Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SUPPLEMENT SERIES
264
Editors
David J.A. Clines
Philip R. Davies
Executive Editor
John Jarick
Editorial Board
Robert P. Carroll, Richard J. Coggins, Alan Cooper, J. Cheryl Exum,
John Goldingay, Robert P. Gordon, Norman K. Gottwald,
Andrew D.H. Mayes, Carol Meyers, Patrick D. Miller
Divine Prerogative
Donald F. Murray
ISBN 1-85075-930-8
CONTENTS
List of Figures
Acknowledgments
Abbreviations
9
11
13
Chapter 1
17
17
17
20
24
25
25
26
27
28
30
33
Chapter 2
37
37
39
41
46
49
Chapter 3
85
85
86
86
87
98
103
103
106
108
109
Chapter 4
112
112
112
112
113
114
131
139
145
147
150
153
156
Chapter 5
160
160
160
160
162
162
163
167
176
Contents
5.2.1.4. Verses llb-16
5.2.1.5. Verse 17
5.2.2. Verses 18-29
5.2.2.1. Verses 18-21
5.2.2.2. Verses 22-24
5.2.2.3. Verses 25-29
5.3. Rhetorical Structure and Technique in 2 Samuel 7.1-29
5.3.1. Verses 1-17
5.3.1.1. Verses 1-3
5.3.1.2. Verses 4-7
5.3.1.3. Verses 8-lla
5.3.1.4. Verses llb-17
5.3.2. Disputatory Structure of 7.1-17
5.3.3. Rhetorical Structure of 7.18-29
5.4. Ideology of Polemic in 7.1-29
1
185
199
199
200
205
207
211
211
212
212
215
215
218
224
226
Chapter 6
231
231
232
232
233
239
245
Chapter 7
247
247
249
249
250
252
261
261
263
265
269
277
278
Chapter 8
281
281
281
281
284
285
289
291
295
297
298
Chapter 9
302
302
304
305
307
310
311
317
320
331
345
349
351
LIST OF FIGURES
1. Retroverted Textual Readings for 2 Samuel 7.15b//
1 Chronicles 17.13b
2. Textual Readings relative to iTliT "OIK in
2 Samuel 7.18-29
3. Retroverted Textual Readings for 2 Samuel 7.23/7
2 Chronicles 17.21
4. Semantico-structural Paralleling in 2 Samuel 5.17
5. Parallels between 1 Samuel 7.7 and 2 Samuel 5.17
6. Interrelation of Opening Sequences in
2 Samuel 5.17-19, 22-23
7. Plot and Rhetorical Structure in 2 Samuel 5.17-21
8. Plot and Rhetorical Structure in 2 Samuel 5.22-25
9. Parallels in Linear Plot Structure between
2 Samuel 5.17-21 and 5.22-25
10. Parallel Structure of 2 Samuel 6.20bpy and 6.21aa 3.5
11. Parallel and Contrastive Elements in the 'Similar
Motion' System in 2 Samuel 6.1-20a
[2. 'Similar Motion' Progression Structure in
2Samuel6.1-20a
13. 'Contrary Motion' Progression Structure in
2Samuel6.1-20a
L4. Structure in Episode 3, 2 Samuel 6.16b, 20-23
15. Chiastic Parallelism between 2 Samuel 7.5b and 7.1 Ibp
L6. Syntactico-Rhetorical Parallels between 2 Samuel 7.la,
2 and 7.12
17 Direct Parallelism between 2 Samuel 7.5b and 7.13a
18 Parallels between Joshua 7.8 and Ezra 9.10
19 Parallels between 2 Samuel 7.13b-14a and 7.24
20 Rhetorical Structure in 2 Samuel 7.5b-7
21 Parallel Expressions in 2 Samuel 7.12-16
22 Narrative and Disputatory Structure in 2 Samuel 7.1-17
74
74
81
90
90
99
107
107
108
143
148
151
151
155
186
191
192
204
206
213
217
221
10
222
224
228
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
An author owes, as every author of an academic book knows, many
debts of gratitude to colleagues, friends, fellow scholars and institutions
of various kinds. First I am indebted to the scholarship of my academic
teachers in ways impossible to quantify. Then I am deeply obliged to
the published scholarship of many others over many generations, a debt
very imperfectly acknowledged in the citations and bibliography. More
often than not I cite a work only in order to disagree with it, a proceeding that may unfortunately mask the many times I have been positively
influenced by the same work. I must confess to being guilty of this academic misdemeanour in relation to Kyle McCarter's Anchor Bible
Commentary on Samuel. Inevitably I have not a few disagreements
with McCarter on the text and interpretation of the portion of Samuel in
question in this book, and I have found it necessary to say so, sometimes at length. That in itself is an inverted tribute to the significance of
his commentary. But I wish to acknowledge here, what may not be
apparent to the reader from this perforce negative engagement with his
ideas, that I have gained, and continue to gain, great profit from
McCarter's detailed and insightful commentary. Then there are also
many other works that have contributed to my thinking in a lesser
degree, in particular, a large number of articles and chapters of books
on 2 Samuel 7, which I have read over the years of my research. But
since they do not directly impinge on the text of this book, they have
not been cited, either in the notes or the bibliography.
My indebtedness to several institutions should be recorded: I have
had a small research grant each from the Universities of Southampton
and Exeter, and also from the British Academy. In addition, the two
universities have each granted me, at different times, a short period of
study leave to pursue the research and writing of this book. My thanks
also go to the Ecole Biblique and the Albright Institute in Jerusalem,
and the Pontifical Biblical Institute library in Rome, who each made me
12
welcome for brief study visits, and to Tyndale House in Cambridge for
a longer visit.
When a book has been as many years in gestation and in writing as
this one has, there are many individuals who have supported or contributed to its production. My fear is that, in duly recording here my
indebtedness to some, I will unintentionally slight those whose names
do not spring to memory as I write, but whose contribution has been no
less worthy of acknowledgment. To all I express my grateful thanks.
Nonetheless, I ought to record special thanks to the following, who
have read and commented on drafts of one or more chapters at various
times: Dr (now Professor) Ian Markham (an early draft of Chapter 5),
Professor Alan Millard (Chapter 7), Fern Clarke (Chapters 3-6), and
especially to Dr David Horrell and the Revd David Friend, who both
cheerfully read drafts of most chapters. Also to Professor David Clines
of Sheffield Academic Press, who with admirable promptness gave me
the benefit of his invaluable editorial experience, and to Dr Jonathan
Barry and Professor Ian Hampsher-Monk, who pointed me to some
helpful material on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century political history.
For help with the proofs I thank David Friend, Geoffrey Bowstead and
the Revd Adrian Lee, whose eagle eye for the Hebrew saved a number
of errors slipping through. To Geoffrey Bowstead I am also greatly
indebted for the invaluable and thankless task of preparing indexes.
Needless to say, none of them is responsible for the final form of the
book, and errors and infelicities that remain are entirely my own responsibility. I wish also to acknowledge the vigilance of Vicky Acklam
and Sheffield Academic Press in seeing the book through the press.
Finally, since I express my general indebtedness to my parents in the
dedication, I take this opportunity to thank my wife for all her understanding and support in all the vicissitudes of preparing and writing this
book.
ABBREVIATIONS
1. Bibliographical
AB
AfO
AfOB
AHw
AnBib
ANET
AnOr
AOAT
ARAB
ARE
ARI
ArOr
ARW
BA
BBB
BDB
BHS
BWANT
BZ
BZAW
CAD
CAT
CBQ
ConBOT
CTA
CTAT
EBib
Anchor Bible
Archivfiir Orientforschung
Beihefte zur AfO
Wolfram von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1959-81)
Analecta biblica
James B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating
to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
3rd edn, 1969)
Analecta orientalia
Alter Orient und Altes Testament
D.D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia
J.H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt
A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (2 vols.;
Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1972-76)
Archiv orientdlni
Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft
Biblical Archaeologist
Bonner biblische Beitrage
Francis Brown, S.R. Driver and Charles A. Briggs,
A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1907)
Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia
Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alien und Neuen Testament
Biblische Zeitschrift
Beihefte zur ZAW
Ignace I. Gelb et al. (eds.), The Assyrian Dictionary of the
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago:
Oriental Institute, 1964-)
Commentaire de 1'Ancien Testament
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament
A. Herdner (ed.), Corpus des tablettes en cuneiformes
alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 a
1939 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale Geuthner, 1963)
Critique textuelle de I'ancien testament
Etudes bibliques
14
EHAT
FRLANT
GKC
HKAT
HSM
ICC
IRSA
JBL
JSOT
JSOTSup
JTS
KAI
NRSV
OBO
Or
RB
RIM
-EP
-AP
SAHG
SARI
SEA
TAB
TDOT
ThWAT
VT
VTSup
WMANT
ZA
ZAW
[ ]
4QSama-b
CN
Abbreviations
DN
ET
LXX
MT
OL
PN
Targ. Jon.
15
Chapter 1
18
19
Power and authority have always been prized above all things by
some, and in societies that accord unquestioned legitimacy to human
authority believed to be divinely empowered, it should come as no surprise to find that the sources of divine power and the marks of divine
legitimation are the objects of human quest, the cause of earthly conflict and disputation, and the subject of mis-worldly manipulative acts.
To add to acknowledged lordship effective control over its divine
source of legitimacy is to entrench one's authority beyond any normal
challenge. Those for whom such a situation prevails enjoy the highest
form of prerogative: the indefeasible right to exercise authority over all
others, to act without human restraint or challenge.3 Now through his
requisitioning of the Shiloh ark to his monarchic capital, as presented in
the narrative sequence we shall consider in detail below, David sought
3. Definitions of prerogative reflect the presuppositions of the term's definer.
Thus, in a seventeenth-century England racked by political turmoil and controversy
over the nature and extent of monarchic prerogative, Locke in his Second Treatise
of Government defined prerogative non-royally as 'th(e) power [soil, of the executive] to act according to discretion, for the publick good, without the prescription of
Law, and sometimes even against it' (Locke 1988: 160, 375), and again 'Prerogative can be nothing, but the Peoples permitting their Rulers, to do several things
of their own free choice, where the Law was silent, and sometimes too against the
direct Letter of the Law, for the publick good; and their acquiescing in it when so
done' (Locke 1988: 164, 377, emphasis as published). In the century before Locke
the royalist Sir William Staunford had defined it as 'a privilege or preeminence that
any person hath before another whiche as it is tolerable in some, so it is most to be
permitted and allowed in a prince or soveraine governor of a realme', with the
further entailment that 'the lawes do attribute to him all honour, dignitie, prerogative and preeminence, which prerogative doth not oncly extend to his own persone, but also to all other his possessions goods and chattals' (Staunford 1979:
Folio 5). It is notable that, despite their difference of approach, both hold prerogative to be definable solely as a matter of civil law and polity. On the other
hand, the high royalist understanding of prerogative in its strongest form anchored
the notion in the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings, summarized by Figgis
under the following four propositions: (1) monarchy is a divinely ordained institution; (2) hereditary right is indefeasible; (3) kings are accountable to God alone;
(4) non-resistance and passive obedience are enjoined by God (1922: 5-6). Figgis
had earlier noted (1922: 4-5) that propounders of the doctrine in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries drew justification for some of its claims from the Davidic
kingdom. In essence, then, prerogative is the power to act without any external
restraint or direction. Within the frame of reference relevant to our discussion, as
such it belongs by right to God alone, and if it inheres in any human agency, it does
so only as devolved by God.
20
precisely to create, both for himself and for his descendants, this state
of affairs in Israel.
Yet if a persuasive challenge to the alleged divine legitimation of
such prerogatived authority, in whole or in part, can be mounted, then
those elements of the prerogative whose legitimacy are thereby demolished are shown up as nothing but pretension, the unwarranted exercise
of and/or claim to power or privilege without due authority. What
demolition more effective than a case irrefutably argued by the divine
legitimator himself, to which the chief pretender to prerogative fully
defers? The final section of our narrative sequence, 2 Samuel 7, develops exactly this situation between Yahweh and David. Here in unambiguous terms is established the supremacy of the divine prerogative of
Yahweh, who, for his own purposes, himself devolved upon David
specific power and authority, and here further undertakes to keep
devolving it upon his descendants in perpetuity. But at the same time
David's overweening royal pretensions are exposed and decisively
rejected by Yahweh, to be totally conceded by the king in his prayer.
This account of Yahweh's will for David and for Israel is presented as a
sovereign word of Yahweh mediated through the prophet Nathan.
Moreover, the way it supersedes and refutes Nathan's earlier, royally
coerced, affirmation of David's will patently marks this prophetic word
as supreme in its authority over the king. How 2 Sam. 5.17-7.29 develops and seeks to resolve the conflict involved we shall see in detail in
Chapters 3 to 6 below. How the text under discussion draws on wider
contexts of meaning we will consider in Chapters 7 and 8. Finally, what
further questions it gives rise to we will reflect on in our last chapter.
1.1.2. Why Pragmatics, Poetics and Polemics?
The book's particular orientation to this question 'how?' explains the
presence of the remaining three 'p'-words in the title. The terms
'pragmatics', 'poetics' and 'polemics' label distinguishable, yet closely
interrelated, aspects of how the text works as a text.
Linguistic pragmatics4 deals with language in use, language as a
21
22
23
them. Thus I shall seek in my close reading of the stretch of text we are
concerned with here, to draw the reader's attention to how it deploys
poetic devices as instruments of persuasion. I shall give some account
of 'close reading', after we have considered the remaining 'p'-word,
'polemics'.
Whereas the preceding two 'p'-words in my subtitle designate recognized divisions of academic study, each with its own developed
methodology and terminology, the third, 'polemics', has not, to my
knowledge, been used in the same way to mark out a particular field of
study. I am using it here to refer to the ideological dimension of our
text, with particular emphasis on the element of ideological conflict10
the text generates, conflict between a view I take the text to be promoting, and another (or others) which it seeks to undermine. The conflict
concerns the scope and nature of the Davidic monarchy over Israel, in
particular, the proper relationship of the king (melek) to Yahweh, and to
Israel as Yahweh's people. Thus the polemics of our text are made
effective through its rhetoric of persuasion, an aggressive but subtly
developed rhetoric, kept latent in the earlier part of the text, to be made
patent in the final section. Since this polemic is directed into an ideological situation, much of which is taken as known to the text's reader,
but which is no longer known in the same way by modern readers,
Chapters 7 and 8 below will be devoted to explicating this presupposed
background, so far as the information available to us allows. But given
that ideological conflict is bound up with conflicts of power in society,
laying bare the polemics in our text also cannot well avoid attempting
some identification of what individuals or groups are implied as
espousers of the positions depicted, and speculating on what the envisaged author hoped to gain by his11 text. My final chapter will sketch out
some suggestions on these issues.
10. 'Ideology' and 'ideological' are terms which can be freighted with particular meaning, especially in the way Marxist analysis has used them to denote
systems of (allegedly) false belief, imposed by ruling elites as instruments of
oppression. I use them in this work in a much more general sense, to denote a
more-or-less cohesive set of ideas, beliefs or views, which a text or texts evince or
presuppose, with no necessary implication as to their truth-value, or as to their representing the views of anyone other than the author(s) of the text(s) in question.
11. I use the masculine form here and throughout, on the culturally strong
pragmatic presupposition that our author was male.
24
25
particular to lay bare its ideological polemic, since I believe that that is
its most fundamental and supreme raison d'etre. Hence my flagging the
major ideological conflict fuelling this polemic in the book's lead title,
as divine prerogative versus royal pretension.
1.2. Delimiting the Text to Be Read
If the reader is now adequately informed from the 'p'-terms in my title
about what she or he can expect this book to do, it still remains to show
why I have chosen to discuss a particular stretch of text delimited as
2 Sam. 5.17-7.29. The next section of this chapter thus will demonstrate how this stretch constitutes a definable unit within the story of
David in Samuel. The final section in this chapter, picking up on our
general observations from the first section, will sketch out in terms of
the chapters to follow, what it is about this particular unit that makes it
sufficiently interesting for extended discussion.
1.2.1. The Story of David in Samuel
The storyline in Samuel, despite its encompassing events spread across
something like a century of text-world time, displays a notable degree
of continuity. From the birth and early life at Shiloh of Samuel, the text
moves through an account of the enforced peregrinations of the Shiloh
ark, consequent upon Israel's defeat by the Philistines, then returns to
narrate a subsequent victory over the Philistines led by the now-mature
Samuel. Samuel holds centre stage in the inauguration of Saul as king
of Israel, and continues to figure prominently in the account of Saul's
rejection by Yahweh. But from his first foreshadowing as Yahweh's
replacement for the flawed Saul, David quickly comes to dominate the
narrative of Saul's ill-starred reign, replacing Samuel as the focal point
for religious sympathy in the story. The continuity of the story once
David enters it is even closer. From his youthful introduction to Saul's
entourage, through his career as a renegade from Saul's murderous
jealousy, to the denouement of events which sees him installed as king
of Judah and Israel, the reader follows a cohesive storyline which
brings to fruition Yahweh's intention for his chosen servant.
Nor in the subsequent narrative of David's kingship are there points
of such obvious discontinuity as to interrupt the smooth flow of the narrative, at least until we reach the final chapters of the text. Thus once on
the throne, David consolidates his position both internally and externally, with the establishment of a royal capital and royal shrine, the
26
27
28
linked with the account of the Philistine victories in 5.17-29, a connection facilitated by 8.1 recounting a decisive victory over the Philistines.18 Or it might have been included between 2 Samuel 9 and 10, or
between 2 Samuel 12 and 13, both locations where the text signals
some temporal discontinuity.19 However that may be, it does not need
to follow directly on from 2 Samuel 6 and 7.
Then further, this lack of immediate continuity is reflected in the
style of 2 Samuel 8. First, the use of the rather vague indicator 'after
this' (p "HriK 8.1) to locate temporally the narration taken up in
2 Samuel 8 informs20 the reader here, as it has done also earlier in
2 Samuel 2.1, that what follows is not the immediate chronological
sequel21 to the preceding. Then also the different style of narration,
compact and summarizing in contrast to the circumstantially expansive
and dialogically enlivened narrative that immediately precedes in 5.177.29, reinforces the signal given by p "Hntt, that 2 Samuel 8 is moving
the story into a different phase. 2 Samuel 7.29/8.1, then, marks a
boundary point within the story of David in Samuel.
1.2.4. Delimiting the Beginning
The reasons for beginning the unit with 2 Sam. 5.17 require a little
more demonstration. First, several features of the text in 5.4-5.16 indicate that this also is a significant transition point in the story of David
in Samuel:
would nonetheless alter the precise nature of its cohesion, and its significance
within the ongoing story. But these considerations do not materially affect the point
I am making here.
18. Of course, such a location would have greatly affected the dynamic of our
stretch of text, but that is a different, though related, issue.
19. Both 10.1 and 13.1 begin with the temporally disjunctive p nn TH,
'some time later', and introduce narrative with no direct continuity with the
preceding.
20. My point here rests solely on what the text explicitly or implicitly conveys
to the reader, not on what may have been the order of events in a historical David's
time.
21. This chronological imprecision of the expression and its loose connecting of
episodes in narratives is also observable in most other instances of the use of
p nn, notably in Judg. 16.4; 2 Sam. 10.1; 13.1; 21.18; 2 Kgs 6.24; cf. also Joel
3.1 [2.28]. Only in 1 Sam. 24.6, 9 [5, 8] does the expression mark stages within the
same episode, thus giving the p a more precise and immediate reference.
29
22. Note also the use of a similar idiom in both 3.1b and 5.10a to describe
David's progress, a form of the verb "[^H + adjective.
30
Clearly, then, this combination of retrospective and prospective summaries and appraisals imparts to the narrative a strong sense of having
reached a significant plateau, where it pauses to survey both the distance it has already travelled as well as the way further forward. This
perceptible halt to the forward movement of the story of David contrasts strongly with the almost breathless progress of the narrative
hitherto.
Then second, with 5.17-25 on the other hand, the story gets under
way again with incidents which in themselves are a logical development from what the narrative has earlier told about David's and Israel's
relations to the Philistines, but which are nevertheless not an inevitable
turn the narrative has to take at this point. For since David's apprisal of
Saul's death in 2 Samuel 1, the Philistines have played no role in the
story, having been mentioned only twice, and that merely in passing
(2 Sam. 3.14,18). The narrative in the meantime has been occupied
with the inner-Israelite politics which placed David on the thrones of
Judah and Israel. All this means that the reader has not been primed to
expect the pre-emptive Philistine attacks in 5.17-25. Thus the narrative
here enters upon a new episode of the same story, one which recognizably marks a new stage in the continuing narrative.
These considerations are sufficient, then, to show how 2 Sam. 5.4-16
creates a major pause in the forward flow of the David story in Samuel,
whereas 5.17 initiates a new development in the story, thus making it a
boundary point within that narrative flow. But I have already established above that 7.29 is also a clear boundary point in the story, at the
other end of our stretch of text. If we now add to these arguments
which establish 5.16/5.17 and 7.29/8.1 as boundary markers within the
story of David the further observations that the stretch of text (5.177.29) which they demarcate does not itself contain pause markers of
equivalent weight, and that it does not at any point within it so clearly
change direction, then we have a good prima facie case for treating this
stretch of text as a narrative unit.
1.2.5. Structure and Cohesion of the Unit
The stretch we have thus delimited, however, falls into three easily
definable subunits: (1) David's repulsion of the two Philistine attacks
(5.17-25); (2) David's bringing of the ark to Jerusalem (6.1-23);
(3) Yahweh's projected house for David versus David's projected
house for Yahweh (7.1-29). Given that these three subunits have often
31
23. Usually 2 Sam. 6 has been isolated from both 5.17-25 and ch. 7, to which
practice Seow (1989), who links 2 Sam. 6 with 5.17-25, is a recent exception. In
particular, 2 Sam. 7 has endlessly been discussed with little or no reference to the
preceding texts, Carlson (1964) being a notable exception. Indeed, I myself also
began my research on 2 Sam. 7 alone, only somewhat belatedly recognizing its
interdependence with what has immediately preceded it.
32
33
34
the relationship between Yahweh and David during its course. Hence
the appearance of these terms in the titles to the three chapters of close
reading. In the first section of the text (5.17-25) David is, to all appearances, fully deferent with Yahweh, whom he sedulously consults and
punctiliously obeys, as our close reading of this section in Chapter 3
('David Deferent with Yahweh?') will show. However, Chapter 4
('David Different with Yahweh'), on the second section of our text
(2 Sam. 6), brings to light a nagging sense of difference and alienation
between Yahweh and David, as David's monarchic ambitions come
more and more to dominate his actions. This difference Yahweh dramatically unmasks in 2 Samuel 7 (as read in Chapter 5 'David and Yahweh: From Difference to Deference'), and thus brings the king to a
thoroughly deferential confession of the divine pre-eminence.
Butand this is the second reason for my choice of these 'd'wordsthrough this thematic development of deference and difference,
the text projects a particular ideological view. In its advocacy of an
indefeasible divine prerogative to which all human pretension to power,
not least that of Davidic monarchy, must defer, the text seeks to maintain, untrammelled and inviolable, the divine difference from humanity.
But at the same time the text promotes as supreme a particular deferent
(conduit, medium) between divinity and humanity, namely prophecy,
itself a particular form of divine empowerment of humans, to which
even kings must defer. The background to this ideological stance is
sketched in Chapters 7 and 8 below ('Yahweh and David through Difference and Deference 1, 2'), and the stance itself is probed in my final
chapter ('Yahweh and Israel: Deference of Difference'), where some
implications of this ideology are considered.
Thus the reader needs to be aware that in my chapter titles and the
discussion they epitomize, the verb 'defer' and/or its grammatical
transforms as appropriate may have any of three different senses: (1) to
put off, leave aside to another time, or to no envisaged time; (2) to
submit acquiescently to another; (3) to carry something down, through,
or over, to something or someone else, to mediate it. Admittedly, this
last sense is now archaic in English, but using it in my discussion
allows me to draw together in one set of cognate terms important ideological strands in our text, strands which constantly relate deference in
all three senses with difference. For clearly deference inevitably implies
difference.25 To put something off is to recognize, tacitly or explicitly, a
25. Readers may detect Derridean overtones in the observations in this
35
difference, and also to make a temporal difference. To submit acquiescently to another is to admit a difference in power and prestige. To
carry something through to another is to acknowledge a difference
needing to be bridged. But each sense of 'defer' also in some way seeks
to efface the difference in question. In putting something off one is
seeking to avoid difference by postponing facing and dealing with it. In
subordinating oneself to another one is attempting to obliterate difference through self-effacement. In mediating something to another one is
trying to reconcile difference.
Each of these strategies is apparent in 2 Sam. 5.17-7.29. Thus in
5.17-25 David is deferent (acquiescently submissive) with Yahweh,
because by so doing he gains from the powerful divine warrior-king
strategic victories over his main rival to hegemony in the region. But
this merely defers (puts off) to 2 Samuel 6 David's own pursuit of his
intentions to boost his monarchical power and prestige through control
of the ark and its god, manifestly a deep underlying difference with
Yahweh. Yahweh also defers (puts off) dealing with this difference to
2 Samuel 7, where he exposes it by deferring (mediating) to David an
authoritative statement of his will. David's total deference (acquiescent
submission) to Yahweh thence effaces the difference. But the question
arises as to whether this is a reconciliation of difference, or just another
deferral (postponement) of it. We will return to this question in the final
chapter.
There are two chapters to which the preceding account does not
directly apply. The first is the very next one. Its content is described by
paragraph. A persistent element in Derrida's deconstruction of language and
meaning is the interdependence of difference and deferral (postponement). If I have
understood him, his contention is that signification depends upon difference, yet the
establishing of any difference is endlessly deferred (put off) by a never-ending
network of differences. Derrida coined the term differ once, from the verb differer,
'to differ' and 'to defer', to be susceptible of both the senses 'difference' and
'deferral', because the French noun in standard use, difference, means only the
former. On this as a deconstruction of a key element in Saussure's linguistic theory,
cf. Derrida (1976: 23, 52-53, 56-57, 62-63, 66, etc.); and in extenso Derrida (1973:
129-60). My discussion avails itself of further ambiguities in the English verb 'to
defer' and cognate nouns and adjectives, not directly available in French. The
English verb 'to defer = to put off, postpone' is in French differer, but 'to defer = to
submit acquiescently to another' is in French deferer; the latter verb also has the
juridical meaning of 'to refer a case to another judicial instance', which is a
restricted and specialized example of the sense 'to carry down, through, over'.
36
a different 'd'-word, the verb 'to define', as in the title to the present
chapter. Its purpose is to define closely a Hebrew text to be read in the
subsequent chapters, the text whose ideological polemic I have characterized by the 'p'- and 'd'-words discussed above. Hence along with a
Hebrew text there is a set of detailed notes discussing major textual
points, which seek in particular to articulate the relationship between
text and rhetoric, and also an English translation. Thus, while the
chapter is integral to the argument and useful to the reader, it would be
tedious to read through as a whole. It will probably be more congenial
for the reader to refer back to it in relation to points that arise in the
chapters of close reading, where I have in fact included frequent crossreferences. But she or he may find it useful first to read the introductory
paragraphs to the chapter, explaining how the chapter integrates into
the overall project of the book, and to read through the translation,
before passing on.
The other is Chapter 6, in the title of which I have abandoned 'd'words for a different kind of wordplay. Here the expressions 'at home'
and 'at war' make crossplay between their literal senses relevant to the
plot of our stretch of text, where, however, the reverse order might have
been expected, and a figurative sense of each relevant to the thematic
development within our stretch of text, to which the order of the
expressions in the chapter title has more appropriateness. This chapter
summarizes the discussion from Chapters 3-5, and as such some readers may find it useful as an introductory conspectus on my overall
reading of our text.
Chapter 2
38
intended only to show that to bring any part of this stretch of text to
bear on the textual reading in 2 Sam. 5.17-7.29 entails taking proper
cognizance, both of how the relevant part of 1 Chronicles 13-17
contributes to its rhetoric, and how the 'parallel' part of 2 Sam. 5.177.29 does the same in the stretch of text of which it forms part. To these
factors I have tried to give due consideration in my discussion below.
But what applies in a high degree to Chronicles applies also to the
translated versions, if in variable and different degrees. Every translation is an interpretation, a 'reading', produced in its own particular
context with its own set of intentions and constraints. Harder to detect
as these are, again one ought where possible to take appropriate account
of them in using a translation as evidence for a putative form of
Hebrew text.
Thus, besides the more obvious forward relationship between the
reading(s) of the text, understood as a set of intelligible symbols in
some degree objectively determinable (i.e. in text-critical terms), and
one's 'reading' of the text, understood as an ultimately subjective interpretation of the overall meaning of the set (i.e. in literary-rhetorical
terms), there is a less obvious reverse relationship. That is to say, what
we actually read as the putatively objective set of symbols is to a
significant degree determined by our expectations about the set fostered
by our 'reading'.2 Of the many possible implications of this statement
only one is relevant to what I want to say here. This is that textual criticism therefore cannot simply operate purely at the micro-level of the
word, phrase or sentence. For there is a rhetorical dimension to any
particular reading (text-critical), namely its unique contribution to what
the stretch of text is saying and how it is saying it (i.e. to the 'reading'
in literary-rhetorical terms). Hence I contend that an essential part of
making a decision about a textual reading is consideration of how it fits
39
40
(2) The major Masoretic verse divisions are indicated by the normal
signs in the Hebrew text. In discussion I use these divisions to
define parts of verses, according to the following schema: from
the beginning of the verse to 'athnah is designated 'a', from
'athnah to silluq 'b'; subdivisions of each of these by zaqeph
qaton are designated by a, (3, y, as necessary. Where possible I
have marked these in the English translation by use of the appropriate superscript English and Greek letters immediately before
the relevant part of the text. Only 'b' and P, y parts of the verse
have been so marked in the translation, since it is obvious that
anything from the beginning of the verse up to the 'b' is 'a', and
anything from the beginning or from 'b' to P is a, and so on. I
trust this system will allow non-Hebraists to determine which
parts of verses are under discussion. Occasionally the foregoing
system based on the Masoretic accentuation defines as the smallest subdivision a fairly lengthy stretch of text, which precision of
reference demands should be further subdivided. Thus very occasionally in references to the text I append a subscript Arabic
numeral to the Greek letter to delimit a smaller subdivision. It
would be more confusing than helpful to incorporate these markers into the text and translation printed below. Readers should be
able to guage from the relevant contexts which portion of text is
being thus delimited.
(3) The notes on the text are indicated, both in the Hebrew text and
in the translation, by a superscript Arabic numeral immediately
after the relevant single word, or final word of the relevant
phrase. The notes follow one numerical sequence for the whole
stretch of text.
(4) Text to be omitted from the Masoretic Hebrew text has been put
into square brackets [ ], text to be added, into curly brackets { }.
Round brackets ( ) are used in the translation to mark some of the
more interpretive wording necessary in rendering the Hebrew
into English.
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
Yahweh had made a surge against Uzzah; bthe place is called Perez
Uzzah ('surge against Uzzah') ^to this day. 9David became afraid of
Yahweh that day, bas he pondered, 'How is it possible for the ark to
come to me?' 10So David, (now) unwilling30 to offer the ark32 of Yahweh sanctuary with himself31 in the city of David, bdiverted it instead to
the house of Obed Edom, a man of Gath. nThe ark of God remained in
the house of Obed Edom the Gittite for three months. bThen Yahweh
blessed Obed Edom and all his household.33 12It was reported to the
king David: 'Yahweh has blessed the household of Obed Edom and all
his possessions ^on account of the ark of God.' Y{David resolved, 'I
will bring back34 the blessing to my own house.' }35 bSo David went to
fetch up the ark of God from the house of Obed Edom to the city of
David with joyful celebrations. 13When the bearers of the ark had
moved36 six paces, bDavid sacrificed a bull and a fading.37 14At the
same time David strummed vigorously38 before Yahweh, bdressed in a
linen ephod. 15So David and all the house of Israel ^were bringing up
the ark of Yahweh, bwith ritual shout and horn-blast. 16This is how it
turned out:39 when the ark of Yahweh ^was entering the city40 of David
b
Michal the daughter of Saul, looking out of the window, saw the king
David twirling about and strumming hard41 before Yahweh, ^and she
despised him in her heart. 17They brought in the ark of Yahweh and set
it in its appointed place ^within the tent David had pitched for it, band
David offered holocausts and shared sacrifices42 before Yahweh.
18
When David had finished Coffering the holocausts and the shared
sacrifices, bhe blessed the people pin the name of Yahweh of Hosts.43
19
David gave to all the people, the vast crowd of Israel,44 to man and
woman alike, one round of bread, one portion of meat(?),45 pand one
cake of pressed raisins apiece. bThen all the people went each to his
own home, 20and David returned to his home to bless it. bMichal
daughter of Saul came out to meet David, ^and said {by way of salutation},46 'How he has got himself honour today, the king of Israel
whohas made constant exposure47 of himself today to the watching
serving-girls of his lackeys, Yjust like one of the dancing-men!'48
21
David replied to Michal, 'As subject of Yahweh {I dance49blessed
be Yahweh}50 who has chosen me above your father and your father's
house pto commission me as leader51 over the people of Yahweh, over
Israel!band I make joyful music as subject of Yahweh. 22Yes, and I
shall 'abase' myself52 even more than this, ^o the point of becoming
lowly in my own eyes.53 bBut with the serving-girls of whom you
48
49
you.77 16But your78 royal house will remain sure in perpetuity before
me:78 byour78 throne ^will be firmly grounded to endure.' "' 17In accord
with all these words ^and all this vision bso Nathan spoke to David.
18
Then David the king went ^and installed himself before Yahweh, band
said: 'Who am I, my lord Yahweh,79 and what is my house, ^that you
have brought me to this point? 19But this is a mere trifle to you, my lord
Yahweh,79 P(for) you have also spoken of the distant future concerning
your subject's house, band this is the instruction of humankind(??),80
my lord Yahweh.79 20What more can {your subject} [David]81 say to
you,82 bsince you know your servant,83 my lord Yahweh?79 21On
account of your word84 and according to your intentions ^you have
done this great thing bin making (them) known to your subject.
22
Accordingly, you are great, my lord Yahweh:79 bfor none is like you,
and there is no god beside you, ^as everything85 we have heard
(testifies). 23And is there any nation86 like your people, like Israel, ^a
single nation on earth bwhom a god came to redeem to himself as a
people, to establish a reputation for himself, in performing great and
awesome wonders to drive out nations before your people, whom you
redeemed to yourself from Egypt? 24You firmly established87 your
people Israel as your own people in perpetuity, band you, Yahweh,
became their God. 25So now, my lord Yahweh,79 ^establish88 in perpetuity the word which you have spoken concerning your subject and
concerning his house, band do as you have said, 26so that your name
^"Yahweh of Hosts, God over Israel",90 may be for ever great.89 bSo
your subject David's house pwill be secure before you. 27For you,
Yahweh of Hosts, God of Israel, have revealed this to your subject: P"a
house I will build you".91 bAccordingly your subject has taken heart ^to
offer to you ythis prayer. 28And now, my lord Yahweh,79 you are God,
^and your words are certain.92 bYou have spoken to your subject ^this
promise of good. 29And so be pleased to grant93 your subject's house
the blessing ^of always being before you: bfor you, my lord Yahweh,79
have spoken, pand by your blessing Ywill your subject's house be
blessed in perpetuity.'
2.2.3. Notes on the Text
Compare 1 Sam. 15.1; 2. Sam. 2.4, 7; 1 Kgs 19.15, and so on. Though
the consonantal text allows the possibility of reading an infinitive construct here (so Syriac and a Targumic text as also in 2 Sam. 2.4, 7), the
idiom 'verb ncto, PN as object, CN with *?, noun specifying sphere of
50
51
water would surge out in the flash floods of the rainy season. See my
discussion in ch. 3 nn. 23-24, below.
5
LXX TO\)<; GEOIX; awcov here and DiTn^N, 1 Chron. 14.12a, may simply
be an alternative reading for DiTDiSU. However, 1 Chron. 14.12b, rather
than being a purely tendentious change, could have resulted from an
attempt to make sense of a badly preserved Hebrew version of LXX KOI
eXapoaav amove; Aa\)ei8 KCCI 01 av8peq 01 |iet' awoi), that is, reading
tftQ ISTlfcn Til -iDtn from a garbled version of "IB7K D'tfttfl TTI DNfen
[irWlQI?]. But if so, how the Chronicler read his garbled text was
moulded by his pragmatic presuppositions about how David would
have acted in the circumstances.
6
For MT DHnn *?K non n^n $b, LXX reads OUK ava(3riaei eiq
cmvavTriaiv amcov, ajioaTpe^ot) arc' a\)icov, and 1 Chron. 14.14 MT
DiT^un 30H DrrnnK n^n ^; compare LXX. Wellhausen (1871: 166)
and others propose to follow LXX 1 Sam. 5.23 and read n^n $b
Dflfcnp'?, 'do not go up to engage them', as an appropriate and necessary limitation of the too-categorical n^DD $h> of MT, in view of the rest
of 5.23. However, several considerations tell against this: (1) the ex
hypothesi loss of DH^lp^ is not readily explicable in terms of the standard scribal errors; (2) the proposal does not explain the reading in
Chronicles; (3) in any case, it is doubtful whether Drwip1? provides a
clear antithesis to DiTinK ^K as desiderated: for this one might rather
have expected Dl}]1?.
This last consideration, in conjunction with the reading in Chronicles,
is also against the view that DnKIp1? is simply an addition intended to
make the contrast (cf. CTAT, 241). I suspect that from a straightforward
reading n^fl tib, first DiT^J) il^n $b was generated by dittography;
and then from that, in the (pre-)Vorlage of LXX 2 Sam. 5.23 and in the
Vorlage of 1 Chron. 14.14ay, DiT"inR *7 H^H ^ resulted by
haplography between Drr^U and Dmn *7. In the Vorlage of LXX 2
Sam. 5.23 the latter reading eventuated in the contextually more
intelligible Dn^lp^ n^Ufl K1? = OVK avcxfhiaei eiq owavcriaiv atticov,
whereas in 1 Chron. 14.14ay a different process of further haplography
within DmnN *? (cf. MSS of 2 Sam. 5.23 MT) led to the reading
DmnK n^^n K1?. Finally, both the lost non and the original dittograph
DiT1?!? were restored in these texts, giving rise to Dn^iJQ 30H in the
Vorlage of LXX 2 Sam. 5.23 and in MT 1 Chron. 14.14ay. This
52
53
with the definite article in the latter case retained in a place name which
originates from a common noun, as with, for example, niD3n (see the
instances cited in n. 18 below). Given the likelihood of the place name
arising from a grove of eponymous trees growing on the summit(s) of a
hill or group of hills overlooking the vale of Rephaim, either interpretation is possible. For the poetics of this see 3.2.3, pp. 101-102.
10
lir, 'again' is supported by all the main witnesses, but has been
excised by many as not making sense here, on the grounds that it has
been attracted from 5.22 into the opening of 6.1 owing to (1) the
graphic identity of *]D1 = *]0fon 6.1 with ^0*1 = ^Oi'l 5.22; (2) the frequency of "111? with the latter verb; (3) the influence of the similar
opening to 5.22; compare, for example, Wellhausen (1871: 166),
54
MT rmrr ^mo LXX cmo TCOV otp%ovtcov Io\)6a Targ. Jon. tmpQ
n~nrp ITHl Peshitta mn gbf dyhwdh all take ^Ul to refer to people.
The notion of David's having invited notable citizens to join in his
ceremonial removal of the ark to Jerusalem is in itself quite intelligible,
but, given the all-Israel significance of the act especially for his newly
acquired rule over the North, it would be rather pointed for the text to
imply that Judaeans only were invited, which is, in any case, excluded
by "TtOtzr rPlto 5aa. Further, such a construction of the text leaves DCZJQ
'from there' with no contextual referent, since it can hardly refer back
to 5.25, because (a) 6.1 begins a new episode and thus adverbial
anaphora back to the preceding episode would be opaque; (b) in any
case "1W "]tQ 1JJ {nJJnJQ 5.25 does not provide a perspicuous referent
for D2J. It is accordingly better to take rmiT ""^inQ as a place name.
However, since in all other instances of place names of the form 'Baal
PN' ^m is singular, I read miiT ^ma and take ' in MT ^ma as a
dittograph from rmrP (with Wellhausen, Driver, etc.). This will then be
another variant of the name for the place also called rfpin 'Baalah'
Josh. 15.9, 10, 11, 29; 1 Chron. 13.6; ^JO mp 'Kiriath Baal' Josh.
15.60, 18.14; Dnir mp 'Kiriath Jearim' Josh. 9.17; 15.9; 1 Sam. 6.21;
7.1-2; 1 Chron. 13.5-6. Thus I see no reason (pace Wellhausen,
McCarter, etc.) to delete the D in "Pino, since the reading of MT shorn
of the " dittograph is intelligible, and this view proposes the minimum
of textual corruption.
14
1 Chron. 13.6 reads mirr1? "itiN D'~)IT mp *7K nrfrjn. This seems to
be an expansive text intended to make clear the identity of the place
involved, perhaps particularly because only the name Kiriath Jearim
was used in the narrative about the deposit of the ark there (1 Sam.
6.21; 7.1). Since Chronicles does not include the latter narrative, this
expansion may be part of the author's source, rather than his own work.
On the other hand, this version makes Baalah/Kiriath Jearim the goal
of David's 'going up' here rather than its starting point. But this is a
55
Many MSS read Dtf? here, a reading I accept, for reasons which will
become clear. 1 Chronicles 13.6 has this phrase at the end of the sentence following D'O'HDn, in the place where V^U, not represented in 1
Chron. 13.6, appears in 1 Sam. 6.2. On this positioning, and without
V^U, the preferred referent for "ICJK in Chronicles must be miT not "pIK
(as, e.g., in NRSV). But by reading Dtp sense can hardly be made of the
phrase. Hence it is tempting to suppose a haplography with the following 1 and read IQtp, 'whose name is invoked'. But this alone is still
awkward, and it would be better either to read DttJ, 'who is invoked
there', with a number of MSS, or, better still, to suppose haplographic
omission of 1ft> and read (ITDT'l) D> 1Q$, 'whose name is invoked
there'. This DC? then picks up on the earlier D$Q and refers to the shrine
at Baalah 'to bring up from there the ark of God, that is Yahweh,
enthroned on the cherubim, whose name is invoked there'. The resultant emphasis on D$ here in Chronicles fits with the emphasis put on
Baalah/Kiriath Jearim by the repetition in 13.5, 6 and the ponderous
form of identification in 13.6. The point is to make clear that, despite its
name, this shrine where the ark was kept was devoted to the cult of
Yahweh. Now it seems to me that the same point is being made in a
more condensed wording in 2 Sam. 6.2, where the town is only called
rmiT 'T'in, and that this is the point of HD here. As so often, Chronicles
makes rather more of something left implicit in Samuel-Kings.
16
56
17
The placing of V1?!? here at the end of a longish relative clause produces distant and awkward pronominal anaphora to ]TM via "itfK, but is
probably due to D2? occupying the slot that V1?!? might otherwise have
occupied. The versions support the invocation of the divine name
'over' the ark as in MT here, as against the somewhat different representation in 1 Chron. 13.6b: see n. 15 above.
18
MT niOJQ is usually rendered 'on the hill', but it could just as easily
be construed as a place name 'in Gibeah'. For the article with this term
as a place name see Judg. 19.13-16; Judges 20 passim, etc. I suggest
above n. 10 n#33 as a possible reading in 5.25, and take it as a reference
to the place indicated here. Such a reading would make the places cited
in 5.25 as the limits of David's drive against the Philistines thoroughly
pertinent to the narrative in the present chapter.
19
57
the position of Ahio vis-a-vis the ark, but does not do the same for
Uzza. Yet in vv. 6-7 it is Uzza's position next to the ark (note ]1~IN DU
QTI^Kn 7bp precisely as in 4a(3) which proves fatal for him, whereas
Ahio and his position play no further role in events and are not mentioned after 4b. Thus, narratively speaking, it is virtually certain that the
text included a statement locating Uzza in terms similar to the existing
one that locates Ahio. (3) Rhetorically, the force of 7b(3 is much
enhanced if the identical phrase in 4ap has already brought Uzza into
close but unthreatening proximity with the ark.
LXXL reads Km oa between aw ir\ Ki(3coTco and Km 01 a8eX(|)oi
awoi) (i.e. between 4a(3 and 4b), and adds also (KQI) EK 7cX,ayicov
between eujtpoaGev and TTJ<; Kiporcoi) in 4b. Pace McCarter (1984:
163), however, it is difficult to attempt to reconstruct a Hebrew original
from this text, not least because euJtpoaOev (KCU) EK TiTtayicov TTJC;
KifkoTOi) is impossible to retrovert into Hebrew as it stands, since in
Hebrew "OS1? = euTipooGev requires a separate determinant. Further eK
rcXcryicov normally renders Hebrew "HQ, only once does it render n&I
(2 Sam. 16.13) which McCarter opts for here. But one can at any rate
say that LXXL here witnesses to a mention of Uzza in 4af}.b as our discussion above desiderates, and evidently locates (an) attendant(s) beside
as well as in front of the ark. The proposal I have adopted, suggested
over a century ago by Thenius (1842, 21864 ad loc~), is textually the
simplest and rhetorically the most effective.
