Politicul

PII:SO962-6298(97)00022-X

Grogruph,b.

Vol. 17, No. 5, pp. 499-515.

1998

0 1998 Elwier Science Ltd

All riehts reserved. Printed in Great Brttain
0962-6298/98 $19.00 +O.OO

Mobility, racism and geopolitics

MEKONNENTESFAHUNECY

University of Uppsala, Department of Social and Economic Geograph, Norbyv. 18B,

752 36 Uppsala, Sweden
ALWRACT.The paper

practices

tries to map the shifting discursive

with regard to international

and regimes
geopolitics

of migration

in Europe.

the West. The racialization,

migration

have

international
discourses

emerged

migrations,
in Europe

of migrations
criminahzation
as key
informing

and institutional

by analyzing the discourses

The perspectives

are deployed in the analysis of international

issues of the construction

complex

control

migrations,

of critical

migrations,

to address

as threats and mass migrations to

and securitization

ingredients

of international

of discursive

the changing

contours

regimes

of

of migration

and the West. The paper tries to draw some of the

and multiple interfaces

of the current

crises of capitalism

and the

new world order, global inequality, hegemony,

and the dominant representa-

tions of a category

as threats.

of international

migrations

0 1998 Elsevier

Science Ltd. All rights reserved

Introduction
The paper tries to lay out some of the key issues that must be confronted when considering the social construction

of the migrant problem

attempts to police the migrant problem.

geopolitical

perspective

and brings out some of the lineaments between international

migration and geopolitics.

perspectives

in Europe, and the (trans)states

It provides an analysis of migration from a

It draws attention

to the relevance

of deploying research

developed in critical geopolitics in the analyses of international migrations.

The focus is on the role of discursive formulations of migration in the West as threats,
their role in the evolution

of migration regimes and the various national and supra-

national institutions that have emerged in Europe.

I begin by an outline of critical geopolitics
geopolitical

and international

analysis, followed by an examination

migrations as a field of

of the construction

of migrations as

threat by the media, politicians and academia in the West. It is argued that discursive
formulations of international migration in the West as threats with the West about to be
engulfed by mass migration from the South and East are biased and incomplete.
tive representations

Selec-

of migration inform and legitimate the various national and supra-

national legislations and regulations that have been enacted to regulate mobility in the
1980s and 1990s in countries of the West. Hence, the third section of the paper takes up
the various instruments and regimes of migration control established under the framework
of the European Community.

Mobility,racism and geopolitics

500
C.~%cal geopolitics1
International

migrations and geopolitics interface at several levels. If the coming cartogra-

phies of power, space and international relations map flows, not fixities (6 Tuathail and
Dalby, 1994: 5 14) international migrants are the most emblematic and corporeal signifiers
of these flows. If the generation of a multitude of unstable, heteromorphous
flows, involving perpetual transition, moving information,

ensembles of

people, capital, and products

(Luke, 1994: 620) is a major effect of globalization, then the movement of people in its various forms is a key aspect of the repositions of power, society and space along the globallocal continuum.

One can thus speak of the geopolitics of international migration.

Recent theoretical

developments

in the social sciences

make their impact felt in the field of geopolitics.

between

power,

and geography have begun to

In critical geopolitics

the relations

desire and space, and the discursive and practical roles of racism and

sexism are de rigueurin studying current and past geopolitical issues2 The issues explored
include

critical

studies of the philosophy

and history

of geopolitics

Tuathail, 1994); analyses of world system theory, cycles of hegemony

orders (Taylor, 1992); womens empowerment
domestic-political,
and S&way,

local-global

1994;

and the interfaces of the private-public,

spheres (Staeheli

and Scope,

1994; Luke, 1994; Dodds

1994).

Critical geopolitics

has been concerned

changing global configurations

with issues of the post-cold war era and the

of power and hegemony in the new world order Numer-

ous articles have been written on issues of citizenship,

geographies

(Dalby,

and new wor(l)d

of citizenship

(Kofman,

citizenship

rights and the new

1995: 2, special issue on Spaces of Citizenship).

However, other relevant topics have tended to occupy the fringes of critical geopolitics.
Mobility rights, discriminatory
tion, inclusion and exclusion
(Campbell,

1992; Waver

of resistance

With some exceptions

1993; Dalby, 1993; Routledge,

1994)

at the local and global levels, have not figured

that .. .the standard works in international relations and the political

relations do not discuss international migration and refugee

of international

flows (Weiner,
example

systems of marginaliza-

in critical geopolitics.

The observation
economy

and material/symbolic

et al., 1993; Cresswell,

studies of the geopolitics

prominently

practices,

have not been sufficiently explored.

1993: 31, fn. 12), holds for the standard works of geopolitics

is a recent work on critical geopolitics

(Agnew and Corbridge,

1995). In this otherwise

excellent

work, international

and the interplays of power, space and mobility are not accorded
Some of the major refugee flows in the post-1945

as well. An

of the pre- and post-cold war order

migrations

significant attention.

period were induced by the geopolitics

in the Cold-War era, yet these are absent from the accounts of power and space provided
in Mastering Space. International

migrations interface with past and present economic

and geopolitical orders of colonialism, global inequality and Western hegemony at several
levels, but are not thus contextualized. The authors ignore the impact of Third World
debt, aid-politics, and military-industrial establishments in inducing refugee and other
migrations in the South. Consequently the authors do not study the role of migrants as

i Critical geopolitics understood as critical readings and counter-hegemonic engagements with

geopolitical discourse.
See for instance, the papers dealing with critical geopolitical analyses in recent progress reports
of Progress in Geography; Geographyand Empire anthology
(1994).
3 On issues of inclusion and exclusion, see Leitner (1995).

edited by Godlewska

and Smith

501

MEKONNF.N
TESFAHUNEY

geopolitical

actors, the impact of migrations in the evolution

and the conduct

geopolitical

of the new world order

of geopolitics

at local, regional, and global levels in the old and new

orders. Discourses

of mass migration and some of the measures enacted/

suggested to regulate international

migration in the West, have been inspired by political

geography. The idea of migration as threat is a direct borrowing from geopolitics. Similarly,
[flortress

Europe (Lipietz,

1993),

and the alledged need to draw a tighter perimeter

around Europe*, to curb immigration (Baimbridge

of containment,

et al., 1994: 422). echo the strategies

followed by the West in the post-war period, to curb the red peril.

