Archaeol Res (2013) 21:123174

DOI 10.1007/s10814-012-9061-x

The Archaeology of Food and Social Inequality

in the Andes
Andrea M. Cuellar

Published online: 10 January 2013

Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013

Abstract A comparative examination of food practices is useful for assessing the

nature of diverse forms of social inequality. This article examines three key contexts
in which to evaluate the relationship between social differentiation and food practices in the Andes: early complex societies, pre-Columbian states and nonstate
complex societies, and colonial societies. A review of these distinct contexts suggests that social and subsistence change may follow different rhythms and that foodrelated differentiation, just like other forms of social differentiation, is neither
consistently augmented in a scalar fashion in relation to degrees of social complexity, nor is it in all cases a direct indicator of economic inequality.
Keywords Archaeology of food
Agriculture
Social inequality

Social complexity
Andes

Introduction
Food practices constitute a useful line of evidence for exploring the contours of
social differentiation in complex societies. In this article I address central themes in
the study of food and social inequality in the Andes, focusing on three key contexts:
early complex societies, pre-Columbian states and nonstate complex societies, and
colonial societies. The comparison of cases in each of these contexts reveals
diversity in how sociopolitical change impacted foodways, whether food delineated
social hierarchies, and if so, how. Since pioneering works outlined parameters for
studying food and social complexity in the 1990s (e.g., Hastorf 1990), these

A. M. Cuellar (&)
Department of Anthropology, University of Lethbridge, 4401 University Drive, Lethbridge, Alberta,
Canada T1K3M4
e-mail: andrea.cuellar@uleth.ca

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questions have become a central and growing area of inquiry in Andean

archaeology.
The role of food in archaeological interpretation has changed along with trends in
anthropological theorizing. When archaeologists started to pay attention to food,
they did so as a way of assessing subsistence, environmental adaptation, and site
formation processes (e.g., Binford 1980), or political economies from a top-down
perspective (e.g., Johnson and Earle 1987). Later, archaeologists developed bottomup perspectives, targeting commoners and quotidian aspects of life. Household
archaeology rose in the Andes and elsewhere (e.g., Bermann 1994; Wilk 1991) as a
way of opening a window into domestic life as an important component of broader
social processes. A household perspective was instrumental for degeneralizing
understandings of complex societies by targeting contexts where intrasocietal
variability could be assessed directly and the quotidian activities that cement
patterns of social differentiation exposed. Archaeologists were better able to gauge
the complexity of societies and the nature of their internal diversity. Further,
household archaeology produced evidence of food processing and consumption,
which could be associated with specific social units and compared to evaluate
intrasocietal variability in food practices. Debates regarding household archaeology
in the Andes do not constitute the focus of this article (see Nash 2009 for a recent
overview of the topic); its role is highlighted here only as a foundation for the
current state of the scholarship on food and social complexity. Recently, a
household perspective also has been adopted by historical archaeologists (e.g.,
Jamieson and Beck 2010), lending similar benefits to the study of food and social
inequality in colonial contexts.
Innovations in archaeobotany also have contributed to the current state of
scholarship (Hastorf 1999a; Hastorf and Popper 1988; Pearsall 2000). Breakthroughs in phytolith and starch analysis (e.g., Pearsall et al. 2003; Perry 2002,
2009; Perry et al. 2007; Piperno 2006a, 2009; Piperno et al. 2000; Zarrillo et al.
2008) have enabled archaeologists to obtain information about food practices from
contexts with poor macroremain or pollen preservation. The application of
bioarchaeology to questions regarding diet also became common in the 1990s
(e.g., Burger and van der Merwe 1990) and has served to strengthen or reassess
other forms of evidence, whether from archaeobotany or zooarchaeology.
A focus on quotidian practices, the increasing reliance on household archaeology,
and better methods for characterizing diet account for the shift in emphasis from
production to consumption in the investigation of past subsistence. Before the
1990s, with the exception of research on complex nonagrarian societies (e.g., the
Preceramic period societies of the Peruvian coast), inferences about food relied
heavily on reconstructions of agrarian landscapes or regional analysis of resource
distribution. Hence, interpretations revolved around technology or access to
resources. This was notoriously so for areas with significant anthropogenic
transformations, such as the Titicaca Basin (Erickson 1993; Kolata 1991), where
linking knowledge of regional production with consumption at smaller scales came
much later (e.g., Bruno 2008; Wright et al. 2003). Although the separation between
production and consumption is somewhat artificial, as agrarian systems are shaped
by consumption, scholars are focusing more on consumption because it serves to

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outline patterns of social inequality more directly than characterizations of

production or regional resource distribution. However, this is not even across the
temporal spectrum of Andean societies. For the earliest periods scholars have
addressed the process of early food production more than patterns of consumption,
which remain the most studied among those interested in the dynamics of later
complex societies.
Recently, discussions about consumption have been articulated in the language of
agency, practice, and social reproduction (e.g., Goldstein 2003), a tendency also
seen in Mesoamerican archaeology (e.g., Joyce and Henderson 2007) and other
world regions (e.g., Atalay and Hastorf 2006). These approaches stress the social
symbolism of everyday food practices and their importance for outlining the
significance of less ordinary forms of consumption such as those performed in the
context of feasting (Hastorf and Weismantel 2007; Smith 2006). However, this
article demonstrates that neither this nor any other single agenda dominates current
debate. Scholars continue to pay attention to topics that have loomed large in the
literature since the 1960s (e.g., maize and chicha) from diverse angles. Indeed, an
excessive, lingering emphasis on maize in the Andean literature has been noted
(e.g., Iriarte 2009). Entire volumes are dedicated to it (Johannessen and Hastorf
1994; Staller 2010; Staller et al. 2006), and no other staple has been as thoroughly
evaluated in terms of its political role. Since the role of maize in the Andes was
varied anyway (e.g., Tykot et al. 2006), the discussions that follow reflect its
salience in debates about social inequality in the Andes more than its dominance as
a subsistence crop across time and space.
Whether in the context of emerging complexity, fully fledged Andean complex
societies, or Spanish colonialism, the examination of patterns of food consumption has
improved our understanding of broad sociopolitical processes. These include, but are
not limited to, the emergence of social inequality, the nature of ancient state politics
and imperial expansion, and the reconfiguration of indigenous social structures after
European colonialism. A review of the evidence from these distinct contexts suggests
that differentiation in foodways is not augmented in scalar fashion along degrees of
social complexity. Neither is it in all cases a direct indicator of economic inequality.
For that reason, a comparative examination of food practices is useful for assessing the
nature of diverse forms of social inequality in the Andes and elsewhere (Figs. 13).

Food production and early social complexity

Subsistence changes, such as the use of domesticates, are associated with early
social complexity in some Andean regions. Virtually no scholar today, however,
would expect the kinds of simple parallels between subsistence and social change
that were once assumed following an evolutionary frame that matched certain forms
of social advancement (e.g., political hierarchy) to equally advanced
subsistence systems (e.g., agriculture) (Morgan 1877). Recently, practice theory
has been proposed as an alternative to what some perceive to be a continued reliance
on evolutionary thinking (Bruno 2009), but this observation is not that pertinent for
the Andes because from the beginning, the leading scholarship formulated questions

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Fig. 1 Approximate location of sites in North and South America mentioned in the text

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Fig. 2 Approximate location of sites in Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia mentioned in the text

about the relationship between complexity and subsistence within a broader

anthropological framework (e.g., Lathrap 1977; Moseley 1975; Pearsall 1978).
The social context of early food production in South America is most complete
for the southern Ecuadorian coast and the northwestern Peruvian piedmont. For
other regions (e.g., the Cauca Valley of Colombia), the evidence about the social
context of early food production is too limited. Likewise, although the domestication of camelids has been reasonably investigated (for overviews, see Bonavia
1999; Mengoni Gonalons 2008; Stahl 2008), neither this nor the beginnings of
agropastoral economies are typically discussed in terms of their implications for
social complexity (Aldenderfer 2008). Even less is known about the social context
of early use of other domesticated animals. In this section I focus on early food
production in areas where both early social complexity and subsistence change are
documented in depth. The adoption of crops was not accompanied by sweeping
social changes in the best-studied regions; nevertheless, it can be loosely associated
with certain aspects of social change, although in different ways.
In the last couple of decades, status competition has been factored into debates
about the origins of food production. Specifically, Hayden (1990) has argued that

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Fig. 3 Andean chronologies

competitive feasting, a common strategy among emerging leaders, requires a

substantial economic base that encourages the intensification of food production via
domestication in resource-rich areas. This approach is a departure from theories of
domestication that emphasize demographic factors (e.g., Cohen 1977) or incidental
coevolution of domesticated plants due to patterns of planthuman interaction (e.g.,
Rindos 1984). Notwithstanding the central role given to sociopolitical factors in

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trajectories of domestication, the overall nature of the argument is not novel. It has
much in common with an older set of debates that dealt with the relationship
between the development of social complexity (or lack thereof) and a given
subsistence base. For South America, the maritime hypothesis proposed for the
Peruvian coast (Moseley 1975) and the protein hypothesis proposed for the
Amazon (Gross 1975) are good examples. The cases of early complexity reviewed
below are illuminating in this respect, as they suggest more intricate developments
than a linear one between food production and the escalation of status systems.
Coastal Ecuador (Santa Elena Peninsula)
Research in this region has long focused on understanding the broad ecological and
social contexts associated with the adoption of domesticated plants (Pearsall 1979;
Raymond et al. 1980; Stothert 1985). Detailed overviews of the process have been
published (Pearsall 2003, 2008); here I emphasize the social implications.
The earliest farming is documented at the Las Vegas-type site (OGSE-80) Loma
Alta and at Real Alto through the Las Vegas (Archaic) and Valdivia (Early
Formative) occupations. The Las Vegas population preferred areas favorable for
horticulture, along watercourses. Raymond (1993, 1998) argues that the sites
indicate a logistically mobile yet horticultural population, whereas Stothert (1985)
argues that the settlements were more permanent. Cucurbita spp. (squash),
Lagenaria spp. (bottle gourd), and Calathea spp. (lleren) remains have been found
in association with the earliest Las Vegas occupation, when hunting and fishing
predominated. Zea mays (maize) was added to the crop repertoire at the end of this
occupation (Piperno and Stothert 2003; Stothert 1985). Las Vegas has been
described as a case of small-scale horticulture in the context of a broad subsistence
strategy (Piperno and Pearsall 1998), which is supported by bone health indicators
typical of a population that does not rely fully on agriculture (Ubelaker 1980).
Burials yield the most abundant information about the social structure of the Las
Vegas population. All known burials are from the Las Vegas-type site, even though
25 sites have been studied (Stothert 2003). The funerary rituals are complex and
include secondary burial bundles, cremation, and pits with selected arrays of bones
and disarticulated skeletons in ossuaries with a few offerings (Stothert 1985, p. 628).
They have been interpreted as an early manifestation of ancestor cults (Stothert
2003, p. 348) and the site itself as a ceremonial center around which a dispersed
population gravitated and established a sense of territorial belonging (Raymond
2003, p. 39). As complex as they are, these burial practices do not appear to reflect
social differentiation but the glorification of ancestors (Stothert 2003).
Valdivia, the occupation following Las Vegas, was previously assumed to be a
maritime adaptation (Meggers et al. 1965); now it is understood as an inland and
coastal occupation with mixed food-provisioning strategies that included agriculture
(Lathrap et al. 1977; Raymond et al. 1980). Current knowledge of subsistence is based
on excavations at Loma Alta, an unusually large site during Early Valdivia, and at Real
Alto, which began as a small village. Crop remains from these sites include maize,
lleren, Canna edulis (achira), Canavalia spp. (jackbean), Capsicum spp. (chili
pepper), Cucurbita spp. (squash or gourd), Manihot esculenta (manioc), Maranta