22
58
23
59
1 Chron. 13.9 ]l"ln HK TH^, 'to take hold of the ark'. LXXBA here
apparently have a conflate tradition: Kdiaoxeiv auTrjv Km eKpaTT|crev
aiyrnv, and TOD Kaiao^eiv avrrjv at the end of the verse. LXXMN have
only Kaiaaxeiv cwrnv. (TO\>) Kaiao%eiv a\)TT|v is derived from the
textual tradition found in MT 1 Chron. 13.9 (so Rehm 1937: 26, 27), but
rhetorically this is a weaker text than MT 2 Sam. 6.6. For the latter
makes a point, not only of Uzzah's stretching out towards (^K not ^U,
pace McCarter 1984: 164) the ark in order to take hold of it, but also of
his actually grasping hold of it. McCarter's translation of 6.6b 'Uzzah
put his hand on the holy ark to steady it' (1984: 161, my emphases) is a
justifiable rendering of neither the locution ^/^K T Fl^tt?, nor the locution n NIK.
27
60
fTWI, 'he struck him down because he stretched out his hand against
(?towards) the ark', which many assume here as the original, and of
which MT ^fin ^V are the fragmentary remains: cf. NRSV here. The
Syriac '/ d'wSt 'ydh wmyt perhaps reflects a simpler reading IT n^ttf *?J?
to much the same effect. However, on purely textual grounds it is
difficult to see how such a straightforward text, if original, should have
become so mutilated. Then second, on discourse grounds, while the
explanation given by this clause fits well into the Chronicles' account
of this incident, it does not cohere well with the account in our present
text: on this see below 4.2.1, pp. 125-26. Finally, in terms of the
rhetoric of the texts, DTT^Kn D$ ITID^ 2 Sam. 6.7a(3 evocatively parallels 111 DCZJ DD'1 5.20a2 (see below 4.2.1, pp. 127-28). This nuance is
lacking in Chronicles, which does not read DC2J in 1 Chron. 13.10ap, and
which in any case reverses the order of the two passages, thus losing
the irony of the reference back. I suspect, given this parallel and the
absence of anything corresponding in LXX B , that ^iZ?n *?!? is the
mutilated remains, either of ~I$K *?$ inadvertently copied here from
6.8ap, or of a textual conflation from 1 Chron. 13.10a(3.
29
LXX adds evcomov to\) OEOD; 1 Chron. 13.10b reads D^N '3S1?
instead of DVfttfn ]T1K DS. Pace Wellhausen (1871: 168) I stay with
MT here, since it is difficult to see why in the one case HIT "OS1? should
have dropped out, or in the other it should have been replaced by D^
QTfptfn ]T"!K. In any case, the latter is a more graphic representation,
which links better with v. 4.
30
This is the only biblical instance of the preposition ^K with "110 hiphil.
I take it as the transitive equivalent of ^K ~110 in the sense of 'to turn
aside to find refuge or sanctuary with someone', an ironic usage in the
context.
32
LXXB reads oXov TOV OIKOV ape88apa KOI Ttavia xa amov here as in
12a, and 1 Chron. 13.14b 'b left* *7D HK1 D1K TJU TO DN, both as in
61
62
struct the Hebrew text underlying the LXX, and a caution against overvaluing the LXX as a witness.
38
63
LXX Km eyeveio, 4QSama and 1 Chron. 15.29 TP1, and thus many
would read here. However, there are a sufficient number of examples in
the Hebrew Bible of iTiTI which cannot be taken either as normal waw
consecutives or as frequentatives, as to defy routine emendation to TP1.
De Boer (1974) was right to look for a discourse explanation for this
locution, but wrong to seek to align it with other examples of non-consecutive \veqatal forms, since the discourse function of the verb HTI
when coordinated with other verbs is a special case. Neither Niccacci
(1986 ET 1990: 182-86) nor Waltke and O'Connor (1990: 540-42) in
their respective sections on weqatal forms discuss this special usage of
i~pm. To my observation, mm occurs several times in two particular
discourse situations: (1) resuming narrative of events following predictive discourse, where it indicates that what was foretold has eventuated,
as in 1 Sam. 10.9 in the context of 10.2-10: 'When you leave me today,
you will happen across two men.. .And so it happened (iTm)! As Saul
turned away from Samuel and was leaving, God transformed his heart,
and all these signs came to pass that day...' Compare 1 Sam. 17.48 in
the context of 17.45-52; Jer. 38.28 in the context of 38.21-40.8; (2)
narrative which relates coincidental events which are partly or fully
concomitant with what has just been related, as in 1 Sam. 1.12 in the
context of 1.9-13: 'Hannah rose...and she prayed...and made a vow
and said... So this was the situation (!Tm): while Hannah was praying
at length, Eli was observing her mouth, but Hannah spoke only to herself. ..so Eli thought she was drunk.' Compare 1 Sam. 25.20 in the
context of 25.18-22.
Thus 2 Sam. 6.16 in the context of 6.12-17 is an instance of this second usage: 6.12 reports summarily the bringing up of the ark to the city
of David, 6.13-15 adds to this significant details directly related to the
transfer, and then 6.16 highlights a coincidental event: 'Now it turned
out (iTm) that as the ark was entering the city of David Michal the
daughter of Saul looked out of the window and saw David...' While
TP1 as the default usage is perfectly possible in this context (cf., e.g.,
64
LXX eco<; TcoXeox; 1 Chron. 15.29 Tl? 73): the absence of II? in MT
here might be accounted for as 7 read as "I, and thence haplography
with ~lO)#. However, apparently neither Targum nor Syriac read it, and
the syntax does not require it: compare TUH 1N2 Jer. 32.24, and 1 Sam.
4.12; 2 Kgs 8.7 (both with place names).
41
The separation of D^Q^E? from m^U and its placing at the end of the
clause here is intentional, to give prominence to each of the types of
sacrifice, but in particular to the $elamim because of their role in what
follows. But when what is new information in 17b becomes part of the
given in 18a it is no longer given prominence by taking a conventional
placing. Syriac and 1 Chron. 16.1 reflect a conventional placing here
also, but LXX and Targ. Jon. support MT. For this rhetorical placing of
D'Q^tf here compare flTIT in-jITiT1?! n3TI 7p Gen. 13.15; 28.13.
43
m3^ mrr is absent from 1 Chron. 16.2b, as in 1 Chron. 13.6b; compare 2 Sam. 6.2b and n. 16 above. McCarter's (1984: 167) rather tortuous hypothetical argument for omitting it, confessedly flying in the face
of all extant witnesses for 2 Sam. 6.18, also ignores on the one hand
Chronicles' manifest indifference to the title (see n. 16 above), and on
the other the vital ideological function the title has in 2 Sam. 6-7: compare 7.8, 26, 27, and see 5.2.1.3, pp. 176-77 5.2.2.3, pp. 208-209
below.
44
After p^m, 1 Chron. 16.3aa is much shorter, reading simply CTN ^ih
?K~lcr. Targum and Syriac correspond to 2 Sam. 6.19, as does LXX,
except that it adds yet another phrase, GOTO Aav eco<; Bripaapee, before
CCTCO av8po<; eax; yuvaiicoq. JO0 "KG "FJ?1 ]1Q*? could have been lost by
i
65
~ID$K, which occurs only here and in the parallel 1 Chron. 16.3, is of
unknown meaning. The Greek versions take it as some kind of bread,
Targum and Syriac as a portion of meat, a view also taken by the rabbis
according to McCarter (1984: 173). Given that meat, as part of the
$elamim sacrifice, was normally consumed by the worshippers, this is a
reasonable guess.
46
Despite the stricture of Gesenius-Kautzsch (GKC 75y) and the hesitancy of S.R. Driver (1913: 272), the construction appears grammatically quite parallel to the use of the absolute infinitive with a finite verb
form, and it is represented in LXX, Targ. Jon. and Syriac. Moreover, the
rhetorical heightening involved makes a suitable climax to the ringing
contempt of Michal's 'greeting' to David.
48
66
49
Reading the *? with many Hebrew MSS, and in accord with the other
occurrences of this locution in 1 Sam. 13.14ba; 25.30b and 5.2bp.
But note the absence of *7 with T23 in the different locution in 7.8ba
below.
52
67
54
tf] ntO, 'look here now': 1 Chron. 17.Ib reads the less robust run. On
the rhetorical force of R] HfcO see 5.2.1.1, pp. 64-65.
55
-]^H *?, 'to the king': 1 Chron. 17.2 reads TTftK, 'to David', thus
weakening the rhetorical effect of the insistence on "[^Oil here: see
5.2.1.1, p. 164.
56
Tn 'PK "HH^ 'TK, 'to my servant, to David': the repetition of a grammatical operator, namely a preposition or prepositional construct, or the
definite object marker fltf, in a class noun + proper name appositional
string (x-CN x-PN) occurs quite a number of times in the Hebrew
Bible, mostly in narrative texts, and most frequently in Samuel. There
is an unusually high concentration of five such strings in vv. 5-10 of
our text: mi ^ HUD *? 5aa; 'Wlfcr HN SQ^ n 7a(3; TTb H3U1? 8aa;
^tOGr ^y 'DI? *?!? 8bp; ^tiTVD^ 'fish lOaa. Most commentators ignore
the phenomenon, but others delete in all cases the second occurrence of
the operator (x), citing the LXX reading where this appears to support
deletion. However, of the five examples cited above, LXXB actually
supports MT in 7.8bfJ and 7.10aa. Moreover, an examination of the LXX
readings over a wide range of examples in the Hebrew Bible, especially
in Samuel, suggests that inconsistency in treatment of the phenomenon
by the translators is to be reckoned with. But in any case, the examples
cannot be considered discretely from one another, as isolated text-critical questions. The string is a syntactico-rhetorical device for marking
the CN, which is always the first of the two nouns, separately from the
PN, to highlight the CN thereby as a notable attribute of the PN. It is
not accidental that the five examples in 7.5-10 involve either David or
Israel, two entities whose relationship to Yahweh as defined by the CN
is central to Yahweh's discourse here. See on 7.5-10 5.2.1.2, 5.2.1.3,
below, and on the device in general the author's 'An Unremarked
Rhetorical Marker in Biblical Hebrew Prose' (forthcoming in Hebrew
Studies 1999).
58
68
ptfo:n ^n^n l^nna rpnff), 'but I have been moving about in a tentdwelling': p$Qm ^nKH is a hendiadys, as is shown by the parallel pair
^HK, pm in Ps. 78.60; compare Num. 3.25. On the hendiadys in Hebrew see Waltke and O'Connor (1990: 74 4.6.1.a[6]). 1 Chron. 17.5b
MT reads p&QQl ^HN *? *7.1D iTriKl where "f^nDD has inadvertently
been omitted before the similar ^HNQ. Chronicles has expanded the
hendiadys in accord with the idiom with "f^nnn found in 1 Chron.
16.20//Ps. 105.13.
60
7K-)CT 'COti [LOQ?] THIN HK, 'one of/anyone [?from al]] the tribes of
Israel': I have argued elsewhere against the frequently adopted reading
'BSC*, 'judges of for 'Cnc?, 'tribes of, and against the reading of'CQtf
as 'IOC, 'leaders of, and for the proposed reading with ^3Q, '(anyone)
from all': see Murray (1987a), and below 5.2.1.2, pp. 173-74.
62
69
DED 'ma DC?, 'a name as great as...': the accentuation of MT (zaqeph
qdton on ^lia) construes the adjective as attributive: 'a great name'.
Many, however, follow MT 1 Chron. 17.8 and LXX here to delete 'ma. I
suggest, on the other hand, the zaqeph qdton be moved back to D2J, 'ma
be retained and the string D 'ma construed as equivalent to the English
'as + adjective + as' comparative string: for two other instances of this
similarly comparative 'adjective + D' string in biblical Hebrew, see
Deut. 4.7 UTftK miTD V^K D^Tlp, 'as near to it as Yahweh our God';
4.8 HKTn rmnn 'pro DpHS, 'as righteous as all this Torah'.
64
Dlpn 'nnfcn, 'to establish a place (of safety)': see Murray (1990: 31419) for the Hebrew idiom involved, and (1990: 299-313) for a detailed
rebuttal of the contention that DlpQ means 'sacred place, temple' here.
65
~prTN ^DQ "j^ TlPPm, 'thus have I given you rest from your enemies':
logical coherence with (1) JEffi -p:TN ^D HR nrTDKI, 'I cut off all
your enemies before you' 9aa, and (2) vrTK 'PDQ THOQ "ft mn mm
Ib, 'for YHWH had given him respite around from all his enemies',
requires a statement of completed action here, thus this weqdtal form is
a preterite, as it is indicated to be read by the Masoretic accentuation.
The proposal of Ewald, completely without textual warrant, but
recently espoused by McCarter (1984: 193 ad loc.), to read here third
person suffixes (1*7 and VT8) with reference to Israel is misconceived.
Nor is McCarter's ingenious proposal to explain Ib as a misplaced
70
rrfry, 'will make': many wish to emend the reading to HDT, 'will
build', as the reading of 1 Chron. 17.10 MT compare LXX, and of 4Q
Florilegium 1.10 (Brooke 1985: 87), and supported by the LXX
readings oiKo8our|aet/<; here, and by the use of the locution JT3 iTQ,
71
72
71
1^QQ RiT 127R, 'who shall come forth from your loins': LXX 2 Sam.
7.12ay and 1 Chron. 17.Hay 6 eaten EK tt|<; KoiXiaq aou 1 Chron.
17.Hay MT~p3D rPiT "12JR, 'who shall be from among your sons/
descendants', I take to be a tendentious reading of a locution (iTiT ~)$R
"pCQQ) equivalent to the expression in 2 Sam. 7.12ay (cf. Ps. 132.11),
but which facilitates singular reference to Solomon. See further my
Claim for Power (forthcoming).
72
QCJl? fPD rm% 'will build a house for my name': LXX oiKo8ouT|aei
fioi OIKOV TCO ovoumi (4,01), 'will build for me a house for my name';
1 Chron. 17.12a MTP'3 ^ n3T LXX oiico8o|Lir|(7ei uoi OIKOV, 'will
build me a house'. Chronicles here has assimilated to the form of
expression ^ HDP as in 2 Sam. 7.5b = 1 Chron. 17.4b, and eliminated
the now otiose 'Dtf1?, whereas LXX 2 Sam. 7.13a has conflated both
readings. That MT 2 Sam. 7.13a is the superior reading (contra Mettinger 1976: 53) is confirmed (1) by the rhetorical and theological relationship of the utterance in 13a to that of 5b (on which see 5.2.1.4, pp.
191-92 with Figure 17); and (2) the evidence of the other occurrences
of the locution iT)iT Dtf1? ITD rtn, 'to build a house for Yahweh's name'
and its anaphoric transforms (1 Kgs 5.l7[3],l9[5]bis; 8.17, 18, 19, 20,
44, 48 = 2 Chron. 6.7, 8, 9, 10, 34, 38; 1 Chron. 22.7, 8, 10, 19; 28.3;
29.16; 2 Chron. 1.18[2.1]; 2.3[4]), none of which has the redundant
dative, except 1 Chron. 29.16.
74
73
~no>> N1?, 'will not depart': it is very tempting to read TON, 'I will not
remove', the reading of 2 Chron. 17.13b MT and LXX as well as LXX
here (so Wellhausen 1871: 112 ad loc., and most), not only for textual
reasons, but also because it fits better into the overall structure of
7.14,15 by continuing with Yahweh as subject. Compare also ~p"Q
'HNQ ITOni ^DH TOH N1? ICON D'iTPN, 'Blessed be God who did not
turn aside my prayer, or his loyal love from me' Ps. 66.20. Despite this,
one has to ask, why would such an obvious and smooth reading give
way to a less expected one? I find the arguments finely balanced, and
thus leave MT intact, as the more difficult reading.
77
MT T]D^Q THOn "ICON 'PINCO DtfQ smon ncdND, 'in the way that I took
it from Saul, whom I removed before you': there is considerable variation of reading in the witnesses, and any attempt to reconstruct an 'original' reading can only be tentative. It may be helpful to tabulate the
readings of the main witnesses, in their probable Hebrew retro versions
where applicable (see Figure 1, p. 74). (Note: in order to fit into the
columns and to preserve alignment as much as possible, I have written
THOn defectively throughout.) The tabulation makes it clear that there
are three questions of reading to be decided: (1) "ICON 'PINCO DDQ or
simply nCONQ; (2) THOn or ITTI; (3) TB^O) or ''EXD). The best way in
is to tackle (2) first: it is not easy to explain how the reading iTTI might
have arisen secondarily, unless as a deliberate change by the Chronicler. But there does not appear to be any obvious reason for such a
change. On the other hand, the second THOn in 2 Sam. 7.15 can be
accounted for as an inadvertent dittograph of the first Tnon, since each
2 Sam. 7.15b
MT
LXX
Pesh.
1 Chron. 17.13b MT
LXX
Targ.
Figure 1: Retroverted Textual Readings for 2 Sam. 7.15b //1 Chron. 17.13b
2 Sam. 7
18ba
LX
hitt
Targ. Jon.
mry' lh'
1 Chron. 17
16ba
19aa
mry' 'lh'
17aa
19b
mry' lh'
17b
20b
mry' lh'
19aa
22a
mry' lh'
25aa
mry' lh'
20aa
23aa
28aa
mry' lh'
29ba
mry' lh'
Figure 2: Textual Readings relative to
MT
LXX
some witnesses:
26aa
27ba
in 2 Sam. 7.18-29
75
follows a form of "lti. But the plural m in 1 Chron. 17.13b LXX (vn
l&KQ = GOTO TCOV OVTCOV), and the plural ou|)' cov for "iffiiNQ in 2 Sam. 7.15b
LXX, are both clearly dependent on the ambiguity of "I&NQ without the
antecedent ^IKC? (see below). I thus opt for ITi! as the more probable
'original' reading. This decision virtually carries with it the decision to
read ~|'']Dl? in (3) above. "J^S^Q and ^S^Q are both secondary to the
reading THOn in this part of the verse, with ^D^Q arising from omission
of the ~[, probably by a haplographic confusion with the 1 at the
beginning of the next verse. Finally, we come to the somewhat more
vexed issue involved in (1) above. Despite the opinion of Wellhausen
(1871: 172 ad loc.) that the name Saul is more likely to have been
inserted than omitted, I think it is possible to account for the omission
as a form of haplography with the following "12JK. The resultant unique
combination ~l>N DUQ would have readily been corrected to the relatively common "ICJKQ. No doubt to moderns the reading Wellhausen
defends ("pD1? HTI "KZJKQ) shows 'a nice sensibility' ('feinem Gefiihl',
1871: 172), but such coyness is not in character with Yahweh's discourse here, nor with the brutal directness of David's words in 6.21,
which are picked up on here. Thus, on balance, I opt for the reading
"152JN ^IKtfJ DDQ. Putting all these decisions together results in a reading
of-pEft rrn -KDK 'nRti DUQ 'rnon "itito for 2 Sam. 7.l5b.
78
76
D^ltf ID ^Klftr ^U, 'I will establish his royal throne over Israel as
enduring' 1 Chron. 22.1 Ob, a conflation of 2 Sam. 7.13b, 16a). This
reduces the choice to one between second and third person suffixes.
Rehm (1937: 19 d.2) considers the third person pronouns in LXX
2 Sam. 7.16 to arise from deliberate assimilation to the prevailing context in the interests of smoothness. The reading is not obviously resolvable on a purely textual basis, but a rhetorical consideration tips the
balance in favour of second person suffixes in 16 apart from ''lEb. Verse
16 is a summary statement concluding Yahweh's comment on the topic
m introduced in lib (see in detail 5.2.1.4, pp. 194-96). In lib
Yahweh promises the dynasty to David (fTO ~p nc?IT), and below in his
prayer David constantly refers to it as his dynasty (TP2, 18b; "|"QD ITQ,
19ap, 26ba, 29aa, 29bp; urn, 25ap; -p n33R rvn, 27ap). Thus v. 16,
forming an inclusio with lib, appropriately reads second person suffixes in reference to David, apart from '3S1? where the suffix refers to
Yahweh: '131 fKOD '3D1? D^I? 1S3 -jnD^QQI "[ITU ]D31.
79
77
(3) The readings of Peshitta and Targ. Jon. of 2 Samuel 7 reflect the
same process which has produced the Masoretic qere DTT^N TIN.
But they nonetheless bear witness to a double reading in all
instances.
(4) Neither LXX 2 Samuel 7 nor 1 Chronicles 17 MT and LXX have
double readings in all instances. Moreover, agreement on single
or double reading is observable between the two sets of witnesses in the first four instances, but this fails to carry through
the final four.
Thus the textual evidence alone seems to me to lead to no certain conclusions. Again I would contend that a rhetorical consideration is relevant to the question of the textual reading. In the oracular address in 7.5
and 7.8 David is identified by the term 111 S~QU as 'my subject, David'.
Moreover, throughout his prayer David refers to himself as "|~Qi? (for
the references see the list in n. 81 below). The form of divine address
which precisely corresponds to this is miT TIN, 'my lord Yahweh', the
all-but-uniform reading of 2 Samuel 7 MT. Now it is notable that this
combination appears in the text of Samuel only in this prayer, and
occurs elsewhere in the Deuteronomistic History only in scattered texts
(Deut. 3.24; 9.26; Josh. 7.7; Judg. 6.22; 16.28; 1 Kgs 2.26; 8.53), all
prayers except 1 Kgs 2.26, where it is associated with the ark. Accordingly, I conclude that the combination has a particular rhetorical function in this prayer, and thus read it consistently in all eight instances.
80
78
text (whether unemended or emended), I eschew any detailed discussion of these proposals here, and retain the text of MTfaute de mieux.
81
79
"p:n Tain, 'on account of your word': so LXX A ; LXX B 5icc TOV
8o\)A,ov oot), 1 Chron. 17.19a "]"QD "TOID, both 'on account of your
servant'; LXXL 2 Sam. 7.21a 8ia TOV Xoyov aoi) KCCI 8ia TOV SouXov
aoi) conflates both readings. It is possible that ~|~Q,tf came about from a
dittograph of "TQJO, misread as a half-expected ~j~QU, a word which
occurs so frequently in the prayer. This reading has then pushed out the
more original ~pTT in LXXB 2 Sam. 7.21a and 1 Chron. 17.19a MT.
Accordingly, I read MT here.
85t
H.>'Q1, 'and is there any nation': the whole verse fairly bristles with
textual problems, and any attempt to solve them can only be tentative.
It may be helpful to set out the main witnesses in tabular form, in their
Hebrew retroversions where appropriate (Figure 3, p. 81).
The real difficulties begin with the second clause 7.23bi "O^n ~)$K
DVfPK. MT takes DTl^K as plural here, but this is inconsistent with the
ensuing singular pronominal anaphora in 23bot2,3. Moreover, 1 Chron.
17.21 MT and all the major versions take it as singular. The LXX of both
Samuel and Chronicles read the verb as a hiphil with objective suffix
'whom a god led', a reading adopted by McCarter (1984: 234 ad loc.).
However, the hiphil of ~[^n with Yahweh as subject and Israel as object
80
2 Sam. 7.23 MX
1 Chron. 17.21 MT
2 Sam. 7.23 LXX
1 Chron. 17.21 MT
2 Sam. 7.23 LXX
1 Chron. 17.21 MT
2 Sam. 7.23 LXX
82
here, since (1) "^SO NN CTI3, where NN is/are (a) noun(s) or a pronoun
referring to nations, is a well-attested locution (Exod. 23.28-30; Josh.
24.12, 18; Judg. 2.3; 6.9); (2) the reading Bha1? thus makes sense of D^3
at the end of 7.23; (3) reference to Yahweh's driving out nations before
his people would thus come in its expected place in the sequence of
events enumerated in 7.23. The reading "]U"1^ in 7.23bc(4 MT thus must
have arisen from a misreading of $"13*7 as fHN4?, perhaps influenced by
the preceding n^nan/m^nan, which then attracted to itself the suffix of
the following "jiltf. Peshitta 7.23 is an attempt to read this misreading
with the knowledge that Yahweh's spectacular acts (hzwn') are against
the land of Egypt.
Finally, 7.23by MT rn^NI D'13: on the reading ehJ1? adopted above
D'Ha is expected, but DTI^K in any form is not, since there is no parallel
use of 2?"13 of Yahweh driving out the nations' gods. Despite the evidence among the witnesses for some form of QTI^N here (including
D'^nNI in 4QSama), it is notable that of the witnesses which read Bha1?
in the above table, only LXX 7.23 has anything corresponding to vn^NI,
namely D^HN, which may rather be a desperate attempt to make the
text fit the demands of ^"13^ than a simple misreading of 7.23by MT. A
reading DTftKI, to which 7.23 4QSama, LXX and Peshitta all testify,
might possibly arise from a misplaced insertion of a marginal DTf?^,
accidently omitted from the end of the following v. 7.24. It is not evident how this became vn'pNl in 7.23 MT. Accordingly, I read 0^13 alone
here.
The anacoluthon involved in the switch from third person predications of a hypothetical god in 23ba to second person predications of
Yahweh in 23bpy is hardly surprising, in view (1) of the length of the
utterance, and (2) of the fact that all the actions in question are those
normally predicated of Yahweh.
87
832
7uoTCQ0r|TCO. Chronicles and LXX texts thus probably reflect an alternative Hebrew reading (and hence not a specifically Chronistic
adaptation, pace Willi 1972: 147) intended to tone down the boldness
of the petition (as in 7.29, see n. 93 below), as already in 1 Kgs 8.26 =
2 Chron. 6.17, compare 2 Chron. 1.9. But "HI D'pn is a well-attested
idiom (Deut. 9.5; 27.26; 1 Kgs 2.4; 6.12; 8.20; 12.15; 2 Kgs 23.3, 24;
Jer. 33.14), whereas ~Q1 ]QK] is confined to the passages already cited.
Moreover, indirect confirmation of the reading of 2 Sam. 7.25 MT ma
be found in 1 Kgs 8.20a 131 "itOK Tin n HIPP D[P1, 'Yahweh has
established his word which he spoke', where Solomon claims that
Yahweh has fulfilled what David prays for here. On 1 Kgs 8.15-21 as a
Deuteronomistic interpretation of 2 Samuel 7 see my Claim for Power,
Power for Claim (forthcoming).
89L
n:n, 'so that (your name) may be great': for the syntax see below
5.2.2.3, p. 208. 1 Chron. 17.24 ^in ptn is probably to be explained
as an inadvertent dittograph of 17.23ay owing to homoioteleuton (~IP
D'TIP), which first replaced 17.24aa, but which was then conflated with
the correct reading for 17.24aa, noted in the margin. LXXB 2 Sam. 7.25
27 has suffered an interesting combination of dittography and haplography, whereby the translator's eye passed from the first D'PIP IP in
7.25 to the second in 7.26, which brought back into 7.25 to follow
IP D^IP in 7.25ay the ^IfcT^P Dl'rftK Pitas mrr which follows
D^IP IP in 7.26apy. Then followed 7.25b (but reading HHP1 for HfoPl)
and 7.26aa (omitting "IQK1?), but as soon as the translator reached
^tW^P Dpi1 niKD^ mm in 7.26aa for the second time, his eye
jumped to the similar combination in 27act, thus omitting the intervening words by haplography! By contrast, LXX 1 Chron. 17.23-24 has
undergone a simple process of haplography, with omission of everything between D^IP IP in 23ay and "IQK1? in 24aa
^tOftr ^P DTftK mta:* mrr, 'Yahweh of Hosts, God over Israel':
1 Chron. 17.24ap ^tOftr TftK m3^ mn% 'Yahweh of Hosts, God of
Israel', as in 2 Sam. 7.27aai. LXXB evidently read *?"l(Ds sn^ here (cf.
previous note), as also the Peshitta. However, I stay with ^P DTl'PK
^"ltl?\ as a unique formulation which cannot be accounted for by an
obvious error.
84
91
"|^ n]2K ITQ "1Q^, 'saying, a house I will build you': so the versions.
1 Chron. 17.25a0 n'3 I1? ma1?, but in the only other instances of n^a
]TK where the content of the revelation is given (1 Sam. 9.15; Ruth 4.4),
the same construction is used as here in 2 Sam. 7.27 ("IQK1? + direct
speech). Thus the reading in 1 Chron. 17.25 is part of a pronounced
tendency in Chronicles to abbreviate the text in the closing verses of
the prayer.
92
HQtf ViT ~p~n~n, 'and your words are certain': these words are missing in 1 Chron. 17.26, possibly through homoioarkton with "Dim in
7.28ba = 17.26ba; or it may be due to the abbreviating of the text in
Chronicles noted above.
93
Chapter 3
DAVID DEFERENT WITH YAHWEH? 2 SAMUEL 5.17-25
86
87
two chapters, to answer these questions fully. All I need say here is
that, as against 'deferent to', 'deferent with' is intended to suggest a
form of behaviour that is not as wholly subservient, that has rather
more of calculation and rather less of sincerity in it, than the former
expression might imply. The fact that here in 5.17-25, unlike the situations that obtain later in 2 Samuel 6 and 7, David's life is in danger
needs to be borne in mind in assessing his relation to Yahweh in this
section. It is easy not to give sufficient cognizance to this at first
because, given that this section comes at the beginning of our stretch of
text, we do not have as yet the context to make it significant. But immediate recourse to Yahweh when one's life is threatened is one thing
(5.17-25), continuing to consult his interests when they may very well
cut across one's own is a very different matter (2 Sam. 6,7). Thus the
question mark in the title is intended to reinforce the significance of the
chosen preposition, and to alert the reader to the possibility that all is
not necessarily as it seems on the surface of this compact and matter-offact narrative. With these points in mind, let us look in detail at the two
pericopes which make up this section.
3.2.2. Verses 17-21
The general style and content of the opening clauses (5.17a) of our section indicate that it is part of a wider narrative. The initial wayyiqtol
verb form, the incidental way its subject 'the Philistines' is introduced
into the narrative, the allusive reference to David's anointing as king of
Israel, all these features taken together suggest continuation of a narrative thread rather than the opening of a completely fresh narrative. The
new plot sequence is initiated by the connection of the two verbs
'heard...came up' (1l7jn...'iuaejrl 5.17aa,p): 'as soon as the Philistines
heard that David had been anointed as king of Israel, all the Philistines
came up in search of David' (5.17a). But presupposed, mainly from
what has earlier been narrated in the story of David in Samuel, is readerly knowledge of why David's anointing is of such concern to the
Philistines.
The phrase 'to seek out David' (111 HK ttJpn1? 17a(3) in order to capture or to kill him, is a resonant one for readers of the story of David.
Not only does this exact locution itself occur twice in the narrative of
Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam. 24.3[2]; 26.2), but more, taking
account of its various other transforms,3 the expression 'to seek (the life
3.
Thus in n eton, 'seek David', in 1 Sam. 23.14, 25; 27.1, 4; 023 DK KJpD
88
of) David' (Til [0B3] n tfpn) is thematic in the whole of that narrative. That there what eventually brought to an end David's desperate
evasions of Saul's murderous pursuit (1 Sam. 27.1-4) was precisely his
finding among the Philistines a place of safety (1 Sam. 27.5)4 gives a
distinctly ironic note to the use of the expression here. Moreover, considering that then just one Philistine ruler, Achish of Gath, was enough
to deter Saul from pursuing David (1 Sam. 27.3-4), the fact that now
'all the Philistines' (DTO^S *?D 2 Sam. 5.17ap)5 come in search of
David indicates the extent of Philistine concern at the grave threat the
erstwhile vassal of Achish now poses to them as independent king of
Israel. But more directly to the point, by magnifying the Philistine force
against him, the expression heightens the scope of David's victories
over them here.
Faced with so great a threat, then, it is hardly surprising that as soon
as David hears of the Philistine aggression he takes evasive action by
'going down to the fortress'6 (5.17b). The basic parallel in construction
in, 'seek David's life' 1 Sam. 20.1; 22.23; 23.15; 25.29.
4. For the specialized sense of DlpQ here, 'place of safety, safe haven', cf.
2 Sam. 7.10 below, and see the author's discussion in Murray 1990: 314-19.
5. As with other parallel expressions, it is difficult for us to know how such an
expression was read pragmatically, but it is probably a reasonable guess that it at
least implicates participation by all five of the standard Philistine polities.
6. The identity of the fortress in question is much discussed by commentators.
We are concerned here not with what historical reality if any may lie behind the
narrative, but simply with the implicatures of the text. In the event, these are not
easy to determine. On the one hand, in the near context the brief narrative of
David's capture of the fortress (rniHQ) of Zion in 5.7-9 and its appropriation as his
royal residence (5.9) provides an available contextual referent. However, if 5.7-9 is
relevant context for the interpretation of mi^on in 5.17 as the fortress of Zion, then
the verb TV1, 'went down', in 5.17 creates coherence difficulties: (a) contextually,
since none of the intervening text carries any implicature to the effect that David is
not still resident (DCCH 5.9) in the fortress of Zion; (b) pragmatically, since for
strategic reasons a fortress would normally occupy higher ground than the residential area it protects. Then further the use of the verb n*?#, 'go up', twice in 5.19 of
an attack putatively from Zion into the lower-lying valley of Rephaim is not the
most perspicuous way to express the state of affairs. On the other hand, in the wider
context of the story of David in Samuel the term niKOn tout court refers, not to the
fortress of Zion, but to a stronghold established by David at the cave of Adullam:
cf. 1 Sam. 22.4-5; 24.23[22]; 2 Sam. 23.14 = 1 Chron. 11.16. Moreover, the verb
TV is twice used of those going to this stronghold: in 1 Sam. 22.1, where the point
of departure for David's kin is presumably the Bethlehem area; and in 2 Sam. 23.13
= 1 Chron. 11.15, where the point of departure is not inferable. Admittedly, 1 Sam.
89
The Philistines heard that David had been anointed king over Israel, so all the Philistines came up to search out David
David
heard
and went down to the fortress
Figure 4: Semantico-structural Paralleling in 2 Sam. 5.17
1 Sam. 7.7
The Philistines heard that the Israelites had assembled at Mizpah, so the lords of the Philistines came up against
Israel.
2 Sam. 5.17
The Philistines heard that David had been anointed king over Israel, so all the Philistines
came up to seek out David.
1 Sam. 7.7
When the Israelites got to hear of this they were in fear before the Philistines.
2 Sam. 5.17
When David
got to hear of this he went down to the fortress.
91
reported to David, "the Philistines have come, etc."' (10^ "1111? "in
"HI ltd).11 Instead, the information has been postponed to a backtracking clause in 5.18, with the result that the temporal relation of what is
narrated in 5.18 to what is narrated in 5.17b is not made at all precise.12
9. Thus the text might have read, e.g., intipn1? DTHZfra fts O in jJQBh,
'David got to hear that the Philistines had come up to seek him'.
10. The choice of the valley of Rephaim as a base of operations for the Philistines is readily understandable within inferable presuppositions of the text, both
contextual and pragmatic. First, given the implicature from the immediately preceding context that David is ensconced in Jerusalem when the Philistines set out on
their operation, the valley of Rephaim provides probably the most suitable locale
near to Jerusalem where the Philistines could marshall their forces out of sight and
range of the city. The higher and broader south-western hill obtrudes between the
Valley of Rephaim and the south-eastern hill on which the city of David was
located. Second, the wider David narrative, in 2 Sam. 23.13-17, also has the Philistines encamp there on an ostensibly different campaign against David, thus suggesting that the locale could be pragmatically presupposed as a base favoured by
the Philistines in their struggle against David. A further possible presupposition is
that such a base would allow the Philistines to cut David off from help from the
north. However, while any or all of these extratextual pragmatic considerations may
govern the identification of the valley of Rephaim as the Philistine base of operations, a significant intratextual connection may well be equally or more operative:
the valley of Rephaim will have lain on the route taken by David in bringing the ark
to Jerusalem from Baal Judah. We shall see in our close reading of 2 Sam. 6 in the
next chapter what significance this has for the ark's journey.
11. Note that exactly this latter speech form is used in 6.12a below, where it
repeats in heightened form information already given in 1 Ib.
12. The syntax therefore allows any one of a range of implicatures, varying
from no overlap to considerable temporal overlap between the Philistines' and
David's manoeuvres. The most probable discourse relation between 5.18 and 5.17,
however, is (1) that IfcO, 'arrived', 18a backtracks to the action of 1^1, 'came up',
in 17ap, but now presents it as complete; and (2) that "KEton, 'they made their dispositions', 18b now makes explicit a threatening detail broadly (and hence weakly)
implicated in Til PR t^pl1? "friTl, 'they came up to seek David', but which need
92
93
94
95
seven words in the Hebrew (TO Dtf Dm D^~fi ^103 ITT Km 20a).
By contrast, far more eloquent is what David says about the victory
after the event: 'Yahweh burst over my enemies before me like the
bursting forth of a flood of storm-water', in the Hebrew a further set of
seven words (DSQ pSD 'B1? ^K HK mrP pa 20a). Just as the narrator's colourless statements are poetically effaced in David's vivid simile,23 so is David's victory ideologically effaced in Yahweh's triumph,24
23. Its precise import has however to be guessed at. But in view of the incident's general locale, the use of f "ID to describe the breaching of a city wall by military
force is not especially in point. Given the probable implied locale for Baal Perazim
as in the hills bordering the valley of Rephaim (see previous note), the simile is that
of a flood of storm-water sweeping all before it as it rushes on to the plain. The
special nuance conveyed by pD may well be that of a sudden burst of pent-up
storm-water through a barrier of debris accumulated in a wadi since the last rainstorm. It may have been that a particular wadi connecting Baal Perazim with the
valley-plain of Rephaim was especially subject to such blockages and thus notable
for irruptions of storm-water. Given the uncertainty of implicature discussed in the
next note, the comparison may be intended to depict, either (a) the irresistible irruption of David's troops against the hapless Philistines as like a wall of storm-water
rushing down a wadi and sweeping all before it; or (b) an actual storm theophany of
Yahweh unleashing an overwhelming tide of floodwater against the Philistines.
Isaiah 28.21 associates a theophany of Yahweh in judgment with a Mt Perazim, in a
context which has just powerfully invoked flood imagery (28.17-19). Assuming the
general identity of this latter locale with Baal Perazim (see previous note), this
gives further general evidence in favour of the storm-flood interpretation of our
metaphor. I do not necessarily assume that the Isaiah text refers to the very same
traditional incident as our text, though that is quite possible, but claim only that it
provides other evidence that a hostile action of Yahweh connected with a stormflood is there located in the same general locale as in our present text. Judging from
the Robinson and Smith map of the environs of Jerusalem (reproduced in TAB, 73),
a watercourse which fits the above requirements is offered by the unnamed southward extension of the Wadi Beit Hanina, at the western end of the Plain of
Rephaim.
24. David's assertion and the narrator's assertion are coherent with at least three
possible implicatures: (a) Yahweh was active only in and through the effective
fighting of David and his men; (b) Yahweh's action was a separate phenomenon,
discernible alongside the human efforts; (c) Yahweh's was the sole action; there
was no actual fighting by David and his men. In this last case the narrative statement in 5.20a2 is truthfully assertable on the supposition that Yahweh was in some
sense a member of David's forces. The reader is given no further pointer here for
choosing between these possible implicatures. We shall see that the account of the
parallel incident below 5.22-25 adopts option (b) above. On the other hand, the
variant reading in the Chronicles parallel here falls clearly into option (a): pD
96
97
the naming (20b) concluding the episode. That this has not been done
points up how the rhetoric of the text is far better served by placing
David's words as an ejaculative response, as though wrought out of
immediate recognition of Yahweh's effective action in the victory, than
it would have been by woodenly preserving a strict narrative chronology. Moreover, v. 21, as a rather more open-ended statement than
20a3 4.b, makes a better lead-in to the second episode, and offers better
balance to the latter's decisive conclusion (25b).
The Philistines' abandonment of their divine images31 (2la) is both
an index of the sheer panic of their flight, and an implicit admission
of the superiority of David's god, Yahweh, whose storm-theophany
induced their panic-stricken abandonment. Little wonder, then, that
'David took them up, and his men' (V2J3K1 TH DKftn 21b)32 from the
field of battle, inferably as trophies of the victory achieved. This in
itself hardly conclusive assertion is the rather abrupt close-out of this
first narrative episode. The text strangles off the nascent readerly questions; where did they take them and what did they do with them?33 Yet
the assertion that provokes the suppressed questions evidently must be
made. Why? Clearly, because it dramatizes the divinely wrought reversal of fortune. The Philistines who, in order to seek out OOpm1?) David,
had carefully set themselves up in the valley of Rephaim (17a(3,18) with
their divine images as guarantors of victory (as the reader can now read
back), abandon (*QTin) all to David, including their own gods, in a desperate flight to save their lives. But we readers will also find an ironic
resonance from 21b in David's 'taking up' the ark as a trophy of
battle34 in the next chapter.35
(see Figure 9, p. 108 below) 20ai.2 together with 21 correspond to 25 of the second
episode.
31. Presumably images of gods associated with battles, taken on campaign to
ensure victory. Thus I see no difference of substance between D!TD2$J? here and
DiTn^K, used in 1 Chron. 14.12a, and implied by the LXX readings.
32. Given that the compound subject immediately follows, the singular verb
puts some stress on David as the responsible operative.
33. The most likely pragmatic implicature is that David and his men then place
them in the shrine of Yahweh as a votive thank-offering. This is, at any rate, what
the Philistines did with the ark in 1 Sam. 5.2. It seems to be to avoid this implicature that the Chronicles' account, 1 Chron. 14.12b, tells us instead that David gave
orders to burn them. On the Chronicler's pragmatic presuppositions David would
obey Deuteronomic injunctions (Deut 7.5; 12.3) to destroy foreign divine images.
34. Thus in 6.3a(3 (4aa) servitors acting on David's orders 'take up' (inK2n)
98
17
22
18 So the Philistines had arrived and they made their dispositions in the valley of Rephaim
22
and
made their dispositions in the valley of Rephaim
19
23
100
not go up' (n^un tifr 23a|3), imply at least part of it, but it is unlikely
that from the remainder of Yahweh's long reply the reader can infer
anything else that David said.37 Thus this is a significantly different situation from that in the first episode, where Yahweh's brief response
(19b) virtually exactly mirrored the terms of David's inquiry (19apy).
That is because there Yahweh granted the requests implicit in David's
questions, leaving him to devise his own tactics, whereas here he inferably does not do the former (23ap), and explicitly does not do the latter
(23b-24).
But in the context of vv. 23-24 the response 'do not attack' (n^un $b
23ap) is at first puzzling. For taken by itself, as the Masoretic accentuation indicates it should be,38 the utterance leads the reader to assume
that on this occasion, unlike the first, Yahweh is denying the request
made in David's implied question. Yet, reading on to the instructions
Yahweh then gives to David about disposition of his forces (23b-24)
and his awaiting a sign for action (DH^ rttQI, 'approach them' 23bp;
jHHn, 'act decisively' 24a3), the pull of discourse cohesion tempts the
reader to modify this assumption.39 In view, however, of the deliberate
paralleling, up to this point, of the account of this second incident on
that of the first, the stark diametrical opposition of this prohibitive
(n'PUn N1?) to the earlier permissive (n^U 19ba) is intentionally arresting. But here the reader is not told of any question(s) being put by
David, so that his inquiry on this occasion has a somewhat perfunctory
air, as though expecting a predictably similar answer to the first occasion. Hence the abrupt and unexpected negative belies this expectation,
and makes what follows from here on stand out as significantly different from what follows from the equivalent point in the first episode.
One difference is immediately obvious to the reader: far from leaving
37. The nature of Yahweh's reply raises difficult pragmatic questions about
how all this detail was thought to have been mediated to David. It is virtually
unimaginable that this could be done through a simple yes/no lot mechanism, and
suggests rather some kind of oracular response. But the text makes no point of this,
and, intriguing as the question may be, its resolution is not important to the points
the text is making.
38. n^n $h> is separated by 'athndh from what Yahweh goes on to say to
David.
39. Indeed, it may well have been the pull of cohesion that anciently triggered
the variant readings here, which all result in modifiers being added to the abrupt
and baldly negated il^D $b, and that recently has prompted many moderns to follow their lead. On these variants and how they arose, see above Ch. 2 n. 6, p. 51.
101
David free to decide his own tactics, on this occasion Yahweh gives
David detailed instructions about what to do. Thus the rest of Yahweh's
reply to David is structured by positive imperatival forms: 'go around'
port 23ba); 'approach' (ntQI 23b|3); 'it must be (that)', virtually 'see to
it (that)' Crri 24a); 'act decisively' (f "inn 24a). Superficially this gives
the impression that the effective action is to be David's, albeit at Yahweh's behest. David is instructed to make a circuit around behind the
Philistine lines and to approach them from a position in front of
Bakaim,40 whence at a given signal he is to make a sudden attack. But
two elements in Yahweh's utterance, though subordinate syntactically
to these imperatival forms, are logically superordinate to all the actions
prescribed to David: 'when you hear the sound of marching...' (~pQ2D
...mi^ 'Tip FIN 24a); and 'for then Yahweh will have advanced ahead
of you...' (...p:i3l? mrr R2T TN "O 24b).
Therein lies a second profound difference from the first incident.
What David does here is secondary to and dependent upon the sovereignly independent and decisive action of Yahweh. The peculiarly
divine character of that action is conveyed by language which draws on
the terminology of theophany.41 Thus the noun illl^, '(divine) marching', recalls the verb "11?2 in the classic descriptions of theophany in
Judg. 5.4 and Ps. 68.8[7], while parallels to the locution pas1?] mrr K2T,
'Yahweh has advanced [ahead of]', occur in Ps. 68.8[7], Judg. 4.14
[Judg. 5.4; Ps. 108.12(11)]; all in contexts referring to Yahweh's role as
divine warrior who fights on behalf of his people. So here (24b) Yahweh as the divine warrior leads the advance against the Philistines in
this, the decisive, battle. The nature of the divine manifestation is condensed into the locution 'when you hear the sound of marching on the
summits of Bakaim/in the tops of the Baka-trees' (iTOS 'Pip HK "j^DOD
D^tonn ^^"Q 24a). Presumably some 'natural' phenomenon, very possibly a storm-wind such as is often associated with the theophany of
40. As with Baal Perazim above, so here Bakaim is not referred to as such outside this account, but the textual implicature is that it nestled in hills (?'summits of
Bakaim' D'fcODH ""CDKH 24a2) overlooking the valley of Rephaim. There is reference
in Ps. 84.7[6] to the vale/valley (pOU) of Baka, in a context which suggests both
that it is in the vicinity of Jerusalem, and that it is a stage in a royal procession with
the ark of Yahweh of Hosts as divine warrior-king. For the connection between
such a procession and David's victories in this locale, see below, pp. 119-20 on 2
Sam. 6.2.
