Asian Journal of Women's Studies

ISSN: 1225-9276 (Print) 2377-004X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rajw20

nDuweni Ibu Pertiwi(Keeping the motherland):

Women's agency to resist cement plants in
Tegaldowo and Timbrangan villages, Rembang
Dian Lestariningsih & Wariyatun
To cite this article: Dian Lestariningsih & Wariyatun (2015) nDuweni Ibu Pertiwi(Keeping the
motherland): Women's agency to resist cement plants in Tegaldowo and Timbrangan villages,
Rembang, Asian Journal of Women's Studies, 21:2, 166-179
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2015.1062271

Published online: 29 Jun 2015.

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Date: 10 October 2016, At: 00:01

Asian Journal of Womens Studies, 2015

Vol. 21, No. 2, 166179, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2015.1062271

VOICES FROM ASIAN FEMINIST ACTIVISM

nDuweni Ibu Pertiwi(Keeping the motherland): Womens
agency to resist cement plants in Tegaldowo and Timbrangan
villages, Rembang
Dian LESTARININGSIH* and Wariyatun
The appearance of women in the action against the cement industry has
become a symbol of a new round of community resistance against the
setting up of a cement factory and mining plant. Breaking the barriers
between domestic and public space, the women mobilised support and
resources, and became actively involved in the resistance movement in
order to reject the construction of the cement factory in Rembang. They
entered the movement for blocking the construction of the cement industry
and became actively involved in self-organizing and improving their
capacities, through critical education and asking for support from inuential
leaders, in order to conduct public-hearings regarding various state
institutions at the national and local levels. The womens movement in
Rembang actually started a long time ago in which the Javanese heroine,
Kartini,1 broke traditional norms. This paper explores how women became
agents of change by participating in the resistance against environmental
destruction and threats to people lives.
Keywords: agency; women; mining

Introduction
This paper seeks to describe the dynamic of the Tegaldowo and Timbrangan
womens movements to resist the construction of a cement plant in Rembang
district, Central Java Province. The construction of the plant was proposed
by the Rembang Regency Medium Term Development Plan (RPJMD) 2010
2015, with the six Directions of the Regional Development Plan. One of
these was for establishing an integrated industrial park (chemical industry,
power plant, cement plant) to support the general national port area and
ensure better employment opportunities (direction of regional development
plan number four). One of the efforts was to realize the achievement of
RPJMD by October 21, 2011, for which the Mayor of Rembang established
an Approval Letter for the Principles of Development of the Cement Plant,
including land for mining raw materials. This was done via Decree 591/040/
2011 on 18th November 2011 for the licence to Semen Gresik (Persero)
Company, which then started to build the cement plant, mining land for raw

*Corresponding author: Email: dianlestariningsih@gmail.com

AJWS ISSN 1225-9276
Asian Center for Womens Studies, Ewha Womans University
http://acws.ewha.ac.kr

Asian Journal of Womens Studies

167

materials, and other related activities. The company started with these in Kadiwono Village in Bulu District and Timbrangan, Pasucen, Kajar, Tegaldowo in
Gunem District. This was the rst step before the actual production of cement
on a large scale.
The development plan for the cement plant and the land for mining in the
Kendeng Karst highland elicited varied reactions from the villagers. Some of
them became part of the corporate arm for distributing groceries or became
employees of the plant, while others made the effort to nd out about the
impact of mining and establishing of the plant. The most active villagers were
in Tegaldowo and Timbrangan villages. The movement to resist mining and the
setting up of the cement plant strengthened in 2012, started by Aksi Berlima (in
English Action of the Five), symbolised by one of the protestors wearing a
kebaya kartini, traditional clothes worn by Kartini in her struggle for women.
The movement was transformed: in the beginning it was driven by men, while
women, as per Javanese culture, remained mens companions and were not in
the front-line. Although women had strong cultural bonds with nature that
could not be destroyed, they gained support from other women in their own
way, through their social relations in gatherings, such as petan where women
chat and pick lice out of each others hair, ngrumpi or casual talk, and while
working in the elds. According to the local wisdom of the community, the
harmony of nature would be affected if the mining continued.
Research methods
This study used a qualitative research approach based on eldwork and emphasized
that the subjects of research were important. Data collection was done through
observation and in-depth interviews, undertaken in Rembang Regency, located in
the northern part of Central Java Province with an area of 101.408 hectares
divided into 14 districts, 287 villages, and seven urban villages in coastal areas,
plains, plateaus, and highlands. Rembang Regency was a wide area across 1014,
08 kilometers, anked by the Javanese Sea in the North and North Kendeng Highland in the South (Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Rembang, 2012).
Women and agency perspective
Given the patriarchal structure of society, women are often construed as subordinate objects. Walby, Towers, and Francis (2014) note that womens oppression is
reected in the realm of wages; domestic, cultural, and sexual violence; and the
state. Thus, given the massive oppression of women, it should be appropriate to
seek an alternative discourse of liberation. Therefore, Shiva and Mies (2005)
seek to describe movements initiated by women. The story of the Chipko movement, as Shiva and Mies note, is different from the explanation given Walby,
Towers and Francis (2014), because this begins with a phenomenon that involves
Asian women and mainly discusses their relation with nature.