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arundinacea (arrowroot), Phaseolus spp. (beans), and Gossypium barbadense

(cotton) in addition to an array of wild plants (Pearsall 2003; Zarrillo et al. 2008).
No single crop or wild plant dominated the diet; instead, people had a broad plant and
animal diet (Pearsall 2003; Stahl 2003a). The unusually large size of Loma Alta
indicates settlement differentiation, although no other signs of inequality are apparent.
The offerings in the only burial with grave goods included shells and a miniature pot
possibly used for coca chewing (Raymond 1993, p. 36). For Real Alto, the mounds and
public areas, as well as the abundance of broken stone figurines, indicate an
intensification of communal activity, but neither grave goods nor household size or
assemblages point to social inequalities (Raymond 2003).
Later, during the Middle Valdivia period, Real Alto became a ceremonial center
complete with mounds and public areas, including a fiesta house and a charnel
house (Marcos 1988). Household size increased, as did the regional population
(Damp 1984; Zeidler 1984). A bimodal distribution of house size and variations in
house distance from the ceremonial core indicate social rank (Raymond 1993).
Further, differential burial treatment suggests social hierarchy despite the scarcity of
grave goods (Zeidler 2000). Interestingly, the main burial in the charnel house
contains a female skeleton in a crypt lined with broken manos and metates (Lathrap
et al. 1977); this first instance of burial rank brings elements of food processing into
the ritual realm. There was no change in the plant diet. Although the nature of the
botanical evidence does not help establish the relative importance of different crops
throughout the Formative (Pearsall 2003), botanical and isotope data (van der
Merwe et al. 1993) reveal a somewhat stable pattern of food provisioning, at least
from the Early to the Middle and even Late Formative. This consisted of a broad
diet that included fauna and wild and domesticated plants, consistent with an early
and stable pattern of inland settlement along watercourses. Some degree of variation
in subsistence between coastal and inland populations is reflected in the greater
incidence of caries among inland populations that may have relied more heavily on
a plant-based diet (Ubelaker 1980).
There is an ongoing debate on the timing of maize adoption in Ecuador and the
ubiquity of its use during the Early Formative. Before archaeobotanical evidence
was available, Zevallos et al. (1977) relied on decorative attributes in ceramics to
make an argument for maize subsistence. Later, botanical evidence from domestic
contexts indicated that maize was a component of the diet, although not necessarily
the main one (Pearsall 1979; Pearsall and Piperno 1990). However, the evidence of
low isotopic values for Valdivia individuals (van der Merwe et al. 1993) and the
paucity of macroremain evidence (early maize has been identified through
microremains) have been marshaled to suggest a late introduction of maize (Staller
2003; Staller and Thompson 2002; Tykot and Staller 2002). In this scenario, maize
was a sacred crop, serving largely ceremonial instead of nutritional purposes. The
preparation of choice would have been chicha, an interpretation primarily derived
from decoration (kernels) on jars and from the introduction of bottle forms during
Late Valdivia (Staller 2001). Pearsall (2002, 2003), Piperno (2003), and Pearsall
et al. (2004) argue that the accumulated body of botanical evidence from various
dated contexts supports an earlier introduction and domestic use of maize.
Indicators of skeletal health, the increase in caries specifically (Ubelaker 2003), also

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point to the consumption of sticky carbohydrates, which could have included maize.
What is not established yet is the extent to which maize use intensified at the end of
the Early Formative (Pearsall 2003, p. 236). More recently, Zarrillo et al. (2008)
have provided additional evidence of domestic maize use during Early Valdivia at
Loma Altawithout denying that ceremonial consumption may have occurred as
well. The directly dated starch residues from cooking pots constitute the earliest
dated maize remains from coastal Ecuador (33002950 BC) (Zarrillo et al. 2008).
The use of maize in early ceremonial contexts in coastal Ecuador had been
suggested before this controversy (e.g., Raymond 1993, p. 40), just not in
association with the question of timing. This idea also has long been formulated for
other Andean regions (e.g., Burger and van der Merwe 1990), Mesoamerica (e.g.,
Blake et al. 1992a), and North America (e.g., Johannessen 1993). For Mesoamerica,
though, recent scholarship suggests that the sugar-yielding stalks, not the grain,
were the main target of early cultivators (Iltis 2000; Smalley and Blake 2003). From
this perspective, maize domestication was linked to the extraction of fermentable
stalk juice for alcoholic beverages, a view supported by the most recent discussion
on the topic (Webster 2011), although Jaenicke-Despres et al. (2003) argue, from a
genetics approach, that selection targeted kernels instead. Webster (2011) sees the
late development of large kernels and the ubiquity of very small cobs, even as late
as about 2,000 years ago in Mesoamerica, to be consistent with the selection of
stalks. That would place the use of maize as staple food more than 5,000 years after
its initial use, although Smalley and Blake (2003, p. 680) clarify that early farmers
may have consumed green ears and then used the stalk for sugar extraction.
How maize arrived in South America awaits more systematic investigation.
Maize had small cobs and kernels when it spread out of Mesoamerica (Pearsall
2008, p. 107), but early maize evidence in Ecuador is not macro- but microbotanical. For later occupations the information has not been compiled, with few
exceptions. Langebaek (1995, p. 67), for example, notes that average cob length for
late periods in the northeastern Colombian Andes was about 6 cm, exactly what
Pozorski and Pozorski (2011, p. 19) report for a collection of Early Horizon cobs
from the Casma Valley in Peru. This size is within the range of what Webster (2011,
p. 83) considers surprisingly small cobs for late periods in Mesoamerica. Regardless
of whether domestication and early use targeted stalks or grain, the early use of
maize primarily as ceremonial food is far from being established for South America.
The remains of all domesticated plants, not just of maize, are meager for the entire
Early Formative, and even for a number of Middle and Late Formative sites. To be
consistent, one would need to argue that all domesticated plants, not just maize,
were ceremonial; lack of intense consumption of all (or any) of the domesticated
plants identified does not make them de facto ceremonial.
In short, the most solid conclusion for the earlier component of the Ecuadorian
Formative is that no single domesticated plant was central in the diet. Even more
relevant is the fact that throughout the entire Formative, subsistence appears to have
been relatively stable, changing very slowly, while the accompanying social changes
cannot be depicted as a smooth and gradual stroll toward social complexity. The
transition from Early to Middle Valdivia, when clear signs of hierarchy appeared at the
new ceremonial center of Real Alto, was not matched by a subsistence change of

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comparable significance. Uneven isotopic signatures suggest individual dietary

variations in Loma Alta (Pearsall 2003), but whether these match status differences is
unclear. The use of manos and metates as burial offerings for a high-status individual
at Real Alto, however, indicates a possible association between food and social
hierarchy. Yet the Ecuadorian case does not support a simple association between the
emergence of social hierarchy and food production linked to status competition in the
form of feasting.
Northwestern Peru (Zana Valley)
Overviews on early food production in Peru are available (Pearsall 2003, 2008);
here I focus on the Zana Valley, where the reconstruction of the social context of
early crop use is detailed enough to compare with Ecuador. Cultivation started in the
Zana Valley by 8000 BC. A squash seed dated to 8300 BC, corresponding to the end
of El Palto phase (11,8007800 BC), indicates food production at a time when
hunting and gathering predominated (Rossen 2011a). More abundant evidence of
crop use is dated to Las Pircas phase (78005800 BC). This time frame for early
cultivation is comparable to that of Ecuador and other Peruvian settings, such as
Tres Ventanas Cave and Guitarrero Cave (Engel 1973; Smith 1980). The
horticultural population of the Zana Valley was semisedentary or incipiently
sedentary and settled in fertile inland alluvial zones suitable for cultivation,
particularly in the Nanchoc Basin. Crop remains from Las Pircas phase include
squash, Arachis hypogaea (peanut), manioc, Chenopodium sp. (possibly quinoa),
Inga feuillei (pacay), and beans (Dillehay et al. 1989, 2007a; Piperno and Dillehay
2008; Rossen 2011a; Rossen et al. 1996). Horticulture was part of a broad economy
that included hunting and gathering and perhaps some seafood; accordingly, skeletal
indicators of disease are absent (Rossen 2011a). Evidence of social organization for
this population is limited, but Rossen and Dillehay suggest possible ritual
cannibalism and garden magic consisting of pits of carefully cut fresh adult male
bones and offerings of exotic items such as quartz crystals associated with buried
furrows (Rossen 2011b, pp. 105, 112; Rossen and Dillehay 2001a). Mound
construction at Cementerio de Nanchoc began at the end of this phase.
Some of the trends observed for Las Pircas phase were maintained and intensified
during the Tierra Blanca phase (58003000 BC). Similar to the Las VegasValdivia
transition in Ecuador, settlements were denser and more sedentary and house size
and elaboration increased (Rossen and Dillehay 2001b). Hunting and gathering
(with a small input of marine resources) continued to contribute to the diet; other
cultivated plants (Erythroxylon sp. [coca] and cotton) began to appear at the end of
Las Pircas phase (Rossen 2011a, p. 187). More significant than the amplification of
crop diversity or greater dietary reliance on crops, however, was the transition from
household gardens to communal farming in irrigated fields (Dillehay et al. 2005).
Coupled with the enlargement of construction at Cementerio de Nanchoc, now a
more formalized ceremonial space partly dedicated to lime production for coca
consumption (Dillehay et al. 1998, 2010), the move from household-based agriculture
to collective agriculture marks an intensification of community life and group
cohesiveness (Dillehay et al. 2005, 2007a, 2010). Cementerio de Nanchocnamed

