Table of Contents

List of Tables .............................................................................................................................2

Acronyms ..................................................................................................................................2
Abstract .....................................................................................................................................3

Chapter 1 - Introduction ..................................................................................................4

1-1 Problem Identification ......................................................................................................5
1-2 Justification for this Study ................................................................................................5
1-3 Objectives of the Study ......................................................................................................6
1-4 Research Questions ............................................................................................................6
1-5 Report Structure ................................................................................................................6

Chapter 2 - Methodology .................................................................................................7

2-1 Methodology .......................................................................................................................7
2-2 Research Limitations .........................................................................................................9

Chapter 3 - The Housing of Refugees........................................................................10

3-1 Countries of Origin and Characteristics of Refugees ..................................................10
3-2 Housing Experiences and Challenges for Refugees ......................................................12
3-3 Housing Needs of Refugees ..............................................................................................13
3-4 Summary Discussion ........................................................................................................14

Chapter 4 - Australias Policy Regarding Refugees Housing .........................15

4-1 Australias Humanitarian Program ...............................................................................15
4-2 DIMIA-Funded Settlement Services ..............................................................................15
4-3 Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy ..............................................................17
4-4 Housing-specific Issues ....................................................................................................19
4-5 Summary Discussion ........................................................................................................20

Chapter 5 - An Analysis of the Interviews Regarding Refugees Housing

Status in Sydney ................................................................................................................21
5-1 Key Findings .....................................................................................................................21
5-1-1 General Housing Issues ................................................................................................ 21
5-1-2 Accessing Housing in the Private Market ...................................................................23
5-1-3 Accessing Public Housing .............................................................................................24

Chapter 6 - Conclusions & Recommendations ......................................................27

6-1 Future Research ...............................................................................................................29
6-2 Concluding Remarks .......................................................................................................30

References ............................................................................................................................31
Appendix: Interview Questions ...................................................................................33
Page 1

List of tables

Table 3.1

Offshore resettlement program grants by region 200203 to 200607 ...10

Table 3.2

200708 Offshore Visa Grants by Top Ten Countries of Birth...11

Acronyms

ACL

Australian Centre for Language

AMEP

Adult Migrant English Program

DIAC

Department of Immigration and Citizenship

DIMIA

Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs

IDP

Internally Displaced Persons

IHSS

Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy

SHP

Special Humanitarian Program

STARTTS

Service for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma

Survivors

UNHCR

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Page 2

Abstract
Peace, stability and security in many regions of the world is adversely impacted by
the outbreak, renewal and prolongation of armed conflict, often resulting in the
movement of people within and outside their home countries.
In 2008, the total number of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) under
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) care remained high
at approximately 25 million, almost unchanged compared to 2007 (UNHCR, 2009a,
p.3). According to the latest figures available, the number of refugees of concern to
UNHCR stood at 10.5 million refugees at the beginning of 2009 (UNHCR, 2009b).
To resolve some prolonged refugees situations around the world, a number of
countries, including Australia, accommodate a considerable number of humanitarian
entrants under different visa categories.
Australias Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) has been in place
since 1997 to facilitate refugees settlement process and improve humanitarian
settlement services. These services include the provision of temporary
accommodation for newly arrived refugees and assistance in their search for longerterm housing, in either the public housing sector or the private housing market. An
examination of the housing needs and housing provision for humanitarian entrants in
Sydney would provide a better insight for future policy directions and improved
housing services.
A literature review on housing-related issues and services provided by the
government confirmed the scarcity of research on housing experiences of refugees
and their special needs. Subsequently, a number of individuals involved in the issue;
including a key service provider, a migrant counsellor, a refugee advocate and two
refugees; were interviewed to gather information on refugees needs, perception and
problems as well as the quantity and quality of services offered by the government.
Results indicated that humanitarian entrants housing status is impacted by a broad
range of social and economic issues including government policy, access to education
and employment opportunities, access to income support, and the availability of
settlement and community support services.
It was also found that humanitarian entrants often face numerous difficulties when
entering the private rental market including the shortage of affordable rental
accommodation, scarcity of large properties for large families, and prejudice and
discrimination.
The findings of the study emphasise that refugees often experience housing
difficulties qualitatively different from those of traditional migrants and argue for
improved support services. Although the literature and the policy unacceptably tend to
consider refugees as simply another group within the broader migrant group,
humanitarian entrants have a significantly different experience with regards to
housing and this needs further consideration. This paper is a step towards providing
such a consideration and identifying how refugees housing experiences are different
from those of other migrants.
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Chapter 1- Introduction:
In recent years, resettlement has been a vital protection tool and an international
responsibility-sharing mechanism in resolving some prolonged refugees situations
around the world. As reported by UNHCR, during 2008, a total of 88,800 refugees the highest number since 2001- were accepted by 16 resettlement countries, including
the United States of America (60,200), Australia (11,000), and Canada (10,800).
(UNHCR, 2009a, pp.11-12)
Australia is one of the largest recipients of humanitarian entrants on a per capita basis
in the world. Every year, Australia receives a considerable number of humanitarian
entrants under different visa categories, the bulk of whom are from the Middle East
and Africa. Those individuals entering Australia as refugees are registered with
UNHCR and are offered asylum by Australia. Some others who have a
community/family link with Australia gain entry under Special Humanitarian
Program (SHP). A small number of arrivals enter Australia under family reunion
category. (Waxman, 1998, pp.146-148)
The word refugee has been defined by the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of
Refugees as:
Any person who owing to a well founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of
race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political
opinion, is outside the country of his/her nationality and is unable, or owing to
such fear, is unwilling to avail himself/herself of the protection of that country.

The Australian Government has used this definition to decide on protection

obligations towards individuals. Under international law, Australia is committed to
provide individuals who are found to be refugees with support and protection.
(Refugee Council of Australia)
The Humanitarian Program in Australia commenced in January 1993. This program
distinguishes the general migration program from the humanitarian applicants who
have more complex needs than other migrants due to their pre-migration difficulties
and circumstances and post-arrival vulnerabilities. However, at both the policy level,
and in the implementation of services, refugees are included in the total migrant
population (Jupp 1992b; 1994; RRWG 1994 cited in Waxman, 1998, p.2). Although
refugees get support specifically targeted at them in the initial period of arrival, they
are treated in the same way as all migrants, and even the whole Australian population,
after this initial period is over. This has led to refugees being inappropriately
accommodated and their housing needs being largely ignored by policy makers and
those who implement these policies.
It is important to note that although the terms refugee and humanitarian entrants
have different implications, they will be used interchangeably in this paper to refer to
holders of all types of humanitarian visas except from temporary protection visa
(TPV) holders, in both on-shore and off-shore programs.

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1-1 Problem Identification:

A review of the existing literature on Government immigration and refugee policy
shows that major research and study have concentrated on the resettlement and
housing issues of immigrants who come to Australia through normal and traditional
channels, and the issue of humanitarian entrants or refugees resettlement needs,
including proper housing, seems to be incorporated within these studies and not
treated as a separate issue.
Humanitarian entrants coming from different source countries may have experienced
discrimination, torture and trauma, displacement, and fear in their home country.
Thus, it can be argued that they should be treated differently to those migrants who
may move to Australia due to other reasons such as economic hardship in their
country of origin, family reunion, and accessing better education and employment
opportunities.
Housing provision for refugees remains one of the initial and most critical issues to be
addressed by the host country as it has a long-term impact on the refugees final
settlement outcome (Bach & Argiros 1991; Cox 1987; Iredale et al 1996; Richardson
1968 cited in Waxman, 1998, p.5). Without appropriate and affordable housing,
refugees will not be able to integrate into the Australian society and will remain on
the periphery of the community. (Dickman, 1995, cited in Beer & Foley, 2003, p.i)
The fact that refugees are not treated differently in terms of housing is a concern.
Each of the three areas of the study (the literature, policy, and service provision), to
some extent, fails to treat housing for refugees as a separate issue and give it the
special consideration it deserves.
1-2 Justification for this study:
Australia is one of the major immigrant receiving countries and also a major
resettlement country for refugees; therefore, appropriate responses by both
government and non-government organisations are essential to ensure that refugees
have equal access to safe and decent housing, and are able to participate fully in
housing decisions which affect them and their communities. The rationale behind
choosing Sydney as the area of study within Australia is that the majority of
humanitarian entrants resettle in this city. (Australian Government, 2007, p.14).
The scarcity of research on the initial post-arrival and subsequent housing provision
for refugees in Australia justifies further study as to this topic. There is clearly a need
for examining the housing policy, analysing the reality of housing status of refugees
and its impacts in Sydney as the major receiving city, and suggesting possible
effective solutions to resolve the housing-related problems for humanitarian visa
holders. In order to accomplish these objectives, pre-arrival circumstances also need
to be taken into account, as well as post-arrival experiences and challenges.
This study identifies the key elements shaping the housing needs of humanitarian
entrants; adds to the existing knowledge by documenting the housing experience of
this group; and provides recommendations on improving the long-term housing