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D. LESTARININGSIH and Wariyatun

The resistance
The history of the movement in Kendeng Highlands and surrounding areas
The movement among farmers in Kendeng Highlands area has a long history, apart
from the womens movement. The history of the womens movement in Rembang
started a long time ago and goes back to the early 19th Century, when Kartini
sought to raise critical awareness and improve womens quality of life through
a school for women, even though this was for upper class women. According to
Saputra (2014), in 1930, at Lasem, there was an Agency for the Prevention of Trafcking of Women and Children (BPPPA) that addressed the phenomenon of Cina
Mindering, referring to loan agreements with high interest rates, which practically drove women batik workers and children, who attempted to pay their
debts, into trafcking. Besides, womens roles during the Second Dutch Military
Aggression are recorded as follows: sending food for freedom ghters, being
informants for Dutch patrols, establishing a public kitchen or providing shelters
for refugees, and sharing kitchens with refugees, particularly in Gunem district.
The Kendeng Highlands area is also linked to the history of the Samin2 movement that started with Samin Surontika, from the Blora high class family who
mobilized farmers from Central Java and East Java to resist the repression of colonialism. Samin and his son and daughter-in-law, Surohidin and Karsijah, provided
education to people living around their homes, mostly farmers. Resistance against
colonialism at the time was non-violent, which ignored laws and rules by not
paying taxes. In 1907, the tax payment resistance by the Samin community
expanded into Blora, Rembang, Pati and the surrounding areas. This movement
became a symbol of the farmers resistance against repression. Previous research
conducted by Aziz (2012: 255) revealed that the Samin community has observed
the following principles in natural resource management: Lemah pada duwe,
banyu pada duwe, kayu pada duwe (in land we have, in water we have, in
wood we have).
The resistance against cement in Tegaldowo and Timbrangan
In 2007, information regarding plans for establishing the cement plant was already
spreading via the local government in the Rembang Regency. After a positive
response from the government, the view was that the industry would increase
locally generated revenue and also create jobs. There were one or two discordant
voices, particularly concerning the potential risks in the mining areas and in the
areas of the groundwater basin, Watu Putih. One of the government ofcers,
who felt strongly about this issue, invited various groups to discuss it through
the social media, but obtained no response.
Until 2012, two Rembang activists, Mingming Lukiarti (Mingming) and
Baskoro Bessy (hereafter called Pop) shared their concerns about the plans for
mining in Kendeng Highlands and the establishing of the factory with the government ofcer. Based on Local Regulation No. 14/2011 on Regional Planning, Watu
Putih (which was planned as the location for the cement company) was a