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for the presence of modern burials, not ancient ones (Dillehay et al. 2011a)is located
in proximity to the largest concentration of occupation for this phase but is removed
from residential areas. The treatment of human remains devolved, as discrete
deposition of human bones in nondomestic pits was replaced by random deposition in
house floors, with many of the bones burned and cut, suggesting the continuation of
cannibalistic practices (Rossen 2011b; Rossen and Dillehay 2001a). The mix of faunal
and human remains in house floors, though, would imply less ritualized cannibalism
(Verano and Rossen 2011, p. 174). Further, the lack of exotic items or of the garden
rituals reported for Las Pircas phase suggests disintegration of exchange networks
(Dillehay et al. 2011a; Stackelbeck and Dillehay 2011). In reference to Cementerio de
Nanchoc, Dillehay et al. (2011a, p. 149) conclude that it likely held special
significance, but that it is unclear whether it was associated with sacred or ritual
activities. The associated remains do not suggest feasting (Dillehay 2011a, p. 292).
The Zana Valley, like coastal Ecuador, does not appear to conform to the expectation
of early food production associated with feasting related to status competition.
Instead, Dillehay (2011b) sees in the Zana Valley a key context for knitting
interpretations of early farming and ideology together. Ideological innovation and
the centrality of the development of a sense of community associated with early
farming also have been suggested for coastal Ecuador (Raymond 1993, 2003, 2008;
Stothert 2003, 2011); the parallel between the Peruvian and Ecuadorian cases has
been noted before (Piperno and Pearsall 1998, p. 266). Dillehay (2011c, p. 254) is
clear to point out that in the Zana Valley these developments took place primarily in
only one area, the Nanchoc Valley, and that after 3000 BC, with the exception of
two villages, the area had only a sparse occupation while population began to
concentrate downstream, closer to the coast. In Ecuador, the trajectory also did not
follow a classic escalation of the trends seen from the Early Formative. There are
sharper indicators of social differentiation in the Middle Formative, but there are no
large ceremonial centers like Real Alto (Zeidler 2008). Although a further move
toward areas best suited for cultivation is documented (Schwarz and Raymond
1996), there was little in terms of subsistence change (Pearsall 2003).
The trajectory of the subsistence economies, which were diversified early on and
included domesticated plants but not a single dominant crop, were similar in
Ecuador and Peru. Even settlement trends and household changes were comparable,
although village life was more defined in Ecuador since early in Valdivia. In both
areas these changes occurred in the context of slow and moderate subsistence
change; a decisive shift to more specialized economies, focused more narrowly on
cultivation, came much later in both regions (Pearsall 2003, p. 247). Meanwhile,
social transformations took place. With a comparable subsistence foundation,
however, early complex societies in Ecuador display more in the way of social
differentiation through intricate burial patterns, structured U-shaped village layout,
and more straightforward manifestations of ritual elaboration and public ceremonialism (Zeidler 1984). Based on skeletal evidence and the presence of exotic items,
Dillehay et al. (2011b) argue for social inequality in Peru since the end of Las Pircas
phase, but inequality was more equivocal in nature than in Ecuador and did not
continue into the Tierra Blanca phase. Dillehay et al. (2011b, p. 272) also suggest
that as complexity increased, domesticated plants must have provided an excellent

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source of status differentiation on the individual and household levels, but

evidence for this is not yet available.
Alternative paths in subsistence and early social complexity: The Peruvian
Preceramic
Scholars have contemplated alternatives to agriculture at least since the formulation of
the maritime hypothesis (Moseley 1975, 1992). This proposed that the early
complex societies of the Preceramic period on the Peruvian coast, whose monumentality seemed once at odds with the lack of an agrarian economy, developed while
relying primarily on abundant marine resources. The monumentality of these early
societies seemed at odds with the lack of an agrarian economy. From this perspective,
agriculture contributed modestly to the diet, as it was geared to the production of
industrial crops used in the fishing economy (e.g., gourds, as seen at the village of La
Paloma). As evidence accumulated, it was revealed that diverse coastal populations
followed variations of this strategy; distinctive resource use at Los Gavilanes
exemplifies this variety (Quilter 1991). Even later, in the Initial period, there were
patterns but no complete homogeneity in subsistence practices among closely spaced
populations in places such as the Casma Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987).
Estimates of the relative contribution of diverse food sources remain elusive.
According to Moseley (2005), assessments of subsistence have been influenced by site
location. In his view, it is only a presumption that the coastal population of Aspero, for
example, relied more on marine resources than the inland population of Caral. At the
latter, marine remains are plentiful and dominate the animal assemblage, and the most
abundant botanical remains are of fruits and cotton, with a meager contribution from
beans, maize, and achira (Shady 2003, 2006a). Pearsall (2003, pp. 245246) also
points to the lack of detailed reconstructions of diet and health to assess the
contribution of agriculture to Late Preceramic subsistence, while acknowledging the
likelihood that the importance of root crops has been underestimated (Raymond 1981).
Indeed, as microbotanical analyses become more common, root crops are appearing
more frequently in archaeobotanical inventories. Further, scholars do not at the outset
discard the possibility of farming in coastal settings (Duncan 2010), lending credence
to some of the issues raised by Raymond (1981).
Although consensus seems elusive (see Sandweiss and Moseley 2001 vs. Haas
and Creamer 2001), there is some agreement on the basic tenets of the maritime
hypothesis. Scholars agree on the integration of marine and agrarian economies
during the Middle and Late Preceramic periods, even as it seems clear that a
tendency to inland settlement and more reliance on crops eventually intensified,
becoming more notable by the Initial period. The nature of such integration and the
degree to which it implied greater dietary reliance on crops, whether it was
developed just to supplement the marine economy and whether it prompted formal
trade between coastal and inland communities or autonomous horizontal access, are
matters of debate. For example, Creamer et al. (2011) argue, based on faunal
evidence, that there was no variation in the intensity of marine resource use between
a coastal (Porvenir) and an inland (Huaricanga) settlement in the Fortaleza Valley.
In contrast, Coutts et al. (2011) compare stable isotopes of individuals from coastal

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Bandurria to those of individuals from inland Caral and conclude that the latter
relied less on marine resources.
At the core of the evolving debate on the maritime hypothesis lies the question of
the economic basis of complex societies. The extent to which marine or agrarian
resources dominated in one place or another, provided a solid nutritional basis, or
could be accumulated as surplus or converted into other forms of value is irrelevant
in and of itself. It matters only because archaeologists have debated whether
Preceramic societies were organized under a centralized and strong government or
under less formalized forms of leadership, and whether early monumentality in the
region is conceivable if the latter were correct (Quilter 1992). Shady (2006b) and
Haas and Creamer (2006), who fall on opposite sides in this debate, roughly converge
around the idea that the Late Preceramic societies of the north-central coast were
stratified and ruled by powerful leaders, capable of accumulating surpluses and
coopting labor for monumental construction beyond their communities.
An alternative view that questions high labor estimates and the idea of stratified
Preceramic societies is not new (e.g., Burger and Salazar-Burger 1986; Quilter
1991; Richardson 1994) but recently has been reconstituted with a new food-related
element. According to Vega-Centeno Sara-Lafosse (2007), abundant crop and
faunal remains associated with episodes of monumental construction at the Late
Preceramic site of Cerro Lampay (Fortaleza Valley) constitute evidence of ritual
feasting. For Vega-Centeno this kind of feasting was community based and a prime
mechanism for periodically reconstituting leadership in the context of a loose
political structure. Duncan (2010) and Duncan et al. (2009) develop a similar
argument for roughly contemporary Buena Vista (Chillon Valley). None of these
authors propose food production as an economic foundation for accumulation on the
part of leaders, necessary for financing feasting events; instead, they favor the view
of a concerted community effort and emphasize the ritual significance of food in
early complex societies. In both cases the faunal and botanical assemblages are
quite diverse, and no single item appears to be privileged as feasting food,
supporting Hastorfs (2003a) observation that the whole spectrum of subsistence
items, glorified by sheer quantity, may have constituted special or luxury foods in
at least some early Andean complex societies.
The Peruvian Preceramic further illustrates the intricacy of the relationship
between complexity and subsistence, regardless of the specific subsistence strategy.
Like in coastal Ecuador and northwestern Peru, not all critical shifts in social
organization were matched by equally critical subsistence shifts. The subsistence
transition from Middle Preceramic to Late Preceramic is more noticeable than that
between the latter and the Initial period, when a further move to inland settlement
location was not paired by a comparable surge in crop diversity (Pearsall 2003). To
say that the patterns of social change followed that same rhythm would be an overt
simplification. Further, the overall pattern of high reliance on marine resources along
much of the South American Pacific Coast between 8000 and 3000 BC (Reitz 2001)
makes the effort of settling the maritimeterrestrial debate potentially unnecessary.
Vastly different societies such as Chinchorro in Chile and those of the north-central
coast of Peru, all with strong reliance on marine resources, cannot be subsumed under
a single explanatory model linking subsistence and social organization.

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Moving beyond general characterizations of diet would contribute to a better

understanding of the Peruvian Preceramic. Despite so much ink spilled on the
question of subsistence and complexity and the enviable preservation on the
Peruvian coast, systematic research to address if and how food consumption
constituted a dimension of social differentiation is yet to be developed. For later
occupations, Marcus et al. (1999) found status-based differences in the consumption
of fish varieties at the coastal site of Cerro Azul and faunal remains in some
Formative contexts in the Andes have been examined with regard to social
differentiation as well (e.g., Stahl 2003b). A proper household perspective and
attention to individual variations in consumption, however, would be necessary to
fill this gap in the archaeology of the north-central coast.
Overview and future directions
Early complexity was not tied to any particular subsistence economy in the Andes.
Nevertheless, some controversies continue to revolve around the old question of
whether complex societies require an economic foundation reliant on abundant food
resourcesthe crux of the debate being whether these are naturally abundant (e.g.,
maritime) or produced. That still ties the emergence of complex societies to a
particular kind of economy, an economy of abundance, which is presumed to
underwrite the development of social hierarchies. This claim has been proposed to
have nearly universal relevance (e.g., Earle 2002; Hayden 1990; Roscoe 2000), and
for the Andes in particular (e.g., Wilson 1999).
Exploring the economic basis of early complex societies is critical for evaluating
the relevance of that claim for diverse Andean settings. The most noticeable aspect
of social structure in coastal Ecuador and the Zana Valley, for example, is the
development of forms of communal ritual in the context of modest inequality.
Raymond (2008) emphasizes the development of long-term historical connections
to space, in particular the cemeteries that appear in the earliest semisedentary
settlements in Ecuador and lower Central America. The Las Vegas-type site is
perhaps the most striking in that its largest (and most permanent) population may
well have been the dead. A similar observation has been made for the transition to
village life and farming at Chiripa (Bolivia). There, social inequalities were modest,
and ancestor-centered communal ceremonialism marked the consolidation of early
village life (Hastorf 2003b). Kuijt (2000) proposed the same kind of argument for
southwestern Asia. Kuijt and Goring-Morris (2002, pp. 420421) explicitly reject
the idea that political competition framed early food production and point instead to
the importance of rituals of community cohesion.
Likewise, early variability in regional economies has led scholars to argue
against single socioeconomic models for Ecuador (Pearsall 2003) and Peru
(Dillehay 2011b). Environmental conditions could account for this variability, but
there are reasons why this may not always have been so. Hastorf (1999b, 2006), for
example, compared crop adoption among Peruvian Preceramic populations and
found that the timing of adoption and the distribution of crops varied across closely
spaced valleys of similar ecologies. She interprets this variation as an indication of
the dynamics of identity formation, outlining cultural aspects in the adoption of

