This document discusses how archaeology in Amazonia has shifted from being focused on description and classification to addressing human symbolic and social systems. It argues that archaeology should take an "engaged" approach called "mode 2" knowledge production, emphasizing heterogeneity, contingency, and dialogue. For indigenous groups in Amazonia, archaeology is an important tool to defend their cultural resources, lands, and explore their heritage. However, it often operates within a narrow disciplinary context aimed at Western interests rather than incorporating indigenous voices. The document calls for archaeology to construct knowledge in a way that is socially accessible and engaged with local communities.
Original Description:
Heckenberger 2004 - Archaeology as Indigenous Advocacy in Amazonia
Original Title
Heckenberger 2004 - Archaeology as Indigenous Advocacy in Amazonia
This document discusses how archaeology in Amazonia has shifted from being focused on description and classification to addressing human symbolic and social systems. It argues that archaeology should take an "engaged" approach called "mode 2" knowledge production, emphasizing heterogeneity, contingency, and dialogue. For indigenous groups in Amazonia, archaeology is an important tool to defend their cultural resources, lands, and explore their heritage. However, it often operates within a narrow disciplinary context aimed at Western interests rather than incorporating indigenous voices. The document calls for archaeology to construct knowledge in a way that is socially accessible and engaged with local communities.
This document discusses how archaeology in Amazonia has shifted from being focused on description and classification to addressing human symbolic and social systems. It argues that archaeology should take an "engaged" approach called "mode 2" knowledge production, emphasizing heterogeneity, contingency, and dialogue. For indigenous groups in Amazonia, archaeology is an important tool to defend their cultural resources, lands, and explore their heritage. However, it often operates within a narrow disciplinary context aimed at Western interests rather than incorporating indigenous voices. The document calls for archaeology to construct knowledge in a way that is socially accessible and engaged with local communities.
gists held a view of pre-Columbian Amazonian peoples as fairly uniform across the region and roughly identical - - to 20thcentury ethnographic groups-a view based on very scanty direct evi- dence. Attention was therefore directed at contemporary social forms and single- sited ethnography, which seemed well suited to studying the small, dispersed, and autonomous villages of the region. In recent decades, archaeology and ethnohistory document much greater variability through time and space, notably complex, regional social forma- tions and broad regional social networks. At the same time, contemporary issues of cultural 'property' rights have drawn attention to the agency and dynamism Michael Heckenbe~erwith Kuikuro Chief Afukaka in the Upper Xingu of indigenous social formations. In light of new views on Amazonia, as dynamic, diverse, and unpredictable, the unique ability of archaeologsts to consider long- These changes are familiar and paral- "Rethinking Science," (Nowotny et term change provides a critical perspective lel those of scientific inquiry, in general, al. 2001), a new framework for the in regional ethnology, although in-depth which has moved from tightly restricted dynamics of "science and research in archaeological investigations are rare. areas of knowledge and practice--dis- contemporary societies is suggested: Archaeology itself has also changed, ciplines-toward more interactive ('in- an approach or mood ('mode 2') that, from description and classification, to terdisciplinary') and socially account- unlike mono-disciplinary approaches the application of a positivist scien- able ('engaged') approaches. Socially ('mode 1'), emphasize heterogeneity, tific model imported from the natural engaged anthropology depends on contingency, and dialogue (see also sciences, to the more theoretically context rather than scientific formula or Ashman and Baringer 2000; Latour and practically ambitious attempts of philosophical dogma, and requires the 1998). Their vision of knowledge recent archaeology to address issues of articulation of diverse viewpoints. In production centers on the metaphor of human symbolic and social systems, anthropology this shift is most obvious the agora, meaning "meeting place" human agency, and consideration of the in the applied and medical areas, but the in Greek. The idea of the agora, or hegemonic ideas of dominant political question of relevance concerning the "context of application," as they also structures. Coinciding with this 'loss of broader impacts of research for society describe it, is particularly appropriate innocence' is an increased awareness at large resonates throughout the disci- here since in Portuguese, the language of cultural heritage (notably cultural pline and blurs the distinction between of the Brazilian portions which make resource management, CRM, mandated 'applied' and 'academic' anthropology. up about 70% of the Amazon, it means by Brazilian national laws) and the If this is the case, then what type of the "here and now." Archaeology, contested political space of archaeology. 