Migration and geopolitics

Mobility and the extent
geographical

to which

space is permeable

issues par excellence.

[Mlobility

to entry and exist or not, are

is intrinsically

geographic.

As such, it

perhaps offers one means by which we can examine the uses to which spaces are put in
political life and political relations (Blomely,

1994: 4 13). Migrations, displacements

and

exile are major aspects of the post-war period, leading some to call this the age of migration (Castles and Miller, 1993). International
ethnoscapes-the
motley landscape of tourists,

migration and the emergence

of
professionals, immigrants, transients,

refugees, labor migrants, etc., is a major consequence

of the transnational world economy

(Appadurai,

enjoy the same freedoms

1990: 297). Yet not all mobile subjects

ment and access to space. In the transnational

ity rights are structured

economy,

of move-

spaces of circulation and mobil-

by aspects of age, race, gender and class.

Differential mobility empowerments

reflect structures

and hierarchies

of power and

position by race, gender, age and class, ranging from the local to the global. Questions of
differential

mobility empowerments-who

geopolitical

issues. Differential access to space on race, class, gender basis have geopoliti-

cal implications

if only because

moves, where and why-encapsulate

many

any discussion of mobility rights cuts across the grain of

other rights and freedoms (Binavince,

quoted in Blomely, 1994: 414). The intra- and inter-

national mobility of people from the wrong end of the social position and/or power
axes, is being subjected

to racialized systems of mobility regulation and control by national

and supranational

institutions

ity discrimination,

claims for equal mobility rights may emerge as spaces of resistance

dominant geopolitical
International

subjected

to mobilto

practices and institutions that maintain differential mobility rights.

migrations

rights and freedoms,

in the West. As more people become

interface

not only with issues of mobility rights and other

but their impacts

extend

into notions

of national and cultural

identity. Migration has been one of the main factors behind the evolution of new forms
of identities and pluralistic or multicultural societies, and erosions of myths of homogeneity. Migration

interplays

with nationalism

in complex

ways. On the one hand, the

international mobility rights of individuals are structured by and integrated to the sovereign
prerogatives of nation-states to control their boundaries. In this regard, migration has
been instrumental in reassertions of nationalism, as in the murder and violence on
immigrants across Europe. At the same time, international migration is an expression of
or contributes to the erosion of various conventional and nation-state based economic
and social boundaries. In this regard, migrants represent the symbolic and physical embodiments of the transgressions

of principles

of inclusion and exclusion

gies of nationalism and racism.

4 Advocated by a former British Prime Minister one John Major.

inscribed by ideolo-

Mobility,racismand geopolitics

502
Bationalism

is predicated

on categories

or principles

of inclusion/exclusion

of the we and them and is closely related to another inclusion/ exclusion

ism (the underside of nationalism),

defining criteria of belongingness

in terms

system: rac-

(Balibar and WalIer-

stein, 199 1; Miles, 1993). Nationalism, racism and migrations braid with questions of the
new wor(l)d

order, north-south

nations exert on international

control

relations and global hegemony.

over the national territory

principles

of inclusion/exclusion

and cultural identity. In the economic

are being undermined

information,

and cultural products.

transnational

flows of capital and information

leverage

in controlling

Whereas,

migrations,

which

by transnational

has declined, nation-states

partly accounts

of European countries

the

exert on the

still hold wider

the centrality

of migration,

policies, concerns

and

since the 1970s.

The post-cold war period has witnessed

major recastings in the discourses

order, security, threats, power and control in the West: economic

religious and political (Islamic fundamentalism),
and mass migrations).

Increasingly,

inform the perceptions

and formulations

European Union (Mattiasen,

sphere,

flows of capital,

the control that nation-states

cultural identity and stability in various national and supranational

legislations

The various controls

migrations could thus be a proxy measure of the degree of

demographic

international

on world

(the Asian threat),

(population

explosions

migrations from the South and East

of threats and security considerations

of the

1995: 3). The regulations of migrations from the South and

East, have emerged as priority security tasks in Europe. Issues of who moves, where, how
and why, rank high in the geopolitical

priorities

of the West and since the late 1980s

media, politicians and experts in . ..Europe have descended

migration with an intensity unprecedented

on the issue of international

in the post-war period. Major supranational

institutions such as the Council of Europe, the OECD and the Commission of the European
Communities

(Commission

ings on international
G-7 meeting

for the European Community,

1991) have sponsored

meet-

migration, and the topic was even on the agenda of the 1991 annual

of the heads of state of the seven most powerful

industrial countries.

(Miller, 1991 cited in Leitner, 1995: 259).

A besieged Europe?
Migration research shows that international
no means a new phenomenon.

migration is not new. Todays migration is by

One could reasonably

claim that mankinds history has

been an history of migration (Rystad, 1992: 1168). [IInternational

not an aberration,

played a major role in colonialism,

the development

migration is a constant,

in human history. Over the past five centuries

industrialization,

the emergence

mass migrations have

of nation-states

and

of the capitalist world market, write Castles and Miller (1993) (p. 261).