Page 5

outlooks of refugees. Thus, it is anticipated that the research will be of significance to

researchers, policy makers, and refugee groups.
1-3 Objectives of the Study:
The objectives of this study are to:

Explore and explain the main factors affecting humanitarian entrants success
in housing market

Identify the major housing challenges faced by refugees

Suggest some possible solutions to the housing problems of refugees

Addressing these objectives requires a review of the existing literature and an

investigation of the housing available to refugees either after their arrival in Australia
or following their release from detention centres. Here, the adequacy of housing,
housing costs, and types of service delivery to refugees are central to the investigation
process. Moreover, selecting Sydney will focus the study in order to obtain more
focused results regarding refugees housing needs and their impacts within different
areas of this city.
1-4 Research Questions:
Question: What are the main factors affecting humanitarian entrants success in the
housing market?
Sub-Question 1: What are their housing needs?
Sub-Question 2: How can their housing needs be addressed?
To find the answers to these questions, the relevant policies, service provision, and
refugees opinions regarding their housing issues are inspected. The sub-questions are
also examined in order to suggest more appropriate responses to the issues that could
be made by government.
1-5 Report Structure
Chapter 2 outlines the research method and research limitations of this study. A
summary of the political and economic circumstances in refugee-source countries,
refugees specific housing needs, and the challenges they face regarding housing in
Australian cities, particularly Sydney, is provided in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 includes a
history of Australias Humanitarian Program, the settlement services funded by the
government, and the Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy. In the concluding
chapter, Chapter 5, the findings of the interviews are summarised, the conclusions are
presented, and some possible recommendations are offered.

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Chapter 2 Methodology
2-1 Methodology:
The research methodology has been developed in accordance with the overall
objectives of the study. Firstly, existing literature on the housing needs of refugees
and relevant government policies were reviewed. Subsequently, in-depth semistructured interviews with a number of professionals and refugees were conducted.
Literature and government policy review:
The preliminary knowledge in the area of the housing needs of, and housing provision
for, refugees has been gathered mainly through literature review. This involved
identifying the pre-arrival and post-arrival factors; socio-economic conditions
(education, English language, accommodation, finance and employment); and
relevant strategies (such as Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS)).
Information and data was gathered from published books, journals, research
previously undertaken in this area, and relevant documents published by various
organisations in NSW (e.g. Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC)).
There is little written specifically on the issue of housing for refugees in Australia;
however, the existing texts and data have been used to form a background and basis
for the study.
Interviews:
The reason for choosing to interview rather than using questionnaires was that as
noted by Valentine, semi-structured interviews take a conversational, fluid form,
each interview varying according to the interests, experiences and views of the
interviewees. They are a dialogue rather than an interrogation (Valentine, 1997a,
p.111, cited in Shurmer-smith, 2003, p.155). In addition, conducting interviews was
the best approach for the study as it involved sensitive issues and vulnerable people.
The interviews also helped in capturing individual experiences, revealing differences
and contradictions; and adding to the richness of data. (Shurmer-smith, 2003, p.155)
The major emphasis has been placed on the results and findings of the interviews with
professionals involved in providing housing for refugees, and a small group of
refugees in Sydney. Five in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted. A
service provider (the Resolve FM Contract Manager), a migrant counsellor, a refugee
advocate, and two refugees who currently have permanent residency and housing
were interviewed.
Resolve FM is part of a consortium called ACL IHSS, contracted to the government
in order to provide settlement services to newly arrived humanitarian entrants under
the IHSS. Since 2005, Resolve FM, a facility management specialist, has been
responsible for providing short-term, and finding longer-term, accommodation for
refugees in Sydney. Therefore, interviewing Gary Hogan, the Resolve FM Contract
Manager, was critical to the study. This interview also provided me with some
clarifying information that I would have not been able to access if I had not met him.
In addition, the interviews with the refugees, the refugee advocate, and the migrant
Page 7

counsellor provided me with the opportunity to see the situation through the eyes of
the both service providers and refugees, as well as the opportunity to discover the
viewpoints of the refugee advocate and the counsellor, as someone indirectly involved
in refugees housing issues but with extensive experience.
In relation to the interviews with the refugees, approaching only those refugees who
were living in Sydney and had good English communication skills was necessary due
to the time and budget constraints. Interviewing refugees with poor English would
have taken much longer and would have required interpretation; therefore, more time
and money would have been required. A snowball sampling approach was used to
get in contact with the refugees. The facilitators either work for a refugee-related
organisation or used to be involved in refugee-related affairs. Approaching the
refugees directly would have been quite impossible as trust building between
humanitarian entrants and other members of the community is always an important
issue. This needed to be considered in order for me to be able to extract honest
responses from the refugees.
Regarding the interview questions, two sets of questions were developed to suit the
two different groups: the service providers and the refugees. The questions for
refugees had to be simplified to avoid confusion, and some prompts were given. The
interviews with the service provider/professionals included questions about the main
factors impacting refugees residential location decision making, and the extent to
which their housing needs have been met. The refugees were asked about their
housing experiences, their special needs in terms of housing, and their suggestions to
improve the services. Both sets of interview questions are presented in the appendix
(Interview Questions).
Each interview took about one hour. I travelled to the arranged places convenient for
the interviewees, in order for them to feel comfortable. However, for the refugees,
convenience was not the only issue; it was also their perceived security and safety that
mattered. One of the refugees was interviewed in her house and the other preferred
this to be conducted in the office of the person (facilitator) we both knew, with the
facilitator present for the interview. The refugee advocate and the migrant counsellor
were interviewed at their home offices, and the interview with the Resolve FM
Contract Manager was conducted in his office.
The findings of the interviews have been the basis for the analytic arguments
presented in Chapter 5 of this paper.

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2-2 Research Limitations:

The research has been undertaken in full recognition of its limitations. Firstly, the
scarcity of standard textbook and literature on the subject of housing for refugees
leaves researchers like myself little option, but to borrow and analyse ideas from
similar fields and situations.
Secondly, the time constraint resulted in the interviews with refugees being conducted
in the Sydney metropolitan area. I, like any other researcher, was required to have the
project approved by the relevant authority before formally starting the study. Thus, I
first applied to the Faculty of the Built Environment Human Research Ethics
Advisory Panel (FBE HREAP) and was referred to the University Human Research
Ethics Committee (HREC) as it was recognised by the FBE HREAP that my research
would involve significant ethical impacts. The project was finally approved by HREC
after nearly a month, so that I could start the study formally. The lengthy approval
period and the considerable paperwork resulted in some possible participants either
changing their minds or travelling overseas, and consequently, fewer respondents
being interviewed.
Regarding the methodological limitations, the decision to restrict the research to the
Sydney metropolitan area was due to both time constraints and the sensitivity of
working with refugees; therefore, I approached each refugee through my contacts
(facilitators) in Sydney who are trusted by both the refugees and myself.
Another limitation on the study relates to the sample size. The small sample size
suggests that the results may not be representative of the population they are meant to
represent. As mentioned earlier, only those refugees familiar with the key facilitators
and good English skills were considered as possible candidates for the interview; thus,
the housing experiences of those interviewed may have differed from the experiences
of other refugees. In other words, the results may not be representative of refugee
population in Sydney, but findings can be seen as indicative, indicating some of the
important issues regarding humanitarian entrants housing experiences in Sydney.