41. On this in general see Jeremias (1977), Mann (1977), Niehaus (1995),
Scriba(1995).
102
103
after Yahweh's account of his own decisive action (24b), contrast 20a2
vis-a-vis 20a3 4. The deeds of David the warrior-king of Israel are manifestly subordinated to those of Yahweh the divine warrior-king. Explicitly, by also being prefaced with the formula of obedience47 25a:
'David did exactly as Yahweh had instructed him' ("ittffcO p 111 tfm
mrP im^).48 David hears and responds to the specific instructions of
Yahweh, and out of his hearing and responding comes a triumph over
his enemy (25b) to exceed by far his earlier, self-directed, success.
3.3. Narrative Structure and Technique in 5.17-25
The foregoing discussion has shown 5.17-25 to consist of two narrative
episodes, with the same characters in each (the Philistines, David,
Yahweh), the same general locale (the valley of Rephaim), an essentially similar plot outline (the Philistines threaten David; David consults
Yahweh; Yahweh ensures David victory), and an implied temporal
contiguity. Let us first look in some detail at each episode in turn, and
then compare them.
3.3.1. Verses 17-21
The plot sequence of the first episode is moved along by 13 main
verbs.49 Of the 13, almost a half (6) are verbs of hearing, asking and
saying, which between them govern the majority of the text of the
episode. Moreover, the two verbs '(David) asked' (^KffiH 19aa) and
'(Yahweh) replied' ("iDtn 19bct) fall in the middle of this set of 13
verbs. Thus the Philistines react O^ITl) to hearing OIOTI) inferably
unwelcome news about David (17a). David reacts (""IT")) to hearing
(UQH) inferably even more unwelcome news about the hostile Philistine approach (17b). When the Philisitines have positioned themselves
47. In variant forms which we need not detail here, this is, not unexpectedly, a
quite common formula in the Hebrew Bible to express strict human obedience to
divine instructions: cf., e.g., Gen. 6.22 (Noah); Exod. 7.6,20; 12.28, etc. (Moses);
Judg. 6.27 (Gideon), etc.
48. We shall find, in 7.17 below, a verbally distant, but conceptually similar,
ironic echo of this note of sedulous obedience by an underling of Yahweh.
49. ..nQNT..D3'1...N3^...nDN'T...^^^
DNfcn...'nnn...N~ip, '(the Philistines) heard...came up...(David) heard...went
down... (the Philistines) made their dispositions... (David) asked... (Yahweh)
said... (David) came... struck down... said... named... (the Philistines) abandoned ... (David) took up'.
104
Otfori 18), David asks ("]QK l 7.. I 7Ktf v l) Yahweh for support in attack
(19a), and Yahweh speaks (~)DK''l) to assure him of victory (19b). After
the successful attack (DD''<l..Kin 20a) David spontaneously ascribes
("IQ^"'!) to Yahweh the victory (20a), and memorializes it by naming
(Kip) the place (20b). The Philistines abandon CQTJn) the field (2la),
David takes (DKCTI) the spoil (21b). Thus the initial unsolicited hearings
put David into a situation of jeopardy, shutting him up in his fortress.
But deliverance from this confinement in jeopardy starts from his consulting Yahweh. Victory is assured by what Yahweh says in response,
celebrated in what it moves David to say, and perpetually remembered
in the name David gives to this place where Yahweh has secured his
deliverance.
This essentially unidirectional linear plot sequence in the first episode (see Figure 9, p. 108 below), however, gives effect at the same
time to a rhetorical sequence whose balanced items converge from the
two ends of the episode towards its middle. Thus the Philistines come
to take David with force of arms (17ap), but it is David who leaves the
field as victor with the spoils of battle (21b); David is initially forced to
flee for safety to 'the fortress' (17bp), but in the end it is the Philistines
who flee from the field of battle, abandoning all in the process (2la);
the Philistines come (183) and establish themselves in the valley of
Rephaim (18), David comes (KITl) to Baal Perazim and drives them out
(20ai.2); David asks for Yahweh's support (19a), and receives Yahweh's assurance of victory (19b).
Diagrammatically, the structure of this sequence may best be represented as a parabola (see Figure 7, p. 107).50 The stages of the plot
50. Although chiasm has now emerged, as against ring or envelope, as the conventional term for this structural feature of biblical narrative, its basically fourpointed representation of correspondences is too restrictive adequately to present
multiple correspondences in narrative. Hence I prefer instead the graphic form of
parabola, because it can not only accommodate multiple structural correspondences, but also simultaneously represent the linear progression of the plot. But any
graphical presentation of structure neatly focuses attention on the issue of the
complexity and bias inherent in our perception of structure in abstract entities such
as narrative. Besides the points made above in favour of my preference for the
parabola, questions arise about how to show the parabola itself: should the vertex
face upwards or downwards, or right or left? What conscious and/or sublimal perceptions lead one to opt for one of these alternatives? I have opted for vertex downwards, for two conscious reasons: (1) we subliminally/conventionally associate left
to right movement with linear progression (it is the way we read!); (2) we
105
106
Omeh in 23aa).
But, just as in the first episode, so in this episode also the two verbs
'consulted' ('PKCCH) and 'replied' ("IQ^I) are at the centre of this smaller
set of plot-devolving verbs. Indeed, as a result of this compression, the
second episode articulates more starkly than the first the basic framework of seeking, hearing and responding to the will of Yahweh. Moreover, in complete contrast to the first episode, this episode is dominated
by speech of Yahweh. Thus the terse opening (22.23aa) leads as soon
as may be to Yahweh's speech, reached after just 11 words as against
the 38 words it takes to reach the comparable stage in the first episode.
Moreover, whereas Yahweh's speech in the first episode is a mere 7 out
of 75 words in the episode, of which 12 are speech by David, in the
second episode of 50 words, 26 are speech by Yahweh, as against none
being speech by David.
The parabolic rhetorical structure of the second episode is even more
transparent than in the first (see Figure 8, p. 107). Its conclusion closely
balances its opening, the 13 words of v. 25 answering to the 1051 of 2223aa, with 25a corresponding to 23aa, and 25b with 22.
51. Adding these 23 words to the 26 of Yahweh's speech makes 49: the word
unaccounted for is "IDS'1! 23a|3, not itself counted as part of the 26 words of
Yahweh's speech.
Philistines Philistines
hear
seek David
as 'plunder'
David
hears
David
leaves
10
Yahweh
agrees
David
prevails
David
ascribes
Philistines
abandon
David
plunders
Philistines
Philistines David
asks
deploy
Yahweh
1
Philistines
deploy
David asks
Yahweh
3
Yahweh
prohibits
3'
Yahweh
instructs
2'
David
obeys
David routs
Philistines
108
Figure 9: Parallels in Linear Plot Structure between 2 Sam. 5.17-21 and 5.22-25
That the second episode pragmatically depends upon the first is evident
from its parasitic brevity, which, in presupposing the fuller information
given in the opening of the first episode, condenses down the latter's
more circumstantial narration.
But the resulting sparer narrative of the second episode gives great
salience within it to Yahweh's speech. The significance of this emerges
from a comparison of vv. 23-25a with vv. 19-20. In 19-20:
(1) David speaks both before and after Yahweh, and says far more,
both in quantity and in substance;
(2) the little that Yahweh says in 19b, though crucial to the plot outcome, merely re-echoes in assent what was first said by David in
19a(3y;
(3) it is David's words in 20a3.4 that incorporate the interpretative
meat of this episode.
109
110
its course. Thus the mere fact that, within this short pericope,53 David
twice consults Yahweh with signal success draws attention to itself, as
a matter of evident import. Clearly, on the surface it suggests a David
who is in close and harmonious relationship with Yahweh, a David to
whom Yahweh's power and will are benevolently disposed. Moreover,
since this evident benevolence results in removing the greatest threat to
his continuance in the melek-ship over Israel to which David has newly
acceded, the reader is easily led to assume further that Yahweh will
bend his power and will to sustain David in it.
Yet if this general perspective on the two episodes in 5.17-25 is in
danger of depicting Yahweh as tractable to David, and complaisant towards his ambitions, the significant difference of the second episode
from the first in structure and balance raises questions about the nature
of their relationship. Thus the god who in the first episode mildly
assents to the very general requests of David, allowing the latter to
determine in detail his own course of action, becomes the god who in
the second episode refuses to issue such a blank cheque, now precisely
dictating to David his course of action. The god who in the first episode
says little, a little that simply reiterates David's words, is the god whose
precise and decisive instructions in the second reduce David to a complete and subservient silence. If David defers to Yahweh in the first
episode by proclaiming the effective action to be Yahweh's, still the
words that mediate this to the reader are David's. Thus in the first
episode it is David's words that make the rhetorical impact, Yahweh's
are merely a low-key echo. How different the rhetoric of the second
episode, where Yahweh's speech and projected action dominate the
whole episode. Here it is David's silent obedience, narrated in conventional terms, which comes as the low-key, expected, response.
We shall see in following chapters how 5.17-25 has delineated a situation with enough thematic dynamic to carry the reader through to
7.29. The David who here has such an apparently cosy relationship
with Yahweh will all too soon find that to presume upon it provokes a
perplexing and vexing response (2 Sam. 6), and ultimately a humbling
one (2 Sam. 7). Here in this section we have a David who at this point
clearly has everything to gain, his life and his continuing occupation of
his throne, by deferentially seeking the help of Yahweh against his
enemies. But even so we catch a glimpse of a David, hinted at in the
53. The rather longer 1 Sam. 23.1-13 has David consult Yahweh three times in
the course of its narrative.
111
Chapter 4
DAVID DIFFERENT WITH YAHWEH: 2 SAMUEL 6
4.1. Contextualization
4.1.1. Title and Theme
The chapter title indicates significant thematic change within this section of our text. In the previous chapter I showed how the short initial
section of our stretch of text, on the surface depicting a harmonious
relationship between David and Yahweh, also subtly conveyed suggestions of undercurrents within this relationship. In 2 Samuel 6 we will
find these undercurrents gradually surfacing, to become the governing
drift in the tide of events. Thus currents which caused the merest ripples on the calm surface of 5.17-25, set in to send waves breaking over
6.1-23.
What is not being said in the narrative is of as much significance as
what is, particularly in the earlier part of this unit. Out of the tide of
events, which does not run quite as David had planned, his covert
intentions break the surface, betraying the outline of his difference with
Yahweh. I have chosen the unusual English combination 'different
with', not merely to parallel the title of the previous chapter, but
because, far more clearly than the normal combinations 'different from,
to, than', it expresses the covertness of David's estrangement from
Yahweh. This estrangement is something which David never acknowledges, not even to himself. It subsists within a relationship to Yahweh
that publicly pays him all due court, but the reader is made privy to
aspects of David not visible in his public persona.
4.1.2. Narrative Connections: Plot, Scene, Time
Yet although, as I indicated in my first chapter, in plot as well as in
theme the narrative of 2 Samuel 6 carries on from 5.17-25, it does not
immediately and seamlessly link up with it. The reader has to keep
expectations in suspense at first, and wait upon the unfolding of the
113
114
2. It will be observed that I have included 6.20a in both the second and third
episodes. This is because I see it as integral to each, as will emerge from the ensuing discussion. In fact, it will be found that the precise delimitation of each of the
three episodes will vary somewhat in the course of discussion, as a consequence of
their integrated boundaries, and according to the needs of the particular discussion.
3. On this technical term of psycholinguistics see the Glossary.
4. ^O'l here evidently is to be read as a graphic syncopation of *](?&'], 'he gathered', anomalously vocalized on the pattern of TPIN, ^DN, etc., and not as a graphic
syncopation of ^D'TH, 'he added, increased', which offers no intelligible sense in the
context. ^O1! in 5.22 has an infinitive complement which is lacking in 6.1.
5. On the contrary, the only reference in 5.17-25 to the nature of David's
fighting force is the casual addition of VCMN1, 'and his men', to 5.21b. This locution
designates, not a general Israelite force, but, in accord with established reference in
Samuel, his personal band of loyal fighters who go back to his days of struggle: so
1 Sam. 22.1-2, 6; 23.3, 5, 13 etc.
115
nor has there been any previous reference to David's doing so in the
David story in Samuel.6
The answer to the puzzle may lie in the resonant conjunction of the
expressions 'picked Israelite troops' (6.1) and 'to search out David'
(5.17) further back in two episodes7 from David's flight from Saul. In
1 Sam. 24.3[2]; 26.2 Saul deployed three thousand8 picked troops9 from
the fight against the Philistines 'to search out David' (DN ttJpD'?
TTI) in the Judaean wilderness.10 Yet as things turned out on each occasion it was Saul's life that, put in jeopardy to David and his small personal band of fighters, was spared by David.11 Now in our present text
the Philistines twice send a force12 'to search out David' (~n~I DN ^pD^
5.17a(3, cf. 5.22a), but it was they who were routed, by David and his
personal band.13 Only following this defeat of the Philistines does
6. Within the politico-historical pragmatics in the story of David in Samuel
this is to be expected, since it is only since David's installation as king over Israel
(5.1-3) that he would have had the right to call up such a force.
7. Whether these are variant accounts of one basic tradition need not concern
us here, since in the story of David in Samuel they are narrated as separate incidents.
8. Of the other references to a force of picked Israelite troops, Judg. 20.34
gives a figure of 10,000, and 2 Sam. 10.9 = 1 Chron. 19.10 gives no figure.
9. The Hebrew expressions vary slightly in each text, ^"ifer bDQ "1TQ KTK
116
'David gather again all the elite troops in Israel', ten times Saul's 3000
(6.1).14
Thus the puzzling ~nu, 'again', in 6.1 evidently has rather distant
textual anaphora, back to 1 Sam. 24.3[2] and 26.2, as being the first
subsequent gathering of picked troops noted in the narrative. But this
reference so far back in the story would by itself be too distant and
allusive to be effective. It is made effective, however, through the further connection strikingly forged by the phrase 'to search out David'
(in DK 2Jp3^), a phrase which also links our passage to the same two
earlier texts, and to nothing in between. This link creates narrative
irony. For David has emerged unscathed from the Philistines come 'to
seek his life', just as he had earlier from Saul. But more, with his small
personal band David has now won the victory over the Philistines that
Saul had failed to secure with Israel's elite troops. Why, then, here,
after the event, does David assemble 'all the elite troops in Israel'?
A similarly allusive narrative irony may help to explain, since the
connection of 6.1 with what follows in 6.2-5 is also not by any means
immediately clear to the reader. Again a false trail is too easily followed. For, on the one hand, explicating15 from its general content and
position in the narrative, that is, that, following his tactical victory over
the Philistines in 5.25, David musters a large force of Israel's fighting
elite, the reader may naturally be led to expect that David will mount a
more sustained campaign against the Philistines. But no such campaign
ensues in 2 Samuel 6 (or 7), and it is not until 8.1 that there is reference
to further Davidic victory against the Philistines.16 Yet, on the other
hand, having been specially told at this point that he gathered this force,
it is not spelt out to the reader how David makes any use of it in the
very different events which unfold in 2 Samuel 6. First, there is no
other explicit reference to this force in the chapter. Nor, second, does
14. Neither 1 Sam. 24.3 nor 26.2 carries a clear implicature that the 3000 comprised all of the available elite troops at that time. Our present text, however,
specifies this of the 30,000.
15. The appropriate elements of pragmatic discourse logic in particular are the
principles of optimal relevance and of minimum processing effort: i.e. that here it is
most natural to assume that, when reference to another military force is introduced
into a context which has been concerned with military fighting, the new military
force will play a role in a continuing context of military fighting. On optimal relevance and minimum processing effort see Blakemore (1992: 30-37).
16. The brief summary reference in 8.1 does not indicate the nature of the force
used to secure victory.
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118
that 'all the picked troops of Israel' were highly appropriate participants
in it, if not the only appropriate participants.
Hence the designation 'all the people who were with him' (2aa)
implicates the participation of others besides the elite troops. Who else
is comprehended is however left to general contextual and pragmatic
considerations to determine. From the preceding text the reader will
readily suppose that David's 'men' (5.21b) will also have been involved, given that this ceremony follows immediately on their victories
over the Philistines. Then on general pragmatic grounds it is easy to
assume that such a ceremony will have given a prominent role to representatives of Israelite tribes, such as officiated earlier at his anointing as
king (5.3). This readerly assumption is later confirmed by the expression 'David and the whole house of Israel' (^fcnfer m ^Dl TIT) 5aa).
Both pragmatic and wider contextual knowledge are presupposed for
the explication of 2af3ba. It is evident enough from what is said here
that the ark of God has been at Baal Judah. What is not directly evident
from the text, however, is why David should, immediately following
his victory over the Philistines,20 gather a company at this place for the
purpose of the ark's removal. But if the reader knows that the ark was
at Baal Judah precisely because that is where the Philistines allowed it
to remain, knowledge available from the early chapters of Samuel,21
then David's removal of it from there immediately after his resounding
double victory over the Philistines takes on a triumphal aspect.
Indeed, the participation in the ceremony of the 30,000 picked troops
of Israel will then have served to parade the magnitude of his triumph
with an ironic precision. For according to the narrative in 1 Sam. 4.1011, 30,000 was the number of Israelite foot soldiers killed when the
Philistines captured the ark. Then further, if the reader knows that Baal
Judah/Kiriath Jearim was in the line of David's rout of the Philistines
20. That historically grounded objections may be made to the order of events
here is for us beside the point, since the present narrative order, whether in fact historical or not, had to be plausible to its envisaged readers, who no doubt had a considerable knowledge from tradition about the narrative's events, participants and
locale.
21. The envisaged readers for 2 Sam. 6 need not have been solely dependent on
the account in 1 Sam. 6.21-7.2 for this knowledge, since it might have been available in other forms of tradition. But however that may be, the passage in Samuel,
besides being the only source of such knowledge available to the modern reader, is
an operative intratextual context, as subsequent discussion will show.
119
as given in 2 Sam. 5.25b,22 and that their being driven to the outskirts
of Gezer thus clears them well away from this town, both elements of
pragmatic knowledge bound up with the scenic locale of 2ap.bct, then,
following his victory, David's project is seen to be an eminently practical possibility, and that for the first time since the ark arrived at Kiriath
Jearim.23
But the reader's perception of the nature of the triumph to be celebrated is given a new dimension by the defining clause added to the
designation 'the ark of God' (OTlS^n ]!"!). In the ark cult at Baal
Judah/Kiriath Jearim (cf. 'there', D2J, 2bp)24 the God of the ark was
worshipped under the title 'Yahweh of Hosts25 enthroned on the cherubim' (D'aiDn 3GT mtUS mrr 2b(3).26 The title YHWHSeba'ot invokes
Yahweh as divine king,27 but more particularly, as the contexts of its
usage indicate, Yahweh as the divine warrior-king enthroned over the
ark in the shrine, whence he may be summoned to assert his regal
authority over his enemies by bringing his people victory.28
22. This claim stands whichever of the alternative readings for MT D33Q is
adopted (though it should be observed that the much-favoured reading pin^O,
'from Gibeon', does set up a line rather to the north of Kiriath Jearim). In this respect 5.25b prepares for 6.2-5.
23. The references to Philistine occupation and oppression of Israel that occur
between 1 Sam. 7 and 2 Sam. 6 are at any rate susceptible to this interpretation, if
they do not demand it.
24. For the textual reading see above Ch. 2 n. 15, p. 55.
25. On the construing of the combination niiOU HIIT as a construct relationship,
see Zobel (1987-89: cols. 879-80), Mettinger (1982a: 127-28); and for the interpretation of mias, see Zobel (cols. 880-81), Mettinger (1982a: 123-27), and the literature cited there.
26. This cultic title of Yahweh was not however original to Kiriath Jearim, but
evidently came there with the ark, since the title is used in 1 Sam. 4.4 in connection
with the ark at Shiloh: 30" m3S miT rVQ ]TI HN Um IN&n rfrti DWH ifTBh
D'TTDn, 'the people sent to Shiloh to take up from there the ark of the covenant of
Yahweh of Hosts enthroned on the cherubim'. Compare also the separate occur-
120
Now our text has already made quite a point of emphasizing how
David's victories over the Philistines are Yahweh's victories (5.17-25).
Hence in taking the ark in ritual procession from Baal Judah to Jerusalem, David is parading the cultic emblem of the victorious divine
warrior-king through exactly the scenes of his latest triumphs.29 Moreover, these triumphs are over the Philistines, whose capture of the ark
as a trophy of victory, as a result of earlier victories over Israel, had led
to its eventual deposit precisely in Kiriath Jearim/Baal Judah. Thus this
procession is also a ritual repossession30 of his territory, now freed from
Philistine control, by the returning divine warrior-king.31
brought into battle following a defeat at the hands of the Philistines. Psalm 80
invokes God under the same title, appealing for a saving epiphany (80.2-3, 8, 20[12, 7, 19]) in a situation of probable military distress (80.13-16[12-15]). In Ps. 99 the
continuing rule of the king Yahweh 'enthroned on the cherubim' (99.1) is
accompanied by the kind of fear among the nations (D^OU 1MT) and perturbation in
the natural order which elsewhere accompanies the progress of the divine warriorking: cf. Exod. 15.11-18; Ps. 48.3-9[2-8]; Judg. 5.4-5; Ps. 18.8-20[7-19]. Psalm 18
displays, in close order, elements of this ideology which occur in a more dispersed
way in our narrative text: Yahweh hears the psalmist's plea I^DTIQ, 'from his
temple', and rides to the psalmist's rescue on a cherub U)~D b# DDT1 (18.11[10]),
manifesting himself in the phenomena of a rainstorm (18.12-16[11-15]). So here
victories achieved through rainstorm theophanies (5.20,24) are now being celebrated by Yahweh of Hosts as the god enthroned on the cherubim.
29. The journey from Kiriath Jearim will have taken the procession down from
the hills overlooking the valley of Rephaim on to the plain and across it towards
Jerusalem. I am convinced that had we as precise a knowledge of the locales indicated in 5.17-25 as is presupposed by the text, that Baal Perazim and the heights of
Bakaim (? and Geba/Gibea) would turn out to be on this route. The route implied in
Ps. 84 as taken by pilgrims to the sanctuary of the divine king Yahweh of Hosts
(84.2-8[l-7]) is no doubt the same journey, at least in part: cf. the vale of Baka
(84.7[6]) with Bakaim (2 Sam. 5.23-24), and the reference to the autumn rains
(84.7[6]) with the rainstorm imagery (5.20, 24).
30. Compare the ritual claim of the warrior-god to (re)possession of territory in
Ps. 60.7-10[5-8] = 108.7-10[6-9].
31. Thus I would maintain that while McCarter (1983: 274-75) rightly notes
points where the analogy Miller and Roberts (1977: 10-17, esp. 16-17) draw
between 2 Sam. 6 and Mesopotamian accounts of 'the return of an image to its
sanctuary' fails, he wrongly excludes from 2 Sam. 6 any notion of divine return, in
favour of his own analogy with the inauguration of a god in a newly founded
national shrine. Revealingly, McCarter says 'Throughout 2 Samuel 6 the destination of the ark is referred to as "the city of David" (vv 10,12,16)...' (1983: 274;
my emphasis). As his own citations betray, however, the text makes no explicit
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122
123
124
125
126
127
rudely disillusioned. As the ark procession drew ever closer to its asyet-unspecified destination, Yahweh suddenly made that destination
more distant to attain than it was at the start of the journey.
Three elements in 6.7-8 together make unmistakeable, and hence
significant, reference back to 5.20. The first is 'God struck him down
there' (DTftNn Dtf TO'I 6.7a(3), which closely parallels 'David struck
them down there (I'll DCd D^l 5.20a2). Taken by themselves these
phrases might be no more than coincidental instances of a common
Hebrew idiom. But add to this parallel, second, the similarity between
the ensuing explanatory clause 'because Yahweh had made a surge
against Uzzah' (mm pa mm pa l^K ^),52 and David's ejaculation
'Yahweh has surged over my enemies before me like a surge of
(storm)-water' (D^Q f ^SD ^ STK n mrr pa 5.20a3.4.b). The coincidence of expression here cannot be dismissed as conventional cliche.
Finally, each incident is memorialized in names David gives to the
respective places of their occurrence, both incorporating the Hebrew
root pa (mi? pa; 'surge against Uzza' 6.8b // D^IS ^in; 'lord of
flood-surges' 5.20b).
Thus a very evocative parallel is drawn between the activity of Yahweh in the two incidents. However different their contexts appear to be,
the text is implying that the role of Yahweh has an essential similarity
in each. Nor ought the irony of the parallel subsisting in David's reactions to Yahweh's action in each be missed. In 5.20 David responded
with appropriate awe to Yahweh's miraculous power against his enemies. Here53 he responds with anger mingled with fear and perplexity at
action, so impetuously pronouncing sentence in 12.5-6 above (see previous note), is
here thwarted by his private inclination towards his eldest, as the LXX reading
spells out.
52. Our apprehension of the rhetorical force of 8a|3 is increased by the reflection
that the most natural discourse-cohesive way of expressing the motive clause would
have been in the terms provided by 7a, e.g. niiO PDQ TT ron "Ittftf *7S, 'because
Yahweh had struck Uzza down with a fatal blow'. Note that this is precisely how it
is done in 1 Sam. 6.19bp rftna HDQ Din TIT ron "D, 'Yahweh struck down
(many) among the people with a great slaughter', picking up on 19a.
53. The explanation in 6.8ap is actually given in the implied narrator's voice,
but the implicature that it was how David himself saw it gains strength from 8b,
which probably states, or at least implies, that it was David who gave the spot its
then still current name, Peres Uzzah. The syntax of 8b is anacoluthic, the result of
compression: (1) it is most natural to assume pronominal anaphora of Kip"1! 8b to
ITb 8aa, i.e. 'he (David) named'; (2) but this coheres oddly with run QVTI IS,
128
the same overwhelming divine force, which now strikes down one
doing his own behest. But is then David's minion an enemy of Yahweh? Is David's behest so contrary to Yahweh's will as to provoke
such drastic intervention? Such are the questions raised about this later
incident by the arresting manner in which 6.7-8 parallels it with 5.20.
The seeming unpredictability of Yahweh's dealings with him, now
bringing to success a clearly hazardous enterprise, now throwing into
jeopardy an apparently safe one, engenders in David an attitude of fear
towards Yahweh (9a) new to the story of David.54 Moreover, the
strangeness of the experience throws David into aporia: baulked of his
original intention, David is at a loss what to do (9b-10a).55 Yet the very
moment of its frustration is also the first time the narrative has ever
specified the goal towards which David was taking the ark: ^K 'to me',
'until this day', 8b|3, which really requires an impersonal construction 'one called it
= it is called'. Probably the construction changes in the course of the utterance,
leading to strict inconsistency. McCarter's rather dismissive comment on 6.8 (1984:
170) completely misses the connection with 5.20, and offers instead a complicated
double explanation for 8ap, involving an actual breach, both in the family of Uzza
and in the fortifications of Jerusalem. I have shown in the previous chapter on 5.20
how this misperceives the image involved in ]HS (see 3.2.2 above with nn. 22, 23,
pp. 94-95). But in any case, whatever may have been the facts about a putative
historical figure Uzza, and about the walls of Jerusalem in the time of a historical
David, neither is nearly so germane to readerly understanding of our text as its
poetics, which deliberately constructs a parallel between David's perception of
Yahweh's dispatch of Uzza in 6.8, and his perception of Yahweh's dispatch of the
Philistines according to 5.20.
54. Indeed, apart from the rather different instance of Jonathan's reassurance to
David NTH ^ (1 Sam. 23.17aa), this is the only other occasion in the whole story
of David where the verb NT is applied to David. Even the dangerous rebellion of
his son Absalom, from whom David flees for his life, is not said to induce fear in
David.
55. Again the general similarity with the situation of the Beth Shimshites in
1 Sam. 6 make the differences here instructive. The Beth Shimshites are equally at
a loss what to do with the ark following the disaster. But since they accept Yahweh's baleful intervention as evidence that they are not fit custodians of the ark,
their questions properly reflect on the due disposition of the ark for the service of
'this holy God Yahweh' (6.20), and issue in the summons to the inhabitants of
Kiriath Jearim (6.21). David's reflections, however, turn exclusively around the
frustration of his own intentions (2 Sam. 6.9b, lOa), hardly a positive basis on
which to conclude that the ark would properly be deposited in the house of Obed
Edom.
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9b, TT! TU *?!?...T^R, 'to him...to the city of David', 10a.56 But the
implied reader is informed of this now only through being made privy
by the implied author to David's interior monologue.57 How this
betrays his sudden disenchantment with the plan to requisition the ark
for himself (V^N TOrf?)!
In fact, these reactions by David to the Uzza incident, some publicly
observable, others only assertable from authorial omniscience, are a
particularly revealing moment in the plot. For, at the outset having
failed to declare openly his intention to requisition for himself the ark,
let alone to consult Yahweh about it,58 David is now caught out concealing within himself his change of heart. The one whose first recourse
in 5.17-25 was to consult Yahweh (mrPD 111 ^Ktfn 19aa, 23aa), is
now remarkably reluctant, even when brought up sharp by Yahweh, in
any way to confide in him!
David's deposit of the ark in the house of Obed Edom the Gittite
(lOb) has thus been given a purely negative motivation: David fears to
take it to himself into the city of David, so he leaves it with Obed Edom
for want of any better recourse. Evidently59 the house was conveniently
near to the threshing-floor of Nakon where the disaster occurred, yet far
enough removed from the city of David for safety! Of any positive
grounds for choosing this household the narrative does not inform us.
However, the identification of Obed Edom as a man of Gath may implicate his being a long-standing client of Davidpresumably having
become such while David was in the service of Achish of Gath (1 Sam.
27-2 Sam. 1)who stayed with David during his rise to power in
56. Reflecting pragmatically, one would have to assume that David informed
the leaders of the procession that he was taking the ark in triumphant progress to
the city of David, without necessarily adding that he intended to lodge it there permanently! However, this reflection is irrelevant to the rhetorical impact made on the
reader by the narrative's suppressing this information until this point.
57. As often in Hebrew, the speech introduced by "iDtt^ 9b, and implied by K^l
!"QN lOa, is not specially marked as interior, but both the nature of the rhetorical
question in 9b and the lack of any obvious addressee strongly suggest this.
58. Given the emphasis on David's consultation of Yahweh in the preceding
narrative (5.19aa, 23aa), the absence of such consultation over a matter that
involves Yahweh so directly must be significant.
59. The text appears to take Obed Edom and his house as well known. Apart
from our text and the direct parallels in Chronicles, a "person or persons named
Obed Edom is/are mentioned in several other Chronicles passages, on which see
next note.
130
Israel. But nothing is said to indicate that either his person60 or his
house was appropriately sacred61 to receive the ark, thus implying that
under threat David was happy to seize the available expedient to disembarrass himself of his dangerous cargo.
How long he would have left it to languish there is not apparent. For
when the ark had remained (32T1) three months62 at the house of Obed
Edom (lla), 'Yahweh63 blessed Obed Edom and all his household'
60. According to Chronicles Obed Edom was a Levite, variously identified as a
gatekeeper of the ark shrine (1 Chron. 15.18, 24; 16.38), musician (15.21) and
Levitical ark ministrant (16.5, 38), and progenitor of a family of gatekeepers (26.48, 15). Apparently, 1 Chron. 26.5b D'rftK "Oia "D, 'for God blessed him', cf.
13.14b (= 2 Sam. 6.lib), identifies the progenitor, and presumably by implication
the gatekeeper of 1 Chron. 15 and 16, with the Obed Edom in whose house the ark
was deposited, whereas 1 Chron. 16.38 MT can be construed as distinguishing Obed
Edom son of Jeduthun the gatekeeper from Obed Edom (lineage unspecified) the
ark ministrant. However, it is perfectly apparent from all this that the Chronicles
tradition accords to Obed Edom a cultic status appropriate to custodianship of the
ark, a status it denies to the ill-fated Uzza. But this representation of Obed Edom
comports neither with his name, 'he serves [the god] Edom', indicating non-Yahwist religious adherence by his parents, nor with his origins in the Philistine city of
Gath. In our text Uzza is a duly authorized attendant to the ark, Obed Edom a pressganged superintendant whose credentials are suspect.
61. Thus in this respect also David's response is unlike that of the Beth
Shimshites, who sent a considerable distance to Kiriath Jearim, to find an appropriate locale to house the ark (1 Sam. 6.21, 7.1).
62. Why three months? Since we do not know in what way Yahweh blessed the
household, we cannot directly explain the time span as that required to manifest the
blessing. But is there perhaps an intended echo of the ark's sojourn in the Philistine
cities of Ashdod and Gath? The narrative in 1 Sam. 5 does not specify a time span
for either of these sojourns, but 6.1 cites seven months as the total for its time in
Philistine hands, including its clearly much shorter stay at Eqron. An easy calculation reckons three months each in Ashdod and Gath, and one month in Eqron. The
three months each it accordingly took for 'the hand of the Lord' to manifest itself in
curse upon Ashdod and Gath, is balanced by the three months taken for the blessing
of Yahweh to manifest itself on the house of Obed Edom. Moreover, this suggested
correspondence imparts an irony to the identification of Obed Edom as a man of
Gath (lla)!
63. It is Yahweh tout court, not Yahweh of Hosts, the special title of the God of
the ark according to 6.2. In Samuel this title seems mainly to be confined to liturgical or solemn contexts (cf. 1 Sam. 1.3, 11; 4.4; 17.45; 2 Sam. 6.18; 7.26, 27), and,
twice only, to the messenger formula introducing an oracle (1 Sam. 15.2; 2 Sam.
7.8). Similarly, in the narrative about the ark in 1 Sam. 5-6, Yahweh tout court is
the standing divine designation.
131
(lib). What form the blessing took64 is not regarded as relevant information. The simple fact of the blessing, however, asserted here as a fact
on the implied author's authority, is highly relevant.
4.2.2. Verses 12-20a
The blessing of Obed Edom is highly relevant because it is a fact that,
when he gets to hear of it, David can turn to his advantage. Having preconfirmed for the reader what is now reported to David in 12a, the
author can use the report to spotlight by its repetition this eventuality as
the turning-point in the plot.65 Moreover, the repetition is itself rhetorically heightened. First, the scope of the blessing is made more comprehensive with the expansive addition 'and everything belonging to him'
0^ "1CJK ^D n^l 12aa). Then a further additional phrase 'on account of
the ark' (DTT^H "["HR "TOin 12a[3) now gives explicit expression to
what was previously a post hoc ergo propter hoc implicature in the
consecution of lib to 11 a. Finally, the most telling words in the brief
report, 'Yahweh has blessed' (miT ~[~n) and 'on account of the ark'
(DTI^n pltf ~nnun), are kept separated, and placed in the positions of
maximum rhetorical effect, at the beginning and at the end of the utterance respectively.66
64. Evidently 1 Chron 26.5 saw the eight sons there attributed to Obed Edom as
the result of this blessing: but such a blessing was hardly evident after three
months! Without referring to that text, Caquot and de Robert (1994: 416) cite the
insistence on the word fPH in ll-12a as grounds for suspecting that the blessing
consisted in a fecundity bestowed by the ark. One might further think of the narrative of the barren Hannah granted the blessing of a child following fervent prayer to
Yahweh of Hosts (1 Sam. 1.11), elsewhere (1 Sam. 4.4) identified as God of the
ark. But three months into a human pregnancy is rather too early for it to be evident
to all the world (cf. 12a), and in any case, one child is a notable blessing only where
barrenness has preceded, as in Hannah's case. Our text gives no grounds to presuppose such a situation here. The additional 'and everything belonging to him'
0*7 "I2JN ^D flNl 12a) broadens the scope of the blessing beyond the human members of Obed Edom's household to include livestock (cf. Gen. 12.20 with 16; Num.
16.30-33, etc.) and/or crops (2 Kgs 8.6; Ruth 4.9). In the absence of any direct
indication about time of year, however, this hardly helps.
65. The rhetorical function of the repetition is made the more apparent if we
observe that the text, following the pattern of 5.17b, could simply have read I?Qh
'ill! DTftRn p n *?m "j'ri Til "[bob in/Y^on, 'David the king heard about it/
It was reported to David the king; so he went and took up the ark of God, etc.'
66. Admittedly, the expression m!T ~["Q occurs in the normal position in the
utterance, but in fact, as inspection of the following tabulation will demonstrate,
132
These, then, are the words which resound in the mind of David as
melek67 as he resolves to appropriate the blessing to his own household
(12ay).68 This further piece of internal monologue answers to that
reported in 9b and implied in lOa: doubt and aporia are now displaced
by confident resolve. But it is a resolve not even declared to Yahweh,
let alone taken in consultation with him. Thus this second authorial disclosure of David's inner thoughts is no less revealing of David's concealed intentions than was the earlier disclosure. Readerly suspicion of
a scheming self-interest that David dare not acknowledge becomes ever
more distinct. Would it have been evident to the envisaged reader that
the turn of events as narrated actually justified David's response? On
the contrary, on normal Israelite religious premises the blessing of
Obed Edom's household 'on account of the ark' was a sign, not that
Yahweh was now happy for David to remove the ark from there to
possible alternative word orders would put either mrr "p3 or DTT^Kn ]1~!K "IDIG
into weak position, as well as thereby giving salience to elements not so significant
in the text:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(1) is the least rhetorically effective version of all, since it deprives ]"")
DTfrNn of salience without conferring much rhetorical weight on any other part of
the utterance. (2) and (3) give most salience to DTl^Kn ]!") TOJn, but at the
expense of miT ~p3, which occurs in weak position in each version. (4) and (5)
give most salience to the recipient of the blessing, not the real point of the
utterance, retain salience for mm ]T1K TQjn, but again put mm "["13 into the
weakest part of the utterance.
67. 12aa is the first time in our stretch of text that "]^Qn has been used as a title
for David, and the first time the word has been used at all since 5.17. Thus it is
pointedly in his persona as melek that David responds to the news of the blessing
brought by the ark to the household of Obed Edom.
68. According to text preserved in the Lucianic Septuagint, on which see Ch. 2
n. 35, p. 61. Both the structural correspondence to the earlier piece of interior
monologue, and the thematic importance that the blessing of David's house
assumes in our text (cf. especially 6.20-21, 7.29) are persuasive arguments in
favour of retaining this piece of text. But even without it, David's action in response to the report (12b) taken together with 18b, 20a implicates the same
intention.
133
134
of Israel' with David in the festive bringing up of the ark, and describes
in terms of an action in progress ('bringing up..with cultic acclamation
and sound of the horn', ~1D1$ 'Tip! rfi?l"lfQ...D''^I7Q) what was summarized punctiliarly in 12b ('he brought up... with joy', nnftfcD...i7ir>i).
Thus in 14a, 14b and 15, with their subject-verb inversion and
participles, and their descriptive detail, the narrative's plot movement is
perceptibly becalmed, in order to give the reader a vivid impression of
the scene.
The tableau is held for a moment longer in 16abai.2, to focus on a
new aspect of the scene (16ba3.4p). Just as the ark enters the city of
David, the very moment when David's project is being crowned with
success, 'Michal the daughter of Saul', looking out of the window, sees
'the king David' with the ark. This element in the narrative, although
new, is not in itself surprising. On the contrary, it is a version of a stock
scene to conclude battle accounts, which depicts the women waiting at
home, in joyful and expectant welcome, for the return of their victorious warriors, laden with booty.71 From its outset, our narrative has set
up the ark procession as David's triumphal progress (6.1-2) to celebrate
his victory over the Philistines (5.17-25), and within this perspective
the ark, liberated from Philistine control, is a spoil of battle. Thus that
David's chief wife72 should play her expected73 part in proceedings
71. The actual biblical examples all modify the basic stock scene in various
ways. The version we have here is that of (an) aristocratic woman/women looking
out of a palace window. Judges 5.28-30 makes of this a taunt, a sardonic portrayal
of growing doubts mingling with anticipations of fine booty in the minds of the
aristocratic Canaanite women waiting for their men's return, but all in vain as the
hearer/reader already knows. 2 Kings 9.30-31 turns the same basic scene into a
proud act of defiance, as Jezebel confronts her treacherous enemy Jehu as though
welcoming him home as an auspicious victor bringing her booty. A humbler version of the stock scene, in which ordinary women kept busy at home by their daily
tasks share the spoils with the victors, is reflected in Ps. 68.13-14[12-13], and probably also lies behind a similarly worded taunt on Reuben in Judg. 5.16. To my mind
this stock scene is more demonstrably the implied background to the text here than
the hypothetical sacred marriage ritual proposed by Porter (1954: 164-67).
72. Though never explicitly stated, Michal's status as chief wife is a clear
implicature of the following points in the story of David: (1) she is David's first
wife, and the daughter of his predecessor; (2) David made her return to him a
condition of his negotiations with Abner over transfer of the allegiance of the
northern tribes to David (2 Sam. 3.12-16); (3) she is a wife who can castigate her
husband for unbecoming behaviour (6.20); (4) her barrenness (6.23) is of moment.
73. For a highly perceptive, yet in significant respects rather different, reading
135
136
scanty covering for the male torso. Hence in 16ba, poetics powerfully
combine with pragmatics to point up the reaction of Saul's regal
daughter to all the colour and movement of King David's dramatic
entry into Jerusalem: 'she despised him in her heart' (rn^D 1^ nm
16bp). The rhythmic shortness of the phrase, in marked contrast to the
longer clauses preceding it, and its intense assonance77 give it the
pointedness of a dagger, a rhetorical thrust enhanced by its being kept
to the end of this long sentence. Michal has gone chillingly out of
character from the woman awaiting with joyful anticipation the victor's
triumphant return home!
Thus the reader has been momentarily translated from down below
with David, to up there with Michal, to see the action from her vantage
point. But to be made here to see from her vantage point is not yet to
take her point of view. Nonetheless, through the eyes of Michal the
brief scene cleverly fosters the reader's inchoate estrangement from
David's point of view, that estrangement which has already been
engendered by earlier being made privy to his secret thoughts (9-10,
12). The reader will later listen in on an exchange between the queen
and king (20-22), where Michal's words serve to throw David's
motives further into doubt.
Those down below, however, are too far away and too caught up in
the action to catch the steely glint of cold disdain in Michal's gaze. The
ark is brought into the city (17acci), with nothing inauspicious evident
to the celebrants, and duly installed by its bearers78 in the shrine prepared79 for it by David (ITac^Py): 1QPQ2, 'in its place'80 carries the
77. In modern pronunciation there is assonance between 1, 3 and T in Qm, and
of the ^s and 2s in 113^3 V?. How differently this may have sounded in ancient pronunciation is impossible for us to say, though one assumes that there must still have
been considerable assonance, given the repetition of the same consonants.
78. The referents of the plural verbs IND'I and l^'l are presumably the same as
those for mrr ]T1N "WH in 13a, i.e. the ark-bearers who remain entirely anonymous
in this second episode.
79. The reflective reader is tempted to ponder on when David made this preparation. Syntactically, it is possible to read HO] in 17ay as a preterite 'which David
pitched for it (at that time)'. But the discourse logic implied by the placing of the
preceding phrase 17a(3 'in its place in the midst of the tent' makes the pluperfect,
'which David had (already) pitched for it', the more natural way to construe 17ap\
In that case, the most easily made assumption is that David had got the tent and
socle ready when he first planned to bring the ark to Jerusalem. But when was this?
The narrative consecution of 6.Iff. to 5.25 strongly suggests that the events nar-
137
suggestion that the ark finds its true home there. Its new home is inaugurated81 by David's82 offering sacrifice 'before Yahweh' (17b),83 thus
effectively identifying Yahweh's presence in David's shrine with the
rated in 6.1-10 were an immediate sequel to David's victory over the Philistines,
even to the point of implying that David had not returned to Jerusalem in the
meantime, but collected the ark on his return from the outskirts of Gezer. That
being the case, David's preparations would have to have antedated the Philistine
attacks narrated in 5.17-25. But since the story of David says nothing explicit about
this issue, we are drawing out what is no more than a weak contextual implicature
of 6.17a. In other words, our narrator is content to hint at David's longer-standing
plans here, without insisting on the point. The question is resolved in the Chronicles account, where David's preparation (1 Chron. 15.1b) is placed after the victories over the Philistines, and before the removal of the ark from the house of Obed
Edom.
80. As against, say, in "b ^Dri 1EN DlpQH, 'in the place which David had prepared for it', which the text might easily have read (cf. 1 Chron. IS.lba). DIpD,
'place', here probably refers to some kind of pedestal or socle on which the ark was
installed. But this is a pragmatic reference for DlpQ defined by this particular context, and not an inherent semantic meaning of the term: cf. the points I make
against claims that DlpQ in 2 Sam. 7.10 means 'shrine, temple' in Murray (1990,
esp. 299-302).
81. The whole context here is directly focused on David's new tent-shrine for
the ark and its inauguration, and only indirectly and by implication with the city of
David. Note that in fact 6.17 does not mention the city of David, though it very
easily could have read 'they brought the ark into the city of David and set it, etc.'