'engagement' does archaeology entail? although typically framed in broad hu- Today, this includes greater reflection man timescales, is also about the "here on the question of who 'owns' the past, 'Engaged' Archaeology: The Agora and now," focusing on concrete material particularly repatriation and resource objects, spatial patterns, structural forms, control (including lands, valuable ob- In "The New Knowledge Pro- settlement patterns, 'eco-facts,' etc. The jects, and intellectual property rights). duction" (Gibbons et al. 1994) and materiality of subject matter, in fact, provides a medium for dialogue between properties. Importantly, the Kuikuro see ancestral sites (including cemeteries), viewpoints in the context of recovery and it as an important tool to preserve and and other special locations, but also in- exposition. The idea of the agora, the defend their culture. After a two-hour cluding 'places' that lie well beyond the dynamic, multi-vocal research context, Power Point show-and-tell, another limits of demarcated indigenous lands. is also appropriate here for still another Xinguano chief, the renowned Yawala- These issues require special provisions, reason: the indigenous peoples in many piti (Arawak-speaking) chief Aritana, but regulations, while fundamental, parts of southern Amazonia debate commented that "this is one of our most must remain flexible and keyed to local public affairs in central plaza forums. powerfid weapons to defend ourselves." issues and forums of discussion. For local Amazonian peoples archae- ology is a critical tool to defend their cul- Authenticity Indigenous People, Parks, and tural resources and lands and, at the same Cultural Heritage time, explore and preserve their heritage. The idea of the agora does not ne- Too often it operates within a narrow gate the traditional interests of archaeol- One area where tensions have disciplinary context, however, aimed at ogy or anthropology, but it does call for a emerged is that between indigenous addressing questions of Western schol- transdisciplinary, heterogeneous, reflex- peoples and environmentalists. In a live- arly interest and government compliance ive, and socially accountable research ly interchange initiated by Schwartz- (CRM), where debate is restricted to agenda. The challenge is not merely to man, Moreira, and Nepstad (2000), academic 'experts.' Indigenous voices document human cultural and biologi- several specialists in tropical forest have generally played little role, except cal diversity, but to construct knowledge conservation and development weigh as the objects of ethno-archaeological in a way that is socially accessible, or in on the issue of 'parks versus people" research. But, archaeology also offers open, and engaged. This approach is also in the tropics. Schartzman et al. ask: unique opportunities for engagement important since it counters the dubious How do anthropologists, ecologists, between points of view and relevance to tendency in regional anthropology to and policy-makers create a dialogue indigenous concern. The relevance is turn individual cases into general charac- that incorporates diverse viewpoints eloquently described by Xinguanos lead- terizations, creating even more dubious and, particularly, native voices, into ers (Xinguano refers to culturally related conditions of 'authenticity' that ignore discussions of policy-making, develop- groups who reside in the headwater variability and historical change and ment, and conservation? Recognizing region of the Xingu river, Parque Indi- rob indigenous peoples of agency. In that most tropical forests are occupied gena Xingu Indian Reserve, PIX, Mato virtually all cases, individual indigenous by indigenous peoples (Colchester Grosso, Brazil). As the Kuikuro (Carib histories are complex hybrids and 'tra- 2000: 1365), the position espoused by speaking Xinguano) chief, Afukaka, dition' is a question of not only heritage Redford and Sanderson (2000:1362) once said of archaeology: "this is the but diversity and resistance. is highly significant: "Traditional and only research that has taught me some- What constitutes 'traditional' or indigenous people can claim incon- thing I do not already know. Others have 'indigenous,' in a worldwide sense, is trovertible rights to their land.. .As asked about our rituals, how we cook obviously a highly contentious issue, independent peoples with rights to our food and grow plants, how we speak, particularly insofar as rights to lands and self-determination, their future should and these things I already know, but this resources are concerned. Archaeology be in their own hands - whether that [archaeology],this I did not know." He documents long-term cultural continuity future meets our expectations or not." In refers to learning about the places of in the Upper Xingu, which paradoxi- other words, means must be developed ancestors, niholo, and the ancient places cally is one of the most obvious cultural to insert indigenous voices in dialogues where they dwelled, niholo intupe. 