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169

conserved area. The cement industry was a large scale industry, which would
violate the Provincial Law No. 14/2011 on Regional Planning by allowing a
large scale industry to be located in Sluke district and limited only in the area
of Sendangmulyo Village, while according to the plan, more than half of this
area was in Blimbing Village, outside the industrial area. From this point
onwards, they then agreed to take action. Moreover, it was mentioned that the
support of people in the affected areas in Kendeng Highlands was considerable,
around a hundred villagers (interview with Pop, January 8-10, 2014). As a
follow up, on the agreed date, Mingming, Pop, and two other activists from
Yayasan Kelana Alam Lestari (KALAL Foundation) and one community organizer went to the ofce of the Department of Energy to resist the setting up of the
cement plant. However, not all of the villagers showed up at the agreed time.
Based on the agreed decision, the action ran as planned. This action was then
recorded as Aksi Berlima (Action of Five) in which Pop wore a kebaya (Javanese
womens blouse).
On Wednesday, February 13, 2013, many of the residents and activists conducted hearings with the Center for the Environment (BLH) and Department of
Energy asking about the violation of the law, referring to the Local Regulation
of Spatial and Regional Planning (RTRW) of Rembang Regency and Central
Java Provincial Regulation No. 6/2010. After the hearings, the community
members who resisted the cement industry actively informed people about the
impact of mining on the people in Sale district. Moreover, they obtained
support from kiai, the local religious leaders. A breakthrough came on March
27, 2013 when during Tahlilan (Islamic community prayers for the community
surrounding the Butak Mountain), the community in Tegaldowo village, Gunem
district was involved further. Community awareness concerning the negative
impact of mining thereby increased (interview with Pop, January 910, 2015).
In order to examine the matter, a community representative went to Tuban to
do a comparative study to assess the potential impact of the Cement Plant. As a
result, they noted the harmful effects of mining and the plant, such as reduced
water sources, dust, decreased agricultural production, increase of disease, and
also the potential transmission of sexually transmitted diseases. Participatory
data collection was also undertaken, so as to argue against the urgency to establish
the cement plant.
Consolidation by the community continued, which included the delivery of a
letter of complaint to the President on April 17, 2013. Until the end of 2013, there
was no signicant attention paid by the government at the local, provincial, or
national levels regarding community complaints. However, there were achievements in the organization: Tegaldowo villagers were able to persuade Timbrangan
villagers to join the Resist the Cement movement. This was an important
moment for the community and for the movement in Timbrangan village. The
strategy was then to control the government of the village by nominating a
candidate, Nyono, as head of the village against the incumbent village head.
Approximately 70 percent of the villagers voted for Nyono as village head.

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In addition, Sluke district head, Mardiyanto, facilitated the cement company in

meetings for community mobilization in Rembang and Blora. In early January
2014, the company revealed that in addition to the community resistance
against the cement industry, there were people who were pro-cement as the
plant was expected to provide good job opportunities, both for blue-collar
workers of lower educational background as well as for technically skilled
workers. It was expected that 60 percent of the labor force from the local community in the area around the plant and mining area would be absorbed by this plant.
An important milestone in the resistance occurred in June, half a month before
the June 16 action that the community had planned. The youth proposed to
emulate Kartini, as a symbol of resistance. Similar to Kartini, who made the
rst move by opening access to education for women, the women were now ghting for the Ibu Pertiwi,3 the homeland which gives gifts of life. There were less
than 15 women initially who agreed to join this peaceful protest (interview with
Yani, January 9, 2015). The effort to encourage other women to make decisions
about the future of their family members started with daily conversations in the
shop, in front of their houses or in the elds. Women discussed the merits of
the construction of the plant. They considered it to be potentially more harmful
for the environment, leading to social conict within the community, and there
were fears regarding the spread of HIV/AIDS.
On June 16, 2014, about 70 women from Tegaldowo and Timbrangan village
jointly initiated a peaceful action, setting up a tent as a symbol of resistance. After
negotiation with the state authorities (police), the matter got stuck and there was
no denite answer given to the questions the community posed to the peoples
representative, and the provincial government regarding the violations of Spatial
and Regional Planning and the defects in the Management of Environmental
Impact Analysis (AMDAL) if the plant was set up. In the aftermath of the peaceful
protest, there were disputes, such as use of force by the authorities, resulting in
some being injured and becoming unconscious (Suparmi and Murtini); and the
arrest of seven people Susilo, Ngatiban, Nurwanto, Supion, Suwater, Sulijan,
and Yani by the Rembang Police. The women, however, promised that they
would not leave the tents until the heavy equipment was moved away and the
mining on Kendeng land was canceled (interview with Sutinah, January 9, 2015).
June 19, 2014 was the day of interaction between the women and government
ofcers. The temporary head of the district of Rembang, Abdul Hadz, was held
hostage by the womens group and asked to come to the building of the plant.
While in another place, the Governor of Central Java, Ganjar Pranowo, conducted
hearings in which the community representative made a plea and asked people of
the community to le a lawsuit in the administrative court to examine the aws in
the document for environmental permission. He promised, as stated in a local
newspaperSuara Merdeka newspaper (2014, June 17) that if evidence was
improper and distorted, the governor would be willing to make corrections. Not
long after that, Surono, the Head of the Geological Agency sent a letter (No.
331/05/BGI/2014) to the Governor of Central Java, dated July 1, 2014 about