('131 ucn m TI> mrr ]1"i n IKm). Thus, although the bringing of the ark by
our David into his city is undoubtedly implicated by our narrative as being highly
significant for Jerusalem, in making his analogy with Mesopotamian texts concerning the inauguration of new royal cities, McCarter (1983: 274-77) is seduced into
rather misrepresenting the focus of our text, in the interests of his alleged parallels.
The questions of what a historical David may have done and why, should not be
either confused or conflated with those of what the David of our text did and why.
One cannot project directly from answers to the latter set of questions to answers to
the former set.
82. This could be understood as 'David had sacrifices offered', with the text
implicating that there were priests on hand to carry out the ritual slaughter of the
large number of animals, especially for the D^Q1?^ offering evidently presupposed
by 6.19. But as we have already seen above (6.14) and will see again in 6.18-19,
David is in any case presented as a priestly celebrant presiding over the whole
ritual.
83. mrr lysb, 'before Yahweh', with n^ll) rh>V is surprisingly rare: elsewhere I
have noted only Judg. 20.26b; 2 Chron. 1.6; and probably Jer. 33.18b by implicature from "ysbto in 33.18a.
138
ark installed there at David's behest. The inauguration rites include not
only the '<3/d-offerings exclusive to the divine sphere, but also the
$eldmim-offenngs shared in by the worshippers, here given emphasis by
detaching D'D^tfl from m^D and delaying it until the end of the
sentence.
David's liberal sharing out84 of these offerings as tokens of blessing
among 'all the people, the entire mass of Israel, man and woman alike'
(19a)85 draws the general populace into David's actions, putting them
in a frame of mind to be well-disposed towards his cultic innovation.
More, his bestowal of bounty gives the people a tangible foretaste of
the blessing from the newly installed God of the ark, YHWH Seba'ot,
already solemnly pronounced on the people by David as chief celebrant
84. The verb p^n is used of the sharing out of offerings only once elsewhere,
and that in the more restricted context of sharing out the tithes among the Levites,
Neh. 13.13. Note also that the noun p^n of a 'share' in offerings occurs only in reference to priests, Lev. 6.10[17], and Levites, Deut. 18.8. On the other hand, both
the verb (Josh. 22.8; 1 Sam. 30.24 qal; Exod. 15.9, Judg. 5.30; Isa. 9.2[3], etc. piel)
and the noun (Gen. 14.24 bis; Num. 31.36; 1 Sam. 30.24 bis) often refer to the
sharing out of the spoils of battle. Given the present context of David's triumphal
return from battle with the ark as recaptured spoil, one may be justified in detecting
some resonance of David's sharing out 'spoil' in his sharing out the offerings made
in the cult of the recaptured ark. This resonance is prolonged by the potentially
ambiguous reference of the immediately following expressions D#n and ]1QH
t
?N'~)2r: see next note. Given further the text's sardonic twist to the role of the
woman awaiting the victor's return with spoil (v. 16), that David has shared this
'spoil' with 'all the people...man and woman alike' but is baulked precisely by his
queen Michal from doing so with his own household (v. 20), deepens the irony.
85. Both its repetitions and its use of the very uncommon expression ]1DH ^r>
^Klttr, 'the entire mass of Israel' (it occurs elsewhere only in 2 Kgs 7.13), make
this utterance striking. Following on from the verb p^lT (see previous note), there
is deliberate play on the ambiguity of reference of Din ^ and '?$')&'' jlOPI ^D,
whereby both could refer to the fighting forces of Israel, or to the people generally.
The former reference has been contextualized as potential, in general by the story's
action as celebration of Yah wen's/David's triumph over the Philistines and, in
particular, by the opening reference to the involvement of ^"lETD "IIPD ^D (6.1).
However, the latter reference, more immediately potential in the cultic context, is
actualized with the addition of the final phrase TON "1^1 KTNQ'?, 'man and woman
alike', obviously inapplicable to an ancient army. But further, there is irony in the
emphasis ntON, 'woman', derives as the culminating term in this series. For whereas
every (ordinary) woman in Israel receives from David a foretaste of the blessing to
be expected from the God of the ark, his wife and queen, Michal, spurns this
blessing and receives instead a curse (6.23).
139
(18b). This token sends the people home (20b) satisfied in the anticipation of abundance to come.86 Michal meanwhile has been lost to view
amid the general rejoicing. But prominent87 among the sharers in the
blessing dispensed by David in the name of the God of the ark are the
ordinary women (19aa3). Not only does their eager participation in the
ceremony contrast with Michal's aloof disdain (16b), but their sharing
in the blessing proves to be an ironic counterpoint to the curse
(barrenness, 23) which eventuates to the one who aborts the blessing
David is bringing to his own house (20).
Yet the dispersal homewards88 of the crowd does not mark the end of
the ceremony for David, for whom personally the most important ritual
act remains to be performed: 'David returned to bless his household'
GIT3 HN -}~\> TH niZh 20a). We can presume that David, still in the
role of ark-priest, brings with him, to bestow upon his own household,
portions of the $elamim-offenngs as sacred tokens of the blessing of the
God of the ark. Whether or not one has read the Lucianic plus (12ay), it
is still very evident here that securing and controlling for the benefit of
himself and his house the blessing of the divine warrior-king YHWH
Seba'dt (cf. 18b) is the major objective in our David's installing the ark
in the city of David.
4.2.3. Verses 20-23
However, as he approaches the palace (20a), David is met by 'Michal
the daughter of Saul' (20b). Already on her first appearance in our
stretch of text (16b above) this form of designation mirrored an ominous distance between David and his chief wife. Now it will be further
insisted upon in this third episode (20ba, 23a), where Michal daughter
of Saul is swept up into the fate that has overtaken her father's house.
In 20ba the designation imports into the otherwise innocuoussounding utterance, Til ntTIp1? ^IKttJ m 'PD'D RSm, 'Michal daughter
of Saul came out to meet David', an ominous resonance from 16b. Here
86. In Ps. 132.15 Yahweh as God of the ark installed in Zion solemnly promises
to bless his chosen abode with a food-supply sufficient to satisfy the needs of the
poor.
87. The inclusion itself of the specification ntiR TJJ1 W$ti7, the shape it takes
with informative stress on i"l2JN ~!!J1, and the placing of this as the last of the set of
appositional phrases, all contribute to foregrounding H2JN in this utterance.
88. For the motif of dismissal/dispersal homewards as an episode or narrative
close-out in the Hebrew Bible, as in 'then all the people went home' (DJJil *?D "j'n
imfr er 19b), see n. 103 below.
140
again, just as when introducing Michal above (16b) through the stock
scene of the aristocratic woman/women-at-home waiting at the window
for the triumphant return with plunder of their warrior-hero(es), our
narrator deforms another conventional victory scene, that of the
woman/women eagerly coming out to welcome the booty-laden warrior-hero(es) home.89 Michal comes out to David, not with the glad
welcome of music and dancingthat she has already despised from
afar (16b)! No, Michal pronounces a 'blessing' (13D"Qm 20bp)90 on
David with a salutation that begins by beguiling the king with precisely
what he might expect to hear in his moment of triumph from a welcoming woman at home:91 'how he has got himself honour today, the king
of Israel who...!' (...-)0K ^fcOZT "pn Dm "ODD HID 20bp). But suddenly she veers off into the most vituperative scorn: 'has made a lewd
exposure of himself to the watching serving-girls of his lackeys, just
89. Unlike the examples cited for the earlier stock scene (see n. 71 above), the
biblical examples of this one are more numerous, and more readily display its conventional features. Thus in 1 Sam. 18.6-7, 'women from all the cities of Israel'
'came out to meet Saul the king' ("pOR 'TlNtB rOp'?...n3tim) with music and
dancing, singing a couplet in praise of the triumphs of Saul and David. Compare
further Miriam and the Israelite women who 'came out following her' ("?D ]N^m
mnN D'tODH) with music and dancing, singing a stichos in praise of the triumph of
the warrior-god Yahweh, Exod. 15.20-21; and Deborah, who in Judg. 5.12 is summoned to sing an analogous song (cf. 5.11). Deborah is not here explicitly associated with other women, but the context is still one of general public celebration.
An instance of a family member greeting the returning hero with similar ceremony
but evidently more privately is Jephthah's daughter who, as her father approaches
the house, 'comes out to meet him with timbrel and dancing' OntOp1? HNIT
m^nom D^sro), Judg. 11.34. In its context, however, this is a meeting ironically
fraught with woe for both parties. Finally, two scenes in a military context, laden
with ironic import, are further examples, but lacking as they do most of the stock
scene's conventional features, are to be understood as sophisticated deformations of
it: Jael in Judg. 4.18 'came out to meet' (PRIp1? *7ir 2tfTl) Sisera, and later Barak
(4.22). But the reader already knows Sisera is not a conquering hero (4.17a), and
will soon come to perceive that the real victor is Jael, not Barak (4.22). On this see
Murray (1979: 183), which exposition, however, is now in need of refinement in
the light of my present perception that the narrator is working a deeply ironic twist
on the stock scene of the woman welcoming home the triumphant hero.
90. For the textual reading see Ch. 2 n. 46, p. 65.
91. Note also how Joel's initiating address of welcome to Sisera (Judg. 4.18a2)
beguiles the warrior into a false perception of what she has in store for him. The
woman who comes out to meet a man with words of greeting on her lips is not
always what the self-absorbed warrior assumes!
141
like one of the dancing-men!' (m^PD Vintf mnOR 'TSh DVH n*7M
D'lp-in in m^ 20b|}y). To the proud 'daughter of Saul', David's
moment of supreme exaltation is one of deepest humiliation, the
parvenu 'king of Israel' behaving with no more sensibility to what
becomes his position than the lowest-born menial. Michal vents her
cold fury against David by bitter parody of his expectations. The rift
between wife and husband is now the unbridgeable gulf of antipathetic
feeling92 that sets family against family, royal house against royal
house.
The berdkd-gift David sought to bring to his household as the victor's
spoils is thus, contrary to convention, swept away by the berakd-gteeting uttered by his waiting wife and queen. The implicated repudiation
of her parvenu husband in favour of her own royal lineage completely
alienates her from his household and its future blessing (cf. 23). Hence
David's intended blessing on his household now gives place to a blessing on Yahwehthat damns her along with her royal house!93 This
utterance is gravid with a triple irony.
First, this form of blessing is normally an ejaculation, expressing its
utterer's wonder, joy and thanksgiving at an unexpected good, often
received through an encounter with another person.94 Indeed, on this
convention Michal should have been the one to have uttered the blessing on Yahweh as response to the good news of the ark's installation
and its blessing brought by David. But, as we have seen, quite the
opposite results from David's encounter with Michal! This encounter
contrasts starkly with an earlier encounter of David with a woman,
Abigail, subsequently to become his wife, whose timely and unexpected intervention with David moves the latter to exclaim (and to
mean it!), 'blessed be Yahweh God of Israel who sent you this day to
meet me' cnfcnp*? nin nvn -[rftiS "ittfR 'ptoto'1 T^K mrr -p-n, 1 Sam.
92. This sets off ironic resonance with another text in the Hebrew Bible, the
encounter of Leah and Jacob. In Gen. 30.16 the unfavoured and neglected Leah
'goes out to meet' (inKHp'p fltib RXni) Jacob, and greets her husband with an invitation to share her bed, a privilege she has had to buy from the favoured Rachel.
Jacob complies, to the extent that Leah bears him two more children. But the
estranged Michal could in no way lower herself to give such an invitation to the
despised David, and suffers the curse of barrenness.
93. Here following the text preserved in the LXX: on this see above Ch. 2 n. 50,
p. 66.
94. For examples of this see Gen. 24.27; Exod. 18.10; 1 Sam. 25.39; 2 Sam.
18.28; 1 Kgs 1.48; 5.21 [7]; 10.9; Ruth 4.14; Ezra 7.27.
142
20
How he has got himself honour today, the king of Israel who made a lewd exposure of himself...
21
144
alone, he proclaims, they are directed. Hence her scorn for David as
king is in fact a defiant scorn for Yahweh who gave him his position.
Then in v. 22 David scathingly dismisses Michal with a savagely
clever parody of the scornful terms of her greeting. His chiastic placing
of the contrasted pairs 'I will court low esteem' (Tfrp]!) and 'let me
gain honour' (n*nDR) at the extremes of the utterance, and 'in my own
eyes' (Tin) and 'but with the serving-girls' (mnOtfn DB1)) at its centre
creates a forceful rhetoric. An expansive paraphrase may suggest
something of its mordancy: 'if you feel my behaviour has brought
deepest humiliation to "the king of Israel", then let me assure you that
your "dancing-man" of a king will go on courting such low esteem, to
the point of being despicable in his own low-born eyes. No matter, so
long as among your "serving-girls" I gain myself honour!' With a cruelly sardonic twist to her own words the esteem of haughty, aristocratic
Michal is set beneath that of the lowly serving-girls with whom she
thought to humiliate David! Crushingly our David has bested Michal,
capping the ineffable put-down of his high-stated claim to a divine calling which elevated him above Saul and his family (21) with the blistering scorn of this masterful parody.
Yet there is a disturbing dissonance in the rhetoric of David's retort
in 21-22, trumpeted by the chiastic terms in each. In 21 David proclaims himself as Yahweh's nagid, whose actions from start to finish
are determined by the concerns and interests of Yahweh (miT 'JD1?,
'before Yahweh' framing David's speech in 21). But 22 reveals just
how much he is really governed by the status of melek and its concomitant honour in his own and his subject's eyes (Tl^p" and n~DDK, 'I
will court low esteem.. .let me gain myself honour' at the extremes of
22, TU3 and mnONn DB, 'in my own eyes, but among the serving-girls'
in the middle). The text's Michal has provoked David impetuously into
opening to view the gap between his overt actions and his covert aims,
and through this into betraying further his estrangement from another
than herself.
But the text's Michal fails to exploit her husband's vulnerability to
exposure as a hypocrite. In the face of this onslaught she is left speechless. The proud 'daughter of Saul' may still stand defiant, refusing to
the end to acknowledge that in Yahweh's will her husband has replaced
her father. But Michal stands forlorn. All relations between 'the king of
Israel' and 'the daughter of Saul', the twin verities in her view of herself and the world, are at an end. Isolated from her fellows, and now
145
totally estranged from her husband, 'the daughter of Saul' is, like her
father before her, forsaken by God. The narrator's own last word about
'Michal daughter of Saul' is chillingly measured and matter-of-fact
after the overwrought invective between husband and wife. In memorable simplicity, rhetorically pointed with a murmuring litany of ^s and
Qs,96 he notes her lifelong curse of barrenness (23).97 If, then, David is
to gain for his household the blessing of divinely supported rule he so
craves, it will not be with or through Michal.98
4.3. Narrative Structure and Technique in 2 Samuel 6
Let us now stand back from the detail revealed by our close reading, to
get a sense of the narrative's architectural sweep. The foundation for
the many subtleties of nuance we have observed in the narrative in 2
Samuel 6 is nothing other than a common and essentially simple type
of plot, in which a desired goal is eventually attained, but not before a
serious and unforeseen obstacle has jeopardized its achievement.99
Accordingly, at its simplest, this type of plot is articulated into two
main sequences: from the initiation of action for achieving the goal up
to the interposition of the obstacle; and from the overcoming of the
obstacle to the final attainment of the initial goal. The first two episodes
in 2 Samuel 6 correspond well to these two sequences:
(1) 6.1-11: David sets in train the bringing of the ark from Baal
Judah to the 'city of David', but is baulked in the accomplishing
of his intention by the incident at Perez Uzzah, and therefore
96. There are six bs in the first seven words of the verse, one being supplied by
the use of an otiose rh; and three Qs in the ten words of the verse, two of those
coming together in its last two words.
97. 2 Sam. 21.8 MT attributes five sons to 'Michal the daughter of Saul'. But
this same text gives her husband as 'Adriel...the Meholathite', whom 1 Sam.
18.19b asserts was the husband of Saul's elder daughter Merab, and the reading
'Merab' instead of 'Michal' in 2 Sam. 21.8 is found in some Hebrew and versional
manuscripts.
98. Let me repeat here, in case it has been lost to sight, that I am here seeking to
explicate the text's view of Michal. It should not be assumed that I personally concur in or sympathize with this view, and certainly not that I am unaware that a very
different account of Michal and David could have been given.
99. Clearly, this type of plot is fundamental to dramatic narrative, and consequently can be observed in most narratives from whatever source. It is nonetheless
informative to observe how it is developed in any given instance.
146
diverts the ark to the house of Obed Edom, which is unexpectedly blessed by Yahweh.
(2) 6.12-20a: the news that Yahweh has blessed the house of Obed
Edom encourages David to initiate a second attempt to realize his
plan, resulting in the installation of the ark in the city of David,
the blessing of the participants, and their dispersal homewards.
It can be seen immediately that the third episode 20b-23 falls outside
this plot schema, simply because it does not contribute anything essential to it: the basic action of this schema comes to an end in 19-20a.
Moreover, there are significant correspondences between 6.1-2 and
6.18-20a, indicative of an inclusio between these limits:
(1) In 6.1 David assembles (S]0[K]''1) a group to be participants100 in
the ceremonial procession of the ark; in 6.19b-20a the participants101 disperse homewards.
(2) The expression 'all the people' (DUH ^D) occurs in the narrative
onlyin2aaand!9b. 102
(3) David blesses the people in the name of mtQ2i iTliT (18b), using
the divine title (Dttf) of the god of the ark introduced in 6.2: these
are the only occurrences of this title in the narrative.
Further, we note that expressions of dispersal like 6.19b.20a occur
elsewhere in Samuel as episode close-outs.103 Indeed, the Chronicles
narrative of the bringing of the ark to Jerusalem, which does not
include the Michal-David confrontation, ends with 1 Chron. 16.43, its
equivalent of 2 Sam. 6.19b-20a, and the text then passes on to 17.1, its
equivalent of 2 Sam. 7.1.
100. As discussed above, the participants ultimately dispersed in 19b must
include more than the picked troops David assembles in v. 1, but this detail does
not invalidate the general correspondence of the two actions.
101. Though strictly in terms of the narrative development v. 2 refers to a group
assembled on an occasion at least three months earlier (1 la) than that of vv. 18-19,
the pragmatics of the narrative presuppose that the same group in all essentials is
referred to in both instances.
102. The expression ^"lET ITU "?3, 'all the house of Israel', also occurs twice
(5aa, 15aa), also in corresponding verses as we shall see below.
103. Compare, e.g., 1 Sam. 10.25-26; 15.34; 23.18; 24.23[22]; 2 Sam. 14.24,
where parallel expressions serve as major disjunctional episode close-outs. Note
also the similar function of the analogous expression ITU1? 2PK ID1?, 'go, each to
his own city', 1 Sam. 8.22bp. Elsewhere expressions of dispersal serve as minor
conjunctional episode close-outs, as, e.g., in 2 Sam. 12.15, 17.23.
147
/i/of element
status
J_ assembling
lacking
2-3
12b
T removal of ark
3a
13
T cultic attendants
T ritual progress
3b.4a/%>
14
15
initiation of
action
cf.
cf.
cf.
If goal reached
y complication
_8_
10
TT
David'saporia
ark deposited
cultic
inauguration
dispersal
6a
6b-8
9-1 Oa
Wb-lla
16a
lacking
lacking
lacking
17b-19a
lacking
19b.20a
17acf.
Figure 11: Parallel and Contrastive Elements in the 'Similar Motion' System in 2 Sam. 6.1-20a
149
105. Thus it is merely the exigency of a diagram setting parallel elements opposite one another in the vertical plane which causes the link-line to run right to left.
To help counter any diagrammatic implication that this in any way reverses linear
plot progression, the link-line is shown as broken.
150
10
11
participants
assembled
action
initiated
ark
removed
cultic attendants
ritual
progress
goal
reached
complication
David's
aporia
ark
deposited
cultic inauguration
dispersal
Key:
1 participants assembled
2 action begun
3 god of the ark named
4 ark removed from shrine
5 cultic attendants on journey
152
the ark's journey, occur in the same narrative order as 5 and 6 in the
first episode, rather than in the reverse order, in accord with a strict
working out of the 'contrary motion' system. Moreover, both the latter
are instances of direct rather than antithetic correspondence,107 and a
direct correspondence also characterizes 10 and 10', the two elements at
the vertex of the parabola, the turning point of the whole narrative.
Structures are employed flexibly to serve narrative exigencies.
Examining the correspondences which articulate the contrary motion
structure in 6.1-20a show that, while it also deals with the ritual journey
of the ark, it does so with a very strong focus on the role of David. In
this structure 15 out of the 20 items focus around David, and whereas
there are 23 separate references to the ark in 6.1-20a, there are some 30
to David.108 But these figures are merely a superficial reflection of the
fact that the whole story is told from the point of view of David's
involvement in the matter. Nor is this merely that, because tradition
recorded that it was David who brought the ark from Baal Judah to
Jerusalem, he must needs play a role in the narrative. Chapter 6.1
coordinates the ensuing narrative, through the opening wayyiqtol verb,
with the preceding narrative, albeit in a way not immediately clear, as
another in a coherent set of David's actions. The focus on David continues by highlighting his initiative in the removal of the ark
(m^un1?... "l^l Dp"H 6.2). The subsequent shift of focus away from
David to the ark attendants in 3-4 and 6-7, necessitated by the plot, is
itself broken into by a brief refocus on David in 6.5, before 6.8 once
again restores him to the centre of attention, a position that David monopolizes for the rest of the narrative to 6.20a.109
107. Note that there is thus an 'intersection' of the parallel and contrary motion
systems at these points in the narrative.
108. I have included pronominal anaphora in the above figures, but have counted
the two instances of directly coordinated verbs (2aa, 12b) as one reference only: if
these were counted separately the figure for David would increase by two. I have
included 16a in the count, but not 16b (which I assign to episode 3): including the
latter would add another two references to David. The figure of 30(32) references to
David in episodes 1 and 2 includes the Lucianic plus in 6.12b, which contains
three.
109. Only momentarily in 17a is there the slightest shift away from David. As I
indicated in my close reading above, there is also a change of point of view in 6.16,
but this verse belongs with the third episode, which we are not considering at this
point, and in any case the verse serves in the end to strengthen the overall focus on
David, as we shall see below.
153
154
156
157
Yahweh over the removal of the ark does not immediately obtrude
itself on the reader. How could Yahweh fail to be favourable to the
ark's rescue from obscurity, to become the centre piece of the new
Israel he was creating through David? Was the ceremony not being carried out in due form by all Israel before the approving presence of Yahweh himself (miT ^^sb 5)? Such readerly assumptions and/or reflections
about David's project are encouraged by the orderly progress of the
narrative down to 6.5.
However, just when it is on the point of culmination, David's plan is
frighteningly undercut by Yahweh's unexpected and inexplicable
onslaught against Uzza. David's oblique likening of Yahweh's intervention to his overpowering surge against the Philistines (5.20) is very
revealing, for it suggests that behind his angry perplexity is a barely
articulated sense of cohesion in both divine acts. Yet, unlike the first,
the second clearly did not serve David's interests as he perceived them.
Hence David's fear of Yahweh is seen to stem from an inchoate realization that Yahweh's will and power, far from being at his disposal, may
even be set against him.
But this is a momentary insight, and once the shock of Yahweh's
outburst had abated, David only too easily falls to calculating within
himself what is in his own interest. This part of the narrative (6.9-12)
derives much of its rhetorical force from its betraying David's interior
monologue, exposing to the implied reader thoughts David dare not
articulate. In this way his bringing of the ark to the city of David is
repeatedly shown to have been selfishly motivated C'PK 9a, V^K lOa),
supremely so in his resolve, as melek (12aa), to commandeer from
Obed Edom the ark-blessing vouchsafed by Yahweh (12ay). Nowhere
in this internal reflection is there manifested the slightest concern for
the interests of Yahweh and his people. Not surprising, then, that at this
juncture also David fails to consult Yahweh.
On the contrary, David presumptuously exercises to the full his monarchical prerogative of priesthood 'before Yahweh', leading the arkprocession (14a), celebrating the installation rites (17b), and bestowing
the blessing upon the people in the name of Yahweh of Hosts (18b).
Moreover, the presumption is apparently vindicated by the successful
conclusion of the procession. But above and beyond this smoothly
proceeding exercise of melek-ship over cult and people, a regal
onlooker disdains the melek's behaviour (16). This imports into the
very midst of the otherwise cosy scene an alien and hostile view of
158
159
is far more passion evident in his riposte (22) to Michal's jibe against
his royal honour. This covert pretension to the status of melek over
against the role of nagid marked out for him by Yahweh, unintentionally betrayed by him in this scene, David pursues into the last section
(2 Sam. 7) of our stretch of text.
Chapter 5
161
162
163
164
165
(HK1), this nation is your people.' Compare also 2 Sam. 15.27-28: The king said to
Zadok the priest, 'Don't you see (reading nntf nt*i"in with MT; alternatively, with
LXXB Wl, or with LXXL iron, 'look here, you'), return to the city... Look (rran), /
will wait...'
6. Logically, the argument could as cogently lead to the conclusion that David
ought to abandon his splendid palace for something more in keeping with the ark's
humble surroundings! But the contextual pragmatics effectively suppress this as a
possible implicature.
7. Klostermann (1887: 156 note on v. 3) therefore supposes that our text has
been shortened, to omit the details of David's plan which David must have told to
Nathan. But this supposition reads the text too matter-of-factly, failing to recognize
the rhetoric behind the ellipsis of our text.
166
167
11. Nathan's concluding "[QJ> mrP "D offers a glibly conventional assurance of
divine approval and help, such as does not even require the lips of a prophet to
utter: cf. Saul in 1 Sam. 17.37, the woman of Tekoa in 2 Sam. 14.17, etc. The contrast to the formally prophetic style of Nathan's subsequent discourse is marked.
168
169
170
build me' (^ noi) is quite unstressed, with 'me' (enclitic <|17), right in
the middle of the utterance, being the least stressed element of all.17
Hence this particular structure makes salient two questions: (1) who is
to build a house? and (2) what sort of a house will they build? The two
questions are interdependent, since what will be built depends on who
is doing the building. David can expect that, as his speech develops,
Yahweh will explicate these issues. But already from this brusque
opening utterance he can have no doubt that, as Yahweh envisages the
activity of building, he David is repudiated as builder, and that a house
as syntactically otiose, is relatively independent of the following verb. IVD
TQ2J1?, on the other hand, I take as one speech unit, because the TOSh is so much a
qualifier of rP3 as to constitute one unit with JTD. The expression TQtZJ1? JTD in 5b
is shown to be logico-syntactically analogous to DTIN ITD in 7b by the important
rhetorical parallelism of 7b to 5b noted below, 175, and see Figure 24, p. 224.
17. Thus I cannot agree with McCarter that ^ is 'a second emphatic pronoun in
v. 5b' (1984: 198). He argues this by maintaining that ^ is grammatically otiose
beside the first person suffix in TQ2?'?, and thus 'is unnecessary except as an
emphatic reinforcement of the first-person pronoun' [sic\] (1984: 198). Three points
can be made against this claim: (1) The most common way to stress pronominal
reference in Hebrew is to append the corresponding free-standing pronominal form
after the suffixed form: cf. 1 Kgs 1.26; Jer. 27.7b; Hag. 1.4; GKC 135g. A telling
example in relation to 2 Sam. 7.5b is Josh. 23.9b, where the emphasizing freestanding form DDK has been thrown forward from the usual position, i.e. following
its corresponding suffixed form DD^EJD, to the more emphatic first position in its
clause, to avoid its falling in the weak middle position in the utterance. In view of
these considerations it is difficult to see how "><7, falling in the least-stressed part of
the utterance 2 Sam. 7.5b, can function as 'emphatic reinforcement' for the pronominal reference in TQCD1?. (2) There is nothing equivalent to TQ2J1? in 1 Ibp, so
the second person pronominal anaphora of ~[^ there has nothing else within its
utterance for it to reinforce (or indeed to reinforce it), in the way McCarter alleges
^ does to TQ2J'? in 5b. Yet for McCarter llbp is the corresponding limb to 5b in
the overarching rhetorical structure 'not you me (5b), but I you (llbp)'. (3) With
regard to McCarter's claim, as part of his case for its reinforcing TO^h, that ^ in
^ nnn is otiose, it should be noted that three out of four other expressions in our
text directly related to ^ nnn in 5b, i.e. ^ Drra 7b, ~p nn 27ap, and the equivalent ~[t? ndiT llbp, all have a corresponding suffixed form of *p in the same
enclitic position. This evidence would indicate that we have here a conventionally
petrified form of locution, and thus that the **? in "**? nD3D 5b is not there in order to
reinforce TOtf^. The one notable exception is 13a, where, while there is an equivalent to TQtZJ1?, i.e. "'QIZJ1?, there is no equivalent ^ with H3D\ But 13a, as we shall see
in detail (see p. refs. in n. 2 above), cuts across the whole rhetoric of Yahweh's
speech.
171
of the kind he had in mind for Yahweh is rejected from the outset.
The first stage in the development of Yahweh's discourse is comprised by vv. 6-7. This segment is demarcated in the text by 'for' ("O) at
the beginning of v. 6, and by 'and now' (iin^l) at the beginning of v. 8.
The "O links this segment closely to the utterance of 5b, as providing a
grounding for the negative assertion implied by 5b. The nni?l signals
that the new segment beginning in v. 8 takes the discourse a stage further,18 thus also indicating that the discourse function initiated by "O in
v. 6 is complete at the end of v. 7.
Verses 6-7 spell out two grounds for rejecting David's initiative.
First, Yahweh affirms in v. 6 that, from the start of his relations with
Israel to the moment of speaking (6a|3y), he has never been 'installed'
in a 'house', that is, a fixed shrine (1732 TDCr $h> 6aa), but has always
'moved around' in a 'tent-dwelling' (pttol *?nta ~[^nnQ JTnKl 6b).19
Within the hendiadys 'tent-dwelling' (pCJQl ^HK), polemically opposed
to David's 'tent-skins' (niTT 2b[5), Yahweh incorporates both his contrary sense of the housing's adequacy as shelter (pCJQ) and the value he
sets on its mobility (^HK). Then, second, in v. 7 he follows this up with
the coup de grace so to speak of his argument for rejecting David's initiative. In effect, he challenges David to cite any word he (Yahweh)
ever uttered (TI~Q1 ~Q~in 7aa) in all the time of his moving around
among all the Israelites, castigating their failure to build him a house of
cedar.
Verse 6 gives rhetorical emphasis to two counterbalanced assertions,
a categorical negative (6aa), and a categorical affirmative (6b), by
locating them in the positions of greater stress in the utterance, the
beginning and the end. Between them is a temporal expression which
applies both assertions to a past state of affairs that still obtains at the
time of speaking (6apy). With its starting point the deliverance from
Egypt, 6afty comprehends the whole of Yahweh's dealings with the
18. That v. 8 is a new stage in the discourse is further marked by the repetition
of formulae identifying what follows as a divine oracle.
19. We are here concerned with the ideological rhetoric of these words, not with
what historical reality may lie behind them. But any attempt to consider the latter
must reckon with the former. Thus the overriding argumentative purpose here
engenders a stark contraposing of mutually exclusive opposites, i.e. ^n/"|^nnn to
the rejected m/D2T. Such a rhetoric would be ruined by Yahweh's making exceptions, or admitting such contrary instances as his temple (^STI) at Shiloh (1 Sam.
1.9b,3.3b).
172
Israelites, a point sufficiently material to his argument to merit reiterating in other terms in 7a.
6aa and 6b build their polar negative versus affirmative rhetoric on
three features. The most obvious is the correlated sets of lexemic oppositions 'be settled/installed' versus 'move around' (3CT versus f^nnn),
and 'house/temple' versus 'tent-shrine' (fTO versus p2JQl ^HK). Thus
David's idea of ITU for Yahweh is stigmatized as intent on tying and
confining Yahweh to a permanently located dwelling, contrary to the
freedom of all his previous dealings with Israel. Complementary to this
lexemic polarization is, second, the syntactic opposition of the periphrastic past continuous 'I was always moving around' (f^nnQ rpntfl)
to the punctiliar negated simple past 'I never settled' (TQ2T K1?). The
powerful 'always.. .never' contrast is made more salient by this use of
the periphrastic form, a usage infrequent in biblical Hebrew. The third
feature is the consequent marked contrast between the rhetorical
weightiness of the assertion (6b), with its periphrastic verb and hendiadys (pEJQDl ^HIO), and the curt peremptoriness of the denial (6aai).
Following the forceful negative-affirmative grounding of his position
in v. 6, Yahweh ends the first segment of his argument in v. 7 as he
began it, with another rhetorical question compelling assent to its
implied negative. The question20 is in fact double, with a second question (7b) logically and syntactically subordinated to the first (7a), but
given a position of prominence at the end of the utterance. Yahweh
begins with a heightened repetition ('in all the time I moved around
among all21 the Israelites', "wiSP 'B ^DH TO^nnn 1B? ^DH 7aa) of
what in 6b was the 'new', using it now in 7a as the 'given'22 for the
next stage of the argument. Hence the negative proposition implicated
20. Since the mark of interrogation n is prefixed to the principal term of the
question ~Q1 7aci3, that v. 7 is a question only becomes evident part-way through
the utterance.
21. It should be noted how this repetition of "?D, 'all', heightens the categoricalness in this reiteration of the gist of 6b in 7aot. My suggested reading ^DQ in 7aa
thus, "WltZT 'CD32J ^DQ "NIK DK (see on this below), would further strengthen this
element in the rhetoric of v. 7.
22. 'Given-new' (see Glossary) is now standard terminology in linguistic study
of discourse. Although 'topic-comment' (see Glossary) is often used as equivalent,
I prefer to use the former of the more micro-level relationship between utterances
(clauses, sentences), and the latter of the more macro-level relationships within
segments of discourse (paragraphs, episodes, scenes).
173
23. This observation places in the way of those who find behind the "CDDttJ of MT
in 7aa a reference to 'the judges' (see Ch. 2 n. 61, p. 68) an obstacle which is wellnigh insuperable. As the discussion in progress maintains, v. 7 is the coup de grace
of Yahweh's argument in vv. 6-7. Now since 6apy has already indicated that Yahweh is putting to David matters as they stand at the time of speaking, it would be
utterly ruinous of the force of his argument if the rhetorical question in v. 7 asked
only about some time in the past, as would be the case on the above view. This very
telling point may now be added to the other considerations against this view
adduced in Murray (1987a).
24. For a defence of MT's "ITT see Ch. 2 n. 60, p. 68. As an additional argument
in its favour I would draw the reader's attention to the irony inhering in this
emphasis on a "HI never hitherto spoken by Yahweh, in relation (a) to the earlier
exchange between David and Nathan; and (b) to David's insistent references in his
prayer to Yahweh's ~ITT concerning his (David's) house.
174
25. For other suggested constructions and emendations of MT, see Murray
(1987a: 390-91).
26. It also provides a possible referent for the plural pronominal reference of the
verb Dim in 7b.
27. In this transitive sense H^~l, 'to shepherd', is used of an individual other
than Yahweh as follows: Moses Isa. 63.11 (if singular); David 2 Sam. 5.2, Ezek.
34.23, 37.24, Ps. 78.71, 72; Davidic descendant Mic. 5.3[4]; Cyrus Isa. 44.28;
anonymous prophet Zech. 11.4, 16. run is applied to a series of individuals viewed
corporately in Isa. 63.11 (if plural); Jer. 2.8; 3.15; 10.21; 22.22; 23.1-4; 25.34-36;
50.6; Ezek. 34.1 et passim; Zech. 11.8. In most instances these series are transparently conceptual aggregates of individual non-contemporary 'shepherds of Israel',
i.e. kings of Israel and Judah viewed corporately, as, e.g., Jer. 22.22; 23.1-4, in the
context of oracles against kings Jer. 22.1-23.6. So probably Ezek. 34, Jer. 2.8 and
the remaining Jeremiah references, and Zech. 11.8, though any or all of these may
include the kings' officials and advisers along with the kings themselves. If the plural reading in Isa. 63.11 is correct, then this reference would appear to be to the
tribal elders who assist Moses (cf. Exod. 18; Num. 11.10-25). At any rate none of
the groups can be identified with a tribe.
28. For the argument in extenso see Murray (1987a). The points made there for
this suggestion remain telling, the one point standing against it is a lack of direct
textual support. However, indirect textual support may be found in the paraphrases
of the verse in 2 Sam. 5.2 ('you it is who will shepherd my people, Israel', nntf
'Wier n ^^ PIN nirin, i.e. 7.7ap referring to David); and in 1 Kgs 8.16 ('since
the day I brought up my people, Israel, from Egypt I have not chosen a city from all
the tribes of Israel... but I have chosen David [sell, from all the tribes of Israel] to
be over my people Israel', l^D'-ISOO ^tO&T n '131? PIN 'DKiJn 1I0N DVH ]Q
wicr 'oi> *?D nvrf? inn iraNi...^-^ 'ontf ^DQ Tin Tnrn; cf. 2 Sam.
7.6ap, 7, 8a(3b).
175
But irrespective of whether this particular textual suggestion is correct, the entire rhetoric in this segment of Yahweh's speech is clearly
targeted against David. With emphatic immediacy Yahweh's opening
utterance homed in on David ('is iiyouT, nrWT 5b). It is inconceivable
that in this concluding phase of the first stage of his argument, where he
applies the coup de grace as it were, Yahweh should deflect from his
real target to make vague thrusts at so diffuse an opponent as a tribe.
No, David is the opponent Yahweh is engaging with, and David
remains his target in the next stage of his discourse (8-9).
But before proceeding to the second phase of Yahweh's argument we
must consider the subordinated question (7b), which is how Yahweh
defines the hypothetical content of the prophetic word he never spoke.
Structured as a 'why?' (HQ^) question, it exudes irony. For as a question it mockingly represents Yahweh as impatient, as though he could
justifiably have expected the question's hypothetical addressees already
to have performed what it indicates they had not. And for what does
Yahweh represent himself as impatient? For a house of cedar! The sardonic swipe at David's exchange with Nathan in 1-3 is palpable, and
once again makes clear that all along David is the target of Yahweh's
attack. Even the plural verb (DJTn) tilts further at David's royal pretension, in that it presupposes the building of this 'cedar-house' for
Yahweh, had it been divinely authorized, would have been a joint responsibility,29 not the sole prerogative of 'the king'.
As the final words within its own utterance, 'house of cedar' (ITU
DT1K 7b) takes a position of stress. As also the last words in this
segment of Yahweh's oracle, they correspond to the similarly stressed
concluding words of Yahweh's initial utterance TQttJ1? JY3, 'house for
me to settle in' (5b). The hint of an inclusio marking out this segment
of Yahweh's speech is confirmed by the fact that 5b and 7b are each
rhetorical questions with considerable similarity in both language and
structure, as may be observed from Figure 24, p. 224 below. This formal and substantive relation between the beginning and the end of the
segment is evidence of how tightly integrated vv. 5b-7 are as a sustained attack against David.30
29. It is not crucial to my point here to determine the intended reference of the
second person plural, which is in any case left undetermined in the text.
30. The function of this inclusio as part of a more elaborate chiastic structure in
this segment will be discussed below, 5.3.1.2, p. 212.
176
111
rehousing the ark (7.3), or at any rate by Yahweh himself in the first
oracle introduction (7.4). But by reserving his title as victorious divine
warrior-king to this second stage of his discourse Yahweh brings out
the full irony of David's attempts to manipulate this God through control of the ark. For the means of that control Yahweh has already utterly
repudiated (5b-7). The arrogance of David's pretension to such control
he will now thoroughly expose (8-1 la).
That it is Yahweh's sovereign initiative which has reigned supreme
in all his relations with David and with Israel is the main burden of the
second segment of Yahweh's speech. The point is forcefully made right
from the opening words, 7 it was who took you' with their emphasizing, grammatically otiose, first person pronoun ("pnnp1? ""38 8ap).36
Rhetorically, this pronoun has both anaphora and kataphora. Its anaphora is most immediately to the title YHWH Seba'ot with which it is
contiguous. Hence the pronoun identifies this sovereign God of the ark
as the dominating subject of this segment, a God who, far from being
subjected to David's control, himself ordered and directed David's
career from its humblest beginnings to its exalted heights (8a[5-9). A
more distant but no less potent anaphora is to the pronoun "you" (5b).
Rhetorically the anaphora works through the respective positions of the
pronouns in their utterances, as well as through their being syntactically
marked: the disparaged 'you' (interrogative n with otiose HDK 5b) is the
very first word in the first segment of Yahweh's speech, just as this
vigorously affirmed 7' (otiose "OK 8apJ) is here in the second. Through
these pronouns Yahweh contraposes his sovereign prerogative over
David as YHWH Sebd'ot, incontrovertibly demonstrated in the events of
8a(3-9, against David's royal pretension to prerogative over Yahweh,
unanswerably refuted by the non-events of 6-7.
Kataphorically, the pronoun introduces a whole series of first person
verbs with Yahweh as subject, running through to lOaa. Here it is of
the essence that the actions which Yahweh enumerates are his in particular.37 Now reference to his own actions is not new to Yahweh's discourse, since even in its first segment (5b-7) his action, or the
significant lack of it, dominates. But in the first segment the speaker
36. Note the expression of the pronominal object of the verb as an unstressed
enclitic suffix ("pnnp'?), rather than as an independent form, susceptible to rhetorical stress.
37. I take the rhetorical force of the emphatic ""3K to extend beyond the first verb
"[Trip1? to all the ensuing first person verbs in the series, right up to vniXDDT in lOaa.
178
does not, in the way that he now does in 8ap, make such a point of its
being his action.38 This difference arises from a change of focus
between the two segments in citing Yahweh's action. In the first segment the focus was on the nature of Yahweh's action, or the lack of it,
as it affected himself and his own concerns. Here in the second Yahweh
stresses how his actions have always determined and will continue to
determine the destiny of David, and through him, the destiny of his
people, Israel.
Yahweh opens his extended recital of divine actions (8a(3-10aa), with
a topic statement that summarizes David's career as 'taken by Yahweh
from being a follower of sheep to becoming leader of Yahweh's
people' (8af3yb). In the semantic contrast between 'behind, following'
("intf) and 'one in front, leader' (T3J) Yahweh dramatizes the change
wrought by his intervention. One catches also in 'I it was who took you
from the sheepcote' (m]n ]Q "jTinp^ ^ft) a certain ironic play on Yahweh's opening, 'is it that you will build me a settled houseT (ilfl^n
TQ2J1? fTQ ^ nnn 5b): it is Yahweh who has made David upwardly
mobile (cf. 'everywhere you went', fD^n "ICON 'PD!} 9aa), not David
who will make Yahweh ostentatiously settled!
But Yahweh's advancement of David is directed towards Yahweh's
people: Yahweh took David from the humble obscurity of a shepherd
of sheep 'to become leader over my people, over Israel' (?V 1^] DTH^
'WICT ^ ^atf 8b). However beneficial to David Yahweh's actions enumerated in v. 9, they were not set in train with his individual advancement solely in view, but to achieve through him the welfare of
Yahweh's people. Once again Yahweh is refuting David out of his own
mouth. In 6.21 David had used an equivalent form of words to trump
Michal playing her regal suit. But in that context, where David was
solely concerned with his own royal estate (6.21-22), it was not said as
due acknowledgment of Yahweh's sovereign initiative in and determination of his career, nor with any adequate sense of David's obligation
to Yahweh's people.39 But now Yahweh will leave David in no doubt
38. I have sufficiently demonstrated above (see n. 17) that, contrary to the claim
of McCarter (1984: 198), no stress falls on the pronominal reference to the speaker
in 5b. Had this emphasis been desiderated in vv. 5b-7, one would have expected
6aa to have read IT32 TOP tib ^ O. Thus, far from '] in 8a(3 'resuming] the
stress on "me" in v. 5' (1984: 198), it introduces this stress for the first time into the
discourse.
39. See my reading of 6.21-22 in 4.2.3, pp. 141-44.
179
about what he always intended in making him ndgid over his people,
Israel.
Hitherto in 2 Samuel 7 Yahweh's view of David's position has been
presented in terms of the relationship David sustains to Yahweh, that is,
'my subject, David' (~n~I "Hit!? 5ace, 8aa). Now Yahweh defines David's
position as it relates to Israel: 'leader over my people, over Israel'
(^tn&T ^tf 'DU ^tf ~n] 8b). There are two points to be noted about this
phrase. First, the title ndgid 'leader' for David should be understood, on
the one hand, as consonant with and complementary to the designation
'my subject, David' ("111 HDU), but on the other hand, as therefore deliberately contrastive to his earlier designation as 'the king' ("[^Qil) tout
court. Yahweh intends David to play a crucial role in relation to Yahweh's people Israel, but in that role there is no place for the self-referring and arbitrary imperiousness of melek, already evident in 2 Sam.
6.1-7.3. As ndgid,40 David is Yahweh's servant to Yahweh's people,
the one who, under Yahweh, is to lead Yahweh's people into the future
Yahweh has mapped out for them.
Then, second, Yahweh uses the syntactical string x-CN x-PN, which
makes more salient the relationship the CN predicates of the PN, in
order to define the sphere of David's ndgid-ship as 'over my people,
over Israel' (8bp). The syntactical emphasis is here further heightened
by the expression's stressed position at the end of the utterance. In this
way Yahweh gives prominence to two points fundamental to the further
development of his discourse: (1) Israel is not David's kingdom, the
subjects of his sovereignty, but Yahweh's people, the objects of his
care and concern; (2) therefore all Yahweh does for David is done with
a view to Israel's benefit.
Having thus in Saftyb summarized the purpose of David's exaltation,
in v. 9 Yahweh stresses to David his constant involvement in his career.