In the previous century alone, an estimated 50 million people emigrated from Europe
(Santel, 1995: 88). One should add immigrated to somewhere in the Americas, Oceania,
South Africa, too. Was there a problem or crisis in international migration? On the contrary,
the overlay of adjectives plastered on these immigrants was laudatory. Accolades such as
Pilgrims, Founding Fathers and Pioneers, to wit. Images and eulogizing language which,
in stark contrast to the current language and imagery of waves and inundations deployed
to represent migtations to Europe, meliorate or erase the colonial, genocidal and exploitative aspects of these migrations.
International

migration is now viewed as socioeconomically

and politically significant

since, as opposed to previous cycles of international migration, it is Europe that is the

presumed destination of migrants. Considering the global magnitudes, origins and destinations of refugee migrations, one wonders where is the crisis in international migration

503

MEKONNEN
TESFAHUNEY

that politicians,

media and experts

have accounted

for the bulk of international

and 1990s. The destinations,

the latter period
elsewhere

in the West enlist? Since 1945 refugee movements

migrations and even more so in the 1980s

sizes, and origins of refugee migrations in the world during

show that the bulk of international

migrations

has been occurring

than in the West. Only a fraction of the refugees in the world have made it to

the advanced industrial countries (Weiner, 1993: 2). In 1992, 44 million people were
reckoned as asylum-seekers, refugees, internally displaced and in refugee-like situations,
of which 40.2 million (91.4 percent)
percent,

were in the Third World. Only, 1.8 million or 4.1

were in western Europe and North America (Overbeek,

One could
migrations
However,

argue that refugee

migrations

and that other types of migration

as noted by Weiner

flowed to Western

(1993)

Europe (where

United States. The destinations

1995: 17).

are only one category

are invoked

by scenarios

only a small portion

migrants total 5 percent

of refugee migrations

of international
of invasions.

of global migration
of the population)

and the proportion

has

or the

of refugees

domiciled here do not suggest a Europe under siege, as the media, politicians and
experts would have it. Reviewing research on migration in Europe, Miles alerts us to
the selective

presentation

1945 migration

of migration

history is presented

from Third World nation-states...

justified in terms of numbers
the European
indicate

that as of January

which,
Other

Europe.

came

For the same year, the immigrant

to two thirds of the international

The duplicity

of the discourses

consist in accounts

percent).

... postof people

silence

cannot

be

migration statistics
in Salt (1995:

in

454-55),

in the EU was 14 695 700. Of

Central

and Eastern

population

Put differently,

the EEA (18

Europe,

and

originating

from Africa

as of January

1992, close

migrants in the EU were white.

that construct

that elide and embellish

levels of migrations

(Enzenberger,

185) and [tlhis

from the EU (12 countries),

Australia and Oceania,

and Asia stood at 4 328 000 (29.45

current

1993:

whereby

as a movement

of origin and size, provided

percent)

+ Switzerland,

Europe,

1993: 188). International

1992, the foreign population

9 456 100 (64.35

countries)

(Weiner,

(Weiner,

Union by continent

into north-west

primarily or exclusively

indicate

international

migrations

at the same time. Comparisons

that thus far [n]o mass migration

as threats,
of past and
has occurred

1992: 14). Although the bulk of the migrations currently taking place in

Europe are in&a-EC, these receive little attention

from the experts.

Moreover,

issues of

emigration from the West to other parts of the world are elided, by failing to take note of
the number of Europeans
non European

who migrated overseas, which far exceeds

origin whose presence

is disdainfully described

34). The recent anthology edited by Jervas (1995)

duplicity of expert discourses
tion explosion,

of

is a good example of the elisions and

on migration, Replete with the standard tirades of popula-

poverty and migration typical of these discourses,

threat and explosion

all the persons

as a flood (Farah, 1992:

it weaves narratives of

where neither the significant levels of migration taking place within

Western Europe, nor European emigration, nor the fact that only a fraction of Third World
migration has flowed to Europe are mentioned.
with migration explosions

It is taken for granted that Europe is faced

from the South and East and the experts

control of mobility and restrictive migration policies.

Discourses of migration threats take population growth
World as prime
routinely

contrast

migrations

inducing

factors.

Demographic

recommend

and poverty

strict

in the Third

and economic

reports,

Europe with North Africa, Central and Eastern Europe in terms of

population growth, structure and income, (Commission for the European Community,
1991: 47). Statements such as [b]y 2020, the population of the EC will be back at the
1990 level, while the population
of the African continent
will have more than

Mobility, racism and geopolitics

504

ciouHed5, are standard menu for narratives

malthusian

of waves and invasions.

visions of poor nations in the south facing the unenviable

jobs and feeding growing millions, however,

automatically

and/or necessarily

generate

neither

migrations.

population

Despite the neotask of creating

pressure

nor poverty

Poverty, demography

and migra-

tion decision interplay in more complex ways than suggested by reductionistic

of cause (population

(1993):

pressure/poverty)

and effect

(migration).

According

scenarios
to Castles

21,
. ..it is not people from the very poorest countries, nor the most impoverished
people within a given area, who are most likely to migrate. Migration requires
resources...

Which

means

of finance and cultural capital.

that (Zolberg,

1993:

64)

. ..most of the poor are tied down by the necessity of eking out a living on a dally
basis, and are never able to acquire the minimal savings necessary to get up and
go.
Even if the claims

of scenarios

of mass migration

were valid, one could confront these by

asking: is it wrong to want to migrate to places promising better standards of living? Is it

not in these very terms that previous European migration cycles are narrated? Why is it
controversial
Regulatory

or problematic

if many seek better lives by migrating to the West now?

and control systems serve to reproduce

global hegemony

nationalist and racist ideologies,

the

of the north and the new world order. Since standards of living and

welfare in the West are partly conditional upon keeping the rest destitute, migration can
imply diminutions in the privileges enjoyed by the West, whence the threat. The clamors
for stricter

migration

serve to reproduce

regulations

through threat discourses

and maintain current uneven geographical

and institutions

of closure

divisions of labor, i.e, the

welfare of the West and poverty of the rest. The hypocritical side of narratives of western
success contra the systems of exclusion, are sardonically captured by Miles (1993: 22-23)
thus:
Hungry and frightened can also be very ingenious and determined

people, and

who can blame them for seeking entry, by any means necessary,

to Europe

when the leaders of the free world proclaim the moral and technological superiority of capitalism: from the other side of the fence, it is not always easy to see the
contradictions

and uneven development

that equally characterize

the center of

the free world. Yet when those same leaders repeat the call for strict immigration control, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the price of development
and political stability at the center is paid by those many Others who are said to
belong in another place as much as (if not more than) the excluded within.