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Chapter 3 - The Housing of Refugees

This chapter aims at identifying the housing experiences and challenges for
humanitarian entrants in receiving countries, and some of their specific housing needs
such as affordable, sizeable and safe accommodation. For this purpose, some data
regarding visa grants to various refugee categories in recent years, and the political
and economic circumstances in refugee-source countries and regions are briefly
presented in this section.
3-1 Countries of Origin and Characteristics of Refugees
Every year around 13,000 people resettle in Australia as humanitarian entrants or
refugees under either Offshore Humanitarian Program or Onshore Protection visas.
(Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2007-08, p.74)
In 20072008, 10, 799 visas were granted under the offshore component and 2215
visas were granted under the onshore component adding up to a total of 13, 014 visas.
In the offshore component, visa grants included 30.48 per cent to Africans; 35.25 per
cent to South West Asians and the Middle Eastern; and 33.67 per cent to people from
Asia/Pacific region. Europe and the Americas also received a small percentage of
grants.
The resettlement of Iraqis in recognition of their critical resettlement needs was the
main reason for the Government to increase the number of places for 20082009 , and
the remaining places will be allocated to those under the Special Humanitarian
Program category and for onshore needs.
In 200809, Africa, the Middle East and Asia have remained as priority regions for
the offshore program and each region has been allocated a 33 per cent intake, with the
remaining one per cent allocated for contingencies. (Australian Government,
Department of Immigration and Citizenship, Fact Sheet 60)
Table 3.1: Offshore resettlement program grants by region 200203 to 200607

(Source: Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, Fact

Sheet 60)

Page 10

Table 3.2: 200708 Offshore Visa Grants by Top Ten Countries of Birth

(Source: Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, Fact

Sheet 60)
It will be beneficial to briefly outline political and economic circumstances in
refugee-source countries and regions in order to better understand the challenges
faced by humanitarian entrants during their settlement in Australia.
Humanitarian entrants from Africa comprise people from Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, the
Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia and Togo. Each of these nations has different
social and political conditions; however, externally and internally displaced Africans
have generally fled sectarian and ethnic violence.
Afghanistan, Burma and Bhutan are the major source-countries in Asia. Since the
1970s hundreds of thousands of Afghans have sought refuge in neighbouring Pakistan
and Iran, and while many Afghans who fled the Taliban have begun returning home,
ongoing violence, political instability and human rights violations have made this
process much more complicated.
In Burma, many people are both internally and externally displaced, taking refuge in
neighbouring Bangladesh, India and Thailand. These people are at great risk of
disease, trafficking into the sex industry, domestic servitude and forced labour.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Bhutanese government expelled around 108,000
ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan, so they have been forced to live in refugee camps in
Nepal. Those ethnic Nepalese who remain in Bhutan suffer severe legal and social
discrimination, despite constituting almost one quarter of the total population.
As to the Middle East, Iraqis make up the major proportion of humanitarian entrants
to Australia, those who have become internally displaced or have fled to neighbouring
Iran, Jordan and Syria since the United States invasion of Iraq.
Ongoing sectarian violence in Iraq has made it very difficult for people who fled to
return safely; those who do return may find that their homes and businesses have been
commandeered by others, or destroyed.
According to a report by UNHCR, although some improvements in the overall
security have been achieved, it is not possible yet for Iraqi refugees to return to their
home country safely (Higgins, 2009, pp.6-8).
The above mentioned circumstances present a picture of the situations in which
refugees have lived and help us to better understand the challenges faced by
humanitarian entrants during their settlement in Australia.

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3-2 Housing Experiences and Challenges for Refugees

For those entering a receiving country as refugees, access to affordable and
appropriate housing is a priority as it is both a fundamental human right and a key
factor for successful settlement. (Shelter WA, 2000, p.5)
Finding suitable and secure accommodation is a daunting task for humanitarian
entrants as they are challenged by a range of issues such as financial problems,
unemployment or low-paying employment, and the general shortage of affordable
rental housing in NSW. These groups of people live in a situation similar to other low
socio-economic groups; however, they may face distinct problems when finding
accommodation and during the tenancy such as poor English skills; lack of familiarity
with terms and conditions of tenancy; lack of suitable referees or a rental history;
unemployment and reliance on welfare; and discrimination due to lack of crosscultural awareness among real estate agents. In addition to these problems,
Department of Immigration and Citizenships 2007 report states that newly arrived
refugees may have unrealistic expectations regarding the cost of private rental
accommodation, struggling to cope on a tight budget. DIAC has also found that some
refugees experience housing stress as they spend more than half their income on
rent. According to a report by a Sydney Migrant Resource Centre in 2008, refugees
were presenting with high levels of stress, anxiety and homelessness and this is a
common problem among these groups of people (Higgins, 2009, pp.17-19).
The private rental market is the only housing option for a large proportion of refugee
households, as lengthy waiting periods limit the access by these groups to public
housing and, for many households, home ownership is not a feasible option.
Issues including discrimination and lack of affordability are the main barriers to the
private rental market for refugee communities. The lack of secure tenure of the private
rental market results in frequent moves and impacts on the settlement process, as well
as placing additional financial pressure on households. In addition, families on low
incomes are compromising appropriate housing for affordability. For example,
families are overcrowding to afford private rental accommodation and, in doing so,
are jeopardising their tenancies. (Shelter WA, 2000, p.14)
Clearly there is a significant shortage of low cost private rental stock in Australian
capital cities and regional areas. In his research, Yates observed that while there has
been a disproportionate growth of low income households in private rental, not one
more low cost dwelling was added to the private rental stock between 1986 and 1996
(Yates, 2000, cited in Shelter WA, 2000, p.14). Furthermore, the issue of
discrimination in the private rental market has been adversely impacting migrant and
refugee access to housing. Discriminatory practices appear in different forms, for
example real estate agents and owners refusing to accommodate refugees or large
families; issues of language proficiency and use of interpreters; and landlords
profiteering from tenants who are either not aware of their rights or hesitant to
complain in fear of losing their housing. However, it is not easy to document cases of
discrimination due to the indirect nature of the discrimination in the private rental
market and the lack of hard evidence. (Shelter WA, 2000, p.14)

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3-3 Housing Needs of Refugees

The current housing availability crisis affects the society in general, and refugee
communities in particular. There are specific issues relating to the design, location
and rental cost of housing available to refugee and migrant families. These interrelated issues include the design and location of available, good quality and safe
housing suitable to accommodate high population households; and a shortage of
effective and culturally aware communication channels to inform new migrants and
refugees of housing options and opportunities (Ethnic Communities Council of
Victoria (ECCV), 2008, pp.13-14). Although these issues have been recognised in the
Victorian and Western Australian contexts, other Australian states including NSW
seem to be challenged by similar issues.
Design & Size: Large refugee families, particularly those from the Horn of Africa and
Sudan, have been experiencing disadvantage due to the already limited number of
houses accessible to refugee families of any type, and most new housing stock being
constructed and designed for small family units (Ethnic Communities Council of
Victoria (ECCV), 2008, p.14). Moreover, the diverse cultural and religious needs of
refugees need to be recognised in building programs and housing design. Flexible and
innovative responses to the diverse housing needs of refugee communities is an
ongoing need (Shelter WA, 2000, pp8-9) as they settle in a society with, to varying
degrees, an unfamiliar culture. (Burnett, 1998, p.26)
Although there are certain advantages in terms of access to employment and support
services in metropolitan areas, the shortage of housing suitable for high population
households is particularly evident in these areas. The largest properties in high-rise
public housing estates consist of three bedrooms and as children grow, they require a
suitable amount of space for development. This lack of space and overcrowding often
presents serious impacts on family union and may result in family breakdowns and
poor health.
The educational performance of children may be adversely impacted by inadequate
space due to lack of personal and quiet place for study and homework. An extremely
common case of overcrowding is when new SHP entrants who are paying off their
airfares and are unable to afford their own accommodation end up living with other
families (Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria (ECCV), 2008, p.14).
Location: Together with design of housing, location presents a series of issues
relating to security, and differing access to employment and services in metropolitan
and regional centres.
Concerns over safety and security are closely linked to location issues. Areas with a
high concentration of poverty and unemployment usually feature high perceptions,
and incidences, of crime and anti-social behaviours. The need for improved security
measures such as keys and upgrades for sufficient lighting and lifts is of great
importance in these areas.
The housing affordability crisis in metropolitan areas forces many new arrivals to
move into outer suburbs where lower cost housing might be more common, but this