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crops. Gil et al. (2010) also observe wide spatial and temporal variation in maize
adoption in central-western Argentina. It appears that regional flavors developed
early in the process of crop dispersal and adoption in South America (Piperno 2011,
p. 279) and were not just the result of environmental diversity.
I do not suggest that divorcing social from economic or environmental
(pragmatic) factors in the transition to food production would be enlightening.
For one, the evidence does not rule out scenarios on either side; the debate about
maize adoption in coastal Ecuador (outlined above) is a case in point. The
identification of multiple maize varieties for the Valdivia occupation (Lippi et al.
1984; Zarrillo et al. 2008) appears compatible with a crop introduction that satisfied
both social and nutritional needs. Perry et al. (2006) also report at least two races of
maize in Waynuna (coastal Peru) dated to about 2000 BC (considered early maize in
this region) and evidence of processing them for flour. Chicha in many Andean
regions was both a staple and a sacred beverage, and this is not the only instance of a
staple crop elevated to glorified status through different preparation or presentation
in the context of feasting (van der Veen 2003). Further, since feasts and daily meals
are not mutually exclusive (Hastorf and Weismantel 2007), both could have
modeled agrarian systems through the cultural exigencies of what constituted
appropriate food in each context.
There has been comparatively less investigation of social and political factors
associated with early food production in the high Andes, particularly in regard to
camelid domestication. Aldenderfer (2008) argues that the nature of the social
formations of foragers is not an inconsequential precedent for later complex
societies in the high Andes and notes a paucity of literature in this field. As an
alternative to the risk-buffering model, he proposes that camelid domestication
relates instead to the dynamics of male status competition in contexts where women
were able to guarantee subsistence by relying on plants such as chenopods, despite
the diversion of male attention toward animals (Aldenderfer 2006).
A final point to consider is the extent to which the temporal rhythms of early
food production and social complexity were intertwined so as to posit that their
developments could have been coordinated. In particular, the long spans of low level
food production (Smith 2001) that characterize the Andean trajectories (among
others) seem too slow when compared to the rate of sociopolitical change that cooccurred along with them. Transitions to agriculture, spanning millennia, would have
stretched far beyond the time frames of even multiple generations of aggrandizers or
of any other social actors attempting to direct food production toward a particular end.
Trajectories of early food production throughout the world are related to late
Pleistocene climatic changes. The fact that these processes share similarities that
cannot be explained by the co-occurrence of identical social dynamics across the
globe favors interpretations based on human behavioral ecology (Pearsall 2009;
Piperno 2006b; Piperno and Pearsall 1998). This continues to be a topic of debate,
as it evokes environmental determinism. Some scholars find historical ecology more
palatable because it emphasizes the long-term effect of human action in the creation
of domesticated landscapes (e.g., Balee 1999; Denevan 2001; Terrell et al. 2003).
From this perspective, an approach weaving natural history and human history
together in accounts of domestication is fundamental, as this connection impinges

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upon forms of social organization and thus has relevance for debates about social
complexity (Rival 2007).

Food and social inequality in Andean states and nonstate complex societies
Andeanists have investigated the relationship between food and the organization of
complex societies for decades. In the 1960s they examined the nature of agrarian
economies in the central (e.g., Kidder et al. 1963) and northern Andes (e.g., ReichelDolmatoff 1961). Specifically, maize agriculture was posited as a foundation of
complex political systems that required steady surplus flows to support nonfood
producers and monumental projects. Until the 1980s, archaeologists interested in the
political economies of Andean complex societies were concerned primarily with
regional systems of agricultural production, and much attention was paid to
technology (e.g., Kolata 1991; Ortloff et al. 1982) or overall productivity as a source
of state financing (e.g., Earle et al. 1987).
By the 1990s, new disciplinary trends and methodological approaches prompted
a turn to direct documentation of food consumption. For example, Burger and van
der Merwes (1990) observation that maize may not have been central for the rise of
Chavn left open the question of maizes role in the development of social
complexity. Archaeologists, for the most part, were less inclined to formulate
arguments around a single cause, let alone a single crop. The growing application of
household archaeology in the 1990s (e.g., Bermann 1994; Goldstein 1993; Janusek
1994) paralleled advances in archaeobotany and other forms of documenting diet.
Accordingly, attention shifted from regional aspects of production to consumption
at the domestic level. Hastorf (1993) bridged these two with research on the effects
of sociopolitical change in agrarian systems and documented intrasocietal variability in consumption patterns.
During the last 20 years, this field of study has grown substantially. In the
subsections below I discuss central questions regarding the relationship between
food and social complexity in the Andes, with emphasis on sociopolitical change
and social inequality as seen through food consumption. I address gender, which
recently has been enlisted more systematically as a dimension of social inequality in
the context of sociopolitical change. I also examine nonstate complex societies
outside the central Andes.
Pre-Columbian Andean states and imperialism
Hastorfs pioneering work in the 1990s addressed the question of state and food from a
novel perspective by examining agricultural practices and foodways in relation to
processes of sociopolitical change induced by state expansion. This approach speaks
to broad theoretical issues concerning ancient states, including the nature of state
power, the extent of its grasp, and the concrete ways in which it acts upon a population
(Smith and Schreiber 2006). It also gives importance to noncoercive dynamics, the
processes of cultural hegemony that help shape the political cultures that come to
prevail in state societies. Studying food as part of the dynamics of the state and

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imperialism therefore is useful to understand them as political and ideological

phenomena (Bray 2003a). Hastorfs work on the Inca remains the most influential in
the archaeology of food and complex societies in the Andes.
Inca (Late Horizon)
With the goal of exploring the effects of Inca imperialism in the Mantaro Valley
(Peru), Hastorf used information from settlement patterns (Earle et al. 1987) and
food consumption, processing, and preparation from the Early Intermediate period
through the Late Horizon. Inca expansion prompted a move to lower altitudes to
increase maize production; consumption of maize and camelid meat increased
among commoners while that of tubers and legumes decreased. Prior to the Inca,
there was increased use of maize varieties during Wanka I (AD 10001350) and a
change from roasting to boiling and possibly fermentation during Wanka II (AD
13501450), but the dietary contribution of maize remained the same. It was
elevated by about 20 % only upon imperial incorporation during Wanka III (AD
14501532). Feasting activity was relocated to the provincial center of Hatun
Xauxa, and both the meaning of maize (now symbolically elevated) and the local
structure of inequality were transformed. Although local elites (men in particular)
may have participated more in Inca state feasting, broader access to items that
formerly marked elite status signals that their social position may well have
diminished. For example, meat consumption was leveled across social sectors
(Sandefur 2001, p. 196). Inca vessels became the only clear marker of status for
local elites, indicating their incorporation into the political and symbolic sphere of
the empire (Hastorf 1990, 1993, 2001; Hastorf and Johannessen 1993). For all of the
emphasis on maize, however, it represents only 10 % of the botanical remains from
storehouses at Hatun Xauxa (DAltroy and Hastorf 1984).
The question of Inca vessels and culinary equipment, linked to feasting as a
salient, noncoercive principle of Inca administration, continues to receive attention.
This is not unwarranted given the astonishing scale of state-sponsored food
preparation documented in places such as Huanuco Pampa (Morris 1982), the
unequivocal ideological and political importance of feasting and food exchanges
(particularly those involving chicha) as known through ethnohistory (e.g., Bauer
1996; Morris 1979; Murra 1960; Ramrez 2005; Staller 2006), and the well-known
relocation policies to maize-producing lands (DAltroy 2002). Bray (2003b, c,
2009) has used ethnohistoric, archaeological, and ethnographic information to
examine Inca ceramic assemblages as a means to understand state-related food
practices. These assemblages are dominated by forms for serving or storing liquids.
For Bray (2003c), one form in particular, the arbalo (employed for the ceremonial
serving of chicha), is a key marker of Inca presence and of the character of its
imperial food culture. Bray (2009, p. 115) notes that arbalos in diverse provincial
locations represent a significant proportion of ceramic assemblages (even more so
than in the heartland), lending further support to the idea that chicha drinking was
paramount for imperial expansion.
The concrete socioeconomic impacts of Inca expansion in distant provinces of
the empire, however, are little known (Alconini 2004). Alconini argues that in

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Oroncota and Cuzcotuyo (eastern Bolivia) there is no evidence of agricultural

intensification following Inca occupation; the modest scale of storage in comparison
to other areas of the empire suggests that stored goods may have supplied only the
local population (Alconini 2004, p. 414). There is no direct evidence of
consumption. In the Calchaqu Valley in Argentina, the Inca intensified agropastoral
activities, but there was no difference in access to plant foods compared to the preInca occupation and there was only some differential access to camelid meat across
social sectors (DAltroy et al. 2000, pp. 1719). As in eastern Bolivia, production in
the Calchaqu Valley likely served local needs only. In contrast, Vinton et al. (2009)
suggest that changes in consumption in the Lluta Valley (Atacama region, Chile)
differ from those in the Calchaqu Valley. Although the local population was
expected to pay tribute in the form of maize, consumption of maize beer declined as
the Inca took hold of the area. Yet the diversity of the diet increased, as people
gained access to nonlocal food, such as tubers, possibly obtained through the Incas.
Falabella et al. (2008, pp. 4142) also report that maize consumption diminished as
the Inca took hold of the Aconcagua region in Chile, and they hypothesize that
tribute demands forced the local population to rely on alternative food sources
which they find somewhat at odds with the presence of arbalos. Both Vinton et al.
(2009) and Falabella et al. (2008) note that their evidence outlines a scenario unlike
that known for the Mantaro Valley. Taken together, these cases point to diverse
rather than uniform impacts on the agrarian economies of local populations with
Inca expansion.
Little is known about food and status in the heartland. Maize was the main staple
among a population of yanacona (a special class of retainers) in Machu Picchu
(Burger et al. 2003). Turner et al. (2010) reaffirm this and note that despite some
individual variation, the dietary history of retainers in Machu Picchu indicates that
there was more maize intake and less protein following relocation. In their view,
high maize consumption signals elevated social status.
Tiwanaku (Middle Horizon)
The debate about the building and functioning of the raised field complex of the
Titicaca Basin dominated discussions of Tiwanakus political economy in the
1990s. Whether the fields represent centralized management (Kolata 1991) or a
locally administered accretional agrarian landscape (Erickson 1993), food consumption was not documented directly and did not figure in discussions of the
economic strategies of Tiwanakus rulers until recently. Botanical evidence from
the Tiwanaku heartland, including the capital (Tiwanaku), Lukurmata, and smaller
rural settlements, suggests that Chenopodium grains and tubers, both local, were the
most common staples during Tiwanaku IV and V (AD 6001150) (Wright et al.
2003). Considering that maize was likely imported from lower altitudes (Hastorf
et al. 2006), its incidence is high in Tiwanaku; consumption was highest among
residents of the elite sectors of the city (Wright et al. 2003, p. 399). Couture (2002)
and Couture and Sampeck (2003) argue that there was substantial elite feasting in
residential elite sectors of Tiwanaku. Yet maize was not as abundant as expected in
ceremonial contexts. Instead, Wright et al. (2003, p. 392) found a high frequency of