Discursive constructions

of migrants

Why is little attention given to intro-European migration, emigration and return migration
from Europe? Why is Europe (the West) presented as the primary destination for
international

migrations

from the Third World? A major reason for the elisions by and

duplicity of dominant migration discourses in Europe is, overt or disguised, racism. Europes
immigration crisis, if indeed there is such a crisis, is not one of numbers. It is a crisis and

5 Salt (1993:

55), as quoted in Overbeek (1995:

19).

MEKONNEN
TSFAHIJNEY

fear of the Other, constructed

as undesirable

ity and inclusion/exclusion-historical,

505

and different on imaginary criteria of affin-

cultural, linguistic,

corporeal-that

demarcate

our spaces versus Other spaces.

Race, class and gendeti serve as prominent

criteria of inclusion/exclusion

marking the

(un)desirability

of migrants, defining the spaces of us and them and whether

priori labelled

as a criminal,

wealthy sheikh or investor.

drug trafficker,

(Un) desirability

threatening

or welcomed

criteria vary, where

one is a

as tourist,

race (accounts

of

migration threats from the South); class (the welfare burden of Third World immigrants):
gender

(sexual traffic and exploitation

prominent.

of women

from the East and South),

Often, however, migration discourses and the instruments

may be

of mobility control,

conflate the dimensions of gender, class and race. Racism mediates the selective accounts
of international
in Europe,

migrations in Europe and neglect of other types of migrations occurring

silences which propagate

uncontrolled

and legitimate images of Europe under siege from

migration and the predominantly

Third World countries,

the racialization

migrant with a person

negative perceptions

of migration,

of migrants from

and equation

from the Third World, the construction

of the category

of

of migrants from the

South as threats, and identification with crime, terrorism, drug trafficking, and problems
(den Boer, 1995: 102-103).
The construction

of the cultural difference

ency and criminality,

of migrants, their alleged welfare depend-

are fodder for scenarios

depart from perspectives

of mass migrations

and discourses

of invasions and the Other as the problem.

that

The equation,

familiar to Britain, of blacks with crime and drugs and terrorism, and all of that with illegal
immigration,

has now spread across Europe, so that it now forms a basis for the new

European state (Bunyan,

1991: 19-20).

ible and ipso facto de-problematized.

From this standpoint,

The undertext

white migration is invis-

of the racialization of international

migrations reads: because European migrants bear the right color and culture they pose
no threats. Hence, it is not migration per se that is the issue, rather questions of immigrant
identity (who and where they come from), and what kind of immigration is desirable or

Due to the focus

not taken

of the paper

up. In their The Age of Migration,

cies in international

migration

and

They

differentiation.

minorities

have

IMiller. 1993:

centered

ideologies
sion,

around

superiority,

of the nation

our women

us. The sexist

tion

from

the backdrop

in the West.

cultural

The

prowess

for sexual

security

This

is an aspect

interfaces
the paper).

clamors

with

dimension

control

for venting

case, cordoning

racist

and
in the

contlating

discourses

often

from inva-

as not only as transgressing

migration
potency

and migration

to be protected

masculinity,

of migrations,

disguises

male. In which

and

of the nation,

of dominant

by ethnic
(Castles

and racial purity,

Nationalist

to white

women

expressed

discourses

in they take

emerges

of Blacks in the popular

though

justified

out the presumed

off territories

when

set

imagina-

on criteria

of

lack of virility
becomes

a proxy

masculinity.

of the politics

positionality

homogeneity

are

tenden-

acceleration.

swamped

borders

may be perceived

threat

globalization,

of being

national

woman.

virility and sexual

for stricter

of the white

identity,
and

The other

form convenient

and white

controlling

migration

four general

rate of immigrant

as the symbol

but also as a sexual

of the presumed

incompatibilities,

and sexual

nation

threats

with

identify

feminization,

terms,

high birth

with

of national
the

and miscegenation.
spaces,

against

concerns

and its interplay

and Miller (1993)

two decades,

as feminine-woman

social and cultural

of gender

in ideological

the supposed

by discourses

of racial

defiliation

that

issues
Castles

in the coming

note

33). The excessive

West, are informed

conceive

on racism,

in terms

of (in)visibility,
of power,

gender,

such

that

what

is seen

and

how

class and race (see concluding

it is seen
section

of

Mobility, racism and geopolitics

506

acceptable.

We joined Europe to have free movement

of goods...

not . ..to have free

movement of terrorists, criminals, drugs, plant and animal diseases and illegal immigrants.*
Specific

categories

of immigrants

become

the targets of bigoted

epithets

(gypsies,

Muslims, blacks, migrants from the East) through ...popular prejudices such as they have
no respect for women,
lazy, all construct

they breed like rabbits, they do not respect property,

the migrant by stereotyping

differences

ments come down finally to: as long as these differences

they are

in forms of life. The judge-

last, they do not belong here

(Huysmans, 1995: 6 I).9 Judgements as we are not what they are, reinforce the boundaries
of us and them and edify by negation

through the many we are nots: we are not

criminals, we do not traffic in drugs, we respect women, we are not lazy, we respect
property,

etc. Moreover,

inferior,

are instruments

stereotypical

formation of subject positions-the

so designated.

designations

of displacement

of immigrants

and transference

as lazy, criminal,

and key moments

in the

exercise of power (symbolic and material) over those

Naming or unnaming represent

one aspect of the power to impose the

legitimate definition of the divisions of the social world and, thereby, to make and unmake
groups (Bourdieu,

1992: 221).

Racialized migration discourses

in the West have been confluent with major geopoliti-

cal, social and economy wide changes since the mid-1970s,

sense of insecurity,

fortress mentality and exclusionary

heightening

practices.

the generalized

Economic

restructur-

ing, the new world order, globalization

and associated decline in the power of nation-

states, have lended conducive

for reformulating

contexts

West. These include redefinitions

world order,
changed

reformulations

contours

migration

discourses

in the

of who the enemy is (rather should be) in the *new

of questions

of political economy,

of threats,

hegemony

power

and security

to suit the

and space. The obsession

with and

search for perils in the West, has targeted immigration from the South and East. With the
red threat fading into the past, new threats to the safety and security of the West have
been

conjured.