Page 13

advantage is countered by a shortage of available jobs, healthcare services and

education facilities.
Overall, larger refugee families are challenged by two opposing options: living in
overcrowded places in metropolitan centres with easier access to jobs and services, or
having access to fewer job opportunities and services in the outer suburbs with easier
access to larger housing (Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria (ECCV), 2008,
pp.14-15). This challenge is evident in New South Wales, especially in Sydney, where
the unaffordable metropolitan area receives the highest rate of employment
opportunities and other services, while the more affordable outer suburbs, especially
the western areas, suffer a shortage of public transport, employment opportunities,
and healthcare and education services.
Information channels for migrant/refugee tenants: Availability and affordability of
safe suitable accommodation are not the only issues to be considered; there is a lack
of effective information sharing, liaison and communication between the tenant and
the organisations responsible for housing provision that needs to be addressed. The
integration of refugee communities into mainstream society is further hindered by
insufficient or ineffective access to information services about available housing
options. Many migrants and refugee communities are unaware of available housing
support services and those with low English language skills have particular difficulty
in expressing and addressing concerns on issues such as hygiene and standards of
maintenance (Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria (ECCV), 2008, p.15).
3-4 Summary Discussion
As a result of the general lack of affordable rental housing in major Australian cities,
many humanitarian entrants are forced into poor quality accommodation that often
does not meet their needs in terms of design, size, and safety; resulting in poor health
and social exclusion. Being unemployed or on low income, most of refugees struggle
to cope on a tight budget.
Understanding the terms and conditions of tenancy, and applying for a residential
lease are usually difficult for most refugees as a result of their poor English skills.
This can be complicated by a lack of suitable referees or a rental history. Besides,
family circumstances such as having an extended family can adversely impact on the
rental applications of refugees. Discrimination and a lack of cross-cultural awareness
in the private rental market are some other major barriers to obtaining private rental
housing. Thus, humanitarian entrants may require assistance in understanding their
rights and obligations as tenants, and in securing a lease as well.

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Chapter 4 - Australias Policy Regarding Refugees Housing

In order to understand the current refugee and service provision policy, it is
appropriate to review Australian Government policy from 1945 to the present.
Therefore, the first part of this chapter briefly presents the history of the Australias
Humanitarian Program. The rest of the chapter contains an evaluation of the
government-funded services available to refugees.
4-1 Australias Humanitarian Program
In July 1945, Australias first Commonwealth immigration department was
established. Following this, thousands of post-war refugees and displaced people were
settled in Australia, and Australia ratified the UN Convention relating to the Status of
Refugees on 22 January 1954. Until the late 1970s Australia did not have a specific
refugee policy. In 1977, the then Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs
announced Australias first refugee policy based on the four principles of recognition
of Australias commitment and responsibility towards refugees settlement; the
Australian Government remaining the main decision-making body to accept refugees;
providing special assistance for the movement of refugees in designated situations or
for their resettlement in Australia; and recognition of the fact that the interests of
some refugees may be better served by resettlement in countries other than Australia.
(Parliament of Australia, 2005)
In 1981 the Special Humanitarian Program (SHP) was introduced to help those who
did not fit neatly into the refugee category, but who were subject to human rights
abuses and had family or community links with Australia. In June 1989, the
International Conference on Indochinese Refugees was held in Geneva and a
Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) was adopted and endorsed by 51 nations,
including Australia, in response to the flow of asylum seekers from Vietnam and
Laos. By the 1990s, a comprehensive refugee system was in place and in January
1993 the Keating government decided to separate the humanitarian program from the
general migration program. The practice of separately identifying onshore asylum
seekers granted refugee status from offshore applicants was introduced by the Howard
government in 1996. (Parliament of Australia, 2005)
Australia helps thousands of refugees and others in need of humanitarian assistance
under the Humanitarian Program. The Australian Government claims that it not only
realises that assistance to those in humanitarian needs should not end at selecting
people and granting visas for permanent stay in Australia, it also pursues successful
settlement as a key objective of the Humanitarian Program through ensuring that
people settling in Australia have the support they need to rebuild their lives and fully
integrate into the Australian community (Australian Government, Department of
Immigration and Citizenship, 2009). However, more investigation is required to
determine the extent to which these claims are credible.
4-2 Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs
(DIMIA)-Funded Settlement Services
Since the 1990s, high needs groups among new arrivals have been more closely
targeted by DIMIA-funded settlement services, generally within their first five years
Page 15

of settlement. DIMIA seems to have recognised that early access to settlement

services, and targeted assistance to gain access to mainstream services, enables these
arrivals to move towards full and active participation in Australian society as soon as
possible. Australian social policy appear to agree that early intervention by
government agencies to address emerging social issues can improve overall outcomes
and make savings by reducing later expenditure on established social problems.
Today, government policy is trying to prove that it is increasingly moving towards
early intervention and needs-based targeting within DIMIA-funded services. In 1997,
a two-year waiting period for new arrivals for most social security benefits was
introduced by the Government. The Government exempted humanitarian entrants
from the waiting period to demonstrate that it is targeting those most in need to
manage demand for services and ensure that interventions are appropriate to the level
of need.
In recent years, there has been a shift towards taking in migrants who are able to find
employment relatively quickly and require less assistance to gain access to
mainstream services. However, humanitarian entrants are selected on the basis of their
need and eligibility for protection, rather than their skills and English proficiency.
They can require significant support on arrival and may have a continuing need for
assistance from both the government and community sectors for some time. For
instance, it is more difficult for most humanitarian entrants who do not have high
levels of skill and English proficiency to enter the contemporary Australian labour
market which demands workers with high levels of education, skill and English
proficiency. Low levels of English proficiency can also make basic settlement tasks
such as understanding their new environment more difficult. Thus, these arrivals are
supported by DIMIA-funded services such as English language tuition, translating
and interpreting services and information and referral services.
A general lack of distinction between the needs of humanitarian entrants and other
migrants in Australian settlement policy was noted by Jupp in 1994 who advocated a
greater focus on specialised refugee support. Since 2000, DIMIAs Integrated
Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) has provided a suite of specialised, onarrival services for humanitarian entrants. These services include accommodation and
household formation support, torture and trauma counselling, and individual
assistance to gain access to government and community services. These services are
provided to address the high and often multiple needs of humanitarian entrants. The
IHSS is discussed in detail in section 4-3.
Recently, DIMIA-funded settlement services have been influenced by a range of
trends within broader social policy including a move towards partnership between
government and the private and community sectors. Generally, it has been
acknowledged that all of the social policy challenges faced by the community cannot
be solved by government alone and that government agencies should facilitate
voluntary action and the development of self-reliance by providing appropriate tools
and incentives (Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship,
2003, pp.33-35).
There has also been a whole-of-government shift towards an outputs/outcomes
framework which requires government agencies to fund more specifically identified
Page 16