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potato remains in ritual contexts, which in their opinion challenges the Incacentric maize bias that prevails in interpretations of Tiwanaku.
The relative abundance of maize in Tiwanaku, the fact that it was arriving there
in shelled form by Tiwanaku IV, and that its distribution varied across the social
spectrum are more suggestive of state centralization than of individual provisioningthe latter may have been the case for low-status families who may have relied
on social connections for access to maize (Wright et al. 2003, p. 393). Stable isotope
analyses from diverse locations in the southern Titicaca Basin are consistent with
the archaeobotanical data. Berryman (2010) finds that maize, combined with fish,
accounted for 5070 % of the diet of those living at sites with monumental
architecture and that given the ceramic assemblages, maize must have been
consumed as chicha. The percentage is only 929 % among those living in rural
settlements, which reflects more fish than maize consumption. Berryman notes that
the values for elite occupants are within the range reported by Tomczak (2003) for
Chen Chen in the Moquegua Valley (4060 %); thus, the rates of maize
consumption for elites in the heartland were as high, and occasionally higher,
than the rates for those who lived in a maize-producing region.
The preference for maize among Tiwanaku elites resembles the Inca case.
Goldstein (2003, p. 165) argues, however, that the way chicha was tied to state
politics was different. Specifically, Goldstein suggests that there were no specialized
brewing facilities (although Janusek [2003] argues otherwise) and that the
distribution of keros (the quintessential Tiwanaku serving vessel) indicates instead
that feasting was organized at an ayllu-like level and not at the grandiose large scale
of Inca state feasting. In his view, this points to a loosely articulated state rather than
an overtly centralized one. Yet, like in the Inca case, chicha was central to the
Tiwanaku political economy, driving state interests in Moquegua and Cochabamba.
For Goldstein, this chicha economyalso reflected in new habits of chicha
consumption among colonized populationssignals the development of a panregional identity across areas that previously lacked unifying features, including the
Atacama region, Azapa Valley, Cochabamba, and Moquegua. In all of these areas,
ceramic assemblages for making and consuming chicha are associated with
Tiwanaku expansion and came to predominate over open-mouth pots more suited
for the preparation of stews.
Anderson (2009), who examines drinking patterns to assess Tiwanaku influence
in Cochabamba, echoes Goldsteins arguments. The adoption of chicha at the
household level, using Tiwanaku drinking vessels and designs, signals the depth of
Tiwanaku influence, as it affected commoners daily practices instead of being
restricted to feasting or elite contexts (Anderson 2009, p. 191). An indication of the
inclusiveness of chicha drinking practices during Tiwanaku times is the ubiquitous
presence of keros across the socioeconomic spectrum. This is of particular interest
considering that Tiwanaku influence was less evident in other aspects of material
culture in Cochabamba. Like Goldstein, Anderson (2009, p. 183) interprets this as
the adoption of a Tiwanaku-centered identity that prevailed until the decline of
the Tiwanaku state.
Tiwanaku was characterized by a dual agrarian political economy centered on the
production of high-altitude staples in the heartland and maize in the colonies. Maize

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appears to be the only staple unevenly consumed across social sectors, but its
consumption declined in both Tiwanaku (Berryman 2010) and Cochabamba
(Anderson 2009) after the states collapse. The steady increase in camelid
consumption, on the other hand, preceded and continued after the decline of
Tiwanaku and has only tentatively been linked to status dynamics during Tiwanaku
times (Berryman 2010, p. 264).
Wari (Middle Horizon)
Wari political economy, like that of the Inca or Tiwanaku, also prompted
resettlement and projects of land reclamation for agriculture (Isbell 1987). High
rates of generalized maize consumption appear to be a well-established trend in the
Ayacucho Valley since about 800 BC (Finucane 2009, p. 538). In Conchopata, for
example, maize intake was high regardless of burial type; consumption was
independent of status and even camelids enjoyed a maize-rich diet (Finucane et al.
2006). Further, dental evidence from Huari indicates that high maize and coca
consumption persisted after state decline (Tribbett and Tung 2010). Mummies from
the Ayacucho Valley dating to AD 14901640 also show sustained maize
consumption (Finucane 2007), lending support to the idea that maize use was not
a state introduction but a well-rooted practice unaffected by state decline.
Generalized consumption of maize, however, does not imply that the crop was
irrelevant in the building of social and political inequality. Cook and Glowacki
(2003) argue that oversized urns and jars found in both core and periphery are
associated with chicha consumption for the purposes of state feasting, which was
part of the political strategies of Wari leaders. Yet Jennings (2006) argues for smallscale, locally organized feasting, different from the Inca centralized model.
Other areas of the Wari empire were not so centered on maize. Goldstein and
Coleman Goldstein (2004) and Goldstein et al. (2009) rely on botanical evidence
from Cerro Baul (Osmore Valley) to suggest that the role of Schinus molle (molle)
paralleled that of maize for the Inca. Sharp differentiation in molle use across social
sectors in Cerro Baul suggests that even though molle may not have been limited to
the elites, its processing as a fermented drink probably was (Goldstein et al. 2009,
pp. 156157). Cerro Baul was equipped with a massive brewery that could yield up
to 1,800 liters per batch (Moseley et al. 2005, p. 17267). Remains from the brewery
include both maize and molle, so it is unclear whether separate brews were prepared
or whether the ingredients were mixed. Regardless, molle was important in the
preparation of chicha in elite contexts. Other plants that mark elite status at Cerro
Baul are coca, Nicotiana tabacum (tobacco), and Opuntia sp. (prickly pear fruit),
whereas maize, beans, peanuts, chenopods, and Capsicum sp. (chili peppers) were
accessible across the social spectrum (Moseley et al. 2005, p. 17270). More maize
was found in elite contexts, but the quantities are too small to represent regular
consumption (Goldstein et al. 2009, p. 145). Differential access to meat, specifically
the abundance of guinea pig as compared to that in Meja (a commoner settlement in
proximity to Cerro Baul), suggests that it may have been elite food. Likewise,
remains of exotic fauna and marine resources are associated mostly with the palace
and the brewery at Cerro Baul (Moseley et al. 2005, p. 17270). Feasting evidence at

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Meja, albeit of smaller scale, suggests that commensality was not restricted to
Cerro Baul, but at Meja the kinswomen of local leaders, instead of specialists, may
have prepared the food (Nash 2010, p. 102).
Valdez et al. (2010, p. 30) question the idea that chicha in Cerro Baul was made
of molle. Elsewhere, L. Valdez (2006) insists that the importance of maize chicha
during Wari times rivaled or exceeded that during the Inca, pointing to the
colonization of maize-producing valleys as support. Kellner and Schoeninger
(2008), however, suggest that Wari interests in the Las Trancas Valley were not
driven by maize, which was the most common staple, and Wari influence was not
reflected in new consumption trends. Further, there are no dietary differences across
social sectors except, perhaps, for some difference in the consumption of maize and
meat among high-status individuals, but this preceded Wari occupation and thus is
not attributed to state-induced changes in the local social structure. This is
consistent with the view that Wari administration was not asserted strongly outside
the heartland (Jennings 2006).
The Peruvian north coast (Early Intermediate period, Late Intermediate period)
State political economies on the north coast of Peru have long been discussed in
terms of agrarian infrastructure, especially the famous irrigation complexes that
turned deserts into productive landscapes (Denevan 2001). Although the beginnings
of irrigation preceded state formation, its use intensified later (Pozorski 1987,
p. 111). The extent to which this invariably indicates centralized control of
production is, however, a matter of debate (e.g., Dillehay and Kolata 2004;
Hayashida 2006; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Netherly 1984; Swenson 2007).
Analysis of foodways in relation to social status is recent for the north coast.
Gumerman (1991, 1994, 2002) provides a reconstruction of Moche food practices
(Early Intermediate period) based on burial data from the center of Pacatnamu
(Jequetepeque Valley), revealing that plants were the most common kind of offering,
especially maize and Gigartina chamissoi (seaweed), and that the distribution of these
items was even regardless of social standing. Food for the living was different;
middens show a heavy reliance on marine food. Maize with higher row numbers
appears to have been selected as food for the dead (Gumerman 1994, p. 406). The
intensity of mortuary feasting at El Brujo (Chicama Valley) further attests to the
importance of food in mortuary ritual among the Moche, but the types of foods used
indicate kin-level instead of state-centered organization of feasts (Gumerman 2010,
p. 124).
The relationship between diet and inequality varied in time and space. In
Pacatnamu, food was not a means of delineating social inequalities during Moche
times. Differential access to certain camelid cuts is reported for the late Moche site of
Galindo (Pozorski 1976, p. 132), but Johnson (2010, p. 250) found no relationship
between status and consumption of camelid meat (or of any other food item) at
contemporaneous Pampa Grande and no indication of centralized management of
herds, as proposed by Shimada (1994, p. 189) and Pozorski (1979) for other Moche
sites. Later, during the Lambayeque occupation (Late Intermediate period), status
differences are delineated though foodways at Pacatnamu. Then, commoners relied

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more heavily on wild plants and marine resources, while elites consumed more
camelid meat and had access to chili peppers and coca (Gumerman 2002,
pp. 244245).
Pozorski (1979, 1982) has linked political transitions in the north coast to
changes in subsistence by tracing general aspects of the organization of faunal and
plant provisioning from the Late Preceramic to the Late Horizon in the Moche
Valley. She sees incremental changes in provisioning strategies, which culminated
in the centralized, redistributive system of the Chimu state (Late Intermediate
period), based on specialization of production and emphasis on camelids and
cultivated crops over marine fauna and wild plants. From a kitchen perspective,
Cutright (2009, 2010) addresses specifically the question of Chimu expansion and
its impact on the food practices of incorporated populations that supplied urban
settlements such as Chan Chan. She examines Pedregal, a rural settlement in the
Jequetepeque Valley, before and during state expansion, and detects both change
and continuity in food production and consumption. The most notable change was
an increase in maize use at the expense of wild plants and fruits, even as the culinary
equipment and the organization of maize production remained the same (Cutright
2009, pp. 193, 211). She finds the increased emphasis on maize compatible with the
idea that staples were mobilized from rural to urban settlements. There also was
some increase in camelid and guinea pig consumption at the expense of marine
fauna (Cutright 2009, p. 164). Broadly, this reconstruction supports Pozorskis
(1982), although Pozorski observed a spike in fruit consumption at Chan Chan.
Status differentiation among residential sectors of Pedregal was weakly reflected in
food practices; there was only some contrast in camelid meat consumption (Cutright
2009, p. 295). In general, Cutright sees little change in the overall domestic
economy or in feasting practices at Pedregal. These conclusions parallel those
formulated by Moore (1985) for the domestic economy of commoners at the
regional center of Manchan (Casma Valley) under Chimu. Even though Moore
(1989) attributes large-scale chicha brewing in diverse residential areas to state
demands, he sees little in the way of direct state involvement in chicha production.
Gender and labor
Gero (Conkey and Gero 1997; Gero and Conkey 1991), an Andeanist, was at the
forefront of introducing a gender perspective in archaeology. Much of the early
literature focused on the political economy of states in expansion and quickly
touched the realm of food and the implications of sociopolitical change for
household labor organization and gender hierarchies. Researchers questioned
whether state development implied increases in womens labor, as households were
called to fulfill new obligations, and whether womens social status and avenues for
political participation or recognition were intercepted as new political principles
came into play (Gero 1992; Hastorf 1991; Silverblatt 1987). Similar approaches
developed in Mesoamerican scholarship (e.g., Hendon 1996, 1997; McCafferty and
McCafferty 1996). For example, Brumfiel (1991) argued that the Aztec state
increased tribute demands on households, requiring family members to labor more
away from home. Womens changing labor investment in food preparation is seen

