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Abbreviations
A Arthastra
BhGBh Bhagavadgt karabhya
Hit Hitopadea
MBh Mahbhrata
MDh Mnava Dharmastra
MP Marma Prakik (a commentary on the Hitopadea)
PE Pacatantra (Edgertons edition)
PP Pacatantra (Pandeyas edition)
PS Pacatantra (Kielhorns edition)
PT Pacatantra (Hertels edition)
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Introduction
Narrative Structure
The Pacatantra is a famous collection of human and animal fables from ancient India and a
highly influential text in its rich, storytelling tradition. According to its kathmukha
(prologue), a brhmaa named Viuarman was hired by the king Amaraakti as a teacher
for his three wayward sons and he composed the five tantras for their edification. It informs
us that having carefully attended to the essence of all the Arthastras (treatises on politics)
in the world, Viuarman composed this highly charming stra in five tantras (PT 1.2-3).
The purpose of the text is indicated by the phalaruti (benediction) at the end of the
kathmukha, which declares that whoever, setting out in the world1, reads or listens to this
ntistra (treatise on kingly conduct), will never suffer defeat even from akra [Indra] (PT
3.17-18). The five tantras refer to the five frame stories which Viuarman narrated to
the princes. They include Story 1-00 The parting of friends, Story 2-00 The winning of
friends, Story 3-00 War between crows and owls, Story 4-00 The loss of ones
gettings, and Story 5-00 Unexamined deeds.
In each frame story are embedded several narratives, one story leading to another using
various literary devices. Most commonly, tales begin with the narrator reciting a verse
consisting of a maxim and a reference to a story. The listener then asks katham etat how
was it so? in response to which the narrator recounts the tale. For example, in the course of
Story 1-00 The parting of friends, the jackal Karaaka counsels his brother Damanaka
that: The man who meddles in anothers affairs brings about his own [goes himself to]
death, like the ape who pulled out the wedge (PT 5.13-14). On Damanakas query how
was it so? Karaaka narrates Story 1-01 Ape and wedge. The stories are thus embedded
in multiple layers with the outer narrative providing the context for an inner one. When the
inner narrative finishes, the outer one continues. If we consider the story of Viuarman in
the kathmukha as Level 1 and the five frame stories he narrates as Level 2, then we can get
1
yotraitat pahati pryo ntistra ruoti v. na parbhavam pnoti sa akrd api karhicit. The word
prya can mean for the most part, chiefly especially when used at the end of a compound, but in this
context it is preferable to read it in the sense of departure, going forth, starting (for a battle) which leads the
entries for this word in Sanskrit dictionaries. I have read atra as in the world and construed it with prya.
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I have borrowed the term from Indens criticism of Orientalism in Western scholarship on India. He claims
that caste has been turned into an essence, into the substantialized agent of Indian society in the hope that
by finding a permanent, stable, unitary nature, an essence, in [Hinduism] which appeared as just the opposite,
knowledge and control would be forthcoming (2000:57). I suggest that the same relationship holds between
the discourse of division, which includes natural enmity, and the Pacatantra narratives.
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Refutation. The implication that matsyanyya was a justificatory explanation for social
oppression is patently false. The term has been repeatedly used in Brahmanical texts
negatively with reference to the anarchical conditions that arise in the absence of a king and
is thus a signifier of a dystopia to be averted rather than a social fact to be celebrated (for
example, Bhandarkar 1918:114ff).
[2] Manu (5.29) articulates the ecological principle well: The immobile are food for the mobile; the fangless
for the fanged; the handless for the handed; and the timid for the brave (Olivelle:ibid).
As Thapar notes: Had the vi in origin been commoners with no lineage status or links with rjanyas it is
unlikely that so much effort would have gone into stating the obvious, that the vi was inferior to the rjanya
and the less powerful (Thapar, 1984:31).