outcomes and associated outputs. In addition, other significant changes in public

management such as competitive contracting and tendering, contestability, market
testing, and benchmarking has been occurring. The purchaser/provider model of
service delivery has been adopted by a number of agencies; therefore, where the
government wishes to provide access to a particular service for a group of clients, it
acts as a purchaser rather than a provider of services. It is believed that the separation
of these roles can increase accountability and minimise conflicts of interest
(Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2003, p.35).
This belief is based on the free market theory that emphasises on impersonal
forces of the market. Although the advocates of this theory argue that competitive
markets could efficiently coordinate the actions of individuals, provide incentives to
individual action, and supply those goods and services which society wants, in the
quantities which it desires, at the prices it is willing to pay; the numerous evident
differences between markets in the real world and in theory justify a range of
government actions to correct market failure including externalities, that is a situation
where the costs or benefits are not reflected in market prices (Klostreman, 1985, pp.68). Thus, provision of settlement services by the private sector, including the services
provided under the IHSS, and the adopted purchaser approach by the government is
debatable and may need to be more carefully considered.
Over time, settlement policy has undergone a number of important changes and
DIMIA-funded services have developed in response to the growing diversity of the
migrant intake and to broader shifts within government policy. They have also
become more closely targeted at new arrivals most in need of assistance. Early access
to appropriate settlement services including accommodation enables new arrivals to
move towards active economic and social participation in Australian society as selfreliant and valued members (Australian Government, Department of Immigration and
Citizenship, 2003, p.35).
4-3 Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy
In 1997, DIMA developed the Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) as
a national framework for improving humanitarian settlement services. It is the leading
programme to assist people settling in Australia under the Humanitarian Programme,
with organisations contracted to deliver services on behalf of the government around
of Australia. Humanitarian entrants are assessed by IHSS service providers in order
for services to be delivered according to their settlement needs and in a coordinated
way.
Generally, IHSS is responsible for providing services for refugees for around six
months, but may be extended in particular cases. These services include Case
Coordination, Information and Referrals including a case coordination plan based on
an initial needs assessment, information about and referral to other service providers
and mainstream agencies; On Arrival Reception and Assistance including meeting
eligible entrants on arrival, taking them to suitable accommodation, providing initial
orientation and meeting any emergency needs for medical attention or clothing and
footwear; Accommodation Services to help entrants find appropriate and affordable
accommodation and provide them with basic household goods to start setting up their
own household in Australia; and Short Term Torture and Trauma Counselling
Services including an assessment of needs, a case plan, referral for torture and trauma
Page 17

counselling and raising awareness among other health care providers of health issues
arising from torture and trauma experiences.
IHSS is delivered flexibly and clients are supported for up to 12 months where
required. A key function of the IHSS is to facilitate entrants access to key
mainstream service providers such as Centrelink, job Network and Medicare. IHSS
service providers also assist mainstream agencies have a better understanding of
issues relating to humanitarian entrants.
Regarding eligibility for IHSS services, people who arrive in Australia under the
Refugee category (visa subclass 200 [Refugee], 201 [In-Country Special
Humanitarian], 203 [Emergency Rescue] and 204 [Woman at Risk]), who have been
subject to persecution in their home country, receive the costs of medical checks and
air travel from the Commonwealth Government and also receive the highest level of
assistance within the IHSS.
Although people who come to Australia under the Special Humanitarian Program
(SHP Subclass 202) may have not been subject to persecution, they have
experienced substantial discrimination and violation of human rights in their home
country and they also have links with Australia. An Australian citizen or permanent
resident or a body operating in Australia may propose to provide assistance to the new
entrants with the cost for medical checks, air travel to Australia, and on-arrival
accommodation. SHP entrants and their proposers are eligible for some of IHSS
services and supports, but not all.
Holders of Permanent Protection (visa subclass 866) have also been included to
receive IHSS services from 21 January 2009. (Australian Government, 2006, p.9;
Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2009;
Australian Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2003, p.167)
IHSS services are delivered by service providers contracted to DIAC. Since October
2005 the DIAC-funded program has been delivered by the ACL IHSS Consortium
which is a partnership between ACL, Resolve FM, STARTTS and Mission Australia.
The ACL IHSS covers the Northern and Southern Metropolitan Regions of Sydney
including Wollongong and Newcastle. The Consortium provides service delivery in
consistency with IHSS principles. Each Consortium partner has a crucial role in the
settlement process as described briefly below:
ACL
Australian Centre for Language (ACL) is responsible for case coordination,
information, referrals and assistance on arrival in Australia including a case
coordination plan based on an initial needs assessment, information about and referral
to mainstream agencies, on-arrival reception and assistance. ACL provides on arrival
pick up at and transport from the airport to suitable accommodation for eligible
entrants. These entrants are then provided with initial orientation to the community, as
well as meeting any emergency needs for medical attention or clothing and footwear.
Special Humanitarian Program (SHP) and their proposers are also assisted by ACL.

Page 18

Resolve FM
Resolve FM has the responsibility of providing initial accommodation to entrants and
helping them to find appropriate and affordable long-term accommodation. It also
provides refugees with a household goods assistance package to help them set up their
household in Australia.
STARTTS
The activities of Service for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma
Survivors (STARTTS) includes helping refugees overcome physical and
psychological health problems through providing short term torture and trauma
counselling services and referral as necessary, raising awareness among health care
providers, and inspiring them to be sensitive to the needs of humanitarian entrants.
Mission Australia
Mission Australia (MA) assists refugees through providing volunteer support in
making links with the community, gaining independence and becoming self-reliant.
(ACL Corporate, 2005)
When humanitarian entrants time for using the IHSS services is up, they are referred
to general settlement services provided through migrant resource centres, migrant
service agencies and organisations. These services are funded under the Australian
Government's Settlement Grants Program which is delivered by the Department of
Immigration and Citizenship. (Australian Government, Department of Immigration
and Citizenship, 2009)
4-4 Housing-specific Issues
The fact that the period of IHSS support is only for around six month raises serious
concerns among those who believe that this period should be increased as most
humanitarian entrants need to spend more than six months in learning sufficient
English and gaining the essential skills to live and work in Australia. The IHSS
process needs to be more flexible to ensure that entrants continue to receive effective
settlement assistance after their first six months in Australia.
As part of the IHSS services, the Accommodation Support service provides
humanitarian entrants with access to subsidised accommodation for four weeks. After
this time, they are generally required to pay market rent until they are able to move
into longer-term accommodation. Previously, the eligible humanitarian entrants could
access thirteen weeks of supported accommodation, which could be extended in cases
of need to twenty-six weeks. Shortening this period was justified based on the notion
that it would reduce the dependency of humanitarian entrants on supported
accommodation and encourage entrants to establish themselves as soon as possible in
the areas where they will become familiar with the local services. The change was
also justified for reasons of equity; under previous arrangements, only a small
percentage of entrants were eligible for lengthy periods of supported accommodation,
while under the IHSS, all refugees can utilise supported accommodation. (Australian
Government, Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2003, pp.180-181)
Page 19

Moving to longer-term accommodation after four weeks is an issue for many

humanitarian entrants as most of them will need to find housing in the private rental
market due to the shortage of public and community housing, and their long waiting
lists. As noted earlier in this paper, many of these refugees arrive with few financial
resources, are dependent on social security and have no rental history in Australia. In
addition, finding spacious and affordable housing in the private rental market is
difficult for large refugee households. Moreover, most refugees insufficient English
skills and the discrimination some of them face in the rental market add to the
complexity of their search for finding proper housing in the private rental market.
4-5 Summary Discussion
Australia is one of the countries that have adapted a refugee policy, allowing
humanitarian entrants to rebuild their lives without fear of persecution. However, the
actual resettlement process is fraught with difficulties. While the government has
provided supports specifically for refugees, in the case of support for housing, this is
inadequate. Policy and service provision appear to recognise the unique needs of
refugees to some extent; however, the period that the services are available for, and
the improper quality of the services, do not allow some of their needs to be met. The
subsidised on-arrival accommodation, available only for four weeks, is one of the
many examples of the government policys failure in responding to the special needs
of refugees.