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171

the written advice for cancellation of mining activities because the basin groundwater in Watu Putih in Kendeng Highlands was part of the Indonesian basin
groundwater, based on Presidential Decree No. 26/ 2011.
Peoples movements, particularly women leading the resistance, were
strengthened by the support of religious leaders in Rembang and surrounding
areas. KH Ahmad Mustafa Bisri (Gus Mus) conveyed the importance of considering the environmental impact of mining activities, not only in Rembang, but also
in Indonesia. Publishing in Suara Merdeka newspaper (2014, July 20), Gus Mus
emphasized that even without the existence of the mining and cement industry,
water supply had been a serious problem in Rembang. Women also agreed that
their action to occupy the mill area was for the sake of their children and grandchildren, for the sake of the environment, for the springs, and also for the
farmers feared loss of livelihoods. Those who did not support this included religious leaders who asked the women to leave the tent at the plant site area as a mark
of respect for the Ramadhan month. The women, however, chose to remain and
ignored the commands of the young Kiai.4
Around 6 a.m. on November 26, 2014, female workers blocked the access
roads, vehicles, employees, and heavy equipment. An hour later the strains of
the song Tembang Ibu Pertiwi (the song for the homeland) could be heard,
along with drumming in the middle of the road. Women reminded people that
Mother Earth could no longer be dirudho (hurt by force). The women responded
to the police action for dispersing protestors, saying that they would disband if the
construction of the plant ceased.5 Seven hours later, the police ofcers and women
agreed to step aside from the tent, but two hours later the heavy equipment and the
trucks re-entered the industrial area. The women could not accept this action as it
broke their initial agreement and they raged against the authorities. From that
moment onwards, access to the industrial areas was restricted and only residents
with local ID cards were allowed to enter the area where the protestors had
their tents. Some days later, other forces of police and the companys security
guards were deployed and security was further tightened.
The tent had been set up not only in the mill area, but also in front of the State
Administrative Court ofce in Semarang. On December 17, 2014, several women
of Rembang stayed overnight, saying that they did not want their sources of water
to be lost due to the mining. In their view, the Rembang residents had adequate
lives as farmers and they sought to guard their motherland.
Forms of agency
Womens agency
The appearance of women in the action against the cement industry became a sign
of the new round of community resistance to the cement factory. Initially, the practical argument in reverse was that women should be in the forefront of the resistance in order to avoid violence. This argument was based on the view that females
are gentler, while men tend to be more aggressive and take stronger action. The

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efforts to trace the meaning of womens struggle for liberation, as represented by

Kartini, was an important symbol for the women in the forefront of the resistance.
This reinterpretation is rooted in the need to nd a role model for women in the
somewhat similar context of Java, Rembang. If in colonial times Kartini used a
pen to criticize the exclusion of women and demanded equality in education,
here they sought to convey the message that women should be at the forefront
in the interests of the community. This was vaguely expressed, but the idea was
to invoke Kartini for the youth movement in resisting the construction of the
cement plant and convey that women should undertake roles in the front lines.
When traced back, it is interesting to see that the actions undertaken by civil
society in early 2012 to reject the mine, used symbols of Javanese women,
although these did not explicitly refer to it as a reinterpretation of Kartini.
One of the women who became a female community spokesperson in resisting
the mine, was Sukinah (people call her Mbak Nah), a farmer who lived in Tegaldowo. Born in 1977, she had a stern face and voice and was considered quite able
to articulate the spirit and ideas promoted by the community of women in these
villages. For Mbak Nah, who had previously spent several years working in the
city before she decided to return home and become a farmer, the resistance to
the cement mine became a struggle for life to support farmers, their families
and the earth. Supporting the farmers was the main reason why the majority of
the people in Kendeng Highlands joined this movement as they relied on agriculture. Livelihoods supported by fertile soil, along with the abundant water of
Kendeng karst mountain, enabled rice cultivation twice a year and other crops
and vegetables in between, and the rearing of mountain cattle. These have been
the bases of the lives over generations for the residents. Therefore, Resist
Cement is a protest against the destruction of livelihoods. In addition, the spirit
of this resistance is the struggle of the women who are viewed as guardians of
nature:
Nature, mountain and everything in this earth is mother earthmother earth, which
must be maintained. If mother earth is damaged because of the looting [by mines], so
is [the life of] the women. Frankly speaking, [although I am a Moslem], I cannot
recite the Quran. But I learned about [the importance of preserving nature]; this
is the true teacher which is the universe and everything inside (interview with
Mbak Nah, January 9, 2015).