Religious

faith (Islam versus Christianity),

deployed in naturalizing differences

Islam serviced
menaces,

with and exclusion

anew, fuel the Wests penchant

almost any- and every-where.

for finding dangers,

enemies

Anti-Islamism in the West expresses

equation of Islam and the Arab world with terrorism,

(Sidaway, 1994: 360-65).

is one of the instruments

of outsiders. Negative images of

fundamentalism

and

itself in the

and the enemy

Anti-Islamism, and the equation of migrants with various problems

in Europe, conjoin in lending credibility to scenarios of numerical and cultural invasions.

Allegedly sexist scriptures
that exonerate

of Islam may be deployed to strengthen

racist claims, in ways

the sexist scriptures of Christianity and sexual discrimination

under capital-

ism. The ruling by the French Minister of Education forbidding Muslim girls from wearing shawls in school
(Wieviorka,

or anti-Islamic

and anti-immigrant

political

agendas

in France

1993) are examples.

The economic

power enjoyed by Western

snational forces. However, the erosions

field may be recouped

nation-states

is being superseded

in the powers of nation-states

and/or recompensed

by tran-

in the economic

by greater and overt state involvement

in

political and social issues. In these areas, the state still enjoys wider latitude of action.

Margaret Thatcher as quoted in Baimbridge et al. (1994: 422).

) Although the discussion here is focused on issues of race and racism, immigration is also a class
question.
irrespective
in point.

It is not only people of a certain color that belong to the class of undesirables,

but

of color, poor ones as well. The mass expulsion of Albanians from Italy in 1989 is a case

507

MEKONNEN
TESFAHIINEY

Control of international

migration and the significance

accorded

to international

migra-

tion as political and social issues are examples.

Permeability

necessary

capital and labor. Yet, this may conflict

to expedite

with the prerogative

of nation-states.

the flows of commodities,

of controlling

Nation-states

their powers to determine

115). Since migrations

international

play mediating

of national boundaries

mobility of persons and the sovereignty

roles in international

both entry into and membership

migration,

through

of that unit (Miles, 1993:

call into question the very meaning of national boundaries

citizenship,

nation-states

sovereignty

and national identity (Leitner,

the modern nation-state

feel compelted

is

to deal with such challenges

1995: 263). Consequently,

and its associate culture are becoming

and

to state power,

to the degree that

anachronistic

in the age

of transnationalism, to that degree should there be an apparent expression of disease

within the body politic and concern with the integrity of its boundaries (Kearney, 1991:
60). Apparently,

selective

closure

demands for the free movement

states in determining

and entry is the compromise

reached

to satisfy the

of labor contra the powers and sovereignty

of nation-

the types and levels qf international migration. This may also

account for the selective narratives of international

The social constructions

of migration

migrations in Europe.

as threats,

the way governments,

right wing

political parties, activists and neo-nazi groups cash in on imageries of migrants from the
South and East as risks to the economic,

cultural, and social order of Western countries,

can also be responses

sense of insecurity

to the generalized

and uncertainties

regarding

the transition from earlier systems of ordering the world to new ones. Coupled with
the growth and dominance

of transnational

flows and erosions in the conventional

ers of nation-states, strategies of displacement

as processes

that reaffirm or reinvigorate

Strategies of displacement

and transference

the sense of we identities (racial or national).

and transference-i.e.,

of blaming the Other and constructions

of migrations as threats to the social, economic

West, divert attention

pow-

assume special significance

and political order and security of the

from the real causes of the social and economic

crisis in Europe.

Plagued by persistent failures in delivering the goods, growing sense of frustration, specially
among the young, various socioeconomic
attributed to the presence
and siege atmosphere
and political problems

and political crises in the West, have been

of aliens (Muslims and Blacks). At the same time, the threat

serve as subtle forms of control and pacification.

are displaced

onto the presence

diverting attention from the dysfunctionalities

Displacement
recompenses

and transference

Social, economic

of Third World immigrants,

and discords inherent the capitalist system.

can also serve as outlets for frustration,

alienation and

for lack of power or control by individuals, groups and nations.

The current increase in racism, and the changes in its form and character,
closely linked to the processes

of rapid economic,

are

social and political change

affecting the population ofwest European countries. Immigrants and new minorities have become the symbol of this erosion and hence the target for resentpp. 289-302)
points out, racism is not so much a
result of the crisis as one form of its expression. (Castles, 1993: 27).
ment. ... as Balibar (1988,

Racism is more than just an expression

expressions

of the crisis however.

Ironically,

serve to deflect struggles for equality and justice and become

racism and its

instruments

for managing the crisis by politicians. Relations of exploitation and domination, mapped
onto cultural spaces-as
immutable differences in language or religion-are
then ascribed
onto immigrants

as failures to integrate with the host society or used to explain the

alleged welfare dependence

lazy), etc.

of immigrants or the high rates of unemployment

(they are

Mobility racismand geopolitics

508
Bermeneutics

of suspicion and paranoia in white

The visible presences

of the Others

in the cultural, economic

and national body,

epitomize the loss of the sense of security provided by the old way of life. In as much as
international migrants embody the transgression of cultural, social and national boundaries,
they become

the objects of surveillance

threat, and a priority concern

and control by nation-states,

for media, experts and politicians.

Jervas illustrates the securitization

the embodiment

of the migrant question in Europe. He weaves allegories

of invasion extolling the risks entailed by migration and embellished

military conquest,
conquest

represent

of

The account woven by

migration as a constant

by analogies with

process of expansion

and military

Uervas, I 995: 15). Jervas claims that migration is a disintegration

exposes Sweden to fusion stress-arising

factor, that

from integrating people with different cultures

with mainstream society, requiring radical intervention

to avoid the continued disintegra-

tion of Swedish society by curbing the migration of people with different cultures (Jervas, 1995: 36). Enframed in the perspectives
becomes

an agenda for security:

tion explosions

of Social Darwinism, international

at stake is the survival of countries

from the Third World, which is conditional

migration

affected by migra-

on the capacity to ward off

the forces of disintegration. Such narratives securitize migration and image threat, annihilation and conquest,

in terms of a dialectic of trust and fear (exclusion

and harmony-inclusion
and difference

disharmony and extinction).

and turn the migrant to a carrier

invested with danger, distance,

otherness

ensures survival

These discourses essentialize identity

of death,

and worthlessness

weed . ..to be destroyed because it threatens life (Huysmans,

such that the migrant is

. ..turned into a disease, a
1995: 60-61).