Page 20

Chapter 5 An Analysis of the Interviews Regarding Refugees

Housing Status in Sydney
Although the literature and policy review has identified some of the issues around
refugees housing needs and the services available to them, there is a need to move
beyond policy documents and understand what this means for the people involved in
actually providing and gaining access to housing. This chapter presents an analysis of
the findings of the interviews which will be used to draw some conclusions regarding
the housing needs and housing provision for refugees in Sydney.
Those interviewees who wished to remain anonymous will remain so; those named
have agreed to be mentioned by name in the study.
5-1 Key Findings
The difference between a house and a home is the difference between a
place to stay and a place to live. A home is a place of safety, security and
stability, the lack of which was the main reason refugees left their country
of origin (Dutch Refugee Council/ECRE 2001: 5, cited in Ager & Strang,
2008, p.172).

Affordable and appropriate housing is a very important component of the resettlement

of humanitarian entrants, and crucial to their successful integration into Australian
society. However, as noted by the United Nations Special Rapporteur (2007), there is
a serious national housing crisis in Australia that affects many sections of the
population, especially the most vulnerable groups of society such as low-income
households and, increasingly, middle-income households. Reductions in public
housing stock, soaring private rental rates, and an acknowledged housing affordability
crisis (Kothari, 2007, p.2) indicate that refugees, as one of the most vulnerable
groups of the society, are under increasing pressure of obtaining and retaining suitable
accommodation, on top of other problems that they are struggling with including
physical and mental health issues and unemployment. These problems are
exacerbated in major cities like Sydney which accommodates the majority of
immigrants and humanitarian entrants. Difficulties in accessing adequate housing,
either public or private, further forces refugees into poor living conditions and
homelessness.
Refugees housing impacts on their overall physical and emotional wellbeing, as well
as on their ability to feel at home. During the interviews, not only were a range of
issues such as the size, quality and facilities of housing, and the financial security of
tenancies raised, respondents were also concerned with the social and cultural impacts
of housing. Below, these issues are discussed under three major sub-sections: general
housing issues, housing in the private market, and public housing.
5-1-1 General Housing Issues
Resolve FM Contract Manager Gary Hogan believes that income (employment) is the
main factor affecting refugees housing, in other words, disempowering them in the
housing market.
Page 21

Refugee x also described his unemployment as a major barrier to his success in the
housing market. He also believes that he has been kept out of the employment market
due to racial factors, negligence in recognition of his overseas qualification, and lack
of public knowledge about refugees and their skills. Although refugee x is educated
and has qualifications from his home country, no one was willing to hire an asylum
seeker whose future situation depended on the Department of Immigrations decision
whether or not to grant him permanent residency (protection). So, he would struggle
to survive and also to stay in the unsuitable place he was living in.
In addition to physically affecting refugees, housing impacts humanitarian entrants
social life. In the literature, the friendliness of the people refugees encounter on a
daily basis in an area is an important factor in making them feel at home. Being
recognized by others in the neighbourhood is greatly valued as it can help refugees to
feel more secure and that their presence is not resented. Conversely, perceived
hostility can undermine other successful aspects of integration (Ager & Strang, 2008,
p.180).
Integration can be discussed in terms of participation of people from different groups
in a range of activities including sports, college classes, religious worship, community
groups and political activity. People will participate equally, and without prejudice, in
the activities if a community is integrated. Attempts to support refugees access to
community services are recognized as practically valuable and inclusive. However,
positive examples of facilitation of access to services are not widespread and it is
generally acknowledged in policy and practice that connecting refugees to relevant
services is a major task in supporting integration. (Ager & Strang, 2008, pp.180-181)
Jenaba Sesay, a refugee from Sierra Leone, lives in an inner suburb of Sydney with
her three children. As I was approaching her place of residence to conduct the
interview, it became evident that there is a lack of parks and playgrounds, community
centres, shopping centres, and even small retail shops in the neighbourhood. Jenaba
agreed with me on all these issues. Jenaba said that her family feels isolated most of
the time as all their friends live far away from where Jenaba and the children are
living. These problems have been preventing the family from socialising, learning
Australian culture, and generally integrating into the community.
It is generally recognized that refugees particular circumstances such as unfamiliarity
with their surroundings and poor language skills leads to barriers that requires
additional effort from both refugees and the wider community to achieve access to
services. Some may see this as one of the benefits of living in areas where refugee
settlement is more established, in that local services are seen as more capable of
dealing with refugees specific needs, thereby ensuring levels of access more in line
with those of other residents. (Ager & Strang, 2008, p.181)
As for the effects that housing has on refugees education, Charmaine Silove, a
Migrant Counsellor in Adult Migrant English Program (AMEP), believes that
accommodation is a major problem that prevents a refugee student from settling, and
that their housing needs are not being adequately met.

Page 22

If refugee students do not have secure, stable, and adequate accommodation

they are not in a position to learn English or look for a job that is an
important step towards integration. (Charmaine Silove)

Proximity to schools and education facilities must also be considered when

accommodating refugees. Education clearly provides people with skills and
competences in support of subsequent employment and enables them to participate in
their society more constructively and actively. Schools are particularly important to
refugee children, and in many cases refugee parents, as they are the most important
place of contact with members of local host communities, and play an important role
in establishing relationships supportive of integration. (Ager & Strang, 2008, p.172)
The children are used to, and of course happy with their school in Marrickville,
where they used to live too Jenaba said. She believed that the nearby public schools
are not very good and that she must let the children stay in their current school.
Good health is also considered as an important resource for active engagement in a
new society. (Ager & Strang, 2008, p.172) In fact, housing and health are directly
linked.
For Jenaba, it is not only the tiring and uncomfortable bus trips to take her children to
school further away that are of concern; it is also the negative effects of the long
distance between the home and the school that matters. Taking longer trips to school
means waking up earlier in the morning, and consequently, getting less amount of
sleep. This has been affecting the childrens health and education, Jenaba said.
5-1-2 Accessing Housing in the Private Market
In addition to lack of affordability, security of tenure is a burning issue for refugees
entering the private rental market. The on-arrival accommodation service obviously
meets the immediate housing need, but once refugees leave there, they often
encounter on-going long-term housing problems in the private rental market. I had
two Afghan refugees to be on the street and literally sleeping on station platforms as
they could not pay their rent Charmaine Silove said.
Another problem in the private rental market relates to real estate agents. Paying for a
rental property is not the only challenge for refugees; renting a property without a
reference and income statement may be quite impossible as the real estate agents
refuse to consider the applications due to that reason. As Gary Hogan stated, there
are few real estate agents that are willing to help refugees as there have been some
unpleasant experiences some agents had with refugees in the past.
The issue of discrimination against refugees is not only due to their financial situation,
it is also due to other factors including the difference in race and ethnicity (Shelter
WA, 2000, p.14). Judy Mclallen, a refugee advocate, spoke about the time when a
refugee, who she has been supporting for years, was given a transfer from a one
bedded to a four bedded property upon the arrival of his family. Housing NSW
offered to pay market rental in the private sector as there was no housing stock
available. Judy added that she spent three months searching for a suitable property.
She viewed and applied for approximately a dozen properties, but each application
Page 23

was rejected as the owner or agent did not want a refugee, particularly a Muslim
family, living in their property. Judy described this as a depressing experience. Gary
Hogan of Resolve FM also stated:
It appears that the broader part of Australia is not ready yet to accept
refugees as members of the community, despite the governments efforts to
live up to its international agreement. (Gary Hogan)