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Taylors Argument
Taylor makes the same proposition as Olivelle, that predator and prey in the Pacatantra
narratives correspond to upper and lower castes respectively but he does so in a rather
convoluted manner without stating it explicitly. He begins by contradicting Olivelle that it
is difficult to find a satisfactory one-to-one correspondence between the meat-eaters, grasseaters and any particular groups within society (Taylor 2007:82). For example, with
regards to Story 1-00 The parting of friends, in which the lion is the predator and the bull
is the prey, he states that the lion makes a very poor brhmaa and the bull with its
brahmanical attributes an even worse commoner (ibid). Of course, the lion makes an ideal
katriya (also an upper caste) but I think Taylor does not want to make that argument
because, as we will see, the discourse of division in the brahmanical archive with which he
wants to connect the Pacatantra narratives, discriminates between the brhmaa and the
dra (and not a katriya and the dra). In any case, the preoccupation to read predator and
prey as social classes remains unassailable to doubt and unable to match them to particular
social groups, Taylor (ibid: 83) matches them to just social groups:
Let us think of them as open, undefined, but mutually distinct and incompatible. We see the discourse of
division manifesting in a new and different light: according to my reading, in these stories the Pacatantra
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Yet, there is nothing new or different about this conclusion for Olivelle (2002:100) has
already made this point clear in his essay:
The entire social theory of ancient India was, indeed, based on [the principle] that there are profound and
irresolvable differences between social groups, that certain groups of people are in natural conflict with others,
conflicts that are by definition not amenable to resolution.
And that these social groups correspond to higher and lower varas is ultimately conceded
even by Taylor while exploring the discourse in the brahmanical archive:
We may fruitfully explore another deep and intractable natural enmity: the relationship between brhmaas
and members of peripheral groups, including dras, caalas, other outcastes and barbarians The archive
focuses on the great divide between the twice-born varas of brhmaa, katriya and vaiya on the one hand,
and the once-born vara of dra on the other (Taylor 2007:179).
In other words, the only difference between the explanations of Olivelle and Taylor is that
the former has directly mapped predator and prey in the Pacatantra narratives with upper
and lower castes in the Vedic texts, while the latter claims that the animal characters do not
support such a mapping in themselves but the audience would get it anyway from the
cultural context of the brahmanical archive.
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We cannot be certain to what extent this principle was a historical reality. But as Taylor
(2007:38) himself suggests, his analysis is not about historical realities but the ideas, ideals
and ideologies of jti and vara propagated by the brahmanical archive. Notwithstanding
the division and hierarchy between brhmaas and dras, friendship between them is not
precluded in a theoretical sense and their natural enmity is thus out of the question.
Putting together the references to sahaja-vaira in the A and the Pacatantra, one could say
in general that the term refers to a conflict based on a natural impulse such as jealousy,
covetousness, revulsion, etc., which arises spontaneously and is difficult to control. It is
possible between smantas (kings with a contiguous border), those of equal birth, and the
various examples given in the Pacatantras, as outlined above. It does not mean that
sahaja-vairins are necessarily at war with each other all the time but that the potential for
conflict between them never fully goes away and so it is in their interest to always remain
wary of each other. This is simply a matter of realpolitik and not a form of irrepressible
class warfare as Olivelle and Taylor appear to have explained it. A ktrima-vaira, on the
other hand, appears to be characterized by its patency. It arises for the accomplishment of
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Bhandarkar (1918:144) mentions the use of the term yudhajvin by Pini and explains it as
a type of sagha which denoted tribal bands of mercenaries, and constituted one kind of
the kings army (ibid). Similarly, in the ntiparvan (MBh 12.108), Yudhihira speaks to
Bhma that having heard about the conduct (vtti) of the vijigiu, he would like to hear
about the conduct of the gaas. Bhma explains that gaas are jty ca sad sarve
kulena sads tath alike in jti (birth) and kula (family) and that bhedc caiva pramdc
ca nmyante ripubhir ga they are conquerable by the enemy through bheda (disunity)
and pramda (distraction) (MBh 12.108.30-31). Smith (2009:616) suggests that gaa in
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I have borrowed the Sanskrit terms from A Chapter XII balyasam Concerning the weak king (Kangle
1969:II.400).