Who is threatening whom? Wly are migrants invested with threat and danger?
What informs these suspicions? Critical analyses of threats must challenge the hegemonic interpretations of migrations as threats to the West, by interrogating the construction and interpretation
of threats. Critical accounfs of why certain categories of
international

migrants are emplaced

dominant perceptions

in a negative discursive field, have to examine

of threats within the contexts

tions of power, gender,

race

and class.

Racialization

and criminalization

from the South and East, account

for the fact that immigrants whether

are suspect-in

of suspicion-corporeal

a hermeneutics

certain skin color and/or bodily features are considered

the

of global, regional and local relaof immigrants

mobile or in situ

and somatic.1o Persons

carriers of undesirable

of a

qualities

and equated with terrorism, drugs, crime or diseases. The body of the individual becomes
the stage on which the hermeneutics of suspicion are performed.
Suspicion,

feeds on itself to justify its suspiciousness,

the West, are racialized and criminalized

thus whole groups, in or outside

a priori by dominant migration discourses.

is an aspect of what Judith Butler calls the circuit of paranoia, the projection

This

of [ones]

own aggression and the subsequent regarding of that projection as an external threat
(Butler, 1993: IS). Paranoia involves retrieval in reverse, by projecting the intention to
injure that it itself enacts, and then repeats that projection
a specific

modality of repetition

suspicion

and investment

compulsion

(Butler,

on increasingly

larger scales,

1993: 22). The hermeneutics

of

of migrants with risk, are instances of paranoia in white and

lo As used here, the term hermeneutics

World have come to be perceived

of suspicion designates the way persons from the Third

by customs officials, immigration authorities and the police in

particular as well as the public at large, in stereotypical

and negative terms, such that these individu-

als are a priori believed to be of questionable character

or to harbor some sinister motive, or guilty

of something,

etc., for no apparent reason than for being what they are.

MEKONNW
TESFAHUNEY

a major undertext
everywhere

informing

racism in the West. The Wests penchant

border on the paranoic:

fundamentalist

of reversal

and projections

to see perils

threats, migration floods, red or

yellow peril. White paranoia, in this sense, represents

Processes

509

an instance of guilt transference.

of dangerous

intent

service

saturated by visions of threat, with the West in need of protection

discursive

fields

from endangering

Others. The possibility that the West could be the threat or source of danger obtains no
currency

in these narratives.

With respect to international migrations, the dominant discourses contain and/or isolate
the factors for migration within the Third World or the East. Poverty in the South is
divested

from previous

accumulation.

and current

Alternatively,

global relations

of exploitation

and processes

of

these resort to reversal by elision: effacing the significant

role of the West in processes

which (in)directly

generate

international

colonial relations, global inequality and arms sales]. The discourses

migrations

[neo-

remain silent on the

huge capital transfers, through debt and interest repayments to the West, (196 billion dollars between
foreclose

1983 and 1994),

or the systematic

Third World countries

military-industrial
of (refugee)

complexes

migrations

from earning

tariffs and trade walls of the EU that

export

income.

The role of Western

and arms sales to Third World countries

in the generation

are also elided. Although silent on the mode of production

of

refugees in the world, these loudly clamor about the abuse of asylum rights.rl

Geopolicing
migrations in the New Wor(l)d
mobility control

Order: transnational regimes of

The narratives of a single European market, i.e., a borderless

controls on the circulation
lance and control
increased.

Europe with minimum or no

of services, goods, capital and people, are myths. The surveil-

of mobility, particularly

Their mobility has become

remits rules, and institutions

that of people from the South and East has

a strategic issue of priority concern.

of control

The various

set in place in the EU, reproduce

global and

regional differential mobility rights and legitimize apartheid systems in movement.

Europe, is not only an external

system of closure,

Fortress

a mobility cordon vis-a-vis the South

and East, but a closure system within Europe also. What follows is attempts to draw the
interplay between

migration

discourses

translate to practice and how recourse

of migration control.
the electronic
(i) tightened
imposition

The systems of control

enacted

to justify regime

stop-and-search,

to

or in the process

of

border controls;

(ii)

to regulate migration include:

controls

over entry of foreigners

through

of fines on airlines carriers which transport

documents;
oneself;

systems, i.e., how the discourses

Control measures range from the conventional

and sophisticated.

implementation

and control

is made to migration discourses

(iii) (re)introduction

stricter

passengers

without

valid entry

of hotel registers, identity cards; obligations to identify

(iv) finger printing of refugees;

(v) creation

of special police and surveillance

This would represent an annual inflow level of 28 billion dollars or close to 77 million dollars
flowing every single day into the coffers of the West. See also Torstensson

(1992):

6.

ia 90 percent of the worlds 18 million external refugees have sought refuge from war. Do away
with war, and the large refugee streams disappear. The richer states in the world are seldom at war,
but contribute

to these through the export of weapons.

sought asylum in Sweden between

. ..65 percent (201 000) of the refugees that

1983 and 1994, originated from 10 warring countries,

which during the same period Swedish companies

exported

armaments:

ex-Yugoslavia,

Turkey, Syria, Bangladesh, Peru, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and India. (De Geer. 1995: 268).

and to

Iran, Irak,

Mobility,racismand geopolitics

510

units against man smugglers; (vi) fortifying borders with barbed wire; (vii) closedcircuit
TV and monitoring

equipment;

World countries;
asylum requests;

on full employment;

acquisitions

of citizenship

identification

human rights. Other measures,

rights by transferring

on request, represent violations of individual and

as the impositions

of fines on carriers,

and individual-augur

these across the board to include even Europeans.

and abet racist violence.