There is a double level of irony in the first clause of the three 'I was
with you wherever you went' (fD^n ~)&N 'PDD ~|QJJ iTTIKI 9aa), which
combines polemically two phrases already used in the text. The first
part ('I was with you', "[Qtf rpntf")) parodies, in the mouth of Nathan as
Yahweh's spokesman, the words 'the king' had all but put into the
mouth of Nathan as his court prophet ('for Yahweh is/will be with
you', "[Q# miT "O 3b). In thereby according the divine imprimatur to
40. Thus it is essential to understanding the message of this text that ~n] should
not be taken more or less as a mere synonym for ~[^Q: on this see in detail Ch. 8
below.
180
the king's project that assurance was utterly misconceived (so Yahweh
in 5b-7). Now, however, Yahweh takes the same phrase to inform 'my
subject, David' that all along Yahweh had indeed been with him, not to
smooth his way to the pretensions of melek-ship, but to direct his path
to the duties of ndgid-ship over Yahweh's people.
The second phrase ('wherever you went'; DD^n "KZJK ^D3 9aa)
echoes one ('everywhere I moved around'; TO^nnn "ICDK ^D3 7aa)
which was a key element in Yahweh's refutation of David's implied
argument in favour of his projected house for Yahweh. There Yahweh's
sovereign freedom to move around (cf. also "[^nnQ rpriK 6ba) was
convincingly counterposed to the confining fixity of abode David's
initiative sought to impose upon him. Here the constant forward progress41 of David's career is, ironically, a mark of Yahweh's initiative
for David.
The assertion that Yahweh has removed before David every opponent (9a[3) offers a pertinent instance of the very general claim made in
9aa. Yahweh implicitly refers David back to the victories over the
Philistines (5.17-25), forcibly reminding him that these decisive successes were achieved by his, Yahweh's, active involvement. But
meanwhile, out of this sedulous and apparently tractable divine support,
David's royal pretensions had burgeoned (6.1-7.3). Hence Yahweh
here sets this reminder of support into a context (8act-10) which spells
out how these victories were but part of a much wider aim in making
David nagid over his people, Israel.
Yahweh's exposition of his active involvement with David is carried
forward in 9b, but with a notable change of syntax. So far Yahweh's
recital of his acts in establishing David's nagid-ship has linked two
wayyiqtol verb forms to an initial qatal form (nrTDNI.. .iTi"lNl.. ."[TOp*?
8ap, 9a). In accord with standard biblical Hebrew prose syntax, this is a
chain of narrative preterites, representing these three acts as already
accomplished facts at the time of speaking. But now in 9b the recital is
directly continued with the different verb form \veqdtal (TIC?#1), which
initiates an unbroken series of four such forms (9b-10aa). This series is
then brought to an end syntactically with the change to two coordinate
intransitive third person forms (T3T 8*71, pEh lOa) involving change of
subject. The second of the two, as a negated verb, becomes a yiqtol
41. It is probably this sense of linear progress towards a goal which dictates use
of the qal ro^n here, rather than of the hithpael appropriate to the sense of a more
random moving about in 7aa.
181
form with standard future reference, a temporal reference patently continued by the negated yiqtol in lOb. Why this notable change in syntactic flow between 8a(5-9a and 9b-10a? What is the logico-temporal
relation of the verbs in 9b-10a, both with the unambiguously preterite
series that precedes them, and the clearly future forms in 10a(3b?42
To regard this series of weqdtal forms in 9b-10a merely as continuing
the preceding preterites43 is unwarranted. For, unless the change in
syntax signals a change in point of view, it is both linguistically misleading, and rhetorically pointless. To be perspicuous to the reader as
preterites of a different kind, the change would surely need to be
marked in some other way, a marking signally absent in a text which
continues to coordinate its verbs with we (1). Otherwise the standard
syntax of biblical Hebrew prose, whereby an otherwise unmarked
switch to weqdtal forms would be understood as a change to some kind
of future predication, will prevail. Further in favour of this latter construction are that, on the one hand, nothing pragmatic in 9b-10aa
demands that the verbs there be given definite past reference, and that,
on the other, at the end of the series, in the negated yiqtol verbs of
lOafiba, future reference is quite unambiguous. Thus I would maintain
that there can be little doubt about the future reference of the series'
predications.
But such temporal referencing requires a point of reference: so the
decisive question is, the verbs in 9b-10a are future in relation to what?
To explain this, a brief digression is necessary. English, which has a
42. For my earlier discussion of the implication of the weqdtal verbs here, see
Murray (1990: 318-19).
43. So, for example, Rost (1926: 59-60 = 1965: 170-71 = 1982: 44-45), and
Loretz (1961: 294-96). Besides a doubtful appeal, made by both, to analogy with
alleged instances of preterite weqatal forms elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible, Rost
relies mainly on two claims: (1) that the general content in 8-1 la demands past reference for these verbs; (2) that the formal contrast between Yahweh's past action in
8-1 la and his future action in 1 lb-16 demands past reference for all verbs in 8-1 la.
While I fully accept that such a past-future contrast in general is basic to the
rhetoric of our text, it does not follow from this rhetorical strategy that everything
leading up to 1 lb-16 must be in the speaker's/hearer's past, and everything in 1 lb16 in their future. At most, what is demanded by this rhetoric is that the heart of
what is expounded in 1 lb-16 be future in relation to the heart of what is expounded
in 8-1 la. On my understanding of 9b-10ap\ this relationship is fully preserved.
What Rost's explanation still signally fails to do, however, is to account for the
abrupt, and on his understanding unnecessary, change to weqatal forms in 9b-10a.
182
183
184
appointed judges over Israel (1 laa), that is, since he began to organize
Israel as his people immediately following the exodus.48 A new era
that, quite unlike the superseded one, will be characterized by that
freedom from harassment by enemies that Yahweh has effected in and
for David.49 The change from third person reference to Israel in v. 10
back to second person reference to David ("pITtf..."]1? lla|3) refocuses
Yahweh's discourse upon the addressee, in ending his specific development (10-11 a) of the subtopic on the results for Israel's future of
Yahweh's actions through David.
1 lap thus harks back to 9afJ, one of the series of first person explications of Yahweh's actions for David, and through David for his people,
Israel. But it does so in the language of Ib. In its context Ib offered
some narratorial explanation for David's initiative to build a house for
Yahweh, an initiative robustly rejected by Yahweh (5b-7). Here, by
using the same expression to round off his summary of how he has
prosecuted David's career in the interests of his people, Yahweh has
thoroughly recontextualized it, from David's agenda for him to his
48. My exposition here accepts the reading with 1 (jQ1?!: for the text see above,
Ch. 2, p. 69 n. 65) but treats it as explicatory: 'as formerly, namely from the day I
appointed judges over my people Israel'. To take the 1 as coordinating is to weaken
the rhetoric, since the text thereby refers to two separate eras, but in such a way as
(1) to put into the rhetorically stronger first position a vague reference ('formerly'
nJ)C0K~a 10b(3) to an earlier era (? the Egyptian oppression) which the much later
period of David does not supersede in any meaningful sense; while (2) referring to
the actual era the period of David supersedes (1 laa) by the weak rhetoric of a lame
addition. In fact the text defines just one era (cf. 6ap above), the era since Yahweh
appointed judges over his people after their deliverance from Egypt, Exod. 18.2122, 25-26; Deut. 1.16. The communis opinio that takes D'CDStO here to refer to 'the
judges' so denominated in Judg. 2.16-19 is considerably less likely. For one thing,
this is a highly restricted usage in the Hebrew Bible: outside that passage the term
OS2J has this specialized reference with fair certainty in only two other texts, 2 Kgs
23.22; Ruth 1.1; and with reasonable probability in one other, 1 Chron. 17.6.
Otherwise, and far more frequently, the term refers to mostly anonymous officials
who apply Yahweh's laws to his people. Then, second, the identity in idiom (m^
D'taSKJ) between Deut. 1.16a and our present passage points very strongly to a similarity of reference, i.e. to the officials Moses first appointed at Sinai/Horeb. Finally,
the era as defined by my reading of 7.10bp-l laa thus agrees with that previously
defined by Yahweh in 6ap above.
49. The \veqdtal TUTDm here is a perfective, as the Masoretic accentuation indicates, expressing as a durative the results of the action narrated by the preterite
wayyiqtol form nn"DKl in 9ap.
185
agenda for David and Israel. Then, in a telling parody of vv. 1-2, he
launches straight from asserting this into proclaiming his countervailing
initiative, his making a house for David (1 Ib).
5.2.1.4. Verses llb-16
Yahweh strikingly demarcates this new phase of his discourse by a performative statement (lib), in which he abruptly50 changes self-reference from the expected first person forms, which have so far prevailed
from 5b to lla^, to third person forms.51 But this style of reference
extends no further than the terse utterance (llb(3) governed by the performative verb: the remainder of Yahweh's speech (12-16) reverts to
first person self-reference. Why this abrupt and quite unexpected
change to third person self-reference? Two elements of pragmaticscum-poetics are involved. First, the extra processing effort the utterance
imposes on the addressee/reader, in order to realize that it refers to the
same pragmatic subject as the first person verbs in 8a(3-10aa,lla, produces a rhetorically powerful effect of defamiliarization. That is to say,
by referring to himself as though talking about another, Yahweh makes
this utterance stand out from the rest of his discourse, forcing his auditor to give it greater attention. Then second, the third person stylization of the utterance makes it formal, ceremonial. This solemnity lends
an impressive, legal-sounding, quality to Yahweh's performative
statement.52
50. Many readers have found this abruptness problematical. But assuming,
unless there is pressing evidence to the contrary, the principle of text cohesion, this
reader takes l i b as an instance of unusual third person self-reference, for striking
rhetorical emphasis, by the voice which has been speaking in the text since 5b, and
carries on speaking until 16. A possible alternative construction, namely that
Nathan, as Yahweh's spokesman to David, momentarily resumes his own persona
in making this utterance is in no (other) way signalled by the text. Rost (1926: 5759 = 1965: 168-70 = 1982: 43-44) explains l i b as a fragment from a supposed
original third person oracle, which has managed to survive, intact, some nine stages
of redaction suffered by 2 Sam. 7, none of which otherwise maintained its third
person style.
51. Compare above Ch. 2 n. 68, p. 70, and the passages cited there. Austin's
analysis, although it allowed for (second and) third person performatives, only
considers passive forms (1962: 57), and evidently did not envisage the situation
where a speaker uses third person forms in self-reference.
52. Austin says of his passive (second and) third person performatives 'this type
is usually found on formal or legal occasions; and it is characteristic of it that, in
186
Figure 15: Chiastic Parallelism between 2 Sam. 7.5b and 7.1 Ibp
Four features in this relationship should be noted. First, the very close
verbal-semantic similarity in the two utterances establishes an immediate clear link: verbally, llbp reinvokes 5b, after 8-1 la had carried
Yahweh's discourse on to a topic with no immediate connection. But,
second, the major terms in each utterance are rhetorically counterposed
in a chiasm. Thus the two instances of 'house' (ITD), and the pair of
corresponding terms 'you' (nriN) and 'Yahweh' (mil1'), are set at the
opposite ends of their respective utterances. Even the less stressed
writing at least, the word "hereby" is often and perhaps always to be inserted'
(1962: 57).
53. For the reading of the text, see above Ch. 2 n. 68, p. 70.
54. The pidgin English used in the tabulation results from following the Hebrew
word order, so as to illustrate in the translation as precisely as possible the shape of
the utterances in Hebrew.
187
middle terms,55 the verbs, are differentiated: 'will make' (nfoJT lib(3) as
against 'will build' (n]3fl 5b). Then, third, the resultant strong first
place stress56 given ST3 'house' in llb(3 reinforces the rhetorical
salience it has as the verbal object thrown forward of the verb and its
subject. With such strong rhetorical marking Yahweh re-establishes
'house' as the topic of his discourse. Finally, 1 lb(3 is counterposed to
5b also as an illocutionary act: whereas 5b was a robustly polemical
question implying a negative assertion, llbp is a solemn and measured
affirmation. Thus operating in conceit, these four features make 1 Ibp a
powerful counter-analogue of 5b, and strongly suggest that it is Yahweh's answer to David's initiative, repudiated by him in 5b-7.
In its immediate context, however, the lead term in llbp, 'house'
(ITU), is new. For it had been as it were dismissed the field of discourse
by Yahweh in 5b-7, and in SafS-lla Yahweh engaged with matters
which had no immediate link with ITU. Its reappearance in llbp is
unexpected, hence its considerable rhetorical prominence. Yet what
Yahweh thereby establishes in 1 Ibp as the topic for the continuation of
his discourse is his undertaking to make a house for David. But, since
hitherto in Yahweh's discourse 'house' has referred only to a physical
shelter, on immediate hearing Yahweh appears in llb(3 to be promising
David what David already has (cf. 2ay). The addressee must therefore
assume that his puzzlement will be dispelled by ensuing comment on
this re-established topic ITU Furthermore, on the principle of cohesiveness, he is also likely to anticipate that this comment will go towards
relating this renewed topic to Yahweh's preceding exposition of
David's career as nagid over Israel (8-11 a).
But in fact, even given the brevity of this utterance, Yahweh has
already given some hint that ITD here may not be equivalent to ITU earlier in the text. Quite striking is the unexpectedly different verb with
ITU, not the conventional n]T, 'will build', so far used by Yahweh in
55. I note again that no special rhetorical emphasis is given Y?, 'you', in 1 lb(i
just as none was given <|17, 'me', in 5b: both fall in the unstressed middle. Thus,
while in discourse logic ^ is opposed to"]"?, this opposition is merely a subsidiary
entailment of contraposing the builders and the kind of house they will build, and
need not be marked rhetorically.
56. Strictly it is the conjunction "O, 'that', that is in first position in the unit I
designate 1 lb(3, in accordance with my convention of dividing the verses according
to the Masoretic punctuation. However, the conjunction, as a mere link-word
between 'Yahweh hereby announces' (~nm 1 Iba) and the notionally distinct utterance beginning with 'a house' (ITU 1 Ibf}), clearly carries no particular stress.
188
189
190
the expression here has the more restrictive or the wider reference must
be determined contextually. Now the particular combination 'possessive adjective + offspring after + personal pronoun' (x~"H!"[N x~^~lT), as
we have it here in 'your offspring after you' ("firiK "[ITIT 12ap), occurs
some 15 times in the Hebrew Bible, outside of this text and its parallel
in 1 Chron. 17.II.64 In all instances the context makes clear that the
expression has collective reference, and in all but one65 extension over
several generations at least is equally unambiguously involved. Thus
the particular expression employed here to define 'your offspring'
clearly indicates a collective sense for the term.
But further, since v. 12 is making defining comment on 'house' in
lib, the pragmatics of context also direct the listener/reader to construe
the reference of 'your offspring after you, who will issue from your
loins' (12apy) as collective. For from this comment it has become clear
that the 'house' announced in 1 Ib must be of the metaphorical kind, the
kind which subsists by extension over generations within the same line
of descent. Hence, on the pragmatic principles of relevance and coherence, 12a(3y has similar comprehensive reference: just one successor
would make Yahweh's promise of a house a very meagre one indeed! I
will discuss further below the relation between the terms JTD, 'house',
and IT)?, 'offspring', in our text, after we have read through the whole
of the relevant context (12-16).
Given the content of v. 12, it is worth noting how its opening 'so it
will be that, when your days are fulfilled' (fiT Itto '3 rrm)66 echoes,
in future mode, the opening of v. 1, 'so it was that when the king was
installed in his house' OJT23 "J^ftn D2T "O TT1). This parallel gives resonance to the profound irony in Yahweh's words as a parody of
David's opening gambit (see Figure 16):
generations' 7a; Dilb, 'to them' 8b) again make clear its plural reference. Another
equivalent expression "JT ^^!| in Judg. 8.30 refers to plural descendants in the
same generation, and in Gen. 46.26; Exod. 1.5 to plural descendants over a number
of generations. Finally, we note that yet another parallel expression "]303 "HBO in
the version of the dynastic promise in Ps. 132.11 has unambiguous plural reference
64. The other instances are Gen. 9.9; \1.7(bis),S, 9, 10, 19; 35.12; 48.4; Exod.
28.43; Num. 25.13; Deut. 1.8; 4.37; 10.15; 1 Sam. 24.22[21].
65. The one possible exception is 1 Sam. 24.22[21], where Saul presses David
to swear to spare 'my descendants after me'. Here the limitation of reference is the
purely pragmatic one of the number of Saulide generations likely to appear during
David's lifetime.
66. For the text see above Ch. 2 n. 70, p. 71.
191
M 2
So it was
that, when the king was settled in his house.... the king said to Nathan
2
So it will be that, when your days are fulfilled...
after you...
In la.2 the king, enjoying the full flood of his success and power,
sovereignly plans to build for Yahweh, his sponsored god, a dwelling
of regal grandeur. In v. 12 Yahweh sovereignly undertakes for David
his client-subject, after his life and career has ended, to create a house
of royal authority.
In view of all this, Yahweh's abrupt announcement in 13a that
David's offspring will build 'a house for my name', is so entirely unexpected as to be quite perplexing. There are three major reasons for
puzzlement. First, the topic 'temple' has been absent from Yahweh's
discourse since 5b-7, and thus makes a quite unprepared re-entrance
here. Second, the categorical terms in which Yahweh had there rejected
David's initiative cannot but have led the addressee (and the reader) to
suppose that Yahweh was not prepared to entertain the idea of a temple
at all. Third, pragmatic logic requires the referent of the pronominal
subject (Kin) in this announcement to be individual,67 whereas discourse logic has already established its textual referent, 'your offspring'
(-p-lT 12ap), as collective.
Yet evidently 13a has been framed so as to create its own discourse
cohesion. Its initial otiose pronominal subject 'he it is' (Kin) is intended
to correspond to the similarly emphatic initial 'is it you?' (nnttn) of 5b,
and the concluding 'house for my name' ('DtD1? JTD) to the similarly
concluding 'settled house' (TOtO*? IT3) in 5b. Manifestly 13a is
192
will build
5b
13a
But in fact, for this particular rhetoric to work, the listener must now,
retrospectively, drastically revise his understanding of what it was
Yahweh rejected in 5b, from the comprehensive entity 'settled house,
fixed temple' as required by Yahweh's polemic in 6-7, to the restricted
entity 'dwelling-temple' as required by 13a. Thus in effect Yahweh is
now telling David, for the first time in his discourse, that the reason
David is not being permitted to build a temple is that he intended to
build the wrong kind of temple. On the other hand, his offspring will
build one, because he will build the right kind.
This particular rhetoric creates yet another difficulty. Yahweh has
already, but a moment since, constructed an impressive answer to 5b,
namely, llbp\ Why then a second answer hard upon the heels of the
first? What is the connection between them? Is David somehow meant
to conflate the original rhetorical question (5b) with its two answers
(1 Ibp, 13a) thus: 'you David are not to build me a fixed dwelling-house
temple, but it is I who will make for you a dynastic housebut your
offspring will build a fixed temple, because he will build the right kind,
a temple for my name'? Yet so far David has not been given enough
information to process the first opposition involved, let alone add in a
second!
Moreover, 'and I will establish his royal throne for ever' (13b) exacerbates the problem of cohesion. For throughout his discourse so far
Yahweh has been at pains to stress his sovereign power, making it crystal clear to David that everything has been and always will be on his
initiative. That the divine prerogative of sovereign freedom in all matters was fundamental to his rejection of David's plan to build him a
68. This is direct, as against chiastic, parallelism, with corresponding elements
appearing in the same order, and with the same stress: Kin answers to ntlK, and
'DS1? to 'ras?*?. Note the absence in 13a of a direct analogue to'"? in 5b.
193
fixed temple (5b-7), has been constantly demonstrated in his actions for
David and for Israel (8-11 a), and remains fundamental in his undertaking to make a house for David (1 Ib). Yet here in 13b Yahweh is giving
a promise tit for tat, namely to uphold the throne of David's offspring
as reward for the latter's building Yahweh a fixed temple. Yahweh thus
appears happily to be obliging himself to David's offspring in a way he
has utterly repudiated in his dealings with David. From each of the
foregoing considerations it is very evident that v. 13 poses difficulties
of interpretation, to which we will need to return below.
In 14a Yahweh, again employing two parallel phrases whose redundant precision is quasi-legal,69 commits himself to a father-son relationship with David's offspring. David's promised house will thus
become Yahweh's house(hold), with Yahweh discharging the role of
head of house when David through death (12aa) is no longer there.
Accordingly, Yahweh will exercise in his adopted household the discipline incumbent on a head of house (14b). Delinquency is expected
('when they go astray' imjJrQ 14ba), and Yahweh intends to be no
indulgent father!
But 14bp-15 set a clear limit to the nature and extent of this discipline. Yahweh will inflict on David's offspring only the same kind of
punishment as a human father would employ CWm D'GJM* COED
D~!K "OH 14bpy). This limitation of what he will do by way of discipline,
is the first half of an undertaking intended to rule out the obvious, but
much more drastic, sanction, that is, to repudiate the adoptive fatherson relationship with any erring member of the dynasty. For that would
be tantamount to rejecting David's house. Hence, in the second half of
his undertaking about punishment, Yahweh assures David that, differently from his response to the disobedience of David's predecessor,
Saul (15b),70 the loyalty inherent in his personal relationship to David's
offspring OlOFT) will remain constant (15a). On the hermeneutics of
suspicion the reader, noting that Yahweh offers no explanation for this
disparity in divine dealing,71 may therefore wonder just what this
69. It may in fact be based on a performative expression used in legal adoption,
which may also be reflected in the so-called covenant formulary 'I am/will be your
God, and you are/will be my people'.
70. Though Yahweh does not mention Saul's disobedience as such, it is clearly
implicit in 15b. The principal narratives concerning this are 1 Sam. 13.7-14; 15.135.
71. A most dramatic exposure of this disparity results from comparing 2 Sam.
12.13-14 with 1 Sam. 15.24-27: David, having committed adultery, and callously
194
assurance amounts to. David, however, can take comfort in the realization that there will never be a future non-Davidic David to gloat, as he
did in 6.21, over the ejection of a future Davidic Michal!
But as if to forestall any such deconstruction of his assurance, Yahweh rounds it off with a clinching summary (16) in two parallel, largely
synonymous, clauses: David's ruling royal house ("[rD^QQI "[ITO 16a,
-jOD 16b) will be firmly established (]Qtf] 16a, ]1DD 16b) before
Yahweh ("OS1? 16a) in perpetuity (Q^IU IS! 16a, 16b). What is newly
explicit in this summing up is that Yahweh's commitment extends in
perpetuity. For though this idea is implied in 14-15, Yahweh
maximizes the impact of the words 'in perpetuity' (D^ID ~IU), 72 by
withholding them until this climactic statement, by then repeating them
in short order (16a, 16b), and by making them the very final words of
his discourse. Thus v. 16 condenses together and caps all the points
expounded by Yahweh in vv. llb-12, 14-15 of the final segment of his
discourse.
In the final segment of his discourse, then, as the text now stands
(vv. 1 lb-16), Yahweh has thus announced to David:
(1) Yahweh will make David a 'house' (= ?);
(2) after his death, Yahweh will establish David's own offspring in a
secure kingdom (12);
(3) David's offspring will build a 'house' (= temple) for Yahweh's
name (13a), in return for which Yahweh will support his kingship in perpetuity (13b);
(4) David's offspring will enjoy a father-son relationship with Yahweh, of such a sort that wrongdoing will incur punishment but
will not rupture the relationship (14-15);
procured murder in an attempt to cover his misdemeanour, on confessing his sin to
Nathan (miT1? TlRtan) is assured of Yahweh's forgiveness; Saul, having failed to
implement fully the sacred ban, is denied forgiveness by Samuel, though he makes
the fuller confession ('"m mrr '3 n TTQJJ O TlKBn).
72. Modern Western readers should not exaggerate the import of D^liJ 11? and
like expressions in Hebrew, a mistake that results from the standard English
rendering 'for ever'. In general they express the notion of extension into the
indefinite future, but this is not the same as asserting the absence of any time
limitation whatsoever. Moreover, such expressions are used in Hebrew in contexts
like 1 Sam. 1.22; 20.15, 23, where the possible extension into the future is
pragmatically limited by the very finite duration of the human lifespan. See the
examples cited by Eslinger (1994: 46-48), where, however, he too readily concedes
the notion of 'eternity' to some instances.
195
(5) thus David's royal 'house' (= dynasty) will be securely established on his throne in perpetuity (16).
From this summary and our preceding discussion it is evident that virtually the whole of Yahweh's words in 12-16 are devoted to an explication of the kind of house he intends to make for David, and moreover
that as early as v. 12 it emerges that 'house = dynasty'. Strictly only the
four words of 13a (Vtih TO TO11 Kin, 'he it is who will build a house
for my name') deviate from this task, to add a parenthesis about the
kind of house David's offspring will build for Yahweh. While 13b is, in
itself, compatible with 12, 14-16, it nonetheless belongs closely with
13a, as our earlier discussion showed.
Clearly, crucial to the construing of these assertions is clarity about
the pragmatic reference made by "]JTH, 'your offspring' 12ap, and its
pronominal anaphors in vv. 13-16. Decisive for our context is that
vv. 12, 14-16 are comment on the topic defined by llbp, the 'house'
which Yahweh undertakes to make for David. It is apparent already by
v. 12 that the 'house' Yahweh is promising David in llbp will be
'made' through the continuation of rulership in his own direct line of
descent: that is, the 'house' in question is a royal dynasty, ruling into
the indefinite future. This is, further, the evident implicature of Yahweh's strong assertion of continued loyalty, even under provocation, to
David's offspring (14-15). Finally, it is stated quite unambiguously in
Yahweh's closing summary (16), where he knits together the comment
with the opening topic statement (llb(3). Thus the hendiadys 'your
royal dynasty' ("[fD^QQI "[JV3) unites terms from llbp and 12bp, in
parallel with the metaphorical use of ~[KCO, 'your (royal) throne = your
sovereignty', in a highly emphatic (Q^IU "IJJ twice) statement of the
perpetuity of monarchic rule in the dynasty of David.
Thus this final segment of Yahweh's discourse, 1 lbp-16, is bounded
by a topic sentence (llbp) and a summary statement (16), both of
which use the term rV2, 'house', with metaphorical reference to
'dynasty'. Although, as we indicated above, the compressed brevity of
the topic sentence would not have made this metaphorical use of TO as
a collective immediately perspicuous to the addressee, this he would
expect the comment to do. Hence in the comment, on the pragmatic
principles of discourse coherence and minimum processing effort, the
key parallel term WK, 'offspring', can be expected to have similar and
consistent collective reference. In fact, the predications of U"H in
vv. 12,14-15 all fulfil this expectation, and the reappearance of TO as a
196
197
198
199
tiated Solomon's permitted from David's interdicted temple by opposing 'temple for my name' CQdb ITD 13a) to 'dwellinghouse temple'
(TOrh 173 5b so understood).81
5.2.1.5. Verse 17
With Yahweh's discourse thus having reached its goal, v. 17 comes as
a further piece of the relatively spare narrative framework of the chapter. This small element of narration inserts a necessary moment of
pause into the text, allowing the reader to draw breath following the
long sweep of Yahweh's discourse, and the momentous revelation in
which it climaxed. As a segment of the minimal plot thread the verse
picks up, with an almost fussy precision, on the repeated noting of
Yahweh's transmission of the oracle to David through Nathan (4-5a,
8aa), to apprise the reader of how faithfully Nathan reports to David
Yahweh's discourse. At the same time it also refers back to v. 3, where
Nathan speciously mediated to David a divine approval now repudiated.
This time Nathan sticks to the divinely dictated script!
But how did the prophet approach the king with this abrupt change of
heart? What was David's reaction to hearing from his court prophet the
first segment of the oracle, in which his great project was so scathingly
dismissed? Our text does not say. Dramatic development of this kind
has no place here, where all attention is focused on identifying the message as Yahweh's word, fully and faithfully delivered to David. Thus
not only does v. 17 carry forward the tenuous plot thread, but it does so
in terms that stress the theme of David's hearing the words of Yahweh.82 Hence, together with 18a, 17 serves as a transition to the final
part of our stretch of text (18b-29), where the complementary thematic
element of David's response to Yahweh's word is developed to its
climax.
5.2.2. Verses 18-29
The prayer of David in vv. 18-29 is quite repetitive and, at first sight,
unstructured. Psychologically, this seemingly incoherent repetitiveness
81. In fact, an example of this kind of reading is to be found in 1 Kgs 8.15-20,
where vv. 18-19 precisely link together 2 Sam. 7.5b-7 and 7.13a into a tendentious
paraphrase. On this see in detail my Claim for Power (forthcoming).
82. It shares with vv. 12-16 something of their redundancy and pedantic precision of expression. The point of that here in v. 17 is to make it quite clear that
David's prayer which follows immediately is a response to the prophetically medi
ated word of Yahweh.
200
201
Second, the verb 'be settled, installed' (32T 18a0) was the very first
predication of 'the king' in la. 83 But whereas in la.2 the king's
ensconcement in his house was a given state from which the text starts,
here King David's installation before Yahweh requires an act to be voluntarily undertaken ('...went in and sat', 3tzri..N3r) 18a): David's
physical relocation presages his mental and spiritual transformation.
Then, third, here the king's ensconcement is not in his own house (13), but 'before Yahweh' (miT ''B'?). How ironically resonant now of
David's proprietary insistence on this expression to Michal (6.21, and
cf. 6.5a, 14a, 17b)! The king, in his royal pretension installed in his
splendid cedar-palace as seeming master of the ark and its god, must
quit that splendour to acknowledge the divine prerogative in the presence of Yahweh himself. Where does he go? By narrative implicature
into that very same ark-tent to which David had brought the ark (6.17),
the tent whose humbleness in comparison to his own house ill-matched
the status of the royally sponsored god. And thus also before the ark
itself,84 potent symbol of that very divine sovereignty whose control
David had been scheming to achieve.85
Finally, in setting the scene for his prayer, we are told, for the first
time in our stretch of text, that David speaks directly to Yahweh (""iQK'n
18ba). Drawn out of the pretentious splendour of his royal palace into
the simple surrounds of the ark, 'the king' has been forced, by the
83. Thus the verb is used five times between la and 6aa (la, 2ay, 2b(3, 5b, 6aa),
most strikingly in TQ,tih ITD, 'a house for my dwelling', in Yahweh's disparaging
question (5b). 18a[3 is its only other occurrence in the text.
84. A similar combination of Kin, 'go in', and mm 'DS1? D2T, 'sit before Yahweh', is found in Judg. 20.26, in a context which asserts the presence of the ark
(20.27). Less close verbally, but still informative, is a comparison with 2 Kgs
19.14-15 = Isa. 37.14-15, where Hezekiah goes up to the temple, spreads Sennacherib's letter 'before Yahweh' (mm ^S1?), and prays 'before Yahweh' (Isa.
37.15 mm "?, 'to Yahweh'), invoking him as 3BT ^tofcr TI^K [m3JS] mm
D'TlDi!, 'Yahweh [of Hosts (Isa. 37.16)] God of Israel enthroned on the cherubim',
thus using a transform of the liturgical expression associated with the ark in 2 Sam.
6.2 above, cf. 1 Sam. 4.4.
85. Another layer of irony in the use of miT 'B^ DKT, 'sit before Yahweh', here
is suggested by DTftK '3S1? D^ll? [f^QH] 32T, 'may he [scil. the king] be enthroned
for ever before God' Ps. 61.8[7], where its use suggests that the expression was a
cliche of the royal cult, i.e., part of the royal pretension! Moreover, 61.5[4] mi3
pSD ~incn H0n D'O^IW f^ntO, 'may I always reside in your tent, and find
refuge in the shadow of your wings', sets both petitions in the cultic context of the
ark and its overshadowing cherubim.
202
203
204
josh. 7.8
Prithee, Lord, what shall I say
enemy?
Ezra 9.10
And now
what shall we say, O our God, after this, that we have abandoned your
commandments?
Figure 18: Parallels between Josh. 7.8 and Ezra 9.10
Nonetheless, the general similarities with 2 Sam. 7.20 are at least suggestive of this
sort of thing being a conventional part of the repertoire of prayer.
205
206
subsumes his own glory into the greater glory of Yahweh, at the same
time eclipsing Yahweh's gracious act in exalting David by his even
more gracious act in having redeemed his people. Then yet more
boldly, 24 as it were recasts 13b-14100 into a unique101 restatement of
the so-called covenant formulary, thereby implicitly affirming the
supremacy of Yahweh's relationship to Israel over that to the Davidic
dynasty.
By developing the praise motif of the divine incomparability thus
extensively, these two verses have strayed some distance from the
immediate preoccupation of David's prayer with the essentials of Yahweh's discourse. To this preoccupation David now returns in the final
section of the prayer. But this intermezzo, focusing as it does on
Yahweh's relationship with his people, has its analogue in 10-1 la of
Yahweh's speech.
always D27 niW>: Gen. 11.4 (humankind); 2 Sam. 8.13 (David); Isa. 63.12; Jer.
32.20; Neh. 9.10; Dan. 9.15 (all of Yahweh). As with the present text, each of the
last four examples cites the deliverance from Egypt as the making of Yahweh's
reputation. Moreover, each occurs within a prayer, but unlike our present text, each
is a prayer of lamentation and/or confession.
100. The extent of the relationship may be seen from setting the texts out in
parallel (see Figure 19):
7
I will firmly establish his royal throne
in perpetuity
7
You firmly established your people Israel to be your people in perpetuity
7
I will become
their father
my sons
their God
7
7
101. No other version of the covenant formulary includes cbw "TI?, 'for ever', as
part of the statement. The nearest analogues are two texts where a version of the
covenant formulary is used in the same context as the term cbw rr~Q, 'perpetual
covenant': Jer. 32.38-40; Ezek. 37.26-27. But these formulations both use a
\veqatal... \-yiqtol construction referring to a future relationship to be effected in a
period of restoration, whereas the present formulation uses a wayyiqtol...x-qatal
construction of a past transaction.
207
208
you have spoken' (n"Q"7 "ICJtO n&#l 25b), recalls with notable irony
Nathan's perfunctory 'word' encouraging David in his ill-fated initiative: 'all you have in mind go and do' (nfrtf ~p "plto ~\m * 3ap)!105
So in David's mouth the openly declared plan of Yahweh erases the
plan David dared not declare openly. Through these allusions in v. 25,
then, David effaces his own initiative for Yahweh (2-3, 5b-7) beneath
the supremacy of the divine initiative in and through him (8-16), and
thus subtly signals his complete deference to the divine prerogative. In
his prayer David never refers directly to Yahweh's rejection of his initiative, but these oblique references106 say all that needs to be said.
Verse 26 continues with a weyiqtol verb whose exact force is uncertain. Given the petitionary context, at first sight it seems natural enough
to take it as jussive, 'And may your name be great for ever'. There is,
however, no clear parallel107 to this. Accordingly, I take ^in to have
consecutive-final force, and link 26a closely with 25b: 'confirm (your
word) forever, and do as you have said, so that your name may be great
for ever'. The resulting causal nexus between Yahweh's reputation and
his keeping his word is also invoked, more obliquely, in v. 28 below. In
the present context it provides a proper motivation for the petitionary
imperatives. The God whose reputation will thus be magnified108 David
invokes under the very formal-sounding title 'Yahweh of Hosts God
over Israel' ('Wlfcr ^ DT^R JT)K32i mrr).109 26b then resumes the
105. This makes it at least possible that there is a distant echoing of ICON ^D
n&U "p -]3Z (3ap) in rrfcW -p^DI in 21aap above.
106. There is further irony in the fact that their obliqueness is even greater than
was that of David's speech to Nathan broaching his initiative.
107. The only certain instance of'liy jussive is 'DTK FD 3 ^ir nnin, 'and now
grant that the power of my Lord be great...', in Moses' prayer to Yahweh, Num.
14.17. But this is part of a clear petition by Moses for Yahweh to do, or rather not
to do, something, in a way the present instance is not. In three instances of the same
set locution [DTI^N] mrr *?ir TOD notn in the Psalms (35.27; 40.17[16];
70.5[4]); ^"ir could be jussive, but is usually treated as declarative: 'they say con
tinually, "great is Yahweh (God)" '. Compare m!T "OIK rbl) p 'TD, 'therefore you
are very great, my lord Yahweh', 22a above.
108. Note the similarity in language to the terms of Yahweh's exaltation of
David in 9b.
109. I assume it to be a liturgical title, not attested elsewhere in this particular
form. Note, in view of my comments above on the implication of mm ''lEb, 'before
Yahweh' (18a), David's use here and in 27a of the title m22i mrr, 'Yahweh of
Hosts', closely associated with the ark cult. For the textual reading, see above Ch. 2
n. 90, p. 83.
209
(...nn^: ^K-ICT TI^K rroas mrr nn o 27a), in this, the only explicit
citation of Yahweh's discourse in his prayer, the rather formal introduction matches 'and Yahweh solemnly announces to you' ("[^ ~nm
mrr llba), using the different idiom JTN il^, 'notify, inform, reveal'.111
David confesses the one who has made this unsolicited and momentous
revelation to him as YHWH Seba'ot, the god of the ark, the very god he
had been scheming to control. David's citation of the revealed word 'a
house (is what) I shall build you' ("J^ nntf ITU 27a(3) is not verbally
exact to 'a house (is what) Yahweh will make you' (mi
mm 7^ nfaiT 1 lb(3), but retains the noun-verb inversion, with its resultant stress on 'house'. Perhaps David's substitution of ntoJJ by nn, the
verb which hitherto has been associated with his own aborted initiative
(5b, 7b),112 is another subtle but telling signal of his total deference to
Yahweh's initiative.
110. Thus -pas'? ]"O3 rriT ITT -J-DJJ rrai 26b condenses the closing statement of
Yahweh's discourse, leaving out here the latter's repeated D^IU "ID, already used
twice by David in the present context in 25b-26a.
111. The 12 other occurrences of this idiom in the Hebrew Bible almost all
involve notifying, with varying degrees of formality, someone of something which
is of moment to that person. The most formal context is in Ruth 4.4, where in the
presence of the city elders Boaz notifies the go'el of his responsibility toward their
dead kinsman Elimelech. Semi-formal are Saul's castigations of his retinue for failing to inform him about the whereabouts of David (1 Sam. 22.8 bis, 17), and no
much less so are Jonathan's claims to be privy to his father's plans (1 Sam. 20.2)
and his protestations that he will keep David informed (1 Sam. 20.12, 13). Thre
examples in the mouth of Elihu (Job 33.16, 36.10,15), all concern God's making
by various means, the erring fully aware of the fact of their delinquency. Finally,
the idiom is used in 1 Sam. 9.15 and Isa. 22.14 of prophetic revelations made b
Yahweh to Samuel and Isaiah respectively. In Isa. 22.14 the revelation is made by
rmOX mn1 '3n, 'my lord, Yahweh of Hosts'. Rost's claim (1926: 63 = 1965: 17
= 1982: 48), that the expression refers to direct as against mediated disclosure is not
supported by "pTN PIN Tr^l p'w n^N TK N^l, 'shall I not in that case send to
notify you?' 1 Sam. 20.13b.
112. Apart from 13a, which we have argued above is rather a 'cuckoo in the
nest', this is the only occurrence of the verb since 7b. Thus the implications of its
210
Then 27a is itself causally linked to 27b (]D ^JJ, 'therefore') as justification for David's account in 27b of his boldness in thus approaching
Yahweh in prayer. David, who in 2 Samuel 6 acted without consulting
Yahweh at all, and in 7.1-3 with a mere show of consultation, now cites
the unsolicited divine word to him as grounds for talking to Yahweh,
and apologizes for doing so! It is ironic indeed that David's (3p^,
'heart, mind', which in 2-3 coyly concealed his plan from Yahweh,
now moves him to pray to him so volubly.113
Verses 28 and 29 embody the final, climactic, moment of David's
prayer. The two verses belong closely together: 'and so, well then'
(nniri), opens each, with the second instance, introducing the petition
proper, strictly being resumptive of the first. In v. 28 David provides a
summative statement of what he has been repeating in various forms
throughout 25-27, as the grounds for his final petition in the following
verse. The underlying strategy, typical of petitions, is obliquely to
remind Yahweh that his reputation is staked on keeping his word: you
are God, your word must prove true, and you have promised beneficence to your servant! The exclamatory 'it is you who are God'
(DTI^H Kin nntf 28ap), or closely similar formulations, occurs in other
prayers114 where it also supports petition to God with an appeal to his
reputation.
The petition in v. 29 incorporates in a motive clause ('for you my
lord Yahweh have spoken', mm mrr '31K nnR SD 29ba) yet one final
reference, the eighth in David's prayer,115 to this prevailing word of
Yahweh. David's earlier disinclination to consult Yahweh is completely effaced under his present obsession with the divine word. But
the dominating element of this petition is the thrice-repeated lexeme
'bless/ing' (~|"Q) and its connection with the twice-repeated 'your subject's house' ("["DI? fPD). This conjunction takes the reader back to the
scheming David of 2 Sam. 6.1-7.3, the David whose plans for the ark
use here bear comparison with those of the solitary reoccurrence of 3CZT, 'dwell', in
18ap, above.
113. The expression 3^ N^Q, 'find/take courage', occurs nowhere else in the
Hebrew Bible (not even in the parallel text, 1 Chron. 17.25), though it does occur in
the Hebrew text of Sir. 12.11.
114. But in these instances it occurs in the context of national jeopardy or disgrace, where the petition is for the divine mercy: cf. 2 Kgs 19.15 = Isa. 37.16; Jer.
14.22; Neh. 9.7; Ps. 44.5[4].
115. The other seven are 19ap, 21aa, 25a(3, 25b, 28ap, 28b (all "lin or "131 or
both), and 27aa (]TH rfa).
211
revolved around securing for his house(hold) the blessing of the ark
(especially 6.12,18b,20a). But that scheme Yahweh ruthlessly exposed
and repudiated (7.5b-7), a rejection obliquely acknowledged by David
earlier in his prayer. Now, climactically, he cedes to Yahweh all initiative and full control over the divine blessing: 'in your sovereign and
gracious will bless your subject's house' (~j"QJJ ITU DK "pTl ^Kin).
But in thus ceding all to the divine prerogative he secures, as a freely
given sure promise that can be relied upon in perpetuity (29b), that
divine blessing for his house which, in his royal pretension, he had
schemed to bring under his own control.
5.3. Rhetorical Structure and Technique in 2 Samuel 7.1-29
It is very evident from our close reading that the dynamic which drives
2 Samuel 7 is a rhetoric of persuasion. Yahweh's speech deploys such a
compelling line of argument as to induce David to abandon his great
project and totally to embrace Yahweh's initiative for himself and and
his house. It is the real word of Yahweh, when finally it comes, properly mediated from Yahweh to his spokesman (4-5a, 8aa, contrast 3),
and faithfully reported to the addressee (17), which is effectual in
accomplishing Yahweh's intention. Royal pretension submits without
reserve to divine prerogative. But in and through Yahweh's rhetoric, so
persuasive to the text's David, the author seeks to convert to his point
of view the envisaged reader.
My close reading has revealed how the details of this rhetoric serially
influence readers as they read the text linearly. It has also brought to
light the many references which link between different subunits of the
chapter, as well as with earlier parts of our stretch of text. The latter we
will return to in our next chapter. Our task now is to consider the
strategic deployment of these means within and between the sections of
this chapter, in order to discern their cumulative impact. I will thus
consider in turn each of the two major sections of 2 Samuel 7 with their
subunits.
53.1. Verses 1-17
This section begins with David's approach to Nathan the prophet,
ostensibly for guidance (la.2), and ends with the same prophet's
meticulous report to David of an oracle from Yahweh. The indication
of an inclusio is reinforced by the role of ITP3, 'house', as keyword in
212
1-2 and 16. That the referent of the word is different in each case is a
function of the rhetoric of the text in between. How, strategically, is
this rhetoric developed?
5.3.1.1. Verses 1-3
This subsection establishes 'house', and the enhancement of status
inherent in secure uninterrupted (Ib) ensconcement in splendid housing, as thematic. Thus the two references to David's house, his opulent
cedar-house (la, 2a0), and the concomitant contrastive reference to the
ark's simple tent (2b), are complemented by three occurrences of the
verb 'be installed, ensconced' (3BT la, 2ap, 2b). David wants the housing of the ark, that is, of the ark's god, to emulate the status of his own
splendid palace. Hence it is from this context that he puts his understated case to Nathan, who responds according to the king's evident
wishes. The structure which articulates the meagre plot that carries this
theme is of the simplest: 'when the king was installed in his house... he
said to Nathan... then Nathan said to the king' ("[^Qn 32T "O TT1
5b
Is it that you will build me a settled house?
6b
but I was constantly moving around in a tent-dwelling
6a
for I have never lived in a house from the time I brought Israel up from Egypt to the present
7a
in all the time I moved around among the Israelites was there ever a word I spoke, etc.
7b
why have you not built me a house of cedar?
214
215
216
form a loose inclusio around the comment, sharing the keyword 'house
= dynasty' (ITS), and making an essentially similar affirmation, albeit
otherwise in different terms and at different length.
The topic statement is memorably compressed, but it is a compression in need of explanation and elaboration, not least in the context. For
it unexpectedly recurs to the topic 'house', left behind after the first
segment of Yahweh's discourse, and does so in a speech form clearly
modelled on Yahweh's initial utterance (5b). This strongly marked link
back to the beginning of Yahweh's speech draws Yahweh's argument
together in a way we shall explore in the next section.
The thematicity of 'house', re-established by the topic and summary
statements, is complemented in the comment by the parallel term 'your
offspring, descendants' ("p~l? 12a{3), with constant pronominal anaphora in 12ay-15. Thus, apart from the extraneous 13a[b], Yahweh's
discourse here is very tightly focused around this one issue.