Mbak Nah, together with representatives of womens groups that had agreed to
coordinate the meetings of citizens, has been actively performing the role of transmitter of hope, kindness and learning to coexist with nature to various parties. She
also became one of the representatives of the community in the effort to lobby
policy makers, such as the President, Joko Widodo (before he was sworn in as president), and has also been involved in various acts of resistance at local community
and higher levels. Another important woman gure was Yani. She was young, had
vocational education, and has been eloquent in articulating that the struggle for

Asian Journal of Womens Studies

173

rejecting the mining plant is a struggle for the rights of citizens. However, by her
own admission, she was not part of this resistance movement from the beginning:
At the beginning, I was happy when I heard this plan for setting up the cement plant. I
thought that later I can work there. So then, I wonder why there is so much resistance.
But then, I was informed that there are serious risks: the destruction of water
resources, destruction of agricultural, environmental pollutants, such as dust, and
others. I shudder to imagine. Since then, I decided to join in the action to resist
the mine (interview, January 9, 2015).

Yani became involved in the community by attending and taking part in community meetings. At the time, few women were involved. Their role has become
increasingly important when nally, in the community meetings, participants
felt that it would be better if women were in the forefront of the action so that
the rejection would not lead to violence. In the action of June 16, 2014, which
led to the arrest of six people, Yani was the only woman arrested, because the
police could not identify Sutinah whose name was identied as the one who
was behind the action. In addition, the capacity building process contributed to
strengthening critical awareness. Yani became one of the representatives of the
people who participated in the para-legal training conducted by a legal aid organization. In the process of a lawsuit in the State Administrative Court, and following
complaints of violence by the authorities, Yani held a key role in organizing the
community. Her relatively better education apparently contributed to the fairly
strong position and recognition of her capacity as a local leader.
Besides Sutinah and Yani, other individuals who became part of the community resistance also illustrate the role of women in various ways. Similar to the
daily lives of women farmers in rural areas, the face of Mbak Narti, Muwarti or
Sulasmi or many other anonymous women comprise a picture of their lives as
farmers, as women (mainly as housewives), and villagers. But, what makes it
unusual is the awareness of citizenship in playing a part, even if small, in their
efforts for social change, particularly in resisting the cement industry. About a
hundred women were part of a series of actions, such as demonstrations and political meetings, litigation, advocacy, use of cultural symbols, such as istighasah
(Islamic communal prayers for a specic purpose) to urge closure of the cement
plant.
Once a week, the women took turns in keeping the resistance tent located in
front of the cement plant construction site. The tent has been a symbol of resistance for the community and has been located about 5 kilometers from Tegaldowo
and Timbrangan villages. Most of the roads have been damaged, while the elds
and forests become deserted at night. Once a week, these women also attend the
regular meetings at various venues, which are usually held in Timbrangan,
attended by women and men, sitting together, face to face. The growth of the
resistance effort was evident in this forum. Women representatives also got a
chance to speak, although in the end, the number who did speak was still much