The combined

(b) criminalization

The various

the potential of enforcing

Moreover, the measures endorse the

of migrations as threats, reinforce or sustain the perceptions

the (a) racialization;

violate asylum

the burden of asylum status evaluation to companies.

of surveillance-electronic

the problem

of

conditional

language fluency, no brushes with the law, etc.3

Frisking and producing

discourses

for dealing with

authorities to deport

and illegal migrants in custody; and (xi) revised definitions

and eligibility to apply for citizenship;

instruments

for nationals of mainly Third

of asylum rights and procedures

(x) greater powers to the police and immigration

or keep asylum-seekers
citizenship

(viii) new visa requirements

(ix) redefinitions

of the Other as

effect of which has contributed

and, (c) securitization

to

of the migrant question in

several nations of western Europe and the European Union.

The Trevi group

Trevi is an acronym for terrorism,

radicalism,

extremism

index of the shifting contours of migration discourses

and violence.

Its history is an

and growing significance

accorded

to migration in Europe. Initially meant to serve as a liaison network between the internal
police and security agencies of the individual member states and a special secure communications
security

system to link them, Trevi turned gradually to a means of policing

aspects

established

of free movement

(Bunyan,

1991: 20). A permanent

secretariat

and
was

within the EC in 1989, making Trevi one of the leading supra-national institu-

tions working on issues of internal security, external borders and mobility within Europe.
It has several working groups (Trevi I, II and III), dealing with international
rorism, disturbing public order, asylum issues and surveillance

crime, ter-

(Torstensson,

1992: 7).

Non-EC member states can participate within the framework of Trevi. Sweden and Norway
have, for example,

been co-operating

with Trevi since 1988. Signiticantly,

the Group is

not subject to formal parliamentary or democratic control (Ibid). Following the single
European Act, Trevis mandate of dealing with terrorism and violence, was expanded to
visa harmonization,
Community.

migrations,

The justification

asylum-seekers

and border

being that the free movement

control

regulations

in the

of people as provided by

the Act assumed that (Bunyan, 1991: 20).

. ..a11those living and working inside the EC would be legitimate residents and
not illegal immigrants or undesirables. Otherwise, the removal of border control
would raise the specter . ..of refugees from outside the EC seeking entry.
Towards

this end,

of nations,
techniques

the Trevi Group

developed

information

systems

undesirables,

which

migratory flows, clandestine immigration

used in the manufacture of travel documents. Information

include, a list
networks
exchange

and
and

gathering include particulars of undesirable aliens from third countries, analysis of

threats, via computer networks to manage shared information systems (Bunyan, 1991).

I3 This section has drawn on the work of Bunyan (1991);

son (1992)

and Meijers (1991).

den Boer (1995);

Sante1 (1995) Torstens-

MEKCINNEN

TFSFAHUNEY

511

The dialectics of threat involve the interplay of inside and outside, exterior and interior.
Controlling the external threats to Europe necessitates
controls,

internalizing the external border

i.e., policing the threat in the interior. Thus, the Trevi Group which in 1976

begun as a means of constructing

for imposing internal controls,
different

European

a hard outer shell, has in the 1980s become

a system

not least over the settled immigrant communities

countries

(Bunyan,

1991: 21). The mandates

of the

and activities of the

Trevi Group, conflate issues of migration and freedom of movement

with terrorism

and

violence, legitimating the racialization, securitization and criminalization of a category

of international

migrants.

The Scbengen Accords

The Accords were signed by Germany,
Schengen,

Luxembourg,

France, and the Benelux

countries

in 1985, in

in order to facilitate freedom of mobility by removing border

controls. As of March 26, 1995, seven of the fifteen EU member states (Belgium, France,
Germany,
accords.

Luxembourg,

the Netherlands,

Portugal and Spain),

Denmark has applied for observatory

England and Ireland have not joined the Convention

940).

The accords

co-operation

envisage

and formation

(Convey

of the EC and the European

accords,

of the
whereas

and Kupiszewski,

of visa regulations,

of a free mobility zone. Schengen

for the migration policies

agreement

the harmonization

are signatories

status in the Schengen

increased

1995:
police

is seen as the prototype

Union (SOU, 1995:

101). The

includes, legally binding counter measures to close security loopholes

will arise following the fulI abolition of border controls between

supplement

provides for information

laws, new arrivals and countries

groups of asylum-seekers,
and its result (Bunyan,

exchange

between

member states on new asylum

of origin of asylum-seekers,

and information

that

the signatory states. The

the emergence

on individuals-identity,

of significant

asylum application

1991: 23).

Trevi served as the model for Schengen. The visa regulations, surveillance and information systems established under Trevi, set precedents for the procedures and information
systems established under Schengen-the
[Suppliment

d Information

59 countries

with visa requirements

SIS [Schengen Information System] and SIRENE

Requis IEntrCe Nationale] (Mattiasen,

for entry to Europe introduced

1995: 3). The list of

by the Trevi Group

to curb migration, has been expanded under Schengen and by 1995, the list included 126
nations. In line with the discourses
tion, no country from western

of migration threats and the racialization of migra-

Europe, North America and Oceania (Australia and New

Zealand) is in the list of undesirables.*

The . ..computerized search apparatus of the SIS has been described as the most powerful instrument for turning the Community citizen without frontiers into an information
subject (Bunyan, 1991: 23). StiIl it is mainly meant for the surveillance of migrants, asylumseekers and undesirables. The information network is such that, new data can be directly
fed in and stored at the borders from mobile police terminals (Mattiasen, 1995: 3). Moreover,
anyone could end up in the SIS registers, if on the flimsy grounds of having aroused the

I4 Undesirable is defined as someone from a non-member state who has been or who is likely t<)
be refused entry to a member state. Transit passengers will only be admitted if they fulfil the conditions of entry to their destination and if their onward journey and their return to their own country
are guaranteed,

if they have sufficient means of for their stay and for their return journey, and if

they are not undesirable (Bunyan, 199 1: 23).

According

to the Official Report of the Swedish Committee

on Immigration,

the ground is

Mobility,racismand geopolitics

512

of the police (Torstensson,

suspicion

lance pillar of the emergent

the mutual exchange
countries.