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in the transition from stews and porridge to the more portable but also more timeconsuming tortillas.
In the Andes, attention to questions of state expansion, gender, and labor has
revolved mostly around chicha. Gero (1992) and Jennings and Chatfield (2009)
suggest that large-scale feasting impacted womens status, because as feasting was
centralized and production specialized, women lost control and influence formerly
afforded them through domestic production and distribution within a households
social network. Inca state feasting, for instance, demanded enormous amounts of
labor by women (Bray 2003b). Jennings (2005) assessed labor input for chicha
brewing and concluded that labor, not maize or land, would have constituted the
critical resource for Andean leaders capacity to organize large-scale feasts. The
most extreme case is that of the acllakuna, Inca state specialists recruited for textile
and chicha production. Whether these specialists enjoyed high social status is open
to debate. According to Costin (1998), the value of cherished goods such as chicha
increased in an inverse relationship to the status of their producers, illustrating how
mens and womens articulation to the empire was different. Silverblatt (1987),
however, highlights the high social status of the acllakuna but acknowledges that
they were participating in an increasingly differentiated gender universe.
Scholars have also examined gender and state expansion by looking at food
consumption, maize in particular. For the Mantaro Valley under the Inca, maize intake
was higher for men, suggesting their greater participation in Inca public events
involving chicha (Hastorf 1991). Similarly, Goldstein (2003, 2005) suggests that
during the Tiwanaku occupation of Moquegua, men consumed more maize and meat.
This resonates with the analysis of Tiwanaku period burial offerings in Cochabamba,
where, through time, mens offerings included more drinking vessels than womens
(Anderson 2009, p. 187). In contrast, sex-linked differences in Tiwanaku were limited
to poorer dental health for women, possibly related to maize mastication for chicha,
not to differential maize consumption (Berryman 2010, p. 298). This is especially so
for women buried in the ceremonial core of Tiwanaku. Womens participation in food
production for the Wari state is documented at Cerro Baul (Moseley et al. 2005), but
there is no dietary evidence by sex to assess the implications. At other Wari locations
such as Conchopata (Finucane et al. 2006) and the Las Trancas Valley (Kellner and
Schoeninger 2008), there is no sex-linked differentiation in maize consumption.
Likewise, the distribution of food offerings (whether maize or other) in the Moche
burials of Pacatnamu is equal regardless of sex and status (Gumerman 1994).
Nonstate complex societies
Outside the central Andes, complex nonstate societies were a common form of
political organization. In the northern Andes in particular (Ecuador, Colombia,
Venezuela), societies referred to as chiefdoms abounded (Drennan 1995a). These
were later and less common in the southern Andes (Argentina and Chile), except in
their northern territories (Dillehay 1993), although recent research points to a few
cases of social complexity in areas previously considered marginal for this kind of
political organization (Dillehay et al. 2007b; Iriarte 2006). In general, for the
northern Andes much of the scholarship is dedicated to debates concerning

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chiefdoms, whereas for the southern Andes scholars have given more attention to
the Archaic period and the effects of the Tiwanaku and Inca empires. It has even
been argued that the category chiefdom does not apply to the societies of
northwestern Argentina (Leoni and Acuto 2008, p. 596), that social inequality
resulted only from Inca imperial occupation (Acuto 2008, p. 851), and that the effect
of empires such as Tiwanaku was such that subsequent developments cannot be
considered local in northern Chile (Rivera 2008, p. 970). Thus I focus here on the
northern Andes. The question of economic organization in regard to food practices
and its relationship to social inequality has been little explored, with few exceptions
(e.g., Cuellar 2009; Quattrin 2001). Although many scholars have been interested in
pre-Columbian agriculture, more attention has been devoted to interzonal interaction (e.g., Bray 2005; Langebaek and Piazzini 2003) and agrarian landscapes,
especially those of a monumental nature, such as the raised-field complexes in
the Guayas Basin and Cayambe in Ecuador (Delgado 2002; Denevan et al. 1985;
Gondard 1986; Knapp 1991; F. Valdez 2006), the Sinu Plains and the Bogota
Savannah in Colombia (Boada Rivas 2006; Plazas and Falchetti 1990), and the
Barinas region in Venezuela (Spencer et al. 1994). High-quality ethnohistory has
provided detailed information on various kinds of agrarian economies in Colombia
and Ecuador (e.g., Caillavet 2000; Landazuri 1995; Langebaek 1992; Oberem 1974;
Salomon 1986), but this valuable research has often been misused to fill gaps in the
archaeological record of early periods.
Indirect inferences about agricultural production have been common in regionalscale projects, which evaluate settlement distribution in relation to soil quality or the
distribution of agrarian infrastructure (e.g., Athens 1980; Delgado 2002; Drennan and
Quattrin 1995; Langebaek 1995; Stemper 1993). Some scholars have combined this
kind of information with direct evidence of food production and/or consumption
through micro- or macroremains; these include Spencer et al. (1994) for Barinas,
Boada Rivas (2006) for the Bogota Savannah, Quattrin (2001) for the Valle de La Plata
in Colombia, and Cuellar (2009) for the Quijos Valley in Ecuador. Taken together,
these studies demonstrate that diverse economies developed along with the complex
societies of the region; there is no predictable way of associating types or levels of
social inequality with particular kinds of agrarian economies (Drennan 1995a).
For instance, the Upper Magdalena chiefdoms in southwest Colombia are known
for indicators of social inequality in the form of monumental tomb complexes, the
most famous at San Agustn (AD 1900). However, there is no consistent spatial
relationship between the best agrarian resources and the settlements associated with
the tombs (Drennan 1995b). Likewise, for the Muisca chiefdoms of the Bogota
savannah, said to be the closest to a state in the northern Andes, Langebaek (1995)
argues that elites did not monopolize regional agricultural resources during either the
Early (AD 10001200) or the Late (AD 12001600) Muisca periods. Further,
ethnohistoric information indicates that although there were extensive elite-mediated
trade networks in the 16th century, Muisca communities enjoyed autonomy in
agricultural matters and did not rely on trade for basic food items (Langebaek 1990,
1991). The consolidation of late chiefdoms in coastal Ecuador and Barinas, however,
is attributed to the control of agrarian infrastructure and surplus (Spencer et al. 1994;
Stemper 1993).

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Reconstructions of food consumption (or its health implications) aimed at

understanding patterns of social inequality are limited for the northern Andes but
yield interesting insights. Langebaek et al. (2011) investigated a Late Muisca
cemetery on the outskirts of Bogota and infer health variations among individuals of
diverse social status. Osteopathologies caused by anemia occurred evenly across the
population, but individuals with the richest burial offerings presented a lower
incidence of enamel hypoplasia, a condition associated with episodes of nutritional
stress early in life. Langebaek et al. conclude that elite status imparted a subtle
advantage in nutrition, but only in periods of food scarcity, ruling out a scenario of
economic inequality. At another Muisca location, the village of El Venado, Boada
Rivas (2007) evaluated variation in access to animal food and found that from the
earliest occupation until the Late Muisca period, one sector of the village had
greater access to more diverse fauna and better deer cuts. Faunal diversity in
household assemblages decreased over time, possibly reflecting increased reliance
on agriculture, yet the elite sector of the village shows continued access to more
fauna, or alternatively, concentration of feasting activity (Boada Rivas 2007).
In contrast, Ubelaker et al. (1995) found no indications of differential meat
consumption among individuals from a cemetery in suburban Quito corresponding
to the Chaupicruz phase (AD 100450). Higher maize intake among high-status
individuals may indicate more chicha consumption, yet all individuals appear to
have consumed plenty of maize (Ubelaker et al. 1995, p. 407). In the Quijos Valley,
archaeobotanical assemblages from locations that represent distinct positions along
a sociopolitical hierarchy for the Late period (AD 5001500) are similar (Cuellar
2009). Social inequality was apparently not expressed in terms of differential access
to food items, and the few differences observed among central places and peripheral
settlements indicate instead autonomy in agrarian production and reliance on crops
that thrive locally in an environmentally diverse region. While I (Cuellar 2009,
pp. 163, 165) do not discard differences entailed in preparation or context of use of
certain food items, the evidence so far points to an undifferentiated agrarian
economy, equal access to the most commonly consumed plant foods, and a chiefly
economy that did not compromise household economic autonomy. The diversity of
patterns in food consumption seen in these cases suggests uneven manifestations of
inequality among north Andean pre-Columbian chiefdoms.
Overview and future directions
Before archaeobotanical, zooarchaeological, and bioarchaeological analyses were
common, studies of social complexity and food focused on agrarian landscapes or
general aspects of production. Directly documenting food consumption has
expanded our understanding of the dynamics of social inequality and the effects
of sociopolitical change in diverse regions. An important development in Andean
scholarship has been the attention paid to everyday and commoner consumption.
Likewise, recent attention to small-scale feasting in the context of Andean empires
(e.g., Gumerman 2010; Nash 2010) is important, as it may serve to further explore
the significance of intermediate elites, an underinvestigated social sector that is
relevant for understanding the layouts of sociopolitical inequality in empires and the

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way they operated through local structures (Elson and Covey 2006). The cases
outlined above suggest a variety of ways in which Andean empires related to their
populations and the impacts they had on foodways. Some of this variability
contradicts the classic coreperiphery distinction (e.g., the observation that Wari
imperialism in the Nazca region did not alter basic agricultural and food patterns).
In general, the cases indicate at the very least a variety of coreperiphery
relationships, if not the necessity of looking instead at imperial strategies (e.g.,
territorial or hegemonic, direct or indirect rule [DAltroy 2002; Malpass and
Alconini 2010]) for lack of a straightforward coreperiphery structure. A case in
point is the variety of ways in which the Inca dominated the southern portion of the
empire, as seen from its diverse effects in Bolivia, Argentina, and Chile in terms of
foodwayswhich also differ from those seen in the Mantaro Valley.
In some cases, the effects of imperialism were manifested in gendered patterns of
food consumption, but whether the implications of state expansion on gender varied
across social sectors could be explored systematically in the future. For the Maya,
White (2005) notes that dietary patterns among nonelite men and women from
diverse times and locations are more even than those of the elites, although elite
women are believed to have gained power from producing ritually important food;
however, the studies discussed above would not seem to indicate that this was so for
the Andes. For the Wari, men and women from Conchopata and Las Trancas Valley
appear to have enjoyed an undifferentiated diet, although Conchopata residents
were conceivably of higher status. For Tiwanaku, dietary differences with respect to
sex seem more marked in the colonies than in the core, just the opposite of what
would be expected if greater gender differentiation among the elites were the case. It
is possible that other patterns, perhaps conforming to the Maya case, will be
identified as more information becomes available.
Scholarship on food practices and social inequality outside the central Andes is
limited. Projects designed around questions of foodways in relation to social
inequality would be desirable in a number of regions. The use of multiple lines of
evidence (micro- and macroremains, stable isotopes, osteopathology), a rarity in
comparison to the central Andes, also would help us better understand the economic
dimension of social organization in regions that have enormous potential for
contributing to debates about inequality in nonstate complex societies. When a
sizable amount of information eventually becomes available, Andean chiefdoms
could be compared to those in other regions for which more complete reconstructions of foodways exist, such as southwestern Mexico (e.g., Blake et al. 1992b;
Chisholm and Blake 2006; Rosenswig 2006, 2007) and the southeastern United
States (e.g., Ambrose et al. 2003; Jackson and Scott 2003; Johannessen 1993;
Pauketat et al. 2002; Welch and Scarry 1995).