'hybrids' in the broad region, produced and promote local pride of place. The The remains that archaeologists study through the intersection of diverse question, once again, is not only who are things they-kiwww e l w as, - - indigenuushisturies,the ethnogenesis, can speak buf, wfio 'will who exceptionally fertile soils (dark earths) of the Xinguano nation over the past will be heard? In this respect, the job of found in archaeological sites (egepe), 500 or more years. In this case, at least, anthropology is not to speakfor but to pot sherds (egeho), and other things that 'traditional' or 'authentic' is dynamic speak with 'others,' to create an agora litter ancient village sites (etepe), but and problematic. Many indigenous where alternative voices are present, never as instruments of knowing the peoples are displaced from their original including to the degree possible those of past. Today, the Kuikuro have a word for homelands, but their very displacement the past (indigenous ancestors). an archaeologist, egeho uhinhi ("person insured their physical precedence in most There is no doubt that there were who looks for potsherds"), and they see areas: the surviving indigenous groups in many more Amerindian people in AD the relevance of archaeology clearly as Amazonia were first occupants, almost 1492 than at any time afterwards, as a I a means to link oral histories with an regardless of where 'there' is. 'Authen- 1 I result of epidemics, cultural loss, and even deeper past and as a means to better ticity' is re-constructed in terms of the political and ecological marginalization. understand special places and personages critical places, memories, and identi- This challenges many traditional views, 1 with important cultural and economic ties, including dwelling places, sacred notably those presented by Meggers in her classic work Ammonia: Man and and 1990s, Western environmentalism Amazonians remain is precisely where Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise (1 996 was challenged, revised, and expanded the most intact forests also remain, as 1197I]), suggesting that the Amazon's to shift from 'conservation' focused on borne out by even a cursory study of tropical forest, if not tropical forests in preserving flora and fauna to 'sustain- satellite imagery, now widely available. general, cannot sustain intensive agri- able development' recognizing local Indigenous development, although not culture and, by extension, large, settled people's rights to use environmental without problems, e.g., mining, logging, population aggregates (i.e., complex so- resources. That the Amazon forest is etc., (Fischer 2000), is typically based cieties). Most regional anthropologists in significant part a human artifact, the on detailed ethno-scientific knowledge today reject this view, but, as Coburn product of a very long culture history in and is uniquely suited to local condi- (Chicago Magazine 2003: 105) notes, the region, does not make 'nature' any tions. This ecological consciousness ecology activists seized upon Ammo- less 'natural,' any more than elsewhere of indigenous peoples is also reflected nia, as "one of the fundamental texts in our highly anthropogenic world. It in the alliance movements between of the save the EarthISave the Rainfor- does cast doubt on models that promote indigenous and small rural landholders est -Movement." Thu4;.mmy pleas-for stable systems operatkg -&-&lieate over, f ~ i m t a n mtheconstruction , of the Karara6 and Babaquara dams, at Al- tamira (Para, Brazil) in 1989; a similar initiative is underway (Forline & Assis, this volume). CC The question of who 'owns' the past creates a va- Intellectual and Cultural Rights riety of philosophical and ethical questions, but also The question of who 'owns' the past creates a variety of philosophical and raises important practical and legal issues, including ethical questions, but also raises impor- tant practical and legal issues, including the ownership, curation, and conservation of cultural the ownership, curation, and conserva- tion of cultural remains (ethnographic remains (ethnographic and archaeological) and of and archaeological) and of place. 