Taking all of these issues into account, guiding refugees from the temporary
accommodation to their longer-term housing in the rental market has not been so easy
for Gary Hogan and his colleagues. High expectation is a great challenge, he said.
Although there are short information sessions before refugees arrive in Australia,
usually their expectations differ greatly to what is available for them after arrival. He
explained that according to the contract terms specified by the government, Resolve
FM must show the clients up to three accommodations in order for them to choose
one as their long-term house. This is not always the case; despite the fact that Resolve
FM shows them even up to 15- 45 properties, many refugees refuse to move to any of
these places by making different excuses; thus, the 4 week accommodation has to be
extended and this delays the whole settlement process. Moreover, there have been
times when Resolve FM has received twenty one families a day while there were not
enough properties available to accommodate them; therefore, Resolve FM had to pay
thousands of dollars weekly for five-star serviced apartments to fulfill their duty.
This happens despite the fact that Resolve FM has been required by the government
to only hire up to 2.5 star accommodations if necessary, Gary Hogan said.
Accommodating newly arrived refugees in serviced apartments with facilities such as
satellite TV and air conditioning raises their expectations even higher. This makes it
more difficult for Resolve FM to move the refugees to a less well equipped but
cheaper accommodation.
There have been situations where refugees have been unhappy with their new place of
residence, so that they have lodged formal complaints against Resolve FM. There
have been other cases where refugees have wanted Resolve FM to find them a place
in a particular suburb, a particular street, and even a particular address to enable them
to live close to their links.
Although Resolve FMs employees respect and consider refugees preferences,
they find it difficult to meet all the expectations. The problem is that Resolve
FM cannot force the clients out of the temporary housing unless they are happy
to move out, something that does not always happen. (Gary Hogan)

5-1-3 Accessing Public Housing

Apart from the difficulties humanitarian entrants encounter in the private rental market,
the complexity of applying for and obtaining public housing remains a problem. This
is an issue that all of the interviewees agreed on.
Housing NSW is able to charge rent in accordance with the provisions of the
Residential Tenancies Act 1987 and the Housing Act 2001. According to Housing
NSW Rent Subsidy Policy, Housing NSW charges market rent for all its properties.
All tenants living in dwellings owned or managed by Housing NSW are required to
pay market rent, unless a household has a low or moderate income. In that case, the
Page 24

household can apply for a rent subsidy that reduces the amount of money it has to pay
in rent. In other words, Housing NSW does not charge the eligible tenants the full
market rent set for the property. (New South Wales Government- Housing NSW,
2009)
Gary Hogan explained that a person has to meet the criteria to be eligible for public
housing or community housing. For instance, being unemployed is one of the criteria;
however, the tenants still have to pay 25% to 30% of their Centrelink income towards
the rent, and the market rent is payable as soon as they find employment that enables
them pay the full rent.
The tenants situation here does not show much difference to their situation in the
private rental market, except from long waiting periods and approximately three
hundred different applications that have to be filled in order for applicants to be
able to get through. (Gary Hogan)

Judy Mclallen had much to say about her experiences of applying and obtaining public
housing for a refugee who she has been supporting and working with for years. She
described Department of Housing as unjustifiably requiring refugee applicants to
supply numerous documents to ensure they meet the basic criteria.
In addition to the considerable bureaucracy involved when applying for public
housing, the long waiting period is an impediment for refugees to access public
properties. As noted by Morrison (2009):
The Rudd Governments response has been an almost complete reliance on
public housing. There are more than 130,000 people waiting for public housing.
Building 19,200 new public housing dwellings will not meet this demand. We
need to find people a home in the private housing market. Public housing should
remain for the most vulnerable, until they can get on their feet again, or those
who through no fault of their own will always require our help. We all know that
this is not the way public housing is run in this country. (Morrison, 2009)

Despite the long waiting for public housing, it was easy enough for Judy, as an
Australian who knew her way around the bureaucracy, to negotiate the pathway to
ensuring the refugee met the criteria for priority housing. As she stated, the refugee
would not have been able to do it himself. Department of Housing does not help a
prospective tenant apply to priority housing to my knowledge. Judy described the
Department of Housings attitude toward their clients as disparaging and disrespectful;
treating the clients with distain, and on some occasions, abuse. The culture of
Department of Housing is one of a watchdog mentality where they pick up on
complaints and interrogate without due process to the detriment of the client Judy
said. Her experience has been a rather negative one at grass roots level. However,
when moving beyond the counter to more senior personnel, the attitude alters and so
does the service. This would not have been the refugees experience though she said.
Moreover, it appeared from the interviews that Housing NSW well ignores preference
and special needs of their refugee clients.
Jenaba stayed with her sister since she arrived in Australia. After a short while, she
had to rent a two-bed room property in the private rental market as her sisters place
Page 25

was too small to accommodate the two families. Paying $500 per week for a place
that did not have some basic facilities such as a laundry, while being unemployed,
made her apply for public housing. Jenaba explained to me that she was offered only
two properties by the Department of Housing to choose from, and that neither of these
properties met her preferences. She had no option but to take the offer; thus she ended
up living in a three-bed room apartment in Lilyfield, in which she has been living
since then. In addition to the location, transport, and social and community facilities;
safety and security of the place has remained an issue for Jenaba and her family.
Impacted by her past, living in a war zone, she perceived the property to be unsafe as
it does not have proper lock and security devices. According to Jenaba, although she
has notified her case worker of her concerns over security of the place and her
personal need for safety, the Department of Housing has disregarded these concerns,
ignoring the fact that unsafe accommodation can re-ignite past trauma experienced in
the country of origin.
Another example of Housing NSW failure to consider refugees special needs would
be refugee x. After he was granted protection, he became eligible to receive services
such as Centrelink payments and free English classes. He started studying English as
he needed to improve his English to increase his chance of finding employment that
would suit him. Meanwhile, he applied for public housing as he was still experiencing
housing problems. Although he was later offered a unit by the Department of
Housing, he refused to move into that unit due to security reasons and his mental
health issues that resulted from successive imprisonments and torture in his country of
origin. As refugee x had discovered, that block of apartments was occupied mostly by
tenants who had mental and social issues and he considered that this could deteriorate
his mental health situation. Furthermore, as he described, a group of migrants and
refugees from his country of origin were living there at the time he was offered the
unit; this was exactly the situation he feared and had been trying to avoid: living near
his countrymen, whom among those could be an informant. So again, refugee x had to
stay in the same place where he had been living since arrival, which was neither
affordable nor close to his school where he was studying English, as he could not
afford any other places that would be of better quality or proximate to his school.

Page 26

Chapter 6 - Conclusions & Recommendations

The present study explored the housing needs of humanitarian entrants and the
governments role in providing housing services to these groups. This was
implemented through a literature review and the subsequent interviews with a number
of professionals and refugees. The results of the interviews were analysed in the
previous section. For each of the main questions and the sub-questions, key findings
and conclusions are presented below.
Question: What are the main factors affecting humanitarian entrants success in
the housing market?
In assessing the housing needs and provision for humanitarian entrants, it was found
that a broad range of social and economic issues including government policy, access
to education and employment opportunities, access to income support, and the
availability of settlement and community support services affect the settlement
process for migrants and refugees. (Shelter WA, 2000, p.3)
The settlement process becomes increasingly stressful for humanitarian entrants due
to policy changes that result from changes in political and economical circumstances
around the world. In recent years, changes to government policy have led to a gradual
decrease in the provision of services and support for refugees, including a significant
reduction in the length of stay in on-arrival accommodation from thirteen weeks to
four weeks. Considering the connections between housing and other social and
economic indicators, monitoring the social and economic impacts of the changes on
communities is crucial in informing policy and advocating change. (Shelter WA,
2000, p.4)
In addition, access to income and employment is a key issue which directly impacts
on housing choices of refugees. Many humanitarian entrants experience difficulties in
securing employment due to lack of specialised job networks, lack of recognition of
overseas qualifications and skills, and discrimination.
The literature review and the interviews indicate that there is a consensus on a number
of challenges that humanitarian entrants often face when entering the private rental
market including the shortage of affordable rental accommodation, scarcity of large
properties for large families, and prejudice and discrimination.
Moreover, there is a general agreement among those interviewed on the complex
bureaucracy that exists in order to access public housing. Refugees require
considerable support from community workers in order to access public housing.
Department of Housing staff are clearly under pressure, are poorly trained, do not
understand refugee issues, have difficulty prioritising when they have so many
desperate cases, and there is a shortage of houses. The culture of Housing NSW in
their treatment towards their clients demonstrates a basic distrust and police approach
mentality.

