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AND TO West Coast District Health Board, 146 High Street, Greymouth 7805
[1] The public will notice that the defendant considers all of the
application’s 7 established pima-facie exceptional circumstances for the
direct appeal as being illegitimate and baseless criticisms of the judiciary:
[1.1] The monarch and its courts have been forced to prove to the public
that Parliament’s laws and Democracy are window-dressing
conjecture/rubbish, which are the exceptional circumstances (former
Appeal-Court judge and monarch’s Governor-General Hardie-Boys
unlawfully limited exceptional circumstances to a violent revolution only --
where the public would not ask monarch’s prostitutes for permission!).
[1.2] The Appeal Court’s previous invalidation of the Bill of Rights which
now disables its democracy protection and appeal provisions is another
exceptional circumstance: The Appeal-Court judges have declared the first-
ever definition of Natural Justice and the use of Parliament’s Bill-of-Rights
Act, esp. its SS.5,6,27 democracy, interpretation and natural justice/right-to-
appeal directions, as irrelevant & aberrant (not accepted [royal-fascistic]
standard), see point [1.3] below;
[1.3] The Appeal Court’s unlawful appeal-disabling practise of refusing
leave to appeal on unjustified and unlawful grounds should be regarded as
exceptional circumstance in a democracy, as this unlawfully raises appeal
requirements from public-interest level to exceptional circumstances level;
In the earlier case [2015] NZCA 428 it refused special leave to appeal on
the unlawful grounds that the appeal’s 15 Questions of Law (incl. this very
appeal’s 2 constitutional law questions) were questions of facts, which was
proven unlawful by Supreme Court decision [2015] NZSC 178 !; This is
now unlawfully used to prevent appeals even at the stage of filing to the
High Court!
[1.4] The Appeal Court’s previously announced disallowing of the
appellant’s appeal argumentations (“language”) is a further exceptional
circumstance; It announced that it would not accept filing of further
appeals due to the appellant’s language that describes the matters in an
unsanitised truthful way (an appeal against such refusal is unconstitutionally
disabled in S.7(b) Supreme Court Act, which should be declared
unjustifiable per ss5,6,27 Bill of Rights Act); This is now unlawfully used to
prevent appeals even at the stage of filing to the High Court!
[1.5] The grossly incompetent judge Mander was involved in the parallel
Supreme-Court appeal matter against the “pre”judicial decision of High-
Court judge Nation, who in an earlier case unlawfully prevented a lawful
appeal (see above point [1.3] and points [16.2,15.2] of the appeal);
[1.6] The appellant is now without health care provision, because he
cannot agree to give the fascistic NZ govt, an enemy of every democrat,
easy access to his very private health data.
[1.7] The above circumstances at least in this combined situation amount
to exceptional circumstances;
A further 13th exceptional circumstance must be added here:
[1.8] The Supreme Court’s un-statutory unlawful praxis of invalidating
SS.8,14 Supreme-Court Act’s direct (and general) appeal provision has been
exceptionally publicly uncovered by the plaintiff so that it can and must
be corrected. It is prima-facie established by S.14’s wording of
“exceptional” circumstances that its judge-made unlawful alteration to
“extreme compelling” circumstances can only be fulfilled by a (violent)
revolution against the monarch’s totalitarian rule not needing its appeal
provision, which is contravening the peace- and democracy- safeguarding
purpose of all laws in a constitutional democracy, and esp. that of the
constitutional Bill of Rights, which is the very essence of this claim/appeal.
[2] In addition, the public will notice that the defendant does not consider
privacy rights to be of any public importance/interest, so that official
invalidation of fundamental privacy-right protection and thus democracy
and its laws cannot be appealed in the monarch’s Appeal and Supreme
Courts! Hear, hear… Consequently, if democracy is not of public
importance/interest, then nothing can be for the monarch’s prostituting
serfs and slaves that it calls “the public”, and then there could not exist any
possible public importance/interest! This is obviously wrong in
constitutional Bill-of-Rights-Act law, as only those appellants who can
achieve huge publicity and allow the creation of unlawful law-invalidating
case law are arbitrarily accepted, in order to create an extreme natural-
justice hurdle against the general public who is not associated to the
monarch’s freemason fascists, commonly called “old boys’ network”!
[3] The public will notice that the defendant cannot provide any
reasonable defence to the Privacy-Act appeal, because this appeal’s prima-
facie proofs do not leave such option open -- therefore its lawyer denies
any obvious merit of this case and tries every procedural law-evading trick
to prevent a main hearing and therefore publicity, which is a literal abuse of
the process that should facilitate such main hearing. It is also general
government praxis…
[5] The reason for this Supreme-Court appeal consists of a 2-tier dismissal
of the appeal without any other appeal possibility:
The Supreme Court must consider the full appeal in order to read the
evidential proofs of deliberate gross incompetence by the Human Rights
Review Tribunal members that were “pre”judicially dismissed as “baseless”
by the High Court, and which are also the prima-facie law evidence of the
appeal; With the same strike it was also dismissed by refusal of filing.
Costs
[7] The plaintiff will not pay any costs to the defendant, as this would
punish him for the prima-facie-proven unlawful removal of privacy rights
by the Tribunal and the defendant and thus indirectly of health-care
services to the appellant. It would also be a perversion of justice.
Conclusion
[8] The Supreme Court must consider the whole appeal in regard to the
application for leave, as this proves the public importance/interest and also
exceptional circumstances. The separation between application for leave and
the appeal is unnatural/illogical, artificial, inflexible and costly.
The monarch’s Supreme Court sits at the position of a democracy-
safeguarding Constitution Court in a constitutional democracy, but fails to
accept any of those fundamental functions, only asserting arbitrary
totalitarian power of the monarch over democracy. This will change.