Structurally, the explicatory comment is marked by the constant use
of two parallel, sometimes near-tautological, expressions (see Figure
21, p. 217). It will be observed that between the members of each set of
corresponding expressions, alongside lexemic variety, there is a notable
balance, both in their length and rhythm: the parallelisms border on the
higher style of poetry.118 This imbues Yahweh's words both with an
impressive ceremonial solemnity, and a careful, almost pedantically
legal, precision. Thus the highly combative polemic of the opening segment of Yahweh's speech has in this third segment entirely given way
to a more measured exposition, in keeping with the ceremonial pronouncement with which it begins (1 lb).119
With similar redundant parallelism, the concluding summary statement (v. 16) knits together topic and comment. Here again a telling, if
oblique, reference back to the first segment of Yahweh's speech is
made through the hendiadys 'your royal house' (ffD^QQl "[FTO) with
118. On this cf. Smith (1899: 299-301), and for 7.5b-7 Dus (1963: 47), but
attempts to find a full-blown poetic form in the text have to make unjustifiable
excisions. A possible explanation is that the text here draws, directly or indirectly,
upon materials in poetic form. But however that may be, it remains necessary to
take account of the rhetorical force of poetic or quasi-poetic parallelisms in what is
now prose discourse.
119. Scattered instances of this device may be detected in the earlier segments of
Yahweh's discourse: cf. 8a02 nun ]Q // Say ]xn inQ; lOacts TTI1KD31 // 10aa4
rnnn pan; and 6aa rr33 vatf* *? // 6b p&am ^nto f^nro rrrrNi. But in the
third segment it becomes a marked feature of the rhetoric.
12aa^
12aat
when your days are fulfilled
12ap
I will raise up your offspring after you
12ap2
12ar
who will issue from your loins
14ap
14acc
14by
and with strokes (used by) humans
15ba
15a
16a
218
the associated verb 'be sure' (]QK]) and its parallel 'be firmly grounded'
("I'D]) contra 'in a dwelling-tent' governed by the verb 'to move around'
("['pnnQ, pt0o:n ^HtO 6b). With a final ironic flourish, Yahweh thus
implicitly contrasts the secure grounding of the dynastic house he is
making for David with his own untrammelled freedom from fixity,
itself maintained against David's plan to build him a settled habitation
CrnEft TO 5b).
5.3.2. Disputatory Structure of 7.1-17
We observed above (5.3.1) that an inclusio encompasses this section
of the text, and notably that IT 3 is an important constituent in this
bracketing. From our consideration of the rhetoric of the individual
subsections (5.3.1.1-5.3.1.4) we have further seen how fundamental
this term is in the overall rhetoric of Yahweh's speech, dominating both
its first and third segments, and forging palpable links between Yahweh's utterances in each. It is evident, moreover, that the third segment
is some kind of answer to the first segment, as positive as the latter was
negative. But these transparent connections between the first and third
segments of Yahweh's discourse raise the question of the function
within the discourse of its second segment, in which r?D does not figure
at all.
To appreciate how organic is the second segment of Yahweh's
speech to the persuasive strategy of this section of the text we must
gain a sense of the section's overall structure. Its basic structure is that
of disputation, of the kind of disputation found in disputatory oracles
in the Hebrew Bible.120 Typically in such texts, Yahweh takes issue
with a proposal or claim (= thesis), normally attributed to a person or
group of people, disputing its validity (= dispute/refutation), and asserting his own counter-proposal/counter-claim (= counter-thesis).121 As an
120. A decade ago I discussed the structure of a number of 'disputation-oracles'
in the Hebrew Bible: see Murray (1987b). Though there working from a more
committed, though critically distanced, form-critical stance than I would now
defend, I continue to maintain the value of the tripartite analysis of disputation in
terms of thesis, dispute, and counter-thesis put forward in that article (see esp. 9799). Accordingly, I make use of it here. However, I now prefer to use the more
open label 'disputatory oracle', consistent with, on the one hand, the restricted form
of disputation manifest in such oracles, and, on the other, the variety of structures
they may assume.
121. For details see Murray (1987b), in general 98-99, and in detail on various
biblical examples, 103-14.
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220
In llb(3 the same two related issues are still paramount. But, following
on from the refutation in 6-7 of the idea that anybody could take the
initiative from Yahweh, and following on from the account in 8a(3-lla
of Yahweh's continuous initiative through David for his people,
rhetorically the major stress now needs to fall, not on the who of the
counter-proposal, but on the what, since this now remains the crucial,
as yet undisclosed, element in Yahweh's proposal. Hence in llb(3 '
house' (fTO) is put first in the place of principal rhetorical stress, and
'Yahweh' (miT) at the end with secondary stress. Although the intended
beneficiaries of the respective 'houses' ('for me', ^ 5b; and 'for you',
"[^ llbfi) are implicated logically as contraries in this opposition, neither needs stressing rhetorically, simply because this opposition is a
contextually obvious implicature.123 But since 'house' (fTD) tout
court124 is not immediately transparent as a contrary to 'settled house'
(TDEJ'? rP3), the verb 'make' (il&ir llb(3) is employed to signal the
intended difference. Moreover, this verb also has ironic resonance with
3 a, where Nathan used exactly this verb in spuriously according Yahweh's endorsement to David's initiative.
In sum, then, in the terms of this dominant structure, in 1-3 we have,
in effect, the exposition of the thesis, that is, David's proposal. This
exposition, oblique and indirect for the reasons I have discussed in
detail in my close reading, is nonetheless quite clear enough for Yahweh. Thus his spirited disputation (5b-7), styled by 4-5a as an oracle,
soundly refutes the thesis. 8-1 la continue the dispute ('I it was' "*]
8ap), but moderate it into a less confrontational, more expository, vein,
which paves the way for Yahweh's counter-thesis (lib). This is then
123. It is of course not a logically necessary implication from the context, since
logically Yahweh could have set as contrary to 5b 'a house for X Yahweh will
make', where X stands for someone other than David. This is the difference
between strict logical implication and discourse implicature. In accord with the latter, the whole tenor of Yahweh's speech from 5b-l la has led the listener/reader to
expect, on such fundamental pragmatic principles as relevance and proportion in
discourse, that any new initiative Yahweh announces will be one that is both contrary to the rejected initiative of David for Yahweh, and relevant to David, since he
is Yahweh's addressee, and more especially since he has been the main focus of the
series of divine initiatives detailed in 8a-l la. Thus the 'me/you' contrary has been
persistently conveyed to the listener/reader throughout Yahweh's speech, and does
not need to be made rhetorically salient here.
124. Presumably no obvious epexegetic qualifier, equivalent to TQCD1?, but
defining of a dynastic house, was available for use here.
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n\.
Thus each subsection of 1-17 has a transparent function in the discourse-logical development of this strategy of persuasion. Moreover,
awareness of the structure in this rhetoric sharpens awareness of the
relations between its subsections. Thus not only is the counter-thesis
the contrary of the thesis (in the form in which Yahweh makes it
explicit 5b), but so also the counter-exposition can be seen to run contrary to the exposition implicit in 1-3. In 1-3 David, his power unchallenged, his enjoyment of his exalted status uninterrupted, proposes to
do something to benefit Yahweh. In 12, 14-16 Yahweh explains that he
will do something to benefit David's descendants, when David's power
and enjoyment have been swallowed up in death (12a). With Yahweh
they will enjoy a special relationship (14-15), their royal power he will
firmly establish (12b, cf. 13b).125 Hence the kind of house Yahweh will
125. In Ps. 89.20-38[19-37] the exposition of the divine promise is all in terms of
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make for David will precisely have the permanent fixedness (16) he
repudiated in the kind of house David proposed for him.
Then further, the continued disputation-cum-exposition 8ba-lla is
more closely linked with the disputation 5b-7 than may immediately be
evident. In fact, the thread of argument which runs through the two
subsections is recursive, that is, in 8bct-l 1 Yahweh picks up on most of
the major points from 5b-7, in reverse order, and recontextualizes them
to advance his argument. This may be schematized in parabolic form as
follows (Figure 23):
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the Latin domus, as used by indigenous authors not subject to influence by the
Hebrew Bible. These parallels in usage are probably due to the operation of the
same metonymic/metaphoric extensions of meaning (on this see next note) in the
languages concerned.
127. Of course, from a different point of view this metaphorical usage of IT 3
could be regarded as metonymic. That is, it may well have arisen from the metonymic extension of the reference of JTD from the physical dwelling to its human
inhabitants, and the further extension of that reference, also metonymically, to its
notional inhabitants over several generations. But the dynamics of the shifts in
reference in our text, first to house = temple and then from that to house = dynasty,
mask this inferable contiguity in referential shifts.
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225
226
227
229
230
never ITIT, 'offspring'. This is only to be expected, given IT)T as the individuating
collective which in 12, 14-16 refers to members of the dynasty seriatim, andlTD as
the aggregating collective which refers to them in toto. David in his prayer is concerned with Yahweh's promise to the dynasty in toto, and clearly nothing in what
David heard from Yahweh has moved him to differentiate the aggregrate into any
of its individual members, or to refer to a temple for Yahweh to be built by any one
of them.
Chapter 6
1. Since the assertions I make in this chapter all arise from and depend upon
the detailed discussion in the preceding chapters, and since it would greatly encumber the text of this chapter to continually cross-reference to those chapters, the
reader is here given a general referral to turn to the appropriate parts of those chapters to find the relevant discussion.
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233
234
235
236
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that he maintains his actions have been played out, not before the
people as his royal subjects, but 'before Yahweh' as his sovereign god
(mrf "OS1? in rhetorically balanced repetition 21). It is more humble, in
that he avows that his designated role is not that of a melek, a king over
his subject people as Michal would have it, but that of the divinelyappointed nagid, 'leader over Yahweh's people', a role for which no
less than Yahweh chose him, and for which he chose him above
Michal's father Saul and all his house.
But to this ostensibly high-minded theological affirmation David
cannot resist adding an all-too-human riposte which concedes nothing
to Michal in bitter vituperation (22). But David's scorching parody of
Michal, intended to convey how little her view of him means to him in
comparison with that of the meanest of the serving-girls with which she
taxes him, unwittingly betrays how important to him is his standing as
melek. Indeed, David thinks to have it both ways, to be able to play the
lowly role of Yahweh's nagid ('I shall abase myself.. .to the point of
being lowly in my own eyes', TIO t?S$...'Tlt?p]1 22a), while gaining
the exalted honour of a melek ('but with the serving-girls. ..let me
increase my honour!', miDK...mrmn Din 22b).
The Michal of our text offers no reply. But she has no need to, since,
for all their disdain, Michal's own words and the retort they provoke,
have for the reader already tellingly exposed the profound contradiction
between David's publicly proclaimed role of nagid and his private pretensions to that of melek. Her words lay bare what David would suppress, perhaps even from his own cognizance, namely, that the role of
melek demands of him attitudes and conduct incompatible with those of
nagid. We have seen how in v. 21 David seeks totally to align his cultic
behaviour before the ark, that is, 'before Yahweh', with his divinely
appointed status of nagid. Yet the uses of the expression 'before Yahweh' earlier in our text (iT)iT ^S1? 5a, 14a, 17b) tell a different story.
True, in 5 a, while the ark is still under the care of previously installed
cultic attendants, in his ritual actions 'before Yahweh' David is associated with 'all the house of Israel' as the leading member of the people,
not identified by a particular title. But come the resumed journey of the
ark in the second episode, David has assumed the garb of the ark-priest
(14b) and clearly himself discharges the leading priestly function (13b,
14, 17b-20a), while also exercising a leadership of the people now
identified as monarchic (melek 15; cf. 12a, 20b). Thus David's pretensions, in the first episode restrained behind conduct consistent with
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David had inferably long been projecting. Yet this coerciveness, mediated through a coyness so incongruous in 'the king' (as David is exclusively termed in 7.1-3), reveals a tell-tale uneasiness about his
approach.
For under the guise of consulting the prophet Nathan about his project to rehouse the ark, David is actually seeking to manipulate, indeed
to coerce, Yahweh. Unlike his removal of the ark from Baal Judah to
Jerusalem, where in the wake of his divinely wrought victories David
could act without formally consulting Yahweh but having at least the
colour of his approval, here he requires formal indication of divine
permission once again to relocate the ark. But subliminally David harbours doubts that Yahweh will approve a move covertly designed to
promote his own monarchic pretensions. Hence the mixture of supplicant reticence and imperious regality in his approach to Nathan. At first
it is a mixture that works: Nathan promptly assures David of Yahweh's
full support, whatever exactly it is he is proposing (3). Once again, it
would appear, divine authority can be subjected to monarchic will.
But with unexpected suddenness any illusion of divine subservience
is shattered. Night frees Nathan the courtier from the coercive presence
of 'the king', only to translate him into the presence of an irresistibly
higher sovereign, now to be Yahweh's spokesperson. He is to mediate
to David (7.5a, emphasized by repetition 8acc,17) an authoritative word
of Yahweh, one the king neither has solicited, nor can manipulate. In it
Yahweh imperiously renders account of David's deeds and intentions,
cutting through the indirection and duplicity of David's words and
actions, reasserting Yahweh's sovereign prerogative to order David's
career in order to fulfil the destiny of Yahweh's people.
That a new and decisive stage has been reached in the changing relationship of David and Yahweh in our stretch of text is forcibly signalled in the rhetoric of Yahweh's opening utterances. First, Yahweh
denominates David as 'my subject, my underling' C"DD 5aa), using
strong syntactical marking to stress the relational term. Then the first
words addressed to David remorselessly expose David's plan as unacceptable, as untenable. Yahweh articulates its essence with a brutal
succinctness, and refutes its terms with a compelling logic (5b-7) that
diametrically opposes his own self-determined freedom of movement
among his people ('to move around, range abroad' "j'pnnn 6b,7aa) to
the constraining enclosedness ('to be ensconced, settled'; DCT 5b, 6aa)
of David's projected cedar-house (5b, 7b). This uncompromising
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security (cf. 10), and for this function dynastic continuity is essential.
Thus the royal status David and his house gain as a result is as it were a
necessary by-product of Yahweh's directing the career of David as
nagid for the benefit of his people: the stability and security of the
people is reflected in and bound up with the stability and security of the
dynasty (14-16). If this is not the kind of melek-ship for which David
had been striving, then nor is it the pure ndgid-ship Yahweh had earlier
expounded to David.12 If God disposes whatever humanity proposes,
God has nonetheless to dispose in such a way as to involve humanity in
his project.
The concluding note (v. 17), relating how carefully Nathan reported
to David exactly what Yahweh said to him, comes as a salutary reminder that Yahweh's speech is an unsolicited message (cf. v. 4), still to be
delivered to David by an intermediary. The length of Yahweh's discourse, and its constant direct address to David, may by now easily
have obscured for the reader the estrangement of David from Yahweh
which made the oracle necessary in the first place. Hence this elaborate
reminder that the plain-speaking authority of Yahweh's prophetic word
is to countermand and efface the obseqious flattery of Nathan's courtly
response to David (v. 3). Nathan is here shown to discharge his duty to
a greater king in a more exalted court, as mediator of the divine word to
a fellow subject. The reader is thus once more made aware that it is
Yahweh who has seized the initiative to heal the rift with David, and on
his own sovereign terms.
The final scene of the chapter (18-29) brings us, in great detail,
David's response to the divine message. This response must defer to
Yahweh's uncompromising assertion of sovereignty, must efface all
trace of David's striving after melek-ship, and acquiesce totally in the
divine initiative for himself and his house. Thus David has, consciously
and deliberately, to come into 'the presence of Yahweh' (miT ""B1? 18a;
cf. 6.5aa, 16ba, 17b, 21aa, 21b), back into a direct communication
with his god not in evidence since 5.19,23. He has to leave his house of
cedar, the splendid symbol of his royal status, the base for his attempt
to manipulate Yahweh, in order to ensconce himself in the stark simplicity of the ark-shrine (18a; cf. 2). Here in this humble setting we see,
as in 5.20, a David awed by the effectual actions of Yahweh (18b, 2124). We see a David overwhelmed by the magnitude of Yahweh's
promises for the future (19, 25-27), far beyond the deserts of himself
12. On this in detail, see the two following chapters.
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Yahweh the prize he most grasped after, sovereign control over Yahweh's blessing (29). Here we reach the final encompassing irony in our
stretch of text. For it was control of this very blessing bestowed by the
divine warrior-king, implicitly manifest in the victories against the
Philistines, then made cultically present through the ark, that David had
so assiduously sought to gain for himself (6.12, 18b, 20a, 21 LXX; 7.2
3), in order to secure his status as 'monarch over Israel' (^"ifeT *?& "]^Q
5.17; cf. 5.12a, 6.20).14 In ceding this to Yahweh David has ceded all;
yet, in ceding it, he stands to gain all!
6.3. Ideological Polemic in 2 Samuel 5.17-7.29
David's prayer thus brings to a culmination and to a resolution15 themes
as yet inchoate in the opening section (5.17-25) of our stretch of text,
but developed more and more explicitly in the following sections. To
requisition the ark, talisman of the divine warrior-king, to his royal
capital is not only made logistically possible by the victories over the
Philistines, but also rendered by them more politically appropriate,
through the boost they give to his kingly status. But the plan of the
text's David to install Yahweh in a cedar-temple that adequately
reflects David's royal status betrays his ever more evident, though
unavowed, real aspiration: through permanent possession of the ark to
manipulate Yahweh of Hosts, so as to control his support and blessing
for David's urban dynastic kingship.
David's aspiration to this style of melek-ship, self-evidently contrary
to all notions of Yahweh as sovereign and independent, is resoundingly
rejected by Yahweh. In direct contradiction of David's plan to install
Yahweh in a permanent house in the city of David, to be at the beck
and call of the urban king, Yahweh asserts his immemorial presence
among all his people in his movable tent-shrine (7.5-7). When it comes
to a question of installing, Yahweh is the one who will install Davida
David who, as Yahweh's underling, has been, is, and will remain, at
14. On the other hand, in Ps. 132, in the different setting of the royal temple
liturgy and with the different function of positive propaganda for the Davidic
monarchy, this same basic view of the matter informs the rhetoric of an appeal for
divine support for the dynasty. See my Claim for Power (forthcoming).
15. As with all attempts at closure, this 'resolution' raises important questions
while giving somewhat facile answers to others: see the discussion in Ch. 9 below.
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Yahweh's beck and call (7.8-1 la)in a permanent house of his own
making (7.1 lb-16).
Thus within this glaring difference of interests between David and
Yahweh there inevitably develops serious conflict in their relationship:
who is to install whom, where, in what capacity, for what reason, and to
what end? Concomitant with and underlying these differences is a fundamental ideological issue. If Yahweh's will and purpose is to prevail
on earth, how does Yahweh mediate it effectively to his people? Who
in the world can impose, authoritatively and beyond question, the
divine prerogative on the people of Yahweh? To these questions our
text offers a clear answer. In the divine economy the religio-political
governorship of the people is not that of melek, monarchic lord over a
subject people, exercising a priestly right of access to God that bestows
exclusive powers of intermediation, open to human attempts to manipulate the divine (6.13-20a; 7.1-3). It is that of nagid, exemplary leader of
Yahweh's people, chosen by Yahweh and subservient to his will, as
authoritatively expressed through the prophetically mediated word of
Yahweh (7.8-16). We will reflect further on some of the implications of
this answer in our final chapter, after we have probed in the next two
chapters the backgrounds of the ideological positions it characterizes by
the terms melek and nagid.
Hence in the polemical strategy of our stretch of text David's prayer
is the rhetorical coup de theatre as it were, because David's response to
Yahweh's prophetic word is crucial to its rhetorical effectiveness: if the
king, cast as opponent in pursuit of an ideology inimical to the authorial
ideology, is persuaded, then with him the reader will be persuaded.
Thus the king's stammering but eloquent yielding to the force of Yahweh's case clinches its appeal to the reader. His abandonment of his
royal pretension, dramatized in his 'uninstalling' himself from his
cedar-house, professed throughout in his repeated acknowledgments of
Yahweh's sovereign initiative towards David's house (7.18b|3, 19a0,
2la(3, 25, 27ap, 28b), climaxes in his ceding to Yahweh sovereignty
over bestowal of his blessing upon that house (7.29). And what is it that
persuades him thus to abandon the glittering prize of supreme power on
earth? What but the indefeasible authority of the prophetically mediated
word of Yahweh (7.19, 21, 25, 27, 28, 29)!
Chapter 7
YAHWEH AND DAVID THROUGH DIFFERENCE AND DEFERENCE 1:
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of the ideology and the practice of kingship in the ancient Near East,
these actions of David in our text and their purported motivation are
eminently explicable, as we shall see in detail below. Thus David's
requisitioning of the ark of the divine warrior-king, Yahweh of Hosts,
and his bringing it to his capital, Jerusalem, was but a first step in his
monarchic programme. Fully to assimilate the ark and its god to the
royal purpose, however, it was further necessary for David to house
them in a shrine of his own providing, and moreover, one commensurate with his royal status. Hence his plan to build a house of cedar for
Yahweh.
Now it is precisely his plan to build a temple for Yahweh that
becomes the focal point for the polemic in the final section of our text
(2 Sam. 7) against this kind of royal ideology, a polemic the leading
terms of which I set out above. But in arguing against David's pretensions to establish an ancient-Near-Eastern-style kingship in Israel, our
text reflects and adapts elements of that ideology in order to construct
an acceptable Israelite ideology of dynastic rule. It is this constant reference to and adaptation of a presupposed background of royal ideology and practice that I mean by the expression 'a transtextual context'
in the subtitle to this chapter. It is transtextual in the sense that it makes
allusive reference to elements from a broadly coherent set of ideas
which transcends, not merely our particular stretch of text itself, or
indeed the book(s) of Samuel, but also the Hebrew Bible as a whole.1
Because this reference is so pervasive, it forms a constitutive part of the
pragmatics of our text, a context of understanding necessary for the
rhetorical force (poetics) of the text's polemic to be fully effective.
1. The term 'transtextual' is significant as one of a set of three such terms,
whose meaning I define to suit the needs of my discussion. Thus 'intratextual' I
reserve for relations between various parts of Samuel, as being a stretch of text with
sufficient plot, thematic, and ideological cohesion to justify treating it as 'a text'.
'Intertextual' I use for observable relations between the basically homogeneous set
of texts known as the Hebrew Bible, texts which all arise within the same basic
milieu and (mostly) share a common language, a milieu we designate 'ancient
Israel', and which also share many similar ideological stances while also evincing
manifest differences of subject matter and point of view. Finally, 'transtextual' I
employ for observable similarities between bodies of textin our case the Hebrew
Bible on the one hand and texts from other ancient Near Eastern sources on the
otherwhich have arisen from milieux sufficiently differentiated geographically,
politically, linguistically, and ideologically to justify treating them as basically
heterogeneous.
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Hence it is advisable for us to fill in this context for ourselves from the
sources available to us.
7.1.1. The Polemic against melek-ship
The binary opposition melek ("['PQ) versus nagid (T33) headed the above
list of operative contrarieties in our text, because this pair is patently
the chief focal point of the polemic it mounts. Over against the status
and role of melek, 'monarchic ruler, king' over Israel, as conceived and
aspired to by the text's David, is set the status and role of nagid,
'divinely appointed leader', as expounded and enforced by the text's
Yahweh. In the final chapter of this book I shall reflect on how, in the
event, Yahweh pragmatically deconstructs this opposition, by aligning
the role of David's descendants somewhere between the contraposed
extremes. But in order to understand the constituents of the polemic
and to appreciate the nuances of this compromise we must first explicate further the concepts of melek and of nagid being presupposed in
our text. Since the concept of melek, understood as referring to the general status and role of a monarchic ruler in the ancient Near East, provides the broader context against which the much more restricted
biblical concept of nagid takes on significance, I will discuss the former
in this chapter, and deal with the latter in the next.
7.2. Royal Ideology in the Ancient Near East
The ensuing discussion of texts emanating from the royal courts of
various ancient Near Eastern states claims no more than to be adequate
to the purpose it is intended to serve: namely, heuristically to provide as
minimal an account of royal ideology and practice in the ancient Near
East as is consistent with demonstrating both what aspects are operative
in our text, and how and to what end these aspects are invoked by it. In
doing so, I do not naively presuppose that there is just one, fully coherent and perduring, royal ideology pervading and dominating the ancient
Near East over two or three millennia.2 But having said that, it is a
matter of observation that a significant number of broadly similar
claims and assertions, often expressed in closely similar terms, usually
2. For discussions of various general aspects of royal ideology in the ancient
Near East see the following classic and more recent studies: Labat (1939), Engnell
(1967 [1943]), Frankfort (1948), Gadd (1948), Hooke (1958), Posener (1960), Liverani (1971), Whitelam (1979), Mikasa (1984).
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processes with a cultic symbol of his god into his new royal capital,12
where it is inaugurated with feasting and music (6.1-20).13 Thereafter
he projects a splendid new temple to house this symbol and its god
(7.1-3), and receives a divine oracle concerning the project (7.5-16). A
broadly similar set of events is observable in the inscriptions of Sargon
II, which deal with his building of his new capital Dur-Sharrukin. The
longer recensions first give an account, varying in length and detail, of
the many victorious battle campaigns fought by Sargon, after which
they narrate his work in building and furbishing his capital, again
varying in length and detail.14 Since in effect he built on a virgin site,
thus entailing the building of new temples for the gods, Sargon sought
and obtained divine permission.15 Moreover, Sargon relates how he
brought Ashur and the other gods into his new palace for a dedication
festival celebrated with feasting and music.16 These accounts do not
kings, and naturally all accounts known to us from the many kingdoms great and
small that made up the ancient Near East represent the king as victorious.
12. New in the sense that, according to the story in 2 Sam. 5.6-12, Jerusalem
was captured from the Jebusites by David, evidently expressly to become his
capital.
13. Esarhaddon celebrated a dedication feast for three days in the court of the
rebuilt Esharra in Ashur (Borger 1956: Assur B vii 26-34).
14. For a convenient compendium of the various versions in English translation
see ARAB, II, pp. 1-66.
15. Compare Cylinder inscription: ^alkat baniSu mehrit ukSul ana Damqu u
Sarru-ilu da'inute teniSete talimani ina temeqi uSaqqima ahratan ume ina tub
libbi u bu 'ari kirbuSu erbi ina zuk dimgal-kalama ana Sa-u$ (nit ?)-ka raSibat Nina
attaSi qate zikri piya kenum ki utibuni eli nabe sirute beleya ma 'adiS itibma epeS
all hire nari iqbuni nannaSun la muSpelu attakilma (Lyon 1883: 36), 'The "way"
of its (the city's) building I lifted up (?) with fervor, opposite, to the gods Damqu
and Shar-ilani, the judges of men, the full brothers, and that, in future days,
entrance thereinto might be in joy of heart and gladness, I raised my hands in
prayer, in the chamber of the "masterbuilder of the land", to Shaushka, the powerful goddess of Nineveh. The pious words of my mouth, which she made pleasing
(?), was exceedingly pleasing to the gods (?), my lords, and they commanded that
the town be built and the canal dug. I trusted in their word which cannot be brought
to naught...' (ARAB, II, p. 64). It should be noted that this applies to the city-project as a whole, rather than specifically to the temples, but presumably they are
included by implicature.
16. Compare the following from the Bull inscription: ...ultu Sipir ali u
ekallate 'a uqattu Hani rabute aSibutu ASSur ina TiSrit kirbiSina aqrema taSil(ta)Sina
aSkun (Lyon 1883: 46), 'After I had completed the construction of the city and my
palaces, I invited the great gods who dwell in Assyria into their midst in the month
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from elsewhere.19 In addition, the role of the divine theophany in securing David's victories also has numerous parallels in royal inscriptions
elsewhere in the ancient Near East.20 In this regard it is worth noting
that the particular form of the divine theophany in both incidents in
5.17-25,21 a heavy rainstorm,22 in 5.20 producing a flood,23 also has
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many parallels in Mesopotamian texts. Though these points of similarity are in themselves rather too general to demonstrate a particular ideological connection, they will be seen to be an important constituent of
the wider picture which will emerge as we pursue our discussion.
Then an account of temple-building following upon that of divinely
aided victories in battle is a standard schema24 in royal building
inscriptions.25 In its more developed form, a myriad of Mesopotamian
examples span the period covered by extant texts, from at least the time
of the nineteenth century BCE rulers of Larsa, Kudur-Mabuk,26 father of
Warad-Sin, and Nur-Adad,27 to the sixth century BCE Neo-Babylonian
king, Nabopolassar.28 The schema is also observable, to some degree,
view, Niehaus (1995: 130-36); for a recent wide-ranging survey of elements in
divine theophany see Scriba (1995: 14-79).
24. This sequence is observable as early as the inscriptions of Eanatum of
Lagash (twenty-fifth century BCE: SARI I La 3.1, 2). It is also a notable component
in both the Babylonian epic of Marduk, enwna eliS, and the Ugaritic cycle of Baal,
where the respective god, having secured his kingship through victory over a force
of chaos, is provided with a palace-temple as visible embodiment of his divine
sovereignty: cf. EE vi 49-79 ANET, pp. 68b-69a; CTA 4 [=IIAB] ANET, pp. 13Ib135b; and in general Kapelrud (1963), Ulshofer (1977: Ch. III).
25. But it should be noted that, though very widely followed, the sequence is
not invariable, and that accounts giving the reverse order of victory in battle following upon temple-building do occur: this latter order is followed in an inscription of
Urnanshe of Lagash (twenty-sixth-twenty-fifth century BCE) SARI I La 1.6, and in
some of the inscriptions of Eanatum the sequence is building-war-building, e.g.,
La 3.5,6,8. Moreover, it is evident that the sequence is not necessarily historical.
Thus, e.g., the annals of Tiglath Pileser I, in following the schema, introduce his
restoration of the Ishtar temple and other temples in Ashur thus: iS-tu KUR.MES-w?
d
a-Sur pat gim-ri-Su-nu ^a-pe-lu e dINANNA dS-Su-ri-te 87NIN-uz, etc... 8 9 ... epuS90u-Sek-lil, 'after I had gained total dominion over the enemies of the god
Ashur, I completely rebuilt the dilapidated part of the Temple of Assyrian Ishtar,
etc.' (RIM-AP 2 A.O.87.1 vi 85-90). Then, following material on some other matters (vi 94-vii 35), and a further set of royal epithets (vii 36-59), an account of
repairs to the temple of Anu and Adad (vii 60-114) is introduced by ina umiSuma,
'at that time' (vii 60), but a little further on the work is defined by ina Surru
Sarrutiya, 'in my accession year' (vii 71). On the highly conventionalized use of
these and other 'dating' formulae in Assyrian royal texts, see Tadmor (1981).
26. Frayne RIM-EP4 E4.2.13.10, p. 216.
27. IRSA IVBSc, p. 189; Frayne RIM-EP 4 E4.2.8.4, p. 144. Further, even
clearer, examples are to be found in the inscriptions of the eighteenth century First
Dynasty of Babylon ruler Samsu-Iluna IRSA IVC7b-d; RIM-EP 4 4.3.7.5,3,7.
28. See, e.g., Langdon (1912: Nabopolassar nos. 1, 4).
257
in Egyptian royal texts,29 and is followed in the ninth-century inscriptions of the Moabite king Mesha30 and the Aramean king Zakkur of
Hamath.31 The plan of our text's David, then, so soon after his victories
over the Philistines, to build a temple for the ark, clearly fits into a
long-standing and widely attested pattern of ancient Near Eastern royal
practice.
Moreover, the context of 5.17-7.29 implies that David's templebuilding project belongs to the early part of his (full) reign over Israel
(cf. 5.1-12). It is not unknown in Mesopotamian royal building inscriptions for the king to make a point of the fact that he devotes himself to
this task from the outset of his reign,32 taking it that this will be read as
a mark of significant piety towards the gods. In our text, the point is
given a polemical twist: in thus projecting a temple from the outset of
his reign, David betrays his aspirations to establish his rule as an
ancient-Near-Eastern-style melek-ship, in which the king provides for a
grateful god. Right at the outset Yahweh scotches this aspiration.
29. An inscription of a royal official to Merikare in Heracleopolis follows this
sequence, though here both the fighting and the temple restoration are done by
Kheti on behalf of the king: ARE, I 403. It is observable also in the 'victory hymn'
of Tuthmosis III (ANET, pp. 373-75); Lichtheim (1976: II, 35-39); but the adaptation of this by Amenhotep III reverses the order, giving a detailed account of the
king's temple-building activity in the voice of the king, to which the god Amun-Re
responds with an account of the victories he achieved for the king, ANET, p. 37576; Lichtheim 1976: II, 43-47.
30. Donner-Rollig KAIl no. 181; Gibson 1971: no. 16.
31. Gibson 1975: no. 5. The form 'Zak(k)ur' is documented in an inscription of
Adad-Nirari III (Grayson RIM-AP 3, p. 203 A.O.104.2 1. 4); cf. Weippert (1981:
103 n. 76).
32. So, e.g., Tukulti-Ninurta I: ina umeSuma ina Surru Sarrutiya dINANNA
NIN bita Sana 3d el mahri E.AN.NA-d quSudu iriSanima, 'At that time, at the
beginning of my sovereignty, the goddess Itar, my mistress, requested of me
another temple which would be holier than her (present) shrine' (Grayson RIM-AP
1, p. 255 A.O. 78.11 11. 82-4); and Tiglath Pileser I: ina Surru Sarrutiya dAnu u
d
ISKUR DINGIR.MES GAL.MES EN.MES-m AGA-mw SANGA-fi-ia epaS
atmaniSu iqbuni, 'In my accession year the gods Anu and Adad, the gods, my lords,
who love my priesthood, commanded me to rebuild their shrine' (Grayson RIM-AP
2, p. 28 A.O. 87.1 col. vii 11. 71-75), and later Ashurbanipal on his restoration of th
E hul hul: reS Sarru-ti-a ekurru Su-a-tu a-na si-hir-ti-Su u-Sar-r[i-ih-ma u]-Saklil(!), '(in) my accession year I fully restored that temple to its former glory' (Streck
1916: Tontafelinschrift 1, K228 + K2675, Rv 1. 51), and see Streck (1916: Tontafelinschrift 14 Obv Col. II11. 26-34) for his restoration of the Esagila in Babylon
in his first regnal year (ina mah-re-e pale-id).
258
259
260
royal ideology, it remains likely that all kings will have presumed such
support, and that some at least knew how to manipulate the royally
sponsored apparatus for consulting the divine will to produce the
desired response.40 Now I have shown in Chapter 5 above that, on the
one hand, David solicited divine support for a project about which he
had hesitations. Thus David can be seen to be behaving as would any
other ancient Near Eastern monarch in similar circumstances. But, on
the other hand, he coerced the right response from Nathan. In the light
of this context, the unlooked-for and immediate erasure by Yahweh's
oracle of Nathan's conventional assurance of expected divine support
(7.3) is freighted with polemical intent:41 the text's Yahweh will not
brook the burgeoning of such royal pretension in his 'subject/
underling'.
nezzar (Ishida 1977a: 87); or in propaganda texts, e.g. Curse of Agade (Ishida
1977a: 87-88), where Naram Sin's attack against the Ekur in Nippur is attributed to
his frustration at repeated negative divine response to his plans for the E-ulmas" in
Agade (Curse of Agade 11. 94-148, Cooper 1983: 55-57). These serve the interest
of their authors, and are as liable to be their inventions as real evidence of dereliction by those alleged. These and other such texts are indeed evidence that
Mesopotamians could entertain the idea of divine refusal and disfavour to a king.
But they actually only demonstrate its being entertained as an allegation to make in
propaganda against kings fallen out of favour.
40. Compare the assumption of concomitance between divine will and royal
inclination implicated in statements of Sargon II and Sennacherib: 154 ... ina
GlRSepa Sad musri elina NINAMnwakl I55ki tern DTNGIRilima ina bibil libbiya
URUala epuSma UR{JDur-$arru-ukin azkura nibitsu, 'at the foot of Mount Musri
above Nineveh, according to the decision of the god and the desire of my heart, I
built a city, I called it "Dur Sharrukin"' (Winckler 1889: I, 128; II pi. 35); 28itti
Siprimma Suati ana epeS (E)bit akit libbi ublanima 29tem ^SamaS dAdad almadma
anna ki<ni> ipuluinnima ^iqbuni epeSu, 'for that task, to build an akitu-temple,
my heart moved me, I enquired after the decision of Shamash and Adad, they
answered me with a reliable affirmative and commanded me to build' (Luckenbill
1924: Assurl.2,p. 137).
41. It is this issue in particular that Herrmann's (1953-54: 51-62 = 1986: 12044) too narrowly focused attempt to delineate 2 Sam. 7 in terms of the Egyptian
'Royal Novel' texts fails to explain convincingly: why would an ex hypothesi propaganda text for David and his dynasty so pointedly repudiate the king's plan,
rather than sycophantically uphold it in the style of the Egyptian texts? Herrmann's
later reflections on the matter (1985: 121-23) add nothing of substance to his original article.
261
262
is serving his own rather than Yahweh's interests. Yet on the face of it,
the conventional ancient Near Eastern divine approval for the king's
initiative is forthcoming (7.3). But this serves only as a foil to Yahweh's immediate effacing of that 'approval' in 7.5-7.
That some kings at least might envisage a god withholding approval
for a royal building initiative is a probable presupposition in texts like
the Cylinder A of Gudea,44 and the inscriptions of Esarhaddon and
Nabonidus referred to above.45 More strongly, it is a clearly implicated
presupposition of the eighteenth-century BCE Mari letter from KibriDagan to Zimri-Lim, reporting a dream-oracle from an unidentified
god, received on two successive days, forbidding Zimri-Lim to proceed
with a temple-building project.46 What, however, to my knowledge is
unparallelled in ancient Near Eastern sources is the vouchsafing of
divine approval by a competent royal official (Nathan in 7.3), only for
this to be immediately withdrawn (Yahweh through Nathan 7.4-7). If
ever such a situation arose, it is unlikely that the king in question will
have publicized the fact.47 These considerations help to highlight the
44. Compare, e.g., the following comment of Falkenstein: 'Die Deutung des
Traumes, die Gudea von ihr [sell. Nina] erhielt, gab, wenn auch nicht detaillierte
Auskunft ilber technische Einzelheiten, so doch die Bestatigung, dass Ningirsu
selbst den Bau verlange. Dies musste von entscheidender Wichtigkeit sein, bestand
ja auch die Moglichkeit, dass eine Gottheit es einem Herrscher verweigerte, sich
von ihm em Heiligtum bauen zu lassen' (Falkenstein 1966: 118-19, my emphasis:
'The interpretation of the dream which Gudea obtained from her [soil. Nina] reassured him that Ningirsu himself desired the building, even if it did not inform him
about all the technical details. This [reassurance] must have been of decisive importance, especially since there was also the constant possibility that a deity might
refuse to allow a ruler to build him a sanctuary').
45. See above n. 35.
46. Compare on the second dream: Sa-ni-im u^-ma-am i-tu-ur Su-ut-ta-am it-tuul um-ma-a-mi Af<rnn(ilum)-ma E(bltam) an-ne-e-am la te-ep-pe-Sa te-ep-pe-$a-ma
a-na na-ri-im u-Sa-am-qa-as-su, 'The next day he had the dream-vision again, it
was the god: "Do not (re)build this house. If you rebuild it I will make it tumble
into the river" ' (Kupper ARMXIII no. 112 rev. 7-10'; cf. Durand ARMXXVI no.
234; ANET, b, p. 624). Clearly, the efficacy of this oracle depends on Zimri-Lim's
entertaining the possibility of a divine refusal, though, in accord with the indications in other Mari letters, we can assume that Zimri-Lim will have subjected the
oracle to verification by divination.
47. It is of course possible that Zimri-Lim had already had divine approval for
the project in question in the Mari letter referred to above. But we do not know this,
nor do we know whether the dream-oracle was in fact upheld and acted upon. In
any case, a piece of official royal correspondence was, and remained, a much more
263
264
265
Warad-Sin and his father Kudur-Mabuk,60 and later in those of Hammurapi.61 At the other end of the historical scale in Mesopotamia, we
find Esarhaddon62 in the seventh, and Nabonidus63 in the sixth, century
still asserting the same claim in inscriptions commemorating their
temple-building activities. In the light of this long-standing
Mesopotamian connection of the royal office of divinely appointed
'shepherd' and the king's duty and privilege as builder to the gods,
considerable polemical edge is felt in Yahweh's treating (in 2 Sam. 7.7)
as mere shared information64 that he had appointed some to shepherd
his people Israel, and moreover embedding this in a categorical denial
that he had ever instructed any of them to build him a 'house of cedar'!
The assertion of divine prerogative over against a burgeoning ancient
Near Eastern-style royal pretension is made more pointed through the
clear implicature of 7.7 that Yahweh's appointed 'shepherd' has no
need of such royal trappings, pretensions affected by none of David's
predecessors as Yahweh's shepherd.
7.2.3.3. Verses 8-2la
Thus it becomes impossible to avoid sensing not a little irony in Yahweh's now telling David (7.8a(3-b) that he took him away from shepherding to become 'leader' (T2]) over Yahweh's people, Israel! It looks
60. Frayne RIM-EP 4 E4.2.13 passim; but note especially E4.2.13.16 11. 6ff
IR\\- EN.ZU u-a-e-kur-ra sipa sag-entar-e-kiS-nu-gdllu ni-tuk-eS e-babbar-ra,
etc., 'I, Warad-Stn, provider of the Ekur, shepherd who looks afer the EkiSnugal,
the one who reverences the shrine Ebabbar, etc.'.
61. Compare Frayne RIM-EP 4 E4.3.6.14 11. 8-9 in connection with the Ebabba
of Samas in Sippar, E4.3.6.16 11. 9-10 in connection with the Ezikalama of Innan
in Zabala. Interestingly enough, in the building inscriptions of his son and successor, Samsu-iluna (E4.3.7), the term appears only in inscriptions dealing with
building that is at best indirectly cultic, not in those dealing with clearly cultic
building.
62. Compare, e.g., (SIPA)re'w? mat ASSur^1 tumallu [qatuja; 'you [scil. Marduk] inducted me into the office of shepherd of the land of Assyria' (Borger 1956:
16, Babylon A-G episode 11 11. 22-23), in connection with Esarhaddon's rebuildin
of the city of Babylon and its temple to Marduk, the Esagila.
63. Langdon (1912) Nabonid Nr. 2 i 2 re'u kinim 'reliable shepherd', 6 i 5 re'u
niSi rapSati, 'shepherd of numerous peoples', etc.
64. That is, "infer P 'QJJ fl filing VTTX IttfK ^tO&P 'B3BJ frDQ] 111N fTN,
'anyone [from all] of the tribes of Israel whom I appointed to shepherd my people,
Israel' is treated almost incidentally as knowledge held in common between Yahweh and his addressee, not as a major point in its own right.
266
267
persistent illness (11. 71, 77). Thus everything that is put into the mouth
of the king here promotes a 'you owe it to me' strategy of appeal to the
powerful tutelary goddess to come to the aid of her faithful but suffering protege.69 Accordingly, Ashurnasirpal twice expatiates on his pious
tendance of the goddess (17-20, 30-39), and within this double proof of
loyal service he frames an exposition of his royal calling, which implicates Ishtar's responsibility towards him in having called him (21-30).
The goddess took him (talqinima) from the obscurity of his mountain
birthplace and called him to 'shepherdship' (re'utu) over the peoples70
(22-27 cf. 2 Sam. 7.8), in order to establish peace and safety (28, 30 cf.
2 Sam. 7.10). In doing so she has made his name glorious (3, 29 cf.
2 Sam. 7.9b) But also she commissioned him to reinstate neglected
images (31), in fulfilling which task (33) Ashurnasirpal renewed their
temples (32), and restored their offerings (34), and dedicated to Ishtar
in the Emasmas a special golden bed (35-40).
In this exposition a not particularly subtle reciprocal do ut des dialectic is evident. On the one hand, the king acknowledges that he owes
his position to the goddess, but strongly hints that there was a good
measure of self-interest in Ishtar's graciousness towards him. On the
other, the king clearly sets out his response as going beyond the letter
of his commission, and thus the more deserving of reciprocal divine
acknowledgment, in the form of an answer to his prayer for relief (cf.
72-73). In other words, the king's role as temple-builder and maintainer
of the divine cults, here as elsewhere an ineluctable part of his divine
calling, gives him a somewhat ambiguous, but nonetheless real, basis of
69. Psalm 89 is another royal prayer with a broadly similar structure to this
prayer of Ashurnasirpal, serving a similar psycho-religious strategy. On this see my
Claim for Power (forthcoming). Seux (1976: 497 n. 1) concurs with von Soden in
classifying Ashurnasirpal's prayer as penitential, but nowhere does the king confess
any fault or wrongdoing (this is clearly not the intention of 1. 23 in its context), nor
express any repentance. On the contrary, the king protests at length his pious tendance on Ishtar and the gods (32-59), describes his suffering (60-70), puts the question 'how long?' (71), as preface to petitions for deliverance from a malady (7280), and ends with a vow of consequent praise (81-83): these are all typical elements of a lament.
70. 26/na niS eneki tudinima tahSuhi beluti 21 talqinima ultu qereb Sadi ana
SIPA-tu(re'utu) ina m'.?zmeS tabbinni, 'by the raising of your eyes you designated
me, and you desired my lordship; you took me from the the midst of the mountains,
and called me to shepherdship over the peoples' (von Soden 1974: 39).
268
I3
14
' 12 ...In the days of my authority...would I offer to the gods, and they used to
accept (them) from my hand; and what I asked from the gods, they used always to
give 13to me. Favour did my god.. .the son of QRL continually. Then if ever Hadad
gave to me, he used always to call on me to build; and during my rule 14he did
always give, and did always call on me to build. So I have built, and I have raised a
statue for this Hadad, and a place for Panammu, son of QRL, king 15of Y'DY'
(Gibson 1975: no. 13, p. 66).