Spanish colonialism, food, and social inequality

Spanish colonialism resulted in the reconfiguration of social and political hierarchies
in the Andes. In colonial societies, Spaniards enjoyed preeminence, but the dynamics
of social inclusion and exclusion were contradictory from the beginning (Silverblatt

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2004). The understanding of postconquest structures of social inequality has benefited

from the study of agrarian economies and foodways. Historians and anthropologists
have studied transformations in agrarian economies for more than two decades (e.g.,
Larson 1998), while detailed investigation of food consumption is more recent and
opens a window into quotidian practices, complementing top-down analysis of
colonial policies. Here I focus on agrarian economies, the changing status and niches
of food items, and the implications of urban food markets (that of chicha in particular).
Colonial agrarian economies
Grounded in archival research, scholars (mostly historians and geographers) through
the 1980s and 1990s examined the nature of colonial agrarian economies. They
documented how colonial institutions and policies that involved land and settlement
reallocation as well as changes in labor organization, modes of production, and
circulation of goods through colonial markets impacted agriculture and indigenous
social structures (e.g., Cushner 1980; Davies 1984; Gade and Escobar 1982; Keith
1976; Larson et al. 1995; Spalding 1984; Stern 1993). While inequalities were
certainly present in pre-Columbian times, the forms of economic dispossession that
developed during the colonial period were novel. The imposition of the Spanish
encomienda and hacienda systems, for example, removed much land from
indigenous control. Further, the Spanish system of taxation put strains on
indigenous subsistence economies. Colonial policies also exacerbated inequalities
among indigenous people through the sanctioning of private ownership of extensive
landholdings for indigenous elites. On the other hand, the tremendous dynamism of
the colonial economy, at least in regions linked to cosmopolitan centers, came with
an array of possibilities for indigenous entrepreneurs, who prevented monopolization of wealth by Spaniards (Stern 1993).
The complex image of colonial society depicted in this literature has constituted
an important foundation for historical archaeologists. However, the integration of
historical and archaeological research to better understand colonial agrarian
economies in relation to social inequality has been sporadic. This may relate to
the fact that historical archaeology research has focused mostly on small scales
(e.g., monasteries, official buildings, or more recently households), rarely targeting
the regional scale at which such research would need to be formulated. Wernkes
(2003, 2006) archaeo-history of Andean community and landscape is a rare
example of the application of a regional perspective that combines archaeology and
history to understand land-use patterns and community structures. He analyzes the
Colca Valley (Peru) to assess the impact of Inca and Spanish imperialism, revealing
continuity in the location of administrative centers and in ayllu divisions despite the
intromission of Spanish administration into spatial and social layouts. Yet, through
information about landholdings, crops, and demography at the household level,
Wernke and Whitmore (2009) document significant land inequality. The highly
stratified colonial land tenure system left about 30 % of agrarian households unable
to meet their subsistence needs based on agriculture alone, even though land and
production potential were high in relation to the population, and an enormous food
surplus was produced by the agrarian sector in Collagua Province.

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Other locations subject to both Inca and Spanish imperialism, such as

Cochabamba, have attracted less attention from archaeologists. As a historian,
Larson (1998) examined agrarian changes in Cochabamba (Bolivia) associated with
the demands of the mining economy of the city of Potos (250 km away). At
4,000 m, Potos could have been only partially supplied by the local farmland, and
only if less culturally valued crops (e.g., tubers) instead of maize and Triticum sp.
(wheat) had been in greater demand. By the end of the 16th century, commercial
farming developed in Cochabamba to supply the over 100,000 nonfood producers in
Potos with maize and wheat. Regions such as Paucartambo (Peru) also suffered the
consequences of the mining economy, as the Spaniards established coca plantations
to profit from the demand for the leaf in Potos, which resulted in scarcity of land for
subsistence purposes and loss of crop biodiversity (Zimmerer 1996). The demand
for imported products also included animal foodstuffs, which were consumed by at
least a sector of the population. deFrance (2003) identified abundant nonlocal
Iberian animal remains, particularly caprines and chicken, in 17th century elite
Spanish residences at Tarapaya (on the outskirts of Potos), indicating that they were
a regular part of the diet. Despite the ready availability of local alternatives, such as
guinea pig, Spanish residents preferred imported animals and were able to overcome
distance to gain access to them; written sources describe a vibrant and profitable
market of goods from distant locales in Potos (Larson 1998; Mangan 2005).
Alcohol trade also was interconnected with the booming urban centers. The welldocumented wineries of the Moquegua Valley illustrate the massive scale of
commerce associated with colonial mining, as the bulk of the wine produced there
was sold in Potos. Southern Peru was the main wine-producing center of the
Americas at the time, with an estimated output of 23,000,000 liters per year. Only
Santiago (Chile) came close to this rate of production (15,000,000 liters) (Lacoste
2004). Rice (1997), Rice and Ruhl (1989), Rice and Smith (1989), and Smith (1991,
1997) document wine production archaeologically in many of the 130 wine
haciendas they identified in the Moquegua Valley, attesting to the intensity and
profitability of the wine industry. Rice (2010, p. 48) has recently drawn attention to
the fact that wine production in southern Peru was not solely in the hands of
Spaniards nor were Spaniards the primary consumers. On the contrary, kurakas
owned vineyards and produced wine, and consumption by the indigenous sector
itself was far from insignificant (Huertas 2004; Pease 1985). By the 18th century the
indigenous population so amply consumed wine that it ceased to represent a status
item (Rice 2010), a transformation that is linked to the emergence of pisco as a
high-status beverage (Frezier 1987).
Social boundaries in colonial society and the changing status and niches of food
items
Cultural anthropologists in the Andes have documented the changing status and
niches of food items in relation to ethnic, class, and racial inequalities (e.g., Morales
1995; Weismantel 1988). Historical archaeologists have used this approach to
examine colonial period social divides through the complex patterns of consumption
of indigenous and European foods. This represents a steadily growing trend,

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supported by the rise of a household perspective in historical archaeology, as

scholars attempt to bridge the broad structural transformations of colonialism to the
realm of everyday household economy. Analysis of quotidian food habits can help
reveal subtle forms of building and maintaining social hierarchies. Researchers have
already begun to elucidate the significance of food adoptions or food change beyond
questions of acculturation or syncretism by examining questions of status,
difference, and hierarchy in the colonial world.
Jamieson and Beck (2010) provide a good example of the application of historical
archaeology to answer questions of food and status. Through household archaeology
in a marginal, largely indigenous neighborhood of Riobamba (Ecuador), they
document consumption of Hordeum vulgare (barley) and quinoa in the 18th century,
challenging the assumption that crops of European origin were primarily or only used
by Spaniards. These consumers of barley had perhaps already habituated themselves
to this crop, which is close to quinoa in terms of cultivation zone (at high elevations)
and culinary potential (prepared as porridge, gruel, or fermented drink). Jamieson and
Beck argue that barley as the staple of those who were poor or indigenous or both
essentially maintained the low status that the crop had for Europeans at the time (as
compared to wheat), and in that sense its incorporation into indigenous diets is not an
indicator of a transgression of the social inequalities of colonial society. Following the
work of Weismantel (1988), they point to a process of resignification of food items.
Barley, a European crop, became indigenized as indigenous people lost access to
prime land for planting maize (the most fertile midelevation valleys) because of the
creation of haciendas, large, landed estates administered by Spaniards. As indigenous
settlements were pushed to higher elevations and less productive land, the diversity
and quality of their diets diminished considerably (Weismantel 1988). At high
altitudes, the displacement of indigenous crops such as quinoa (well adapted to cold
and moderately fertile soils) by less nutritious European grains is attributed to the
greater labor input required by the former (Gade 1992). Further, Spaniards demanded
taxes in the form of wheat (for human consumption) and barley (for horses and mules),
crops that overlap with the agrarian cycle of quinoa and thus displaced it (Gade 1975;
Zimmerer 1996).
The spread of European foods was not even throughout the Andes. deFrance (1993,
1996) analyzed zoological assemblages from four Moquegua wineries (late 16th to
early 17th centuries) and found a predominance of Iberian species, especially caprines,
over Andean ones (camelids and guinea pigs) or marine resources. Although the
assemblages are difficult to associate with a single social group, they may reflect the
food habits of criollo owners and perhaps indigenous or slave laborers (deFrance 1996,
p. 26). This case contrasts with that of Torata Alta, a predominantly indigenous village
close to the wineries. There, animals of European origin were consumed but
constituted only a small addition to an animal diet dominated by locally bred camelids,
guinea pigs, and imported seafood. Indeed, there is no evidence that herding practices
were even disrupted in Torata Alta (deFrance 1996, p. 42). The contrast between the
wineries and Torata Alta in terms of faunal consumption comes closer to what once
constituted an expectation: a match between social affiliation (if the consumers at the
wineries were indeed of European descent) and consumption of European or
indigenous items.

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In parts of the Spanish empire outside the Andes, the patterns of consumption of
European and indigenous foods differ from the cases presented above. Where the
conditions for European animals or crops were less favorable, the diet relied more
heavily on local, non-European items, and factors other than land expropriation and
social affiliation better explain dietary patterns. The Spanish settlements in the
Caribbean and southeastern United States, such as St. Augustine, where other than
cattle, European plants and animals failed to thrive, are examples. Instead, wild
animals and marine resources outnumbered the contribution of European domesticates to the diet, and although this varied some along the socioeconomic spectrum,
it appears that European colonists accommodated to indigenous foods (Reitz 1990,
1992; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and McEwan 1995; Ruhl 1997). Tarble (2007)
describes similar patterns for the Middle Orinoco region of Venezuela.
A match between ancestry and consumption of European or indigenous foods
once constituted an expectation for colonial contexts. As scholars examined cases in
detail, the complexity of the situation emerged. Deagan, who laid out much of the
foundation for historical archaeology in the Americas, enlisted gender in addition to
status as a factor for tracing tendencies in the use of European or indigenous items
and pointed to intermarriage between colonizers and colonized as a source of
syncretism in the consumption habits that prevailed in the southern United States
and Caribbean. Deagans model predicted a predominance of European items in
public, masculine realms, and a predominance of other (indigenous or African)
material culture in private, feminine ones (e.g., the kitchen) (Deagan 1974). This
framework, known as the St. Augustine pattern, has been questioned and has
evolved along with current trends in historical archaeology. Voss (2008) argues that
the publicdomestic dichotomy is not meaningful, as food consumption originates
in a private kitchen but can be displayed in public dining rooms. Further, the
diversity of consumption patterns documented in a growing corpus of research
eludes clear-cut characterizations. In addition, Voss directs attention to labor
relations as a key dimension that shapes patterns of provisioning, downplayed in the
St. Augustine pattern and its emphasis on household composition. From this
perspective, the consumption of indigenous items by European individuals would
not necessarily reveal syncretism resulting from intermarriage but extractive
relations or labor arrangements. On these grounds Voss claims that it is necessary to
switch back to broader, macroscale processes.
The case of chicha: Gender, urban food markets, and food industries
Chicha constitutes a key realm for exploring gender, status, and the economic
contours of colonial urban life in the Andes. There, the association between
domestic and female, public and male (the St. Augustine pattern) is problematic,
as the participation of women in the commercial sectors of the colonial economy is
well documented (e.g., Borchart de Moreno 1991; Jamieson 2000; Lacoste 2008;
Mangan 2005; Salomon 1988). This is especially true for urban food economies and
applies to various cities of the Spanish empire such as Mexico City, Puebla,
Caracas, and Buenos Aires, where women managed a variety of food businesses
(Kicza 1983; Kinsbruner 2005).

