Professional Documents
Culture Documents
E-Mailed: agwebfeedback@gov.bc.ca
Dear Sir:
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Ratified on June 24, 1987
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Because of that circumstance, Crown Counsel has never been and will never
receive a request for an investigation thatll inquire into the allegations Ive
made as documented in my 30 July 2015 submission to your office.
The Attorney General and Minister of Justice does not have a general
mandate to intervene in this established process. Each component of the
justice system is independent of the other, in order to meet the legal
requirements of a fair and independent prosecution process.
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investigate whats been transpiring since I moved to Vancouver in early
January 1994. Your office is all too familiar with s. 7 of the Crown Counsel
Act.
(2) A special prosecutor must carry out his or her mandate, as set out in
writing by the ADAG, and in particular must
(a) examine all relevant information and documents and report to the
ADAG with respect to the approval and conduct of any specific
prosecution, and
(b) carry out any other responsibilities respecting the initiation and
conduct of a specific prosecution.
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What has been presented is no ordinary instance of police misconduct or
executive decision-making. Whats being complained of and repeatedly has
been a multi-decade, systemic and systematic mobilization of law
enforcement and the security services to pursue and protect the R&D
program whatever the costs. And as a direct result of nepotism and
patronage, accountability fact finders were also appointed or employed to
ensure establishment interests would continue unfettered by conventional
checks on the abuse of power.
Article 1
For the purposes of this Convention, the term torture means any act by
which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is
intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from
him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an
act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having
committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for
any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or
suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent
or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official
capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent
in or incidental to lawful sanctions.
Article 2
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There have been two reasons why pain, on occasion extreme suffering, was
being and continue to be inflicted to effect punishment, intimidation and
coercion. The first is documented on page 4 of my submission: In May
2006, I entered into an agreement with the Bush administration to help with
reform of whats become so blatantly dysfunctional in this countrys system
of governance. The second is documented in footnote 4 on page 4; namely,
the reform and accountability initiatives I undertook pursuant to that
contract.
The history of my relationship with the U.S. government began in the spring
of 2003. Because of Chinese joint hegemony dating back to the 1970s, i.e.,
during the time of the Cold War, every major institution of the state was
under constant surveillance; and have been ever since. When I filed my
Federal Court of Canada lawsuit in September 2002, it popped up on the
U.S. intel radar screen; top officials at the Pentagon and CIA learning Beijing
and Ottawa had successfully developed what the latter tried and failed at in
the 1950s and 1960s, namely the series of experimentation methodologies
that became known as MK-Ultra.
Our courts serve us best when the law advances the public interest.
Occasionally this happens in suits brought solely to protect a private
partys personal interest, but more often progress is made through a test
case brought and designed to further both public and private goals. Our
decade long fight to secure redress for the Canadian victims of CIA
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brainwashing experiments, Orlikow, et al. v. United States, 682 F. Supp.
77 (D.D.C. 1988) (Civ. No. 80-3163) is an example of such a public
interest litigation.
But this case involving the CIA goes far beyond the typical public interest
litigation precisely because it addresses an area of lawbreaking where
normal political and legal remedies are not available. As the late Senator
Frank Church concluded, after leading the congressional investigation of
the CIAs improper activities in the 1950s and 1960s, that agency was a
rogue elephant operating outside the law and protected by a shroud of
secrecy. This is an account of that rogue elephants reckless
experimentation upon unwitting Canadian citizens, as well as the story of
a public interest litigation against an opponent of immense power and
dubious purpose.
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This review of the CIAs actions in the United States and Canada
demonstrates how completely unprincipled was the Agencys original
brainwashing program, as well as its course of legal manoeuvers years
later when it was required to answer for its misconduct. The story of the
brainwashing suit and the barriers that were overcome before the CIAs
victims were finally compensated, illustrates both the formidable hurdles
presented and the unique satisfactions gleaned in a public interest law
suit.
[...]
It was only in the late seventies that David and Val learned for the first
time, from a New York Times story, that Camerons work had been
subsidized by the United States Central Intelligence Agency as part of a
secret program to study techniques of brainwashing. The Orlikows
wanted to sue the CIA for its part in experiments performed on Val by the
now deceased Cameron; they insisted that there was no one else who
would take their case and help them right this wrong.
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Getting the full story from a potential client is always important, but it is
paramount in a public interest litigation, because the suit is brought to
advance a principle as well as to vindicate an individual. Concealed
pitfalls, half-truths or distortions will inevitably sabotage both objectives.
A lesson learned time and again during the McCarthy period is that a
public interest lawyer must insist on the whole story, warts and all.
McCarthys victims had to be induced to tell their whole story despite
their fears of confiding in anyone, even their own lawyers. We insisted on
all the facts in this case before agreeing to represent the Orlikows and
other victims of the CIAs Canadian fiasco. From the beginning and
throughout the long fight for justice our clients told us the truth. Without
this confidence we would not and could not have properly represented
them.
[...]
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[...]
ii. The intensive repetition (16 hours a day for 6 or 7 days) of the
prearranged verbal signal.
iii. During this period of intensive repetition the patient is kept in partial
sensory isolation.
iv. Repression of the driving period is carried out by putting the patient,
after the conclusion of the period, into continuous sleep for 7-10
days.
Cameron also proposed to test drugs such as LSD 25 and other similar
agents in depatterning his patients and to experiment with new
methods of inactivating the patient during the repetition of verbal
signals with other drugs including curare, a drug used in surgery to
temporarily paralyze a patients involuntary muscles.
There is a parallel in Val Orlikow and I being covertly recruited into a mind
control experimentation regime; namely, she like I and my sister were
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linked to Ottawa by way of a family member holding political office. In my
and Romas case we not only had an uncle who was a Senator (Paul Lucier,
Yukon), our mother was on the federal bench (Tax Court of Canada).
Further, because I was member of the Bar being surreptitiously attacked and
my practice with the conspiratorial participation of the Canadian Security
Intelligence Service brought to ruination to advance the R&D program the
responsible parties interfered with the constitutionally protected
independence of the Bar.
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It was beyond comprehension that Lemieux J. would balance the interests
between disclosure and national security in favor of the latter; and doing so
informed my academic research and its findings. This was one of several
instances where the Court sought to protect the R&D program and insulate
the culpable.
This review of the CIAs actions in the United States and Canada
demonstrates how completely unprincipled was the Agencys original
brainwashing program, as well as its course of legal manoeuvers years
later when it was required to answer for its misconduct.
2
July 30, 2015 cover letter, page 6.
3
Ibid, page 7.
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the abuse of power no longer function as they should. Because they dont
there will be no public confidence in the administration of criminal justice if
Canadians discover my and my sisters multi-decade circumstances.
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