269
David and his dynasty, he is creating a safe haven.72 Hence not only is
David's house-building initiative rejected out of hand, butand this is
the capstone of Yahweh's whole argumentit is superseded in the
fullest sense by Yahweh's own house-building initiative for David
(7.lib). Divine prerogative completely banishes royal pretension from
the field. Thus does our text brilliantly turn the conventions of ancient
Near Eastern royal texts73 on their head to deflate the pretensions of the
text's David.
7.2.3.4. Verses llb-17
Yahweh's promise of making David an enduring house (7.lib, 16),
therefore, far from being payback for David's care for Yahweh74
according to the implicated logic of ancient Near Eastern royal building
texts,75 is at once the capping of his rejection of David's temple72. Here 2 Sam. 7.8-10 appears to be parodying the end of Exod. 15.1-18, or at
any rate putting its own gloss on that text. Just as in Exod. 15.1-18 Yahweh delivers
his people (P^tO IT DJJ 15.13a) from their oppressors, and brings them safely to
plant them in the security of his own abode ("[P^n] ~I!~Q IQ^QP 15.17aa), so
through David Yahweh is delivering his people (^tntZT1? "Q^ 7.10aa) from their
oppressors and giving them a secure abode in which Yahweh will plant them (DIpQ
(rnnn pah TIMDTI... 7.10aa). But whereas -\ronh pDO, 'your secure dwellingplace', and ETIpQ, 'sanctuary', in Exod. 15.17 employ language typical of 'temple
as divine abode' discourse, Yahweh has emphatically repudiated that here 7.5-7.
73. For evidence of similar mutual indebtedness of god and king in Egyptian
sources, see Posener 1960: 37-41, and note in particular his comment: 'A chaque
geste rituel, a chaque action ou declaration du roi au profit de la divinite, correspond 1'octroi par celle-ci d'une ou plusieurs graces; 1'un suscite 1'autre d'une
fa9on quasi automatique' (1960: 40: 'for every ritual action, for every deed or declaration by the king in the interests of the god, the latter graciously grants one or
more gifts; each sustains the other in a way that is all but automatic').
74. This logic, however, very clearly informs the high royal Ps. 132: on this see
my brief remarks in Murray (1993: 83-84), and in more detail in Claim for Power
(forthcoming).
75. For a clear example of this in a building inscription cf. the following from
the thirteenth century BCE Assyrian ruler Shalmaneser I (Ebeling 1926: XXI. 1 1
27-34 corrected): enuma a$$ur (EN)belu ana (E)biti Sau iba'uma (BARA)
parakkaSii sira hadiS iramu epSeti nimurti (E)biti Satu limurma lihda unninia lilqe
tesliti USme Simat Sulum (SlD)$angutiya (NUMUN)zer (lD)$angutiya nuhuS(!)
(BALA) paleya ina (KA)plSu (DUGUD)kabti ana um sati (GAL)rabi$ litasqar,
'When Ashur the lord enters that temple and joyfully takes his place on the lofty
dais, may he rejoice to see the splendid work of that temple. May he receive my
petitions, may he hear my supplications: may he abundantly decree in perpetuity
270
271
(Aramaic text 11. 7-9), 'for the life of his soul, (and) for the length of his days, (and
for increasing his years, (and) for the prosperity of his house, (and for the prosperity) of his descendants, (and for the prosperity) of his people' (translation from
Millard and Bordreuil 1982: 137). But this text makes no explicit reference to
temple-building by the dedicatee. The statue is, however, dedicated to Hadad and
his brother gods, and was set up in his shrine by one hdys'y, who identifies himself
as the Sakin (GAR, Assyrian text 1. 8) = mlk (Aramaic text 1. 6) of Guzan. Moreover, the two sets of standard curses against possible despoliation of the statue by
future restorers of the shrine (Assyrian 11. 15-18, 26-38; Aramaic 10-12, 16-23)
import a context of temple-building, if somewhat obliquely.
80. Thus an example from the divine side of the interdependence of god and
king: K2401 15-36 in Weippert (1981: 87-88), and see also his summary indication in Tabelle 4, p. 115 of cultic instructions in four other oracles in the set.
81. Thus, e.g., in a prayer to Shamash and Aya, following his attention to their
Sippar shrine Ebarra Nabonidus asks (Langdon 1912: Nbn 2): ii...9araku ume
Sarrutiya liSSakin ina pika 10ma nurika namri lulabbir talakka ana itraka I2likun
palua.. .23G kussu Sarrutiya lulabbir adi Sebi littutu, '.. .9from your mouth let it be
established that the days of my kingship be long! 10In your glorious light grant me
to extend umy career! Under your tutelage(?) 12may my dynasty be firmly established ... 23may my royal throne endure to the end of a long life!'
82. For the text see above n. 75.
272
83. lipua ina qirbiSa ana dariatim salmat qaqqadim libelu (Langdon 1912:
Nebuchadnezzar no. 9 col. Ill 11. 56-59).
84. zer Sangutiya itti temen Esagil u Babilikl likun ana ume sati (Borger 1956:
26-27 Ep. 39 11. 6-9).
85. Gadd-Legrain 1928: 1 no. 123 11. 43-47; RJM-EP 4 E4.2.13.1011. 28-47.
86. 9...ana kunni sattukki zanan eSreti aM[uh] }0da$!>ur dnin-lil u dnergal
ilanime* rabuti* ukinnu Hid kussi Sarrutiya, 'I w[anted] to establish the daily
offerings, and to provide for the sanctuaries; Ashur, Ninlil and Nergal, the great
gods, established the foundation of my royal throne' (Streck 1916: 178 Tontafelinschrift 5 obv. 11. 9-10). The expression kussi Sarruti is quite frequent in roya
inscriptions: cf. further, e.g., Schroder (1921: 2, 83, 9); Langdon (1912: Nabonidus
no. 2 col. II1. 23), etc.
273
the Etemenanki is laid down for ever, so may he firmly lay the foundation of my throne for the distant future'.87 Finally, in the sixth century,
Nabonidus on his Hillah stela concerning the restoration of the Ehulhul
in Harran closely links his similar petition with a plea for an enduring
dynasty: 'for life in distant days, a firmly established throne, an enduring dynasty, (with) well-turned words before Marduk my lord I
supplicate' ,88
On the other hand, the establishing for David's descendants of a
father-son relationship with Yahweh (7.14a) is an element hard to parallel from the exemplars of royal ideology in either Mesopotamian or
West Semitic texts.89 I am unaware of anything comparable in templebuilding texts.90 Yahweh's point in elaboration (7.14b.l5) of this relationship, however, whereby the wrongdoing of David's successors,
although it will be punished, will not abrogate Yahweh's commitment
to the relationship, does find some sort of analogue in the Mesopotamian building inscriptions. Thus Nabonidus prays that his own deeds
87. kima (SlG4)libnat E.TEMEN.AN.KI kunna asiatim (SUHUS)tfzW
^(GU.ZA)kussiya SurSid ana (U4um)wm requtim (Langdon 1912: Nabopolassar
no. 1 col. Ill 11. 47-49). Note here again the obvious tit-for-tat rationale underlyin
the petition.
88. ana (TIN)balat (U4.MES)wme ruquti kunnu GI(GU.ZA)fomJ labar pale
dummuqa amatua ina mahar (AM.AR.UTU)Marduk usalliSunuti (Langdon 1912:
Nbn7vii6~10).
89. The standard Egyptian notions of the pharaoh as son of Re, and the living
Horus (son) to the Osiris (father) of his deceased predecessor, even noting th
caveats of Posener against reading too much into these claims (e.g. 1960: 8-12), are
too different in conception to be relevant.
90. Ishida (1977a: 91, under 9) cites a line from a prophecy addressed to
Esarhaddon, in a text originally published by Langdon: anaku (AD)abuka
(AMA)ummuka birti agappiya urtabika; 'I am your father and your mother, within
my wings I nurtured you' (Langdon 1914: PI. Ill 11. 20-21; Langdon's translation o
1. 21 is 'The fortress of my wings shall take thee captive', reading taStabika for
urtabika, p. 140; the text is listed as no. 7 in Weippert (1981: Tabelle 1, 112), but
not cited by him). Ishida provides no contextualization for this oracle, but it
appears, from the extant portion, to be an oracle from Ishtar of Arbela to reassure
Esarhaddon of her help and protection against his enemies, one of a collection of
similar oracles conveyed to the king. The text does not record the circumstances of
the uttering of any of these oracles, but none of them mentions temple-building, nor
does this particular oracle refer to the king's successors. Thus the particular futureoriented dynastic element of Yahweh's promise here is lacking in this 'parallel', as
is the specific focus on a firm parental discipline which will not abrogate the relationship.
Gl
274
may be acceptable before Shamash and Ay a,91 and that his son and heir
Belshazzar may not fall into sin!92 In thus praying to avoid wrongdoing
and to act acceptably the king's words at least implicate both the possibility of royal wrongdoing (cf. 7.14b), and the further possibility that
such wrongdoing would curtail the divine goodwill to his dynasty, built
up by the king's own acts of piety in temple-building.
However, the concatenation here of a father-son relationship (7.14a)
with royal wrongdoing (7.14b), and the assurance of continued divine
commitment (7.15a) is reminiscent of the forms of discourse encountered in a different ancient Near Eastern genre, the vassal treaties.93
Moreover, ion hesed, 'loyalty, commitment', in a relationship does
occur elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible in connection with international
relations.94 This has led many to argue from analogy that Yahweh is
here concluding a covenant with David, in which Yahweh assumes a
role comparable to the great king in the vassal treaties, and David is
given that of the vassal king.95 However, there are a number of material
features of our text which are against seeing this analogy as constitutive
for 2 Samuel 7.
First, the major context for Yahweh's words, as I have already
shown, and as will continue to be apparent, is that of temple-building
texts and their associated royal ideology. These texts express a profoundly ideological view of the relationship of god(s) and king, and it is
91. mahar dSamSi u dA-a lidamqa epSetua, 'may my deeds be acceptable before
Shamash and Aya' (Langdon 1912: Nbn no. 2 ii 24-25). The immediate reference
here could simply be to his deeds of cultic restoration for these two divinities.
However, the role of Shamash as the all-seeing divine judge, and the general nature
of the petition for Belshazzar quoted in the following note may well suggest a more
general reference here.
92. mdbel-Xar-ussur maru reStu [sit] libbiya Suriku umeSu ay irSa hititi, 'make
long the days of Belshazzar my firstborn son, my own [offspring], and grant he may
not fall into sin' (Langdon 1912: Nbn 4 ii 26-27).
93. The most striking parallels are found in a thirteenth-century Hittite treaty
between Tudhaliyas IV and Ulmi/Duppi-TeSub of Dattasa: see the translation in
McCarthy (1981: Appendix 3, 303-307). Here the Hittite suzerain promises to keep
rule of Dattasa within the house of Ulmi-TeSub, even if a son or grandson should
sin (11. 5-14).
94. Of treaty relations between David and Nahash of Ammon, 2 Sam. 10.2.
Compare also 2 Sam. 2.5 in the context of 2.7: here of political, not specifically of
international, relations.
95. This view was set forth by De Vaux (1967, ET 1972), further elaborated by
Calderone (1966) and adopted by many.
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the controverting of leading elements of this ideology, and the transformation of others into elements acceptable to our author, that drives
Yahweh's polemic here. To my knowledge such texts never invoke a
suzerain-vassal analogy for the god-king relationship, and nor do
treaty texts have any organic connection with temple-building and the
associated ideology of god and king. Hence if treaty-type language is
being drawn upon here in Yahweh's discourse, it is to make a particular
point: it is not the main driving force behind his words.
But then, second, when treaty texts talk about a vassal's wrongdoing,
the reference is quite patently to his hypothesized contravention of the
treaty's specific stipulations, that is, the terms it imposes on the vassal,
and is aimed at deterring such contravention.96 The whole point of
2 Sam. 7.14b-15 is that such terms are not even envisaged, let alone
imposed on David's descendants. Indeed, the hypothesized fact of their
wrongdoing is taken as a given, for which non-drastic punishment is
provided. Thus reference to their wrongdoing is both contextually
undefined in 7.14b,97 unlike the alleged parallels in the treaties but
more like the Nabonidus parallels adduced above, and also quite different in function from those in the treaties.
Third, our text does not in fact use the term rmD berit, 'agreement,
compact, covenant', to characterize the relationship Yahweh is setting
out here. Now, although I accept in general the proposition that a
notion may be present when the specific term for that notion is not itself
present, nonetheless, we must always ask ourselves in any specific
instance9* where we are inclined to suppose this, why the ex hypothesi
96. Compare, e.g., the treaty of Adad-Nirari V with Mati'ilu of Arpad, ANET,
532b-533b, where the expression ina ode hatu, 'to sin against this treaty-oath',
recurs numbers of times in connection with various specified stipulations. The contraventions are the subject of a curse ritual to be invoked against the vassal if he
should err. Similarly, in the eight-century Sefire stelae the standard term for contravention by the vassal of the terms of the treaty is the politically-coloured verb ~lp2J,
rendered 'deal falsely' by Gibson (Gibson 1975: no. 7 1. 14, and often). The
detailed stipulations (Gibson no. 9) all concern sociopolitical relations between the
parties.
97. The appropriate pragmatic definition is moot. To presuppose, as most do,
the idea of 'Sinai covenant' with its associated law is to presuppose something a
great deal more specific than anything our text warrants. On this see further the
author's remarks in his review of Eslinger (1994) (Murray 1995: 210-12).
98. If we do not, we are liable to fall into the fallacy of 'the undistributed
middle', i.e. to assume without warrant the applicability to a particular instance of
276
appropriate term is not being used. Now given that berit is used four
times in Psalm 89" of Yahweh's dynastic promise to David, there
expressed in language closely comparable to our present text, our
author's coyness in shunning the term is odd indeed, if his intention
was to present that promise as a covenant.100
Moreover, this view skates around the fact that our text addresses
most of the divine undertakings to David's descendants, and not to
David himself as in Psalm 89. These differences are very material to
the different rhetoric of each text. Psalm 89 is an urgent dynastic appeal
to Yahweh, when that dynasty is under dire threat, to honour his inviolable commitment to the dynasty as made to their revered ancestor
David.101 Hence that text makes salient the element of obligation on
Yahweh, by repeatedly stressing the divine commitment as a bent
entered into with a deserving forefather. Our text on the contrary is
Yahweh's polemical exposition to the dynasty's progenitor of the circumscribed nature and function within his economy for Israel that
Yahweh is pleased to bestow upon the dynasty. Hence it is not in the
text's interests to make Yahweh obligate himself to the dynasty. To
have done so would have played right into the hands of the dynasty's
high royal pretensions, the very thing our text is seeking to deflate. That
is why it does not envisage Yahweh's promises here as a berit.
Thus if 7.14-15 is drawing on language more at home in treaty texts,
it is recontextualizing this language into a text whose basic form and
message stem from a different paradigm. The dominant motifs and
ideas of this paradigm, as we have seen, derive from the ideology and
practice of royal temple-building. But these motifs and ideas are being
recontextualized within a specifically Israelite view of the relationship
of god and king. Moreover, our text is itself seeking, through its persuasive appeal, to create in Israel its own new context, a context in
which our author's understanding of how a 'royal' dynasty may fulfil a
something that is sometimes or often, but not always, the case. Biblical studies are
littered with instances of this fallacy being perpetrated.
99. 89.4, 29, 35,40[3, 28, 34, 39].
100. It is also of significance in this connection that the paraphrase of 2 Sam. 7.216 put into the mouth of Solomon (1 Kgs 8.15-20, 23-26) designates Yahweh's
promise as a bent only by oblique implicature in 8.23-25. On both Ps. 89 and 1 Kgs
8.15-26, see my Claim for Power (forthcoming).
101. Compare especially the petition section of the Psalm, vv. 39-52[38-51].
211
278
divine blessing (7.29) of a temple-builder requested or given is a frequent element in royal inscriptions.107 At the end of Gudea's long
account of his building the Eninna for Ningirsu in Lagash, Ningirsu
turns and blesses the king.108 Tiglath Pileser I prays for blessing in
return for his temple-building,109 and a text of Esarhaddon reveals the
intimate connection between royal temple-building and divine blessing.110 Thus in its closing petition 2 Samuel 7 tellingly parodies this
stock motif in building inscriptions, by starkly divorcing David's
request for divine blessing from any possible warrant in royal templebuilding.
7.3. Concluding Remarks
These indicative parallels to David's prayer suffice to show that, both
formally and in content, this prayer also invokes the conventions of
royal building inscriptions. But, and this is the nub of the matter, in the
context of Yahweh's rejection of David's temple-building plan,
ld
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280
text, far from having Yahweh visit him in his splendid new cedar
palace to bestow his blessing upon it, David fails dramatically to
vouchsafe the blessing of Yahweh of Hosts to his household (6.20). It
is only when he forsakes this grand symbol of his royal pretension so as
to defer fully before Yahweh that he gains the assurance of that blessing
as freely bestowed by Yahweh of Hosts (7.29).
Clearly, then, our text is familiar with many of the conventions and
cliches observable in ancient Near Eastern royal texts, notably with
those known to us from Mesopotamian building texts. Whether such
texts could have been directly known to our author cannot be determined, but, in any case, it is not necessary for my argument to claim so.
In whatever way this knowledge was mediated to him, enough has been
said above to show how our text is parodying the conventions of both
form and expression in suchlike texts, in order to establish in a strongly
polemical way a different view of the relationship of god and king from
that which they articulate. The strength of the polemic almost certainly
indicates how entrenched within the Judaean royal court our author
feels this high royal ideology to have become, as does also the extent of
the compromise effected in the text between its claims and those of the
nagid ideology presented as its ideal opposite. To an account of this latter ideology we shall now turn in the next chapter.
Chapter 8
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283
in Israel, from Saul to Baasha. Indeed, unambiguous Hebrew Bible evidence for non-royal reference of the term largely clusters in texts
(Chronicles, Job, Proverbs, Daniel) whose period of (final) composition
is generally dated to the postmonarchic era. These observations at any
rate are consistent with a hypothesis that an originally royal term was
later democratized and widened in its reference.
In fact, a number of recent discussions have taken positions of this
kind, claiming that the term in Hebrew properly referred to the 'kingdesignate',7 or to the 'crown prince'8 or the like.9 On the other hand,
despite the complete absence of the term from texts dealing with premonarchic contexts, there have been those who have argued vigorously
for a pre-monarchic history of usage for nagid, as a term denoting in
origin a distinctive, pre-royal, office, that of a divinely-chosen military
leader,10 for the [putative] Israelite tribal confederacy.11 On this view its
application to Israelite kings is secondary, whether because this preroyal figure actually developed into monarchy at a particular historical
moment,12 or because the hereditary monarchy assumed or arrogated to
itself this erstwhile charismatic office.13
7. So, in a particular sense, referring to the 'charismatic' component in monarchy, Alt (1953a: II, 23-24; cf. 38, 61-62, 125 = 1966a: 195-96; cf. 210, 233, 24950): Yahweh designates Saul nagid (1 Sam. 9.16, 10.1), the people acclaim him
melek (1 Sam. 10.24); later this is applied fictively to David (2 Sam. 5.2), and then
usurped by David who himself designates Solomon (1 Kgs 1.35); but the original
idea is restored in the revolution of Jehu (2 Kgs 9.6, 12, though here without the
term nagid).
8. So, notably, Mettinger (1976: 158-62, 182-83), claiming 1 Kgs 1.35 as evidence of the original usage. Halpern (1981: 9-11) argues that a meaning of 'kingdesignate' in Alt's sense, original in anon-dynastic setting, was later routinized in a
dynastic setting as 'crown prince'.
9. Carlson (1964: 52-54) regards the term as a Deuteronomic alternative to
melek, drawn from an indeterminable earlier history of usage, with 'fewer overtones.. . in the royalist complex of ideas', to convey 'the Deuteronomic definition of
the national leader as the Deuteronomist felt he ought to be' (54).
10. So Richter (1965: 80-82), who expresses reserves both about applying the
term 'charismatic' to the nagid, and linking him with an Israelite amphictyony, as
Noth and Schmidt do.
11. So tentatively Noth (1959: 156 n. 2 = 1960: 169 n. 1), developed by
Schmidt (1970: Ch. 6, esp. 153-54, summary on 170).
12. So Schmidt (1970: 162-65).
13. So Richter (1965: 82, 83).
284
285
286
287
20. Deut. 4.20; 9.26, 29; 32.9; 2 Sam. 20.19; 21.3; 1 Kgs 8.51, 53; 2 Kgs 21.14;
Isa. 19.25; 63.17; Jer. 10.16 = 51.19; Mic. 7.14, 18; Joel 2.17; 4.2; Ps. 28.9; 33.12;
68.10[9]; 78.62, 71; 79.1; 94.5, 14; 106.5, 40. In 1 Sam. 26.19; 2 Sam. 14.16; the
reference may rather be to the land as Yahweh's, as it clearly is, e.g., in Jer. 2.7.
21. Naturally I exclude ndgid here, since I am in the process of arguing that it is
used in Samuel as a term, not to designate a specifically royal function, but to
encapsulate a role ideologically opposed to that of melek.
22. The motif of the search for the lost donkeys 9.3-6 and 10.14-16 forms an
inclusio to this stretch of text on the one hand, and on the other, 10.17-19 clearly
introduces a scene not immediately related to the preceding, just as 9.1-2 had done
in relation to what preceded it.
288
289
290
Here, differently from 9.16 and 10.1 above, the royal term mamldkd,
'kingship', occurs in a context with nagid, where it is evident that, in
practical terms, both refer to one and the same state of affairs in the
world, that is, to what I have, in the foregoing paragraph, more neutrally termed 'governorship over Israel'. Nor is it immediately evident
in the rhetoric of this text that the terms are being used as notional
opposites. This is because this text is primarily aimed at making a different, though related, point. The essential contrast to be made here is
between two individual 'governors' of Israel, if I may persist for the
moment in my neutral terminology, one culpably disobedient to the will
of Yahweh as mediated through the prophet, the other affirmed to be in
tune with Yahweh's will. But is it of no significance that, in parallel
with this principal contrast, the term mamlakd is associated with the
rejected 'governor', whereas nagid is linked with the approved successor? Admittedly, the text allows notionally that Yahweh might have
supported Saul's kingship in perpetuity, but the stating of this unreal
consequence serves only to underline the heinousness of Saul's offence.
Thus when the text, back in positive mode, goes on to affirm how
Yahweh has actually responded to this crisis of 'governorship' of
Israel, it does so with the term nagid. Moreover, whereas the text uses
the second person possessive, with anaphora to Saul, of mamlakd, 'your
kingship/kingdom',29 the nagid expression here, as always in the texts
we are considering, makes clear that the sphere of governorship is in
fact Yahweh's people. Hence there are grounds enough for concluding
that this text, though not foregrounding a contrast between melek-ship
preterite. However, its particular implicature in the context depends upon the
rhetoric of Samuel's speech to Saul, which is not intended to give a precise historical account of events already accomplished in the real world, but to convey to Saul
how Yahweh has already determined those events: as far as Saul need be concerned
David's appointment is as good as accomplished. Thus, understood within its given
rhetorical context, the preterite imin here is not in tension with the weqdtal form in
1 Sam. 25.30 and the yiqtol form in 2 Sam. 5.2, nor does it require those forms to
be construed as other than futures.
29. Hebrew HD^QD comprehends both the more abstract idea of 'kingly power'
and the more concrete one of the sphere and object of that power, a 'kingdom'
consisting of people and territory. Though I judge that the former is the more
prominent idea in the present context, it should be kept in mind that in Hebrew the
latter is not thereby completely suppressed.
291
292
293
someone in the position here being assigned to David. Within the horizon of the narrative plot this panders to David's ego and smooths the
way to his acceptance of what Abigail is about to say.
But at the same time, within the horizon of the text's ideology, it prepares the way for Abigail's informally prophetic33 delineation of
David's exalted future destiny as compelling grounds for the particular
present behaviour, or rather restraint, she urges upon him. Two separate
but related grounds are cited, both introduced by "O in its idiomatically
elliptical usage: 'you see, the point is that (on the one hand) Yahweh
will undoubtedly make my lord an established house, (and on the other)
it is Yahweh's battles that my lord is fighting, and (thus on both counts)
no wrongdoing must be there to be found against you from your (prior)
career' (28b). Accordinglyas Abigail infers from both points but with
a particular eye to the secondDavid need have no concern either for
his own safety or about the demise of his enemies, since these matters
Yahweh has made his own concern (29). Rather, she argues, now
shifting the main focus to the first point, David should be concerned
about how things will stand when Yahweh fulfils David's destiny (3031).
The future destiny which Yahweh will fulfil for David is further
defined by Abigail in v. 30 as 'when Yahweh will accomplish for my
lord the good concerning you completely as he promised, namely,
when he appoints you nagid over Israel'34 The future orientation of
what she is saying here is very material (note how i"P!Tl 'then it will be
that' 30aa foregrounds this future reference), since Abigail's argument
is that what David threatens to do now will have serious repercussions
for his role then. Moreover, rhetorically the force of Abigail's argument
depends upon her citing the most relevant, substantive, and operative
future role for David: it would be a bizarre piece of bathos for her
merely to cite a lesser and transient role.
33. For an explanation of this characterization of the second segment of Abigail's speech, see below 8.3, p. 300.
34. I take the clause btntzr biJ "H]1? ~p!!l to be concomitant with and epexegetic of the the preceding "j^ rmon nK...miT nfOIT "O: i.e. David's appointment as
nagid is the particular future event which will consummate the good Yahweh has
promised to perform for David. I completely fail to see how Halpern's comment
(1981: 5) on the unusual double syntax of "Ql can lead to the conclusion that "JI^T
is in coordination with the latter verb rather than with nfoJT, since this construction
of ~p^l can in no way change the apposition of miCDn HK with "KZJN ^DD.
294
According to Abigail it is nagid-ship which constitutes the substantive and operative role for which David has been destined by Yahweh,
and which fulfils the good Yahweh has promised him. Now since 'the
good' referred to here is patently a relevant promised good already
mentioned in the context, referential definition for 'when Yahweh will
accomplish for my lord the good concerning you completely as he
promised' (J^ miun n "Dl "I0K to Tltf? niiT nfoJT 'D 30a) is
given by 'for Yahweh will assuredly make for my lord an established
house' CpNJ JT3 Tltib mrr nfiJJT nfol? 'D 28ap). Thus the text here
associates the future fulfilment of the promise of a perduring dynasty
a notably royal ambition as we have demonstrated in the preceding
chapter (7.2.3.4)with David's still future installation into nagidship. This accords with 2 Sam. 7.8-16, where the promise to David of a
perduring dynasty (7.lib, 16), in a form of words which 1 Sam.
25.28ba very closely resembles,35 arises directly out of Yahweh's
exposition of nagid-ship to David (7.8-11).
By now it is quite evident that in Abigail's speech nagid is replete
with ideological gravamen. For, more than anything else she says to
David, it is the prospect of this role being devolved upon him by Yahweh that is the most effective deterrent to inappropriate action now.
Thus not only can nagid here not be a mere transitional role to becoming melek, but, as the role which embodies Yahweh's will for human
leadership of his people, it is further implicitly being set against the
latter. Hence the fact that, in this ideologically freighted context which
patently accords the divine imprimatur to the role of nagid, Abigail
fails even to mention David's becoming melek, is a polemically
weighted omission. Even more so, given the close context set by the
immediately preceding chapter. There an exchange between Saul and
David (24.10-22[9-21J) culminates in Saul's emphatically worded
acknowledgment that David will become king: 'so the upshot is I now
know that you will certainly become king and the kingdom of Israel
will pass into your hands' (fTn HQpl f'pQn "f^Q "O WT run HH^l
^JOCT HD'PQD 24.21[20]). Thus Abigail's eschewing any mention of a
35. It is not necessary for my ideologically oriented discussion here to attempt
to determine whether the one text depends upon the other. To me 1 Sam. 25.28bai
looks like a condensed allusion to 2 Sam. 7.1 lb,16a (Schmidt 1970: 121-22 asserts
that the former is based upon 2 Sam. 7.16), but we do not have sufficient evidence
to know whether the parallel expressions were in fact also to be found in other
contexts.
295
296
297
298
299
300
301
In sum, then, there are two particular features of the notion of nagidship in this set of texts which I take to be fundamental, and which are
accordingly basic to the ideological rhetoric of our stretch of text,
especially in its concluding section, 2 Samuel 7. The first is that, first
and foremost, the nagtd is a role instituted by Yahweh for the welfare
of his people. As such, the nagtd is no more than a. primus inter pares,
who has no right to treat Israel as his own subjects, and whose every
action must serve to secure and increase the well-being of Yahweh's
people. The second is that, in order to achieve this divine purpose, the
nagtd is not only to be designated by the divine word, but at all times to
be directed by it. Thus a strong implicature of this view is that the
prophet is supreme deferent of the divine will to Yahweh's people. A
weaker implicature is that dynastic succession is not a logical concomitant of ndgid-ship. The next and final chapter will explore some of the
wider ramifications of this ideological stance.
Chapter 9
YAHWEH AND ISRAEL: DEFERENCE OF DIFFERENCE
9.1. Orientation: What Is the Difference? How Is It to Be Deferred?
At the heart of the Hebrew Bible, at the heart of all theistic theology,
lies a logical paradox. In a nutshell it is this: on the one hand, deity is
perceived to be wholly different from humanity; on the other, deity is
understood to relate to humanity. From this fundamental paradox flow
many others: finitude and infinitude, presence and absence, immanence
and transcendence, contingency and sovereignty, and so on. A Platonic
logic premised on the excluded middle must account these as logical
contradictions: nothing can simultaneously be both present and absent,
immanent and transcendent, subject to contingency and yet fully
sovereign. Nor, between entities that are wholly different from one
another, can any relationship be established. The Hebrew Bible, however, while availing itself of these and other polarities in its representations of God and humanity,1 is driven by a more experiential, less
ratiocinative, logic, which knows ways of mediating between entities
and notions a strict Platonic logic defines as mutually exclusive.
But if an idealist approach pursuing an unrelentingly systematic
rationality fails to relate satisfyingly with the world of experience, a
pragmatic approach focused only on abduction from experience may
fail to give a satisfyingly complete and rational account of the world.
Yet a basic human means of rationalizing experience is to define it by
sets of fundamental binary oppositions: deity-humanity, good-evil,
happy-wretched, and so on. But the rational logic of binary terms, with
its almost irresistible pull to exclude any messy middle ground between
1. Two pragmatico-theological traditions in the Hebrew Bible which notably
operate with polarizations (binary oppositions) are the priestly (holy-unholy,
clean-unclean, presence-absence, etc.), and the wisdom, especially as represented
in Proverbs (wise-foolish, diligent-lazy, rich-poor, etc.). Each specializes in ways
of mediating between the respective sets of opposites.
303
304
305
306
307
308
309
disposition towards David and his kingship. The second was the building of a royally sponsored temple to house the ark, in order to locate
that god permanently in the royal capital, as it were at the beck and call
of the king. The two essentials thus go together, but to be effective they
presuppose a further monarchic privilege: control of intermediacy.
Hence David himself assumed the priesthood of this god, leading the
ritual procession into the capital, inaugurating the ark-shrine, dispensing the blessing (6.14-20). Such special ceremonial occasions apart,
however, he could be expected to devolve the day-to-day priestly duties
to royal appointees. But priestly pre-eminence, with its concomitants,
royal patronage of, and coercive authority over, mediation of the
blessing of the ark-god,7 were set to continue in David and his successors as melek?
It is to demolish this pretension that the Yahweh of our text rejects
categorically David's plan to build a temple (7.5-7). In doing so Yahweh goes to the heart of the issues involved, so far as our author is concerned. The purpose of the temple is to keep this god transcendent, to
maintain his absence and remoteness from the people, in order to
magnify the special access afforded his monarchic intermediary. Thus
in refutation, Yahweh insists on his historic presence among his people,
calling into play the simplicity and mobility of a tent-shrine to contradict the elaborate splendour and confinement of a temple.9 Yet in thus
7. Thus note that in 2 Sam. 15.24-29 David countermands the initiative of the
priests Abiathar and Zadok, Davidic appointees (cf. 8.17) and supporters, in removing the ark from the control of the usurper Absalom, sending them back with it to
Jerusalem, a royal command they submit to without demur. Coercive authority over
religious functionaries is a feature of absolute monarchy in general: for the situation
in seventeenth-century England see, e.g., the remarks of Burgess (1996: 118-20).
Moreover, even when royal power is devolved upon an elected government, so long
as religious functionaries owe their position to the state, the highest executive of
that government may feel empowered to direct them: cf. the tussles between Prime
Minister Thatcher and some Anglican bishops in the 1980s.
8. According to 2 Sam. 8.18 David's sons were priests, thus witnessing to
David's intention to maintain priestly office as a hereditary royal prerogative.
9. Thus it is a necessity of the polemic to have Yahweh affirm such contraries
to the sinister implications of temple, as our author sees them, and a good part of its
persuasiveness in doing so to deploy against these implications historical tradition
about the means and style of Yahweh's presence among his people before the
unwelcome innovation of the temple. Hence, if you like, our author maintains a
'nomadic ideal' of sorts, but as a ploy dictated by the needs of his polemic, and thus
310
in a sense and for reasons quite different from those which have hitherto been
implicated in this tag.
311
over, enviable enhancement of power and prestige comes from undisputed control of the succession to leadership, that is, the founding and
maintaining of a ruling dynasty. Then further, for members of this dynasty to enjoy a special relationship with deity exalts the dynasts to a
unique status in the community.
These, then, are the elements of melek-ship conceded by the text's
Yahweh, in order to secure the future of his people under the aegis of a
stable ruling house. But they are not in any way represented as concessions. Rather, they are presented as an unconditional grant by Yahweh
to David and to his successors, sovereignly mediated in an unsolicited
divine word, to a David whom Yahweh has robustly reproved for his
presumption. However, the resultant melek status of the dynastic rulers,
though real, is a point obliquely made: that is, a point conceded as an
unavoidable concomitant, and so conceded tacitly, rather than expounded with conviction as the main intention. The future of Israel is worth
the price of sustaining thus the esteem of the chosen ruling house. So
long, that is, as the pretension of this house does not encroach upon the
prerogative of Yahweh exercised through his sovereign prophetic word.
Hence it is an immensely grateful David who with wondering thanks
accepts the unexpected divine bounty. More, it is a chastened David
who with all due humility submits to the prerogative of the divine king.
But most of all it is a wise David who repeatedly defers to the
sovereignty of Yahweh's word. For through this word freely given he
has the guarantee in perpetuity of the blessing he strove to control.
9.3. Ideological Polemic and the Deference/Deferral
of Difference
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313
promulgated in our text. The people is not a sovereignly free and independent polity, for it belongs to Yahweh; it is Yahweh's people. Moreover, their leader is chosen by Yahweh, and the power devolved upon
him is Yahweh's. The polity envisaged by our text is religio-political in
nature, a theocracy in which the sovereignty of Yahweh is to be
entrenched as supreme. Since in our author's view melek-style monarchy gravely infringed the sovereignty of Yahweh, the pretensions of
that monarchy had first to be exposed for what they were, to demonstrate why it needed to be brought into subjection to Yahweh's
sovereign will and purpose for his people.
Theocracy in those terms, however, is but an ideological fiction.10 For
in the end the reputed mind and will of deity are always mediated by
some human agency, whether as detector of natural or supernatural
signs, decoder of dreams or deferent of verbal messages. Thus if, for
example, Exod. 15.1-18 can for the moment consistently represent
Yahweh as himself directly leading and ruling his people, Exod.
20.15/18-19/22 soon rationalizes the need of a human deferent for the
will of a God now seen as hidden and exalted. Deuteronomy gives this
role of Moses imposing theological authority by adding an explicit
divine endorsement (Deut. 5.28-33), and later turns it into a permanent
institution in Israel (Deut. 18.15-22, note esp. 16). Indeed more, for of
the various organs of governance for his people regulated here by
Yahweh (Deut. 16.18-18.22) this is clearly the last and highest. Thus it
takes precedence over the Levitical priests (18.1-8 and 17.8-13), and
over the king (17.14-20), as well as over the civil judges and tribal
officials (16.18-20). Why? Because to this organ alone is committed the
authoritative divine word. The supremacy of the divine word, duly
received and faithfully transmitted by the prophet, over all other forms
of mediation is also elaborated on in the Jeremiah tradition (Jer. 23.1832). The authentic prophet is he who receives his word from the very
council of Yahweh himself (23.18-22), and without this word the
prophet is as empty as the wind (5.13).
Now in our text also this is precisely how divine authority is ultimately devolved. We have seen how 2 Samuel 6 implicitly contrasts
David's failure to consult Yahweh over removal of the ark with his
double consultation in 5.17-25. A strong pragmatic implicature that the
means of this double consultation was priestly notwithstanding, the
10. The point was well made long since by Spinoza (1670: ch. 7).
314
organ of mediation implied there was given no presence in the narrative. How different the situation in 2 Samuel 7! Here the text powerfully deploys a direct rhetoric massively to enforce the sovereign
authority over people and over king of Yahweh's word transmitted
through a prophet. The authentic power of the divine word accurately
mediated (7.5, 8, 17) is set against the empty assurance of Nathan's
courtier's response (7.3), the absolute necessity of an (authentic) word
from Yahweh to authorize action by his human vicegerents is ironically
pressed home (7.6-7), and the overmastering authority of that word
once received is eloquently evidenced by David (7.18-29). Legitimate
and effective within their properly appointed sphere as the other means
of mediating the divine will and purpose to humanity may be, above
them all, above tribal official, above priest, yes, and above Yahweh's
chosen nagid-king, the prophet as deferent of the authentic divine word
reigns supreme.
Thus this powerful polemic which champions the divine prerogative
against an overweening royal pretension effectively locates that prerogative for all human purposes in the institution of prophecy. The people
of Yahweh, including all its leaders, is to have full confidence that the
properly received and mediated word of Yahweh defers to it the
sovereign will of its God Yahweh. Thus theocracy comes down to
prophetocracy. This latter as an ideal polity for Israel has been portrayed through the figure of Samuel in the early chapters of Samuel.
There it was contrasted, on the one hand, with the way the priestly
mediation of the Elides had dismally failed the people (1 Sam. 1-6),
and on the other, with the grave dangers impending from monarchy
(1 Sam. 8-12). Thus the threat of monarchy is not merely to the
authority of Samuel, the one who 'tells the people all the words of Yahweh' (1 Sam. 8.10), but through it to that which lies behind it, the
ultimate authority of Yahweh himself (8.6-7). Hence there pervades
1 Samuel 12, where Samuel presents Israel with her king (12.13), an
oppressive sense of mutual hostility and exclusive rivalry, between a
proved polity of prophetic leadership and the ill-starred polity of
monarchic domination set to supersede it.
That way of representing the matter is all very well before monarchy
has established itself, but once it has done within the story of David,
there is no way that prophecy could persuasively promote the suppression of monarchy. Nor can it realistically have expected to obliterate
the temple. The best prophecy can now do is ideologically to accom-
315
modate itself to melek-ship. This it can do, by devolving upon the latter
through an authentic divine word much of the power and status of
monarchy, while seeking to rein in its excesses and direct it towards a
divinely appointed destiny to promote the welfare of Yahweh's people.
But at the same time prophecy promotes the accommodation of melekship to itself, by reserving to itself the ultimate sovereignty of the
divine prerogative, through control of the authoritative divine word.
What way of commending this compromise could be more persuasive
than to present it as wholeheartedly embraced by the very founder of
the Davidic dynasty himself, divinely chastened after an abortive
attempt to usurp the divine prerogative?
In the light of these reflections, our stretch of text betrays something
of the interests lying behind its polemic. Clearly our author is writing
from the point of view of one who is not a thoroughgoing royalist, but
of one who has an exalted regard for the power and authority of the
prophetic word of Yahweh. Yet strong as his ideological commitment
shines through the rhetoric, there is also a strong element of the pragmatist in the way the ideal of the humble ndgid, governing the people
of Yahweh under direction by Yahweh through his prophet, is merged
into the practical reality of the exalted melek, ruling a political state in a
dynasty inaugurated and sustained by the word of the same Yahweh.
Thus at the end of our stretch of text a persuasively argued resolution of
the conflicting claims of royal pretension and divine prerogative has
been presented in terms of an accommodation between monarchy and
prophecy, which curtails the excessive pretensions of Davidic monarchy, and reserves to prophecy the last word on divine prerogative.