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The limited capacity to engage in maize agriculture and the changing patterns of
labor along gender lines is associated with a decline in domestic chicha production
in the colonial Andes (Jennings and Bowser 2009). Policies regarding inheritance
and land tenure, which gave men prerogatives over property, also factored
negatively in indigenous womens capacity to control subsistence (Silverblatt 1987).
Increasing labor demands for women in the semiproletarianized household (which
has constituted the trademark of Andean indigenous families since colonial times)
resulted in the virtual disappearance of domestic chicha production in many
settings. The decline of chicha preparation has reduced womens political reach in
Andean communities, as their former role as producers of this politically charged
good enhanced their status and provided opportunities for advancing their own
political goals (Allen 2002). Urban chicha production disembedded from traditional
Andean politics was common since the 16th century, and in this context, it went
from being publically consumed as a culturally valued item to embodying social
tensions and indexing low social status.
The scholarship that addresses transformations in chicha production and consumption during the colonial period relies almost exclusively on historical data. Research
suggests that chicha consumption in urban centers such as Lima, Cuzco, Bogota, and
Potos was prodigious and not limited to indigenous people (Garofalo 2001; Llano
Restrepo and Campuzano Cifuentes 1994; Mangan 2005). Since its sale generated
considerable profits, it is not surprising that in places such as Potos Spaniards eventually
came to control distribution in the center of the city while employing indigenous women
for production; indigenous women had formerly controlled distribution and production
(Mangan 2005). Here, as in Cuzco (Garofalo 2001, 2003), inequalities among
indigenous peoples were outlined, as the urban markets provided the most fortunate ones
(e.g., kurakas) with the capacity to control large operations and profit from the labor of
others, sometimes to the extent of sabotaging attempts by indigenous commoners to run
small chicha businesses. The exploitation of labor by better-off indigenous people,
however, was not exclusive to urban settings. Graubart (2007) found archival evidence
indicating that affluent indigenous rural women in some areas of Peru acquired slaves to
aid in the production of chicha.
Predictably, colonial policies to eradicate chicha production and consumption
were contradictory, contested, and usually failed. The urge of colonial authorities to
close down chicheras, which they perceived to be hubs of social degeneration, was
tempered by the profitability of these enterprises. In Cuzco, Spaniards entered the
trade with impetus, making it difficult even for indigenous elites to stay in business
(Garofalo 2001, pp. 166, 179). Further, chicha prohibitions were unenforceable
among a population for whom regular drinking and the life of taverns became an
entrenched habit of urban life (this kind of tension also surrounded pulqueras in
colonial Mexico City [Nemser 2011; Scardaville 1980]). Llano Restrepo and
Campuzano Cifuentes (1994, pp. 5758) illustrate that in Bogota, where prohibitions on chicha trade were established in the mid-1600s to combat thriving
production in predominantly indigenous neighborhoods; 811 chicheras were
reported in 1675, equivalent to three per block. In this urban context, producers
endured and eventually incorporated trendy ingredients in their recipes, such as
sugar. Llano and Campuzano trace a veritable transformation that in the long term

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amounted to the incorporation of chicha into the capitalist mode of production by

the Republican period. As locales of production and consumption came to be
separated in the early 1900s, chicha factories started to supply chicheras, which
then functioned mostly as retail outlets.
In Cuzco, changes of that nature happened earlier, in the 1600s, when those running
large brewing businesses began to divide the process into small tasks. There, in
assembly-line style, different people supplied maize and processed, cooked, and sold
chicha (Garofalo 2001, p. 168). Garofalo also indicates that indebted men of low status
entered the chain of brewing operations, a novelty for a region where chicha
preparation had been traditionally in the hands of women. Hayashida (2009) outlines
various transformations for Lima, Cuzco, and Potos, where chicha production
underwent a process of commodification. Colonial transformations, Hayashida (2008,
2009) notes, make contemporary chicheras inadequate contexts for understanding
past chicha production, as the significance of some apparent continuities may differ
from that held in pre-Columbian times.
Urban patterns of production and consumption were different from those in rural
contexts where chicha continued to be domestically produced and consumed as fresh
meal or ceremonial drink. The daily consumption of alcoholic chicha outside the
domestic or ceremonial sphere, for example in a tavern after a day of work, was a
transformation prompted by incipient capitalism in the Andes. As in other places, the
move to cities in the context of capitalism entailed dietary alterations and the
incorporation of new habits of consumption of stimulants into the routines of
proletarianized populations (e.g., Goody 1997; Mintz 1997). Investigation of these
matters through historical archaeology in the cities where chicha found its new niches
is warranted.
Overview and future directions
Food consumption is a useful avenue through which to explore the complexity of
colonial social relations. Some examples point to food consumption linked to the
social status and origin of individuals. In the Moquegua Valley, for instance,
Spaniards appeared to be more at ease adopting a wide range of indigenous material
culture than adopting indigenous foods, while indigenous people largely maintained
both their food and material culture (deFrance 1996). This indicates not only uneven
avenues of cultural exchange but also the possibility that food prevailed as a
marker of social identity. Alternatively, Spaniards could have been less rigid about
material culture in their nonurban residences, which were likely only intermittently
occupied (Van Buren 1999). Regardless, food practices reveal in some instances the
limits of colonial efforts to maintain rigid social divisions, as the contextual nature
of self-identification across ethnic, class, and racial lines enabled individuals to
partake in a variety of food practices that cut across socioeconomic status, even in
the early colonial period (Jamieson 2005a).
Current scholarship is insufficient to tell whether apparent contradictions reflect
regional, temporal, or other contextual factors. While variation is to be expected in a
large empire built on vast regional differences, identifying patterns of variation would
be a worthwhile academic challenge. To that end, specific lines of comparison need to

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155

be established. For example, it is unclear whether patterns of inequality could be better

outlined if there was information that enabled a comparison between rural contexts,
small provincial populations, and thriving urban centers. Andean colonial cities turned
out to be challenging arenas for imprinting Spanish ideals of social stratification
(Jamieson 2000; Silverblatt 2004). Salomon (1988, p. 326) noted in reference to the
diversity of social roles occupied by indigenous people in colonial Quito that there
were probably more different ways of being an urban Indian in 1600 than there are
today. If so, the spatial trajectory of contemporary structures of inequality needs to be
traced. So far, urban indigenous populations in the colonial and republican periods
remain among the least archaeologically investigated social categories.
The study of colonial structures of inequality through food does not have to be
centered solely or primarily on identity as seen in the consumption of European or
indigenous food. While this has been a productive approach, the impacts of
colonization were diverse, sometimes having to do not so much with consumption
boundaries as with the consequences of shifts in consumption for quality of life. In
Morrope (Peru), for example, a less diverse diet following colonization may be
responsible for skeletal indicators of disease (Klaus and Tam 2009). Likewise, in
Spanish Florida, the homogenization of diet following the introduction of maize and
the reduction in marine foods encouraged by the Spaniards came with a higher
incidence of disease for the local population (Hutchinson et al. 1998; Larsen et al.
2001). In contrast, skeletons from the Quito basin reveal that colonization did not
threaten the health status of the local populations (Ubelaker and Newson 2002). The
reasons for, and implications of, shifts in the emphasis of different local crops also are
worth exploring. In the Venezuelan Orinoco, Scaramelli and Tarble (2005, p. 150) link
the shift from maize to manioc to a rise in indigenous demand for European liquors, as
manioc became a cash crop to be exchanged for them. The acquisition of these liquors,
which increased the prestige of indigenous consumers, trapped them in relations of
dependency with colonizers, hence the importance of providing accounts that go
beyond questions of consumption and identity to contemplate the structural effects of
economic change among colonized populations (Van Buren 2010).
Some methodological considerations also are pertinent. Jamieson (2005b) notes
that although Andean archaeobotany is well developed, it is rarely employed in
historical archaeology (where zooarchaeology is more common). Understanding the
plant diet would add significantly to current interpretations, as it could reveal patterns
incompatible with those observed through zooarchaeology alone. In addition, Voss
(2008) discusses the difficulty entailed in attributing ethnic identification to food items
since scholars tend to group European animals apart from seafood (considered
local), yet seafood would have represented European food to many colonizers.
Likewise, people of African background would have been familiar with some of the
animals used by Europeans (e.g., caprines) and presumably would have preferred to
consume them. What it means to say European food in this light is a question for
scholars to ponder when deriving conclusions about status and identity from food
assemblages.
Historical archaeologists in the Andes remain a small but active group. Many of
the models applied to the Andes were developed by historical archaeologists
working in the southern United States or the Caribbean, and Andean historical

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archaeologists have been slow to develop analytical frameworks for the region
(Jamieson 2005b). With a growing body of scholarship, perhaps soon there will be
more in the way of models and questions generated from research in Andean
contexts (Van Buren 2010). This would be desirable, not to reveal some kind of
Andean uniqueness but to have Andean historical archaeology formulate frameworks of relevance for research in other parts of the world.

Conclusions
The study of food practices as a potential facet of social differentiation contributes to
the goal of understanding variability in complex societies and their diverse economic
foundations. The different ways in which the sociopolitical structures of central
Andean states affected food production and consumption constitute an example that
points not so much to the varying magnitude of social hierarchy among these societies
but to the different ways in which populations were incorporated (in the case of
empires) and subsistence economies were reconfigured to fulfill state demands. As
evidenced in some of the cases discussed, changes in foodways ranged from the
leveling of consumption of prized food items to slight shifts in emphasis on certain
foods or differential access to them. In some cases, foodways did not change in the
context of state formation or incorporation. For nonstate complex societies in the
northern Andes, the extent to which social differentiation was manifested in foodways
was variable. In some cases social hierarchy was imprinted on consumption patterns
and in some cases it was not. By and large, the cases discussed do not point to strong
social differentiation, but research is not as abundant as would be desirable. Food
consumption differences for the earliest complex societies have not been studied in
enough detail either, and the information available at the most indicates the use of
abundant food items or food-related symbolism in ritual contexts. These early contexts
are particularly revealing for understanding the articulation between subsistence
economies and the development of social complexity.
The manifestation of social inequality in food practices does not change stepwise
along the vertical spectrum of complex societies; it is not the case that the most
unequivocally hierarchical forms gave way to the most differentiated food consumption patterns. Regardless of the level of complexity, the differences seen in the
examples outlined are more of degree than of kind (e.g., more maize consumption in
one social sector) and hardly reflect economic differentiation (e.g., abundant vs.
impoverished diets), even though elites in some instances may have had access to a
wider range of food items. Markedly unequal access to land and impoverished diets
were not seen in the Andes until the time of Spanish colonialism, yet even in that
context the new socioeconomic boundaries did not clearly separate indigenous people
from Europeans in matters of food consumption. The social niches of food items,
however, are only one aspect of colonial dynamics, an aspect that does not directly
speak to the overall status of subjects in colonial society. Examining changes that
occurred in the context of Spanish colonization is important not only to understand the
reconfiguration of sociopolitical structures but also to identify factors and realms of

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157

change in food practices, since archaeological expectations for pre-Columbian

contexts are often inadequately modeled on ethnohistory or on ethnographic analogy.
Acknowledgments I thank the editors and the reviewers for useful suggestions and a productive
editorial and peer-review process. Brett Freeman, Paul Klein, Sara Ortiz, and Estanislao Pazmino assisted
me with illustrations, tracking sources, and producing the bibliography.

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