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D. LESTARININGSIH and Wariyatun

less than the men who spoke. The meetings, which lasted around two hours, often
became means to reect on the achievements and challenges of the community
resistance efforts, strengthen mutual passion, and comprise a learning forum for
women to undertake more public roles. Some women came with their children;
there were also some old women, who were entrusted specic tasks of digging
and performing local arts, such as tembang (a song) and gejok lesung (beating a
mortar), as part of expressing the spirit of resistance. Not all the villagers,
however, came and took part in this meeting because they were busy in their work.
Majority of these women had been educated only up to the primary level and
were already married at the ages of 13 to 14 years. Now, in line with rising levels
of education to junior level, the average woman gets married at the age of 16. In
this case, womens agency also appears in their roles for transmitting and mobilizing support among local people in order to make them part of the resistance. This
role was performed along with their daily activities in the elds while farming,
feeding a child or shopping, giving reasons and arguments on why the cement
industry should be rejected in simple everyday language. They said that not all
citizens were given adequate information; some of them chose to become apathetic
and did not want to be part of the resistance or even persuade others. However, it is
undeniable that support for the resistance movement has become stronger, for
example, in Timbrangan village, only about 20 women were initially involved.
But now, an increasing number of people, including women who were previously
apathetic or even supported the cement plant, have joined the resistance against it.
However, the construction of the plant continues to proceed in the midst of such
tumultuous questioning by the community and civil society resistance.
It appears that there are a few processes that are occurring simultaneously such
as critical learning for women. For instance, Sulasmi and Muwarti spoke lightly that
they were no longer afraid of the police because ghting was the right choice for
them and is not at all wrong. Likewise, Narti argued against the police and defended
the group of artists who helped to prepare the posters and other items. By using their
skills to give new meaning, negotiate and build counter arguments via the resistance, these women have carved out roles by giving a new direction for change.
Men as agents
The shifting roles and strengthening of womens involvement in the resistance has
also associated them with such efforts, which were previously driven by men. It is
mentioned that in the beginning, there were six youth village activists who became
forerunners of the community movement against the cement plant. They became
the initial nodes of community organizing and raised the major issue regarding the
threat of disrupting farming livelihoods and environmental damage.
As the story of a community-based resistance movement emerged, youth activists and NGO activists held several demonstrations against the cement and mine
operations, which led to critical awareness. The organizational process has generated efforts for learning through discussion, comparative study of communities

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175

around the cement plant in Tuban, and a series of meetings, discussions, and demonstrations. Although initially the resistance movement began in Tegaldowo
village, the strongest resistance base today is in Timbrangan village. Currently,
in this village, the movement is based on a group of households,6 and has widespread support, including that of the village head.
One of the early initiators of youth activism in this village was Joko Prianto
(32) who became one of the key persons setting out the agenda of the resistance
movement. Prianto was the man, who once had migrated to Jakarta and now
chose to be a farmer and became important in dealing with others. He was a
person to whom people listened for formulating strategies for the resistance movement. Although in the community forum, Prianto never sought popularity about
his important role, the effects still remain visible, as his name was the most commonly mentioned by many of the women we interviewed. Men also told stories
about how Kartini was a symbol of the womens movement.
Another signicant person in Timbrangan village was Pak Is, often called Mr.
Toni (which means the father of Toni). Initially, he became the operator of the
cement plant entrusted with the task of raising local support. His main role was
to manage and distribute food to the community to build a positive image for
the plant and gain acceptance for its construction. However, a discussion on the
risks of mines in a Tahlilan activity later made him choose to resist this project.
Currently, Pak Is is one of the key gures in the resistance and his house has
been set up as a place for coordination in Timbrangan village.
The demonstrations and litigation advocacy efforts undertaken in the capital of
the district and the provinces have also made the women of the two villages learn
about and get involved with many activities, leaving their homes for a few days at
a time, apart from the routine activities held locally, such as weekly meetings or
the tent picket once a week for a full day. This activity has led to a shift in the
pattern of relations and the division of roles between women and men. At the domestic level, this has made the men undertake domestic activities, such as cooking,
caring for children, and cleaning the house. Such work, before the emergence of
the mining case, was only considered to be the duty and responsibility of women.
Men also have been undertaking a supportive role when their wives take their turns
at the picket; they drop their wives off at the picket; and give them moral support in
the resistance movement. Finally, it can be said that men have already become
actively involved in this movement. However, regarding the shift in domestic
roles, in some cases, this has not always been easy. Women often nd themselves
in situations where access to public spheres has become more open, but at the same
time, domestic roles remain their responsibility. However, such a shift illustrates
how men in Kendeng, together with women, have themselves become reformers.
Role of civil society in supporting womens agency at the community level
As outlined in the account of the resistance movement, civil society rst raised this
issue making it public. They gathered in community networks of the Kendeng