1992: 14).i6 The second information

of information

by the police

Unlike the SIS which is a conventional

contains comprehensive

and surveil-

European security zone-SIRENE-supplements

authorities

the SIS, in

of Schengen

member

or standard information register, SIRENE

and detailed data. The police authorities of one Schengen state,

for instance, can request and obtain supplementary

information (not found in the SIS) on

a person under custody from the country which registered the person in the SIS (Mattiasen,
1995: 3).
The SIS, SIRENE, and greater powers accorded
that a major reason for their establishment

to the police, under Schengen indicate

was to enact a common

policy of exclusion.

Through the SIS and SIRENE, cordons are being erected around western Europe to control
its borders,
networks

to exclude

undesirables,

and heightened

surveillance

systems and control

of resident aliens.

Worlds of mobility, realms of confinement

The geopolicing systems instituted in Europe, impact on immigrants in very intimate
ways. Travelling lays bare paranoia in white and the institutions of global apartheid in
mobility in all their lurid details. In her Black Looks. Race and Representation, bell hooks
relates anecdotes

from her travel experiences

when journeying

in/through white space.

Although she came to Italy to speak on racism, at the behest of the parliament,
suspected

customs police subjected her to a similar run down. Her experiences,

dubbed as encounters

with white terror (1992:

which she appositely

174) amplify the arguments of this paper

and show the interplay of gender, race, differential mobility empowerments

of circulation.

Furthermore,

mobility of non-whites
encounters

she was

by customs police for coming to Italy to seek asylum! In France, the French

these illustrate how (non)discursive

and spaces

practices impact on the

in their travels in and through white spaces. Hooks uses these

to analyze and reflect on the interrelationships

and the politics of location through a deconstruction

between theory, travel, power

and critique of conventional

notions

of mobility/travel. How we journey through space is related to how we theorize space

and our experience
of the world. Hence, theorizing diverse journeying is crucial to our
understanding of any politics of location (Ibid). She reminds us further that narratives that
evoke the sense of freedom, novelty and expansiveness associated with travel and speak
of one particular experience

of travel/mobility

as universal, are hegemonic.

ized systems of mobility control and differential mobility empowerments

hooks, when she observes that it is crucial that we recognize
experience

of travel can make it impossible

be heard. From certain standpoints,

supremacy (Ibid.).
The various control instruments

being laid for the establishment

that the hegemony

to articulate another experience

to travel is to encounter

of one

or for it to

the terrorizing force of white

and organs of geopolicing

of The European Information

The racial-

are captured by

mobility and circulation,

System (EIS) on undesirables

and

the Eurodac system for storing finger prints of asylum-seekers and other persons. (SOU, 1995: 268).
t6 Bunyan (1991:
tion system-and

24) underscores

each of the participating

countries-is

aliens classed as undesirable;

prosecution,

the implications when he writes that the scope of this informa-

the extent to which Schengen arrangements

will encroach

on internal affairs of

clear from a recap of the subjects and areas it will cover:

asylum applications

and refused applications;

wanted criminals for

sentence, expelling or extradition; persons under surveillance; tracking of whereabouts,

and details of firearms and vehicies.

513

MEKONNEN
TFSFAHUNEY

established

in Europe are key ingredients

of the new world order. A major consequence

of the regimes of migration control instituted in Europe, is to reinforce the hierarchically

structured

and gender, race and class based differential mobility rights. Regimes of mobil-

ity control

and differential

mobility empowerments

and why. One could with regard to international

classes of mobile subjects,
to mobility),

largely govern who moves, where

migration, speak of mobility ranges and

in terms of spaces of circulation

(access,

closure and barriers

as first, second, .... rzthclass, mobile subjects and mobility positions.

class mobile subjects

First

obtain global reach in mobility with little or no hinders to move-

ment. The possibility of being denied entry on account of who they are, is rarely an issue
that bothers this class of mobile subjects. These are not the objects of suspicion, are rarely
questioned

by customs

officials, can obtain visas, if so required,

without much ado. In

the West, they enjoy entry without visa to almost all the countries. The countries of which
they are nationals do not appear in the list of nations labelled as origins of undesirable
migrants. White Westerners

and citizens of other advanced countries

(Japan), belong to

this class of mobile subjects.

On the other hand, second class mobile subjects are objects of suspicion, a feature that
makes the very fact of mobility problematic.
checked

The validity of the passports they bear are

and they may have to produce additional evidence

of identity, letters of invita-

tion, frisked, asked questions or taken aside by police. Even ifthey are naturalized citizens
of a Western

country,

if one is not white,

the privileges

accorded

first class mobile

subjects are waived. However, it is nationals of a Third World country or citizens of states
listed as undesirables
raciahzing

by European regimes of migration control,

and criminalizing

geopolicing

entry visa provides no guarantees

systems instituted

of reaching the destination,

the right to revoke entry. One is forewarned

visa issuance,

that are victims of the

in Europe. Issuance

of an

as customs officials have

of such an eventuality in the conditions

spelled out on the visa itself or in the visa application

of

forms: customs

officials have the final say and power of denying entry to anyone, as they see fit.
of the supra-national

regimes of migration control

provided above show, one of the significant developments

As the discussions

of the powers

that Castles and Miller (1993)

(p. 8) fail to recognize

in their list of emerging

trends in international

migration, is the

rucialization of migration (Miles, 1993). Another and no less significant feature that has
emerged with regard to mobility, and one that is again not recognized

as such by Castles

and Miller, is the criminalizution of migration from the South and East. A consequence
of the racializations

and criminalizations

migration that is not recognized

of migration

and an aspect of international

by Castles and Miller, is the securitization of mobility as

such and the mobility of immigrants from the South in particular. Racialization, securitization and criminalization of certain types of international migrants and migrations, largely
account for the differential mobility rights enjoyed by people within the West and globally.
and various discriminatory

practices

enforced

to curb the mobility of people from the

South to the West.

Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank three anonymous

referees for their critical and construc-

tive comments.
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