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Similarly, Taylor (2007:81) explains that the jackal possessed a superior knowledge of the
natural enmity that existed between [the lion and the bull]. He merely fanned that latent
hostility. From the rambling dialogue in which the jackal instigates the lion against the
bull, he adduces only the following vignette which we may thus presume is the clincher in
his view:
Pigalaka said, He is a grass-eater; we are meat-eaters. How can he do me any harm? Damanaka said, It is
so; he is a grass-eater. Your majesty is a meat-eater. He is food. Your majesty is his devourer. (ibid.)
In other words, Damanakas agency in triggering the conflict is irrelevant. The status of the
lion and the bull as meat-eater and grass-eater meant that their alliance was doomed from
the start. The jackal represents only the condition and not the cause of its tragic denouement.
As noted above, Olivelles contention that predator and prey correspond to upper and lower
castes does not appear valid because, as Taylor has correctly pointed out, the bull is not
imaginable as a lower caste at all. Unable to find alternative referents Taylor interprets
meat-eaters and grass-eaters simply as anonymous, hostile social groups. However,
considering that Story 1-00 is the longest and most remarkable narrative in the Pacatantra
with a well-crafted plot, dialogues full of deep insight into human nature, and characters
developed with great care and ingenuity, it does not appear credible that the fruit of so much
passion and toil would be simply to point at the existence of some vague, unidentifiable,
antagonistic groups in society, leaving it up to the cultural context to fill the details.
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We may thus conclude that in the bulls view, grass-eaters would be the virtuous and
high-minded persons such as himself and in a sense would include even the king who is
noble and magnanimous enough to be persuaded to appreciate and support their enlightened
10
yayor eva sama vitta yayor eva sama kulam. tayor vivha sakhya ca na tu pua-vipuayo (PT 74.1516)
11
kudraparivroya rj na ivya ritnm. vara gdhropi rj hasaparivra. na hasopi rj
gdhraparivra iti. yato gdhraparivrd dhi svmino bahavo do prdurbhavanti. te ca ala vinya.
tasmt tayo prvam eva rjna lipseta. asadvacanapracritas tu rj vicrkamo bhavati. (PT 80.19-22)
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12
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15
sasya ketragata prokta satua dhnyam ucyate. nistuas taula prokta svinnam annam udhtam.
What grows in the field is called sasya, husked is dhnya, dehusked is taula and boiled is anna. (Hit. gloss
by MP, Kale 2004:63, translation mine).
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We all know that the crow was not really seeking a self-immolation but that is not the deceit
being alluded here. It would be absurd at this point in the story for the crow to make such a
request and for the owls to even consider it. Rather, it makes sense to think that the owls
would have understood the crow as speaking only figuratively and that is the deceit
against which Raktka is warning them. It is not the crows first act among the owls
(Taylor ibid: 93) but the second phase of his plan. The first was to get the owls to take him
in and had been accomplished successfully. And the two insults that Raktka hurls at the
crow kuila (crooked) and ktaka-vacana-catura (an expert in deceitful speech)
correspond to these two phases. Having attained the first goal by his crookedness, the crow
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Conclusion
In this essay, I have contested the sociological readings of some of the Pacatantra
narratives. I have tried to show that they do not just include discussions on kingly conduct
and the art of government in an incidental manner but, as a whole, each narrative deals with
the political rivalry between the members of the ministry in a monarchy, between the
monarchy and the gaa, and between the gaas themselves. While deceit plays an important
role in these narratives and the text both condones its use in some circumstances and
16
This is a technical term used in ancient Indian political treatises. MMW defines kaaka as any troublesome
seditious person (who is, as it were, a thorn to the state and an enemy of order and good government), a paltry
foe, enemy in general (cf. kudra-atru).
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Bibliography
Primary Sources
Arthatra. Kangle, R. P. (ed.) 2010 (1969). The Kauilya Arthastra. Delhi: Motilal
Banarasidass Publishers.
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