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Sub-Question 1: What are their housing needs?

The general lack of affordable rental housing in major Australian cities forces many
humanitarian entrants into poor quality accommodation that is linked to poor health
and social exclusion. Given the tough pre-arrival conditions in which most refugees
live, accommodating them in places that are of high physical quality is very
important. Due considerations must be given to the location as refugees are displaced
individuals who more than most need to feel secure and safe in an unfamiliar
environment. In addition, they need to be close to quality community facilities and in
areas where they can feel part of a community. Moreover, refugees housing needs
varies according to the size of their family. Overcrowding can impact refugee
families health and education.
Refugees communication skills are often poor and they are often suspicious of
authority, and fearful of authority; therefore, understanding the terms and conditions
of tenancy, and applying for a residential lease are usually difficult for most refugees.
Lack of suitable referees or a rental history may complicate the situation. Thus,
humanitarian entrants may require assistance in understanding their rights and
obligations as tenants, and in securing a lease as well. An effective information
sharing channel between refugees and the organisations involved in the issues related
to their housing could be of great assistance to humanitarian entrants in their success
in the housing market, and in meeting their special needs.
Sub-Question 2: How can their housing needs be addressed?
To address the housing needs
recommendations have been made:

of

humanitarian

entrants,

the

following

Charmaine Silove recommended that on-arrival accommodation should be available

for longer as it is available only for four weeks. As discussed earlier, after this short
period, refugees are required to either pay the market rent or move into longer-term
accommodation, usually in the private rental market due to shortage of public
housing. Considering humanitarian entrants pre-arrival socio-economic
circumstances, greater assistance should be given to them during their stay at onarrival accommodation, also in the transition from on-arrival to private sector
accommodation. Formal and culturally appropriate person to person information
programs should be established to provide a detailed step-by-step guide to the private
rental market. These programs would provide humanitarian entrants with a greater
knowledge of the housing sector and the skills to obtain and maintain affordable
housing. Involving service providers and real estate agents in these programs is also
necessary to ensure that consistent and accurate information is being provided.
I believe that the providers should consult with their clients regularly about the
adequacy, design and standard of government services. There needs to be a more
planned approach to consultation with refugee communities to ensure that
consultation is more than one-off and reactive. Government service providers should
also inform eligible clients of services and their entitlements and how they can obtain
them. Keeping refugees informed and aware of their rights would be of great
importance in addressing discrimination in the private rental market.

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Both Gary Hogan and Judy Mclallen supported the idea that there should be training
for real estate agents on a variety of issues such as the challenges refugees face on
arrival in Australia, the various visa categories refugees enter Australia on, and a
description of the services and resources offered humanitarian entrants that can assist
agents in their work. This could help increase cultural awareness to improve
understanding and professional relationships between real estate agents and
humanitarian entrants.
Judy Mclallen also recommended that Housing NSW should be aware of the
particular needs of refugees and its employees would benefit from training in meeting
the special needs of refugees. There should be specialised units within Department of
Housing to deal with refugee clients as they need appropriate treatment. It would be
helpful if Housing used the resources of refugee advocates who could act on behalf of
refugees in helping them obtain priority housing.
Regarding government policy, I believe that Australia needs a clear, consistent, longterm and holistic strategy regarding refugees housing. There is a need for a national
legislative and policy framework against which the outcomes of government
programmes and strategies can be evaluated. As suggested by Judy Mclallen, there
should be a government media campaign to raise community awareness of refugees
issues in general. In addition, the government should plan social housing with
adequate consideration given to cultural elements such as housing of adequate size for
large refugee families and with sufficient facilities. Jenaba Sesay suggested that the
impacts that new settlement has on children of refugee families should be considered
by the government and appropriate support services should be available in respond to
these impacts. In my opinion, the rent allowance policy should be reviewed by the
government and be adjusted according to existing rental market supply and demand
prices. Furthermore, a good housing planning that incorporates access to employment
services, health, education, shopping, and other essential services such as child care is
essential. Finally, it was recommended by refugee x, and supported by the other
interviewees, that specialised centres should be established to help refugees find
employment that suits their needs, skills and interests. This could also help refugees
find proper housing that meets their special needs.
6-1 Future Research
As a consequence of the constraints elaborated on in Chapter 2, the scope of this study
was necessarily limited to an exploratory examination of the housing needs of
refugees in Sydney, and the housing options available to them. Although the study led
to a number of major conclusions, there remain several research areas that are
deserving of further investigation. These areas include a comprehensive analysis of
the housing needs of a larger number of humanitarian entrants not only in Sydney, but
also in other major Australian cities; an assessment of refugees housing needs and
related service delivery over a longer period of time, for example five years, as
finding appropriate housing may take up to a lifetime for some entrants; and
investigating the issue according to the entry category within the Humanitarian
Program. In other words, are those people who arrived as refugees and first resided in
on-arrival accommodation more likely to be more successful in the housing market
than those who were sponsored and lived with their sponsors in the first place, or
those arriving in Australia under other visa categories?
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Furthermore, a study should be undertaken on the impacts of changes to Australias

refugee and housing policies on refugees housing. A mathematical model could be
developed to determine and explain the residential location selection process of
humanitarian entrants, considering their home country and pre-arrival circumstances.
Finally, further research is required to evaluate the role of non-government
organisations in housing provision for refugees in addition to government
organisations involvement in the issue.
6-2 Concluding Remarks
Australia is one of the major refugee resettlement countries in the world, helping a
large number of refugees and others of humanitarian concerns under its Humanitarian
Program. However, there are considerable differences in the eligibility of different
groups of refugees to settlement services, particularly on-arrival accommodation.
However, even those refugees entitled to on-arrival accommodation receive only
limited housing services.
Although housing plays a key role in refugees resettlement process, there are
numerous barriers that humanitarian entrants encounter in searching for appropriate
and affordable housing including financial, social and racial barriers. Moreover, both
the public housing and private rental housing providers, to some extent, have failed to
provide refugees with appropriate housing that meets their different and changing
needs.
This paper has identified and explained some of the housing experiences and housing
needs of humanitarian entrants in Australia. It has also identified a great need for a
better understanding of these issues, and improved housing services. This study adds
to the existing knowledge on the housing needs of refugees by documenting the
housing experiences of this group, and provides recommendations on improving the
long-term housing outlooks of refugees. Thus, it is anticipated that the research will
be of significance to researchers, policy makers, and refugee groups.

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References:
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Appendix
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Project Title: An Examination of Housing Needs of Refugees in Sydney: Looking at
Current Government Strategies.

(Service Providers)
Q1- What are the main factors impacting refugees residential decision making?
(e.g. Financial, Cultural, Safety)
Q2- How have their housing needs been met in Sydney?
Q3- Do you have any suggestions on how to improve the housing status of
refugees in Sydney?

(Refugees)
Q1- Can you tell me how you came to live here / in your current house?
Prompts: Were there financial reasons? Were there cultural reasons? Were you
concerned about safety? Were there other reasons?
Q2 Would you say that your needs have been met by this place / this house?
Prompts: Do you find it affordable? Are you close enough to your work or to
employment opportunities? Do you find it safe and secure? Are you close enough
to cultural facilities? Any other issues?
Q3 What support did you receive on arrival and after a few months in terms of
housing? Can you tell me what you expected in terms of support when you
arrived? Were your expectations met? Can you tell me how useful the support
you received was?
Q4 - Do you have any suggestions on how to improve the housing needs of
refugees in Sydney?

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