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D. LESTARININGSIH and Wariyatun

Highlands (Jaringan Masyarakat Peduli Pegunungan Kendeng/JMPPK)

Rembang. It was interesting to note that local NGO activists realized that the
most important basis of the movement were the communities directly affected
and at greatest risk of the negative outcomes of the construction of the cement
plant. Following this, a series of efforts were made to organize and provide training for capacity building to communities and women. Some local NGO activists
have overseen this issue from the beginning and also have the appropriate skills to
facilitate the process of internal capacity building for the community, encouraging
the giving of skills to women and becoming a community liaison with various strategic partners, such as civil society organizations, linked up with the national,
regional and central government, quasi-state institutions (e.g., the National
Human Rights Commission and the National Commission for Women) and the
mass media. However, civil society is not a single body and needs to be tracked
further. An associated issue here is how civil society has to be mapped in order
to encourage the agency of women in the resistance.
Analyzing womens agency in the resistance to the cement plant
Referring to the previous description, the character of womens agency in the
resistance to mines in Rembang can be described as follows: rst, they had to
acquire the courage to take on the challenge and break through the system. In
June 2014, when they built the tent, the women dared to accept the challenge of
men to take part in the public representation of the Kendeng community.
Women who were previously only familiar with work around their houses,
elds, and families, started to meet and enjoy the new arena of community organizing activities, demonstrations, and advocacy litigation. What needs to be
studied further is how the situation became connected with the agency of
women in the public sphere during the periods of colonialism and early independence, as revealed in the history of movements, in the New Order7 under Soeharto.
Womens roles were neglected and limited to domestic arenas only. Indeed, they
have not been fully able to catch up with men, as reected in the limited
number of women who dared to speak at community meetings, in agenda
setting or in the movement that is still run by men. However, this does not deny
that they do have the courage to accept new challenges.
Second, the manipulation of gender-based norms and roles are used to inuence and mobilize support. Notions that women are gentle and loving have not
been rejected. The women now also skillfully use terms regarding sexuality that
were taboo as a means of facing the male police force that protects the activity
in the plant. In the rst action, on June 16, 2014, the issue of sexual violence
by ofcers was taboo in formal discussions, but subsequently, references were
made to sexuality and sexual violence by the Kendeng women and have since
become part of their everyday language. Third, there are linkages with other
agencies, of men at the community level, the government at the village level
(especially for the Timbrangan cases), as well as actors outside the community

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177

such as civil society, that have provided great support to the community resistance.
One of the important aspects illustrated here is not merely the bonding capacity
of the women or their ability to link up with other women, but also their ability to
build networks with other agencies, especially men and civil society (bridging
capacity). What remains to be studied, however, is the extent to which it helps
to affect public decision-making (linking capacity), especially in formal political
decision-making, given that the neglect of womens voices still continues. The
success in gaining the support of the government in Timbrangan village is an interesting case that shows how efforts for building links were done by using the
momentum of the village elections and supporting candidates who clearly rejected
the cement plant.
Fourth, womens agency that is built on the spirit of local symbols can be considered a signicant model. For instance, the references to Kartini, the main
symbol of the emancipation movement in Indonesia in the 18th and 19th Centuries,
became one of the reasons for the emergence of the idea that women were important and should be in the forefront of community resistance. The success in
re-interpreting an old symbol and giving it new meaning in the current resistance,
is an important capacity, considering the suppression of the spirit and ideas of liberation that Kartini stood for in the New Order. This resistance goes against an idea
that had been well established. At this point, looking for local symbols has become
a strategic choice that provides more opportunity to gain broader support. This is
so especially because the movement for gender equality and womens leadership
are often said to be concepts that echo the West and are not in line with eastern
culture.
Conclusion
In the context of the womens movement within the Rembang resistance against
the cement industry, the movement to resist the oppression of women has also
emerged. The expression of protecting mother earth was articulated in a pithy
way. Looking at the industrial scheme, women were viewed as objects, as this
region is an extension of patriarchy. Thus, womens experiences are often not considered to be important in decision-making. The resistance against mining and the
cement plant is considered to be an act that seeks to save the environment. Women
have an attachment to nature, like the values of equality and humanity. Technically, nature as a source of livelihood cannot be marginalized by exploitative companies. So, the choices made by the womens movement in Rembang are practices
of agency based on common sense considerations.
The womens movement in Tegaldowo and Timbrangan saw 300 and more
days from the time they erected their tents on June 16, 2014 at the site of the
Semen Indonesia plant and elsewhere. The tent is then a marker of resistance
for the Tegaldowo and Timbrangan village community. Of course, the social
dynamics will continue to proceed. Given the limitations of time and the
running of this movement, further study is still needed to map out and construct