But for all the persuasiveness of its rhetoric, does this compromise
really spell an end to competition and conflict between those who seek
to sanction the imposition of their will on the majority by appeal to
divine authority? Certainly not, if all do not readily acquiesce in the
claim of prophecy to the final word on behalf of God. There is ample
evidence in the Hebrew Bible to show that not kings, nor priests, nor
those termed 'the wise' were willing to cede this. But even were this
ceded, problems do not cease. For prophecy was by no means itself
univocal, and could promulgate diametrically opposed words as having
the divine imprimatur. Texts I referred to earlier as promoting the
supremacy of the prophetic word, to cite no others, are acutely aware of
the difficulty (cf. Deut. 18.20-22; Jer. 23.21-22). These texts stigmatize
the word of the other as false, as a way of maintaining the authenticity
316
318
319
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1956
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1890
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1968
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INDEXES
INDEX OF REFERENCES
OLD TESTAMENT
Genesis
4.5
4.25
6.22
9.9
11.4
12.20
14.24
15.4-5
15.4
15.5
15.13
17.6
17.7
17.8
17.9
17.10
17.19
22.17
24.27
26.4
29.14
30.16
31.36
34.5
35.11
35.12
39.19
44.18
46.26
48.4
126
188
103
190
206
131
138
189
189
188, 189
69
189
189, 190
189, 190
190
190
190
188
141
188
295
141
126
89
189
190
126
126
190
190
Exodus
1.5
1.11-12
190
69
1.21
3-4
3
3.7
3.9
3.11
4.1
4.12
4.15
4.22
5.1
5.2
5.23
6.11
7.6
7.20
12.28
15.1-18
15.8
15.9
15.10
15.11-18
15.11
15.13
15.17
15.20-21
18
18.10
18.21-22
18.25-26
19.11
19.12-13
20.15
20.18-19
71, 188
286
286
286
286
202, 286
286
286
286
286
286
202
286
286
103
103
103
269, 297,
313
52
138
52
120
205
269
269
140
174
141
184
184
70
124
313
313
20.22
23.28-30
25.10-13
28.43
32.6
33.12-13
33.12
313
82
123
190
123
164
68
Leviticus
5.2-3
6.10
124
138
Numbers
3.25
4.5-6
4.15
11.10-25
14.17
16.15
16.30-33
21.2
25.13
31.36
68
234
234
174
207, 208
126
131
94
190
138
Deuteronomy
1.8
1.16
3.24
4.7-8
4.7
4.20
4.32
4.37
5.26
5.28-33
190
184
77, 205
205
69
287
69
190
205
313
332
7.5
7.6-7
7.21
8.2
8.15
9.5
9.26
9.29
10.1-3
10.8
10.14-15
10.15
10.21
12.3
16.18-18.22
16.18-20
17.8-13
17.14-20
17.18
18.1-8
18.8
18.15-22
18.20-22
18.22
21.8
26.3
27.26
30.18
31.25
32.9
33.29
97
205
205
80
80
83
77, 205, 287
287
123
234
205
190
80, 205
97
313
313
313
313
72
313
138
313
315
316
205
70
83
70
234
287
205
Joshua
3.3
7.7
7.8
9.17
15.9
15.10
15.11
15.29
15.60
18.14
22.8
23.9
24.12
24.18
234
77
203, 204
54
54
54
54
54
54
54
138
170
82
82
Judges
2.3
2.16-19
3.10
4.7
4.9
4.14
4.17
4.18
4.22
5.4-5
5.4
5.12
5.16
5.28-30
5.30
6.9
6.14
6.22
6.27
6.34
8.30
8.31
9.2
9.37
9.38
11.29
11.30
11.34
14.6
14.19
15
15.9
15.14
16.4
16.22
19.13-16
20
20.18
20.23
20.26
20.27
20.28
82
184
288
94
94
94
140
140
140
120
52, 101
140
134
134
138
82
288
77
103
288
190
205
295
78
202
288
94
140
288
288
50
50
288
28
77
56
56,93
92,93
92,93
92, 137, 201
92, 201
93,94
Ruth
1.1
4.4
4.9
184
84, 209
131
4.12
4.14
1 Samuel
1-6
1.3
1.9-13
1.9
1.11
1.12
1.22
1.24-28
2.11
2.18-20
2.18
2.28
2.30
2.35
3-4
3
3.1-21
3.1-2
3.3
3.13
4-6
4
4.1-7.2
4.3-4
4.4
4.10-11
4.10
4.12-19
4.12
5-
5
5.2
5.3
5.6
5.7
5.9
5.11
5.23 LXX
6
6.1-7.2
196
141
314
130
63
171
130, 131,
188
63
194
121
121
121
133
133, 158
158
291
32
133
121
133
171
70
234
121,235
32
119
119,121,
130, 131,
201
118
121
234
64
121, 130
234
130
66, 97, 285
308
121
121
121
121
51
123, 125
118
Index of References
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.5
6.7-12
6.7
6.8-10
6.9
6.10
6.12
6.13
6.14
6.15
6.17
6.19-20
6.19
6.20
6.21-7.2
6.21-7.1
6.21
7
7.1-3
7.1-2
7.1
7.2
7.3-14
7.3-4
7.7
7.8-10
7.8
7.9-10
7.10
7.12
7.13-14
8-12
8
8.6-7
8.7-9
8.9
8.10
8.11-18
8.11
8.22
9.1-10.16
9.1-14
9.1-2
9.1
9.3-6
130
55, 121, 123 9.6-14
9.15-10.9
121
9.15-16
121
9.15
234
121
9.16-17
308
9.16
121
121
121, 308
234
121, 123
9.17
125
9.18-19
308
10.1
121, 125
125-27, 234
125, 234
121
234
54,130,291 10.1 LXX
10.2-10
119
10.5-6
308
10.6
54
54, 121, 122, 10.7
10.8
130, 234
10.9
234
10.10-13
121
10.10
235
10.14-16
89,90
10.16
64
10.17-25
285, 291
10.17-19
121
10.18-19
64
10.20-24
121
10.22
121
10.24
305, 314
10.25-26
287, 305
10.25
314
11.1-11
305
11.6
307
314
12
12.12-19
307
12.13
307
13-14
146, 305
13.7-14
305
13.7
285
13.8
287
13.10-14
287
287
287
299
285
84, 209, 285,
287
285
50, 282, 283
285, 286,
288, 290,
291, 297,
305
285, 288
287
50, 282, 283,
285, 286
290, 291
296, 297
305
142, 286
63
288
288, 296
288, 289
289
63
288
288, 296
287
287
287
287
305
291, 305
92
283, 307
146
306, 307
288
288
305, 314
305
305, 314
53
193, 289
289
289
299
333
13.10
13.11
13.12
13.13-14
13.13
13.14
14.3
14.13
14.18
14.22
14.36-37
14.37
15.1-35
15.1
15.2
15.11
15.24-27
15.24
15.34
16.13
17.28
17.37
17.45-52
17.45
17.48
18.2-5
18.6-7
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.18
18.19
18.27
18.29
19.12
20.1
20.7
20.12
20.13
20.15
20.23
20.31
22.1-2
22.1
22.2
65, 289
289
289
289, 305
289, 306
66, 70, 282
289, 291,
296, 297,
300
92, 133
133
92
89
92
92
193
49
130
126
193
289
146
288, 296
126
167
63
130
63
291
140
123
126
291
202
145
291
291
291
88
126
209
209
194
194
291
114,291
88,89
115
334
22.4-5
22.5
22.6
22.8
22.17-18
22.17
22.20
22.23
23.1-12
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6-12
23.6
23.8
23.9
23.10-12
23.11-12
23.11
23.13-14
23.13
23.14
23.15
23.17
23.18
23.25
23.27-24.3
24.1
24.2-3
24.3
24.3
24.4-8
24.6
24.9-16
24.9
24.10-22
24.17-22
24.21
24.22
24.23
25
25.5-8
25.9-13
25.10
25.13-22
25.13
25.18-22
25.20
25.23-24
25.24
25.25
25.26
25.27
25.28-31
63
292
292
292
292
65, 292
292, 300,
305
25.28
71, 188,29294, 300
25.29
88, 292, 293
25.30
66, 142, 282
290-93, 297,
300, 306
25.31
292, 293
25.32-35
292
25.32
65, 142, 300
25.39
89, 141
26
115
26.2
87, 115, 116
26.9
28
26.17
202
26.19
202, 287
26.23
88
27-2 Sam. 1 129
27-30
32
27.1-4
88
27.1
87
27.2
115
27.3-4
88
27.4
87
27.5
88
28.6
92
30.7-8
93
30.8
92,94
30.9
92, 115
30.10
115
30.24
138
31
295
2 Samuel
1
2-4
2.1-4
2.1
2.4
2.5-4.32
2.5
30, 295
295
26, 295
92
49
26
274
2.7
2.22
3.1-5
3.1
3.2-14
3.2-5
3.6-21
3.6
3.12-16
3.14
3.18
3.19^.1
3.22-39
4
4.1
4.4
5
5.1-12
5.1-3
5.1-2
5.1
5.2-3
5.2
5.3-4
5.3
5.4-16
5.4-5
5.6-12
5.6-9
5.7-9
5.7
5.9
5.10-16
5.10
5.11
5.12
5.13-8.18
5.13-16
5.14-16
5.14
5.16
5.17-7.29
49, 274
78
29
29, 235
235
29
295
29
134
30, 135
30
235
295
295
89
295
46
257
26,85
295
295
306
174, 282,
283, 290,
291,295-97,
300, 306
122
29, 85, 89,
297, 306,
312
28, 30, 85
29
253
26
88
89
88,89
29
29, 55, 232
29, 140
29, 229, 232,
245
27
27,29
229
29
30
20, 25-28,
Index of References
5.17-7.11
5.17-6.8
5.17-29
5.17-25
5.17-21
5.17-19
5.17-18
5.17
5.18
5.19-20
5.19
5.20
5.21
5.22-25
5.22-23
5.22
5.23-25
5.23-24
5.23
5.23 LXX
5.24
5.25
6-7
6
6.1-7.3
6.1-23
102, 104
6.1-20
105, 114,
115,118,
6.1-11
122
86, 93, 95,
6.1-10
98, 106-108, 6.1-4
6.1-2
111, 143,
232
99
53,98,106, 6.1
108, 114,
115
108, 109
6.2-20
98, 100, 108, 6.2-6
109,113,
6.2-5
120, 232
6.2
33,51,52,
92, 98, 100
101, 106
109, 129,
233, 254
51
6.3-4
100, 101
103, 120
6.3
54, 56, 86,
97, 102, 10
108, 113,
6.4
116, 119,
136, 161,
232
64
6.5-10
6.5
28, 31, 34,
35, 46, 53,
62,87,91,
98, 102,11013, 116, 11
20, 142, 14
156, 158
6.6-8
160, 161
6.6-7
166, 210,
6.6
226, 231,
233, 235-37,
239, 254,
308, 313
6.7-11
6.7-8
179, 180
6.7
210, 226
27, 30-32,
112,113
335
147, 149-52,
155, 253
113,145,
151,234
113,137
113
113, 134
146, 147,
150
53,54,11417, 136, 13
146, 152
161
125
116,117
64, 101, 11
118, 122
130, 146,
152, 153,
176,201,
236
117, 122
133, 152
32, 56, 97,
117, 121
122, 125
234, 236
32, 56, 59,
60,97, 124
125, 236
67
57-59, 62,
67, 123, 12
133, 152
157,201,
234, 238,
243
234
122, 123
125, 152
59,117,124,
125, 234,
236
33, 235
127, 128
60, 67, 96,
124-27, 235,
236
336
6.8-10
6.8
6.9-12
6.9-10
6.9
6.10-22
6.10
6.11-12
6.11
6.12-20
6.12-17
6.12
6.13-20
6.13-15
6.13
6.14-20
6.14-15
6.14
6.15
6.16
6.17-19
6.17
6.18-20
6.18-19
6.18
6.19-20
6.19
6.20-23
6.20-22
6.20-21
6.20
6.21
236, 237,
6.21 LXX
243
6.21-22
133
31,64,124,
125, 136,
6.22
137, 152-54,
157, 161,
201, 226,
237-39,243 6.23-7.15
146, 147,
6.23-25
150, 153
6.23-24
31, 137, 146, 6.23
153
55, 64, 130,
132, 139,
146, 150,
157, 176,
211,237,
6.25
245
7
143, 146
64, 129, 138,
139, 143,
146, 150
31,114,139,
146, 153,
154, 156,
213
136, 154,
237
132, 164
31,66,114,
132, 134,
138-41, 143,
148, 152-54,
156,211,
7.1-29
237-39, 245,
297
62-66,75,
7.1-17
124, 128,
142, 148,
158, 178,
194,201,
7.1-16
226, 237-39, 7.1-7
241, 243,
7.1-3
244, 282,
284, 296-98,
300
244,245
144, 154,
178, 202,
244
66, 143, 144,
158, 182,
237, 238,
244, 298
48
143
143
129, 134,
138, 139,
141, 143,
145, 153
161, 237,
239
143
11,20,27,
28,31,3335, 74, 76,
77, 83, 87,
110, 111,
116,156,
159-64, 166,
179, 185,
211,226,
231, 239,
244, 248,
250-52,261,
270, 278,
279,281,
300, 301,
303-305,314
27, 30, 31,
211,226,
239
162, 198,
218,221,
223, 228,
229
24
233
27, 160, 16264, 175, 200,
210, 212,
220,221,
228, 239,
Index of References
7.1-2
7.1-29
7.1
7.2-16
7.2-3
7.2
7.3
7.4-17
7.4-16
7.4-8
7.4-7
7.4-5
240, 246,
7.4
253, 261
161, 185,
200, 212
7.5-16
162
31,146,160, 7.5-11
161, 163
164, 184,
7.5-10
190, 191,
7.5-7
201,211,
212,219,
228, 239
276
169, 200,
204, 208,
210, 223
245
31, 161, 163
66, 171, 18
187, 191,
201, 202,
7.5
211,212,
219, 228,
239, 242,
243, 261,
263
164, 166
167, 173
177, 179,
199, 204,
208,211,
223, 224,
7.6-7
233, 243,
260, 262,
267, 278
300, 314
162, 223,
7.6
251,258
27, 162
162
160, 167
212, 251
262, 263
7.7
163, 167,
199,211,
212, 220,
224
162, 167
177, 243,
300
176, 253,
261
220, 222,
229
67
173, 175-78,
180, 184,
187, 191,
193, 196-99,
208,212,
213,216,
220, 222,
228, 229,
233, 240,
245, 262,
263, 269,
300, 309
72,77,16771, 175-79,
185-88, 191,
192, 197,
201, 202,
209,211,
215,216,
218-20, 22224, 228, 240,
242, 263,
270, 314
169, 171,
173, 177,
192, 219,
220, 223,
314
166, 171-74,
184, 201,
205, 212,
216,218,
219, 222,
240
170-75, 180,
188, 190,
197, 209,
211,214,
219, 222,
224, 229,
337
7.8-16
7.8-11
7.8-10
7.8-9
7.8
7.9-10
7.9
7.10-11
7.10
240,241,
263-66,310
246, 294,
300
69, 160, 162
176, 177,
181,186,
187, 193,
204,215,
219, 220,
222, 223,
228, 242,
244, 246,
265, 266,
268, 294
178, 180,
185, 269,
300, 307
175, 177,
180-82,241
55, 64, 67,
130, 142,
163, 168,
171, 174,
176-79, 190,
199, 203,
211,215,
216, 222,
224, 229,
240, 241,
265, 267,
282, 284,
297, 298,
300,314
180-82,298
69, 70, 178
84, 203, 205
222,241,
266, 267
183, 184,
215, 241
67, 69, 88,
137, 177,
181, 183,
184, 215,
216, 222,
241, 243,
267, 269
338
7.11-29
7.11-17
7.11-16
7.11-12
7.11
7.12-16
7.12-15
7.12
7.12
7.13-16
7.13-14
7.13
7.13 LXX
7.14-17
7.14-16
7.14-15
162, 200,
205, 225
74, 76, 162,
202, 205,
208, 277
205
79-82, 205
81,82
82, 206
162, 200,
207, 225,
277
83, 210, 243
209
68,71,74,
76, 83, 162,
200, 207-10,
225, 229,
244, 246
82
207
55, 64, 78,
83, 130, 208,
209, 226,
244
55,64,71,
83, 84, 130,
170, 208-10,
229, 244,
246
225
74, 84, 208,
210, 225,
229, 244,
246
27, 28, 30,
31,74,83,
110,132,
210,211,
225, 226,
229, 244-46,
278, 280
27,28
27
27
28,30,116,
161
339
Index of References
8.13
8.15-18
8.17
8.18
9
9.1-13
10
10.1
10.2
10.9
11-20
12
12.5-6
12.7-15
12.9
12.13-14
12.15
13
13.1
13.21
14.4-17
14.7
14.15
14.16
14.17
14.24
15.24-29
15.27-28
16.2
16.11
16.13
17.1-17
17.12-16
17.23
17.30-39
18.28
19.13
19.14
19.24
20
20.19
21-24
21.1
21.3
21.8
21.18
22.8
22.17
206
27
309
309
28
27
28
28
274
115
308
28
126, 127
109
70
193
146
28
28
126
225
282
225
225, 287
167, 225
146
122, 309
165
282
189
57
219
195
146
267
141
295
295
70
26
287
26
109
287
145
28
126
58
22.23
23.1-13
23.13-17
23.13
23.14
24.11-14
24.16
1 Kings
1.26
1.35
1.48
2.4
2.24
2.26
2.45
2.46
5.17
5.19
5.21
6.12
7.8
8.15-26
8.15-21
8.15-20
8.16
8.16 LXX
8.17
8.18
8.19
8.20
8.23-26
8.23-25
8.23
8.26
8.44
8.48
8.51
8.53
9.5
10.9
11.2
12.15
14
14.7-14
14.7-11
14.7
16
106
110
91
88
88
109
58
170
282-84
141
83
71,188
76,77
73
73
72
72
141
83
71,188
276
83
199, 276
68, 174, 285
284
72
72
72, 189
72,83
276
276
205
83
72
72
287
76, 77, 287
72
141
285
83
305
304
299
284, 299
305
16.2-4
16.2
17.7
19.15
19.16
21.18
299, 304
284, 299
285
49
50
300
2 Kings
6.5
6.24
7.13
8.6
8.7
9
9.1-10
9.6
9.12
9.30-31
17.34
19.14-15
19.15
19.19
20.5
20.18
21.14
23.3
23.22
23.24
285
28
138
131
64
305
304
283
283
134
205
201
210
207
282
189
287
83
184
83
1 Chronicles
1.18
2.3
6.2
11.4-9
11.9
11.10-12.41
11.15
11.16
13-17
13.1-5
13.1
13.4
13.5-6
13.5
13.6-7
13.6
13.7
13.8
72
72
64
55
55
55
88
88
37,38
55
282
57
54
55
57
54-56, 64
56
57,58
340
13.8LXX
13.9
13.10
13.11
13.12
13.13
13.14
14.8-17
14.8
14.9
14.10
14.11
14.12
14.13
14.14
14.16
15
15.1-24
15.1
15.2
15.12-15
15.13
15.16
15.18-19
15.18
15.19-24
15.19
15.20
15.21
15.22
15.24
15.25
15.26
15.27
15.28
15.29
16
16.1
16.2
16.3
16.5
16.20
16.38
16.42
16.43
17
17LXX
17.1
17.2
17.4
17.5
17.6
17.7
17.8-9
17.8
17.8 LXX
17.10
17.11
17.12
17.12 LXX
17.13
17.13 LXX
17.14
17.16
17.17
17.18
17.19
17.20
17.21
17.21 LXX
17.22
17.23-24
17.23
17.24
17.25
17.26
17.27
17.28
17.29
19.10
22.7
22.8
22.9
22.10
22.19
25.1
25.6
26.4-8
26.5
26.15
27.16
28.3
28.5
29.14
29.16
29.22
29.23
72
72,75
202
72
50
75
2 Chronicles
1.6
1.9
5.12
5.13
6.5
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
6.17
6.34
6.38
6.41
6.42
11.11
13.8
14.9
17.13
17.13 LXX
19.11
28.7
29.25
30.21
31.12
31.13
32.21
35.8
35.9
137
83
58
58
284
72
72
72
72
83
72
72
76
76
282
75
50
73
73
282
282
58
57
58
58, 282
282
282
58
Ezra
7.27
9.10
141
203, 204
Nehemiah
3.33
4.1
4.9
6.16
9.7
9.10
89
89
89
89
205, 210
206
341
Index of References
9.32
13.13
207
138
Job
28.22
29.9
29.10
33.16
36.10
36.15
205
282
282
209
209
209
Psalms
2
18
18.8-20
18.8
18.11
18.12-16
18.16
18.17
18.32
18.50
22
22.2-3
22.4-6
22.7-9
28.9
33.12
35.10
35.27
39.8
40.17
44.2
44.5
45.3-10
45.18
48.3-9
60.7-10
61.5
61.8
66.20
68.8
68.10
68.13-14
70.5
71.19
72
78.60
312
120
120
126
120
120
52
58
205
205
225
225
225
225
287
287
205
205, 208
207
205, 208
205
210
312
205
120
120
201
201
73
52, 101
287
134
205, 208
205
312
68
78.62
78.71
78.72
79.1
80
80.2-3
80.2
80.3
80.5
80.8
80.13-16
80.15
80.20
84
84.2-8
84.7
84.7
86.8
86.10
89
89.4
89.9
89.18-36
89.20-38
89.21
89.29
89.35[3
89.37-50
89.39-52
89.40
89.48-50
94.5
95.14
99
99.1
104.1
105.13
106.5
106.9
106.40
108.7-10
108.12
113.5
132
132.8
132.9
287
174, 287
174
287
120
120
119
119
119
119
120
119
119,120
120
120
101
120
205
205
242, 276,
312
276
205
242
221
222
276
276
242
222, 276
276
242
287
287
120
120
205
68
287
80
287
120
101
205
245, 269,
272, 312
76
76
132.11
132.15
136.16
72, 190
139
80
Proverbs
28.15
28.16
29.4
29.14
282
282
282
282
Isaiah
7.3
8.23-9.6
9.2
9.5-6
17.5
19.25
22.14
28.17-19
28.21
29.6
29.7
37.14-15
37.15
37.16
37.20
39.7
44.28
45.5
48.19
61.1
63.11
63.12-13
63.12
63.17
64.7
300
183
138
312
124
287
209
94,95
94,95
52
89
201
201
201,210
207
189
174
205
189
50
174
80
206
287
207
Jeremiah
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.15
5.13
10.6
10.16
10.21
14.10
14.22
80
287
174
174
313
205
287
174
70
210
342
20.1
22.1-23.6
22.22
23.1-4
23.18-32
23.18-22
23.19
23.21-22
24.34-36
26.11
27.7
30.23
31.4-5
31.4
31.6
31.31-34
32.20
32.24
32.38-40
33.14
33.18
34
38.21^10.8
38.28
50.6
51.19
Ezekiel
34
34.1
34.23
36.8-15
37.15-23
37.24
37.26-27
Jonah
297
174
174
183
183
174
206
4.3
4.9
207
126
Micah
5.3
6.8
7.14
7.18
174
70
287
205, 287
Daniel
1.7
205
9.15
206, 207
Hosea
2.16
13.4
80
205
Joel
2.17
Habakkuk
2.22
3.12-13
73
52
Haggai
1.4
170
Zechariah
3.1
4.2
287
28
287
Amos
2.10
7.15
80
70
Obadiah
9.5-6
312
4.7
9.14
11.4
11.8
11.16
202
52
174
174
174
Ecclesiasticus
12.11
210
Egyptian Texts
AMENHOTEP III
Mortuary inscription
257 n. 29
NEFERHOTEPI
Great Abydos Stele
32-43
268 n. 71
39-40
278 n. 107
HATSHEPSUT
Karnak Obelisk
South 1. 8, West 11. 1-2
261 n. 43
SENWOSRET
(SESOSTRIS) I
Atum Heliopolis inscr
ARE I 502 11. 6
264 n. 57
Speos Artemidos
11. 35-36
261 n. 43
MERIKARE
ARE I 403
257 n. 29
SETII
A/?III105 255 n. 19
TUTHMOSIS III
A/?II418,425-30
255 n. 19
Poetical Stela 257 n. 29
TUTHMOSIS IV
ARE II mi 255 n. 19
Hittite Text
Tudhaliyas's treaty with
Ulmi/Duppi-Tesub
274 n. 93
Mesopotamian Texts
ADAD-NIRARI III
RIM-AP 3
A.O.104.2.1.4
257 n. 31
ADAD-NIRARI V
Treaty with Mati'ilu
275 n. 96
343
Index of References
ASHURBANIPAL
Cylinder B V 44 -46
255 n. 22
Prunkinschrift 6 stele S 2
37-45
277 n. 106
Tontafelinschrift
5obv9-10
272 n. 86
14obvII 26-34, rv 51
257 n. 32
ASHURNASIRPAL
Hymn to Ishtar
266-68
11. 26-27
267 n. 70
CURSE OF AGADE
94-148
259 n. 39
prophecy:
Langdonl914pl.III
11. 20-21
273 n. 90
GUDEA
Cylinder A
cols 1-12
258 n. 33,
258 n. 35
Cylinder B
cols xxii-xxiv 8
278 n. 108
HAMMURAPI
R1M-EP 4
E4.3.6.1411.8-9,
1611.9-10
265 n. 61
KUDUR-MABUK
R1M-EP 4
E4.2.13.3
277 n. 104
EANATUM
SARI I La 3.1,2
256 n. 24
SARI I La 3.5, 6, 8
256 n. 25
E4.2.13.10
11. 22-24
11. 28-47
ENANATUM
SARI I La 4.3 263 n. 52
E4.2.13.16
11.6ff
ENUMA ELISH
vi 49-79
256 n. 24
LUGALZAGESI
SARI I Urn 1A
256 n. 26
277 n. 104
272 n. 85
NABOPOLASSAR
Langdon 1
256 n. 28
256 n. 28
NEBUCHADNEZZAR II
Langdon 9
iii 56-59
272 n. 83
NUR-ADAD
IRSA IVB8c
256 n. 27
RIM-EP 4
E4.2.8.4
256 n. 27
SAMSU-ILUNA
IRSA IVbC7b-d
256 n. 27
RIM-EP 4
E4.3.1 passim 265 n. 61
E4.2.13 passim
265 n. 60
4.3.7.3,5,7 256 n. 27
265 n. 60
264 n. 58
ESARHADDON
Assur A
iii 42-IV 6
258 n. 35
vii 16-25
278 n. 110
Assur B
vii 26-34
253 n. 13
Babylon A-G
ep. 111.22-23 265 n. 62
ep. 39 11. 6-9 272 n. 84
K2401 rev 15'-36'
271 n. 80
NABONIDUS
Langdon
1 i16-39
258 n. 33
2i2
265 n. 63
2119-12
271 n. 81
2ii23
271 n. 81,
272 n. 86
2 ii 24-25
274 n. 91
4 ii 26-27
274 n. 92
4 u 48-57
258 n. 33
6i5
265 n. 63
7 vii 6-10
273 n. 88
8 vi 6-36
258 n. 33
E4.3.7.3
11.13-21
11. 82-92
11.107-23
263 n. 53
263 n. 53
268 n. 71
E4.3.7.5
11. 67-83
268 n. 71
E4.3.7.7
11. 30-47, 63-79
11.128-38
266 n. 66
268 n. 71
E4.3.7.8
11. 77-89
268 n. 71
SARGONII
Bullinscr95
253 n. 16
344
Cylinder inscr
53-56
253 n. 15
Wincklerl
p. 128 11. 154-55
260 n. 40
SENNACHERIB
Schroder II no. 122
28-30 = Luckenbill
Assur 1.2 28-30
259 n. 37,
260 n. 40
Luckenbill
ch.VIAl 1.92 279 n. 113
ch.Vm a-e
259 n. 37
TUKULTI-NINURTAI
RIM-AP 1
A.O.78.
11-16
259 n. 37
1111.82-84
257 n. 32,
259 n. 37
TUKULTI-NINURTA II
RIM-AP 2
A.0.101.U80
255 n. 20
CTA4(IIAB)
IV 28-30
29
30
256 n. 24
62 n. 38
62 n. 38
62 n. 38
MESHA
Gibson I
no.!6;4/Ino.l81
257 n. 30
11.14,19,32
255 n. 19
PANAMMU
UR-NAMMU
Hymn on Ekur Castellino
p.1061.10
264 n. 59
Gibson lino. 13
1.9
255 n. 19
11.12-15
268 n. 71
URNANSHE
SARIIL&1.6
no. 14
11.1-2
256n. 25
255 n. 19
SHALMANESERI
EbelingXXI.l
11.27-34
269 n. 75
SULGI
Castellino hymn C1.3
255 n. 22
Klein Hymn X
53-55
264 n. 59
TIGLATHPILESERI
A/?/2p.29105(77)
279 n. 112
RIM-AP 2
A.O.87.1
ii 36-39
vi 85-90
vii60,71
vii71-75
viii 17-38
viii 35
255 n. 20
256 n. 25
256 n. 25
257 n. 32
269 n. 75
278 n. 109
URU'INIMGINA
(URUKAGINA)
SEFIRE STELAE
5A/VILa9.14q
264 n. 58
Gibson II
no. 7
1.14 etpassim 275 n. 96
WARAD-SIN
no. 9
RIM-EP 4
E4.2.13.16
11.42-44
277 n. 104
ZIMRI-LIM
ARMXIttno.m,
XXVI no. 234
258 n. 33,
259 n. 38
rev.7-10'
275 n. 96
TELL FEKHERIYE
INSCRIPTION
Aramaic text
11.6-12
270 n. 79
1.8
196 n. 73
Assyrian text
11.8-12,15-18 270 n. 79
1.11
196 n. 73
262 n. 46
ZAKKUR STELE
Gibson II
no. 5
257 n. 31
col.A, 11.13-17
255 n. 19
INDEX OF WORDS
HEBREW
Notes
(1) In some instances, it is the root rather than the form that occurs in the text which is
indexed.
(2) Where an index entry includes a transliteration, page references to this form are
included here as well as in the Transliterated Hebrew index.
K
n
Tan, 70 n. 67, 187 n. 56, 209 n. 111
'n, 119n. 28, 171 n. 19
TH T/W), 132 n. 67, 135 n. 75, 200,
244 n. 13, 306
"131 D^pn, 82 n. 88
T^nnn hithallek, 68 n. 59, 171 n. 19,
172, 212, 214, 240, 247
346
i
rrm, 63 n. 39, 70 n. 68, 71 n. 70, 188,
190, 293
p nn vn, 28n. 19
T
n
ion hesed, 73 n. 76, 193, 274
"iro, 52 n. 8
y
-DP, 67 n. 57, 75-76 nn. 78-79, 78-79
nn. 81-84, 141, 168 n. 12, 176,
179, 202, 203, 207, 209 n. 110,
210, 225, 227 n. 131,237,240
tf7\?hKhw IS, 70 n. 67, 72 n. 74, 75 n.
78, 82 n. 87, 194-95 (esp. n. 72),
197, 201 n. 85, 206 n. 101,207,
209 n. 110,226
ITU, 53 n. ll,66n. 52, 78 n. 81,98, 114,
116,203,225
WlVriTU, see HTr pa
'PBn *?S, 59 n. 28
x--|&n + x-Q^y, 295 n. 38
m rm/ntoJ>, 70 n. 69, 75 n. 78, 187-88
(esp. n. 58), 209, 220
cnto
Index of Words
347
2o, ZtO n. o4
T5^'275
&
Dlpa DTfo, 69 n. 64, 183 n. 45
DC DID, 205 n. 99
!ZJ
Note
In some instances, it is the root rather than the form that occurs in the text which is indexed.
'am, 287
baka', 52 n.9
bayit, 214, 222-23 (esp. n.126), 226, 247,
263
b'rakd, 141, 292 n.32
b'rtt, 275-76
go'c/,209n.lll
hesed,274
hithallek, 247
fa'we, 298
mamlaka, 290, 298, 306
wte*, 23, 85, 110-11, 132-33, 142-44,
157-59, 164, 167, 179-82, 200,
228-29, 238-46, 247-49, 252, 257,
281-316
apxcov, 142
8iaK07UOv, 50 n. 4
(J
cruvaeia^io*;, 52 n. 8
K
Kt>pie, 76 n. 79
348
Note
In some instances, it is the root rather than the form that occurs-in the text which is
indexed.
abubu, 255 n. 23
annu,254n. 18, 258 n. 33
aSabu, 263
bltu, 263
byt, 196 n. 73
erenu, 263
is/Squ, 258 n. 33
kussi, 272 n. 86
Ihdm, 62 n. 38
Isb, 62 n. 38
mehu, 255 n. 22
me-ldm, 255 n. 20, 255 n. 22
melammu, 255 n. 20
muSabu, 263
p'n, 62 n. 38
qabu, 258 n. 33
qibltu, 258 n. 33
rahdsu, 255 n. 23
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abou-Assaf, A. 196,270
Ackroyd, P.R. 183
Ahlstrom, G.W. 62
Alt, A. 283
Austin, J.L. 185
Avishur.N. 62,273
Blakemore, D. 20, 116
Boer, PA.H. de 63
Bordreuil.P. 196,270,271
Borger, R. 253, 258, 265, 272, 278
Brooke, G.J. 70
Brunnow, R.E. 266
Calderone, PJ. 270,274
Caquot, A. 131, 189
Carlson, R.A. 24,31,283
Castellino, G.R. 255, 264
Chiera,E. 264
Clark, H.H. 20
Clines, D.J.A. 12
Cooper, J.S. 260
Coulthard, M. 20
Derrida,J. 21,35
Dhorme, E.P. 70
Donner, H. 257
Dossin, G. 259
Driver, G.R. 70
Driver, S.R. 54, 65,198
Durand, J.-M. 258, 259, 262
Dus, J. 216
Jeremias, J. 101,255
Ebeling.E. 269
Eissfeldt,O. 77,203
Ellis, R.S. 259
Engnell,!. 249
Labat,R. 249
Lackenbacher, S. 258
Langdon.S. 256,265,271-74
Leech, G. 20
350
Legrain, L. 272
Levine, L.D. 250
Lichtheim, M. 257
Liverani, M. 249
Locke, J. 19,306
Loretz, O. 181
Luckenbill, D.D. 279
Lyon, D.G. 253
Mann, T.W. 101
McCarter, K. 11, 39, 50, 52, 54, 57-59,
61,62,64-67,69,71-73,78,79,
120, 121, 128, 137, 170, 178, 183,
285
McCarthy, D.J. 274
Meissner, B. 258
Mettinger, T.N.D. 119,189,196-98,
264,270,281,283
Millard, A.R. 196, 270, 271
Miller, J.M. 120
Mowinckel, S. 197, 198, 264, 270
Murray, D.F. 68, 69, 88, 94, 137, 168,
173, 174, 181, 183, 218, 264, 269,
275, 277
Rehm,M. 57,59,82
Richter, W. 24, 94, 281, 283
Robert, P. de 131
Roberts, J.J.M. 120
Rollig.W. 257
Rost, L. 176, 181, 185,209
Schmidt, L. 182,283,294,300
Schroder, O. 259,272
Schulz, A. 69
Scriba, A. 101
Seow,C.L. 119,232
Seux, M.-J. 266, 267
Smith, H.P. 61,216
Soden, W. von 266, 267
Sollberger, E. 264
Spinoza, B. de 313
Staunford, W. Sir 19
Streck,M. 257,272,278
Thenius, O. 57
Ulshofer, H.K. 256, 264
Vaux, R. de 274
Niccacci, A. 63
Niehaus.J. 101,256
Noth,M. 283
Nowack,W. 70
O'Connor, M. 63,94
Oppenheim, H.L. 258
Orlinsky, H.M. 65
Otto, E. 258
Porter, J.R. 134
Posener, G. 249,268,269
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
352
Belshazzar, 274
Beth Shemesh, 125 n. 45, 126 n. 49, 128
n. 55, 130 n. 61, 234 n. 8
binary oppositions, see rhetoric,
devices/elements, antithesis
blessing
bestowed by Abigail, 292 n. 32
bestowed by god(s), 247, 271, 278
bestowed by king, 31, 138-44, 146,
158, 309
women included, 138 nn,
84-85
bestowed by Michal, 140, 292
bestowed by Yahweh, 84 n. 33,
113, 114,130-33, 137-39,146,
153,156,158,210,211,226,
229, 232, 235-39, 244-46, 280,
304, 308-12
booty, 122, 134, 140, 233
cedar-wood, passim esp. 263
city, cultic inauguration of new royal,
120 n. 31, 129, 136 n. 79, 137 n.
81, 139, 252-54
closure
ideological, 34, 95
narrative, see narrative,
devices/elements
CN-PN string, 49 n. 1, 67 n. 57, 134,
135 esp. n. 75, 164, 167, 168, 176,
179, 183, 200, 236, 244 n. 13, 306
coherence, see discourse,
devices/elements
collusion, of Yahweh, 241, 242
'committal-formula', see victory, divine
assurance of
compact, 85, 297, see also covenant
compromise/concession, 303
by king, 229, 306, 307
by prophet, 305, 306, 314-16
by Yahweh, 197, 229, 237, 249,
280,298,305,310,311
conflict, see plot, devices, conflict
consultation
dream oracle, 258 n. 33, 259 n. 38,
262 n. 46
ofgod(s), 254, 255, 258-60
affirmation, 94, 254-62
Index of Subjects
democracy, 312, 313
descendant, see offspring
difference, 33-35, Ch. 4 passim, Ch. 5
passim, 236, 246, Ch. 9 passim
esp. 302, 303 and 311-16
as discrepancy/disparity, 233, 239
discourse, 318
devices/elements
anaphora, 96-98, 116, 117,
317
cliche/formulaic expression,
70 n. 68,94, 103, 110, 130
n. 63, 135 n. 75, 202-208,
210, 224, 244, 266, 267,
280, 286 n. 18
coherence, 22, 88 n. 6, 95
n. 24, 114,187,190-93,
195, 197-200
double question, 92, 93, 109,
172-75, 234, 313
given-new, 64 n. 42, 172,
173,318
kataphora, 177, 178, 319
logic, 30-32, 54 n. 14, 59, 62,
101, 113,116, 117,136
n. 79, 147, 165, 172, 181,
187 n. 55, 191,196-98,214,
219, 220, 223, 240, 269
processing effort, 96 n. 28,
114, 116 n. 15, 185, 195,
319
reference, 88 n. 6, 136 n. 80,
195-97
relevance, 88 n. 6,116 n. 15,
125 n. 47, 131,163-64, 190,
197, 220 n. 123,293,294,
319
salience, 108,131 n. 66, 142,
153,163,170,187,207,
220 n. 123,276,287,319
segmentation markers, 27-33,
163, 176, 185, 199, 204,
205,207,211,212,215,
216
segment subtopic, 183, 184
summary statement, 28, 29,
195,196,203,215,216
topic-comment, 169, 172
353
n.22,178,183, 186,187,
195-97, 215, 216, 242,
319
well-formedness, 196-98
see also rhetoric, devices/
elements
disputation, disputatory oracle, 169, 21826
Domus, 222 n. 126
dream theophany, see consultation,
dream oracle
Duppi-Teub, 274 n. 93
Dur-Sharrukin, 253, 260 n. 40
dynastic succession, 243, 271-73, 276,
294, 298, 301, Ch. 9 passim, see
also House, metaphoric; offspring
Eanatum, 256 nn. 24-25
Eanna, 264 n. 59
Ebabbar, 263 n. 53, 265 nn. 60-61, 26
n. 71
Ebarra, 271 n. 81
effacement, see deference, as selfdepreciation
egalitarianism, 312, 313
Egallugalsharrakurkurra, 279
Ehulhul (fi hul hul), 273, 257 n. 32
Ekisnugal, 265 n. 60
Ekur, 259 n. 39, 264, 265 n. 60
Eleazar, 122 n. 34
Elides, the, 133 n. 70, 234, 314
Emagmas", 267
Enanatum, 263 n. 52
Eninna, 278
Enlil, 264 n. 59, 266 n. 66
Ephod, 92 n. 14, 133 n. 70
Eqron, 121, 130 n. 62
Esagila, 257 n. 32, 265 n. 62, 272
Esarhaddon, 253 n. 13, 254 n. 18, 258 n.
35, 261 n. 42, 262, 265, 271-73 n.
90, 277, 278
Esharra, 253 n. 13
Eshbaal, see Ishbosheth
Etar, see Ishtar
estate, royal, see honour, of king
estrangement
Michal from David, 135, 136, 139145,154-56,158, 159
354
Index of Subjects
Jeroboam, 291 n. 31, 282 n. 6, 299 n. 41,
304 n. 3
Joab, 26, 295
Jonathan, 27, 128 n. 54, 209 n. Ill, 291,
295
Josiah, 58 n. 24, 282 n. 3, 291 n. 31
Judah, contra Israel, 26, 85, 295, 306,
307
Judges, 68 n. 61, 184,288,313
Kheti, 257 n. 29
Kibri-Dagan, 259 n. 38, 262
King, passim, esp. 23, 34, 115 n. 6, 166
n. 10, 237, 241, Ch. 7 passim, 282
n. 5, 290, 306-308
housing of tutelary deity, 164, 212,
Ch. 7 passim esp. 269-72
role distinguished from holder, 132
n. 67, 140, 144, see also CN-PN
string
see also city; honour; ideology;
power; prerogative; sovereignty;
subject
Kiriath Baal, 54 n. 13
Kiriath Jearim, 53 n. 10, 54-55 nn. 1315, 113, 118-22, 128 n. 55, 130 n.
61, 233, 234
Kis, 266 n. 66, 268 n. 71
Kudur-Mabuk, 256, 265, 272, 277
Lagash, 256 nn. 24-25, 258 n. 33, 263 n.
52, 278
Larsa, 256
leader(ship), Ch. 8 passim
appointed/anointed by Yahweh,
142, 183, 184,214,222,229,'
238, 241, 244, 249, 264, 265,
285-88, 305, 306,310
military, 282-83, 285, 295-97, 304
polarities of, Ch. 9 passim
and power, 310-15
socio-religious, 285, 286, 296-301
legitimation, 18-20, 282
by god(s), 251, 261
by Yahweh, 341
see also authority; power
Lugalzagesi, 264 n. 58
355
Mahanaim, 295
marching, sound of, 52 n. 8, 101, 102
Marduk, 256 n. 24, 265 n. 62, 271-73
Mari, 262
Mati'ilu of Arpad, 275 n. 96
mediation, 18, 34 n. 35, 93, 100 n. 37,
202,303, 304
control of, 308, 309, 311,312
priestly, 109 n. 52, 246, 308, 309
prophetic, 20, 34, 109 n. 52, 167,
176, 199, 209 n. 111,211,219,
223, 224, 240, 243, 246, 287-89,
299-301,304,312-16
see also consultation
Mephibosheth/Meribbaal, 295 n. 37
Merikare, 257 n. 29
Mesha, 255 n. 19, 257
Mesopotamia, Ch. 7 passim
Michal, 134-45, 153-59, 178
'daughter of Saul', 134, 135, 139,
144
despised David, 135, 136, 140,
141,158
expectations of king, 135, 136,
140, 141, 154, 158
lifelong barrenness, 134n. 72, 139,
141 n. 92, 145, 161
Moses, 103 n. 47, 126 n. 51, 164 n. 5,
174 n. 27, 184 n. 48, 208 n. 107,
286, 313
music, 123, 134, 140, 142, 253
Musri, 260 n. 40
Nabal, 292
Nabonidus, 258 n. 33, 258 n. 35, 261 n.
42, 262, 263 n. 52, 265, 271 n. 81,
272 n. 86, 273, 274 nn. 91-92, 275,
277
Nabopolassar, 256, 272, 273 n. 87
Nabu, 277 n. 106
Nahash of Ammon, 274 n. 94
Nakon, 124, 129
Nannar, 272, 277
Naram Sin, 259 n. 39
narrative
delimiting episodes/scenes, 25-33,
103, 113, 114, 145, 146, 162,
163, 251 n. 6
356
devices/elements
closure, 27-30, 85, 97, 139
n. 88, 146,161,215,239,
245
dischronologization, 26, 96,
97, 160, 161
framework, 106, 167,199,
229
interior monologue, 129, 132,
153, 157, 236
pause, 29, 30, 85, 89 n. 8, 199
see also plot; pragmatics
Nathan
deferent to David, 33, 146,160,
163-67, 224, 263,314
deferent to Yahweh, 167, 199, 224,
240, 243, 263, 314
see also CN-PN string; consultation; mediation; PN-CN string
Nations, gods of other, 79 n. 86, 97, 205,
206, Ch. 7 passim
Nebuchadnezzar II, 259 n. 39, 271, 272
n. 83
Neferhotep I, 268 n. 71, 278 n. 107
Nergal, 272 n. 86, 277 n. 104
Nina, 262 n. 44
Nineveh, 253 n. 15
Ningirsu, 262 n. 44, 278
Ningishzida, 278 n. 108
Ninlil, 272 n. 86
Nippur, 259 n. 39
Nur-Adad, 256
ObedEdom, 125, 128-33, 146, 149, 157,
236
offspring, 188-99, 216-17, 229 n. 133,
242,244
Omride dynasty, 304 n. 3
oracle, see consultation
Osiris, 273 n. 89, 278 n. 107
Osiris-Khentamenti, 268 n. 71
Panammu, 255 n. 19, 268 n. 71
Pananu, 255 n. 20
Pashhur, 282
patronymics, 135 n. 74
Perez Uzzah.l27 n. 53, 145
Peshitta, see Syriac
Index of Subjects
see also discourse; narrative; plot;
rhetoric
prerogative, 19 n. 3
divine, 17, 19, 20, 34, 111, Ch. 5
passim, 231, 240, 241, 246, 247,
265,286-87,311,315
royal, 19, 20, 157, 175, Ch. 7
passim, 309-11
presupposition
pragmatic, 91-93, 113, 118, 126,
198,Ch. 1 passim, 309, 319
textual, 23, 24, 31, 32, 87, 91-93,
106, 108, 118, 126,154,175,
197,281
pretension, 17-20, 34, 111, 142, 159,
160,175-77,180,200-202,211,
215, 226, 229-31, 236-41, 244,
246-48, 252, 260, 261, 265, 266,
269, 276, 279-81, 298, 308, 311-15
priest, 18,271
David as, 124, 133, 135, 137-39,
157,238,246,308,309,311
see also consultation; mediation
privilege, see prerogative
Prophet, 18
testable, 315, 316
see also compromise; ideology;
mediation; word
QRL, 268 n. 71
qualifier, epexegetic/restrictive, 214, 220
n. 124, 293 n. 34
rain, see theophany, storm
Re, 273 n. 89
reader
envisaged, 22, 24, 113, 118, 12226, 132, 135, 211, 227, 244, 261,
303 n. 2, 316, 318
implied, 22, 129, 157,158, 318
reading
close, defined, 24, 25
literary-ideological, 37
'objective' and 'subjective', 38
relationship
to enemies, 26, 27, 69 n. 66, 95,
110, 119, 127,161-64, 167,184,
215,241,251,252,254,256,
357
358
Index of Subjects
serial effect of, 211
see also discourse, devices/
elements
right, divine/royal, see prerogative
royal novel, 166 n. 10, 227 n. 31, 258 n.
34, 260 n. 41
ruler, 18
see also king; leader
Samsu-Iluna, 256 n. 27, 263 n. 53, 265 n.
61, 266 n. 66, 268 n. 71
Samuel (prophet), 25, 63 n. 39, 126 n.
51, 142, 209 n. 111,235,284-89,
291 n. 31, 296 n. 39, 299, 305-308,
314
Sargon II, 253, 260 n. 40, 261 n. 43
Sargonid kings, 252
Saul (me/, house of), 25, 27, 29, 30, 63 n.
39, 73 n. 77, 86, 88, 92 n. 13, 115,
116, 126 n. 51, 140 n. 89, 142, 144,
145, 156, 167 n. 11, 190 n. 65, 193,
209 n. 111,238, 239, 282 n. 6,
283-99, 304-307, see also Michal
seed, see offspring
Sennacherib, 259 n. 37, 260 n. 40, 261 n.
43, 279
Senwosret (Sesostris), 264 n. 57
Seti I, 255 n. 19
Shalmaneser I, 269 n. 75, 270 n. 76, 271
Shamash (Samas), 258 n. 35, 259 n. 37,
260 n. 40, 263 n. 53, 265 n. 61, 268
n. 71,271 n. 81,274
Shar-ilani, 253 n. 15
Shaushka, 253 n. 15
shepherd, literal or metaphoric, 174, 178,
182, 222, 264-67, 295-97
Shulgi (Sulgi), 255 n. 22, 264 n. 59
Sinai, see covenant
singing, see music
Sippar, 265 n. 61, 268 n. 71, 271 n. 81
Solomon, 72 n. 71, 73 n. 75, 82 n. 88,
164 n. 3, 276 n. 100, 282 n. 6, 283
n. 7, 284, see also house; offspring
sovereignty
of god(s), 252-60
of king, 191, 195, Ch. 6 passim
of Yahweh, 34, 101, 119, 120, 17680, 191, 192, 200-202, 214, 226,
359
360
wise person, 18
word(s)
of god(s), 253 n. 15, 277 n. 106
of prophet, 20, 169, 173, 175, 200,
202,207,212,215,224,227,
228, 231, 240, 243, 246, 286-89,
300, 304 n. 3, 306, 310, 312-16
of Yahweh, 68 n. 60, 109, 158,
171-76, 186, 190, 195, 199, 202204, 207-16, 219, 224, 225, 22830, 268, 274, 294-98, 300, 301,
304,307,310,311
Yahweh
'be settled'/temple contra 'move
around'/tent-shrine, 157, Ch. 5
passim (esp.161, 163, 166, 171,
172, 178,201,212-14,218),
240, 247
of Hosts, the god of the ark, 101 n.
40, 113, 117, 119-22 esp. nn. 2628, 130, 131 esp.n. 63, 138, 139,
146, 150, 153, 157, 176, 177,
201 n. 84, 208, 209, 226, 232,
236-48 passim, 211, 280, 308
' in the presence of...', 'before...',
85, 123, 125 n. 45, 133, 135,
137, 142, 144, 156-58, 194, 200,
201, 208 n. 109, 226, 237, 238,
243, 244, 277-80, 298, 306, 308
loyalty of, 193,195,274
Y'DY, 268 n. 71
Zababa, 266 n. 66, 268 n. 71
Zabala, 265 n. 61
Zak(k)ur, 255 n. 19, 257
Zimri-Lim, 259 n. 38, 262