178

D. LESTARININGSIH and Wariyatun

models of female agency in Rembang, in particular, and in Indonesia, in general.

Also, further research about the role of civil society in supporting the womens
agency in the resistance against the cement plant needs to be conducted in the
future.
Acknowledgement
We extend our heartfelt appreciation to Dati Fatimah, Aminatun Zubaedah and Deshinta
Dwi Asriani, who have contributed to this paper through discussions about these ideas or
comments on previous drafts. Any remaining mistakes are solely the authors responsibility.

Notes on contributors
Dian LESTARININGSIH is an alumna of the 4th EGEP. She is a researcher at Politics and
Government Department (PolGov), Gadjah Mada University (UGM) for Extractive Industries Governance. She has focused on disaster management and gender issues for more than
eight years and is a member of Caritas International Lobby Task Force for Post 2015 and
adviser for CORDAIDs partner in Indonesia. Formerly, she was on the Board of Humanitarian Forum Indonesia (20112014) and National Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction
(20112014). Since September 2013, she has worked as Asia Pacic Hub Manager
UGM on Extractive Industries Governance to oversee policy reform in the Asia Pacic
region. She is founder of the Women In Solidarity and Humanity project based in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
Wariyatun was born in Bantul, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. She has worked with non-governmental organisations since 1999. She is the director of Sahabat Perempuan Foundation. In
2011, she was awarded an International Fellowship by the Ford Foundation, which allowed
her to pursue her degree for a Masters in Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development, specializing in Gender and Development. She is active as a trainer, a counselor
for victims of violence against women, and has contributed to book publications. Her interests are in gender, development, human rights, and social work clinical issues. Email:
wariyatunwariyatun@gmail.com.

Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Kartini was a Javanese heroine who led Javanese women to ght for their freedom
from Javanese patriarchy and Dutch Colonialism in the late 18th Century.
Samin are an indigeneous people who also fought for their freedom from Dutch colonialism by refusing to pay tax to the Ducth government in Java.
Ibu Pertiwi refers to motherland.
Interview conducted on 10 January 2015.
LBH documentation accessed on 15 January 2015.
In Indonesia, ten or more households comprise a group called Rukun Tetangga (RT),
which is a unit for the administration.
New Order was the era under the Soeharto regime, the second president of Indonesia
for almost 33 years (19651998).

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Abstract in Bahasa Indonesian

Keberadaan perempuan dalam aksi penolakan terhadap industri semen telah
menjadi simbol dari babak baru perlawanan masyarakat terhadap pabrik
semen. Gerakan perempuan di Rembang sebenarnya dimulai sejak lama di
mana pahlawan Jawa, Kartini, menabrak norma-norma tradisional.
Memecahkan sekat antara ruang domestik dan publik, perempuan
memobilisasi dukungan dan sumber daya, dan menjadi aktif terlibat dalam
gerakan perlawanan untuk menolak pembangunan pabrik semen di
Rembang. Mereka mengawali gerakan dengan menghalangi proses
pembangunan pabrik semen dan menjadi aktif terlibat dalam mengorganisir
diri dan meningkatkan kapasitas mereka, melalui pendidikan kritis serta
meminta dukungan dari para pemimpin yang berpengaruh, untuk
melakukan dengar pendapat ke berbagai lembaga negara di tingkat nasional
dan tingkat lokal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk lebih mengeksplorasi
bagaimana perempuan menjadi agen perubahan dengan berpartisipasi dalam
gerakan penolakan demi mencegah kerusakan lingkungan yang mengancam
kehidupan manusia.
Keywords: keagenan; perempuan; pertambangan