99 Intellectual and cultural property rights place. are often difficult to define in terms of indigenous peoples (Posey 1983,2002) and must be considered on a case-by- case basis, as well as by definition of the development of nature parks or equilibrium that humans uniformly general categories. One area that needs conservation areas rest on the assump- disrupt. immediate attention relates to the con- tion of "technological limitations and Speaking truth to power thus duct of research and other engagements, low population densities" (Terbough involves scientific research methods, which must increasingly develop means 2000:1358), but, one might ask, what which are about pattern recognition in to incorporate indigenous peoples into are the historical justifications of such a fixed amount of time and space, as research as active participants and deci- an argument? well as historical procedures, which are sion-makers. One highly productive av- What happens if the presumed con- necessarily bridging, since they seek to enue has been to incorporate indigenous servatism of indigenous peoples or their compare things across different spatio- groups in filming and self-documenta- low densities and impacts are placed in temporal scales and involve translation tion projects, moving us away from doubt by historical and archaeological and interpretation. Alongside knowl- the tendency of exoticizing and deny- evidence, which mounting evidence in- edge production, however, the scope of ing agency through uncritical Western creasingly seems to support? In a recent research should be expanded to include representation. Issues of co-authorship essay aimed at "mapping an engaged an- alternative viewpoints and external of imagery and research databases must thropology" Beth Conklin (2003) argues critique. There is no singular solution, be addressed, and appropriate remu- that anthropology should "speak truth no right answer about the real past (or neration for indigenous knowledge and to power." She notes that anthropolo- present), but there are resonances and resources must also be embraced, pref- gists cannot "tailor our research agendas correspondences between different erably through contractual agreement and writings to produce the images that perspectives. (the direction taken by the leadership certain activists or advocacy groups Regardless of what Western scien- of the AssociaqSio Indigena Kuikuro do want," since "distorted claims inevitably tists or policy-makers might feel is the Alto Xingu). bacldire when the gap between rhetoric appropriate use of the land or not, the These concerns resonate strongly and reality is revealed." In the 1980s simple fact is this: where indigenous with issues that emerged in the U.S. in the 1980s, culminating in NAGPRA The Upper Xingu Indigenous day-to-day research create enthusiasm, (The Native American Graves Pro- History Project act as cultural interpreters, and help tection and Repatriation Act). Places stimulate local community members to are made by dwelling in an area, and The Upper Xingu Indigenous History remember and recount events, which making physical as well as symbolic Project, co-directed by Bruna Franchet- are then recorded in the documentary or social 'improvements' of it. These to and Carlos Fausto (Museu Nacional, sub-project. 'improvements' can be documented Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro) Importantly, while there is signifi- through archaeological fieldwork, and the author, is an attempt to cre- cant variation of opinion about details including the residues left by living ate such a research context, a meeting and relevance from one perspective to populations, as well as ethnographic place, that includes diverse specialties another, there is widespread agreement and linguistic collaboration with and points of view (Heckenberger 2004; between project participants, native and indigenous participants. Mapping out Heckenberger et al. 2003). The project outsider, with respect to many interpre- local histories and memories, critical to is a loosely affiliated group of research- tations. Of particular note, all view- preservation of cultural traditions, and ers engaged in cooperative fieldwork points involved in on-site research (in- the places where they occurred should with indigenous leadership and local digenous, archaeological, ethnographic, be a research priority, and archaeologi- research participants to promote local linguistic, and others) is that: 1) the cal perspectives are uniquely suited to self-determination, as well as increase Xinguano peoples have lived in the area situating these into a geographical, anthropological knowledge. It integrates for a millennia or more, although they dwelling, perspective. While, as noted archaeology, ethnography, linguistics, have an extremely complex history of above, not all histories or archaeologies indigenous knowledge and history, and change and ethnogenesis; 2) they had an can be linked to place as easily, where digital fiMaudio documentation. Indig- economy, political system, and ideology cultural continuity can be demonstrated enous community members participate that supported large, permanent, and in space and landscape, such studies in all aspects of the field research and densely distributed settlements; 3) all are critically important to indigenous open seminars are given regarding of these features were based on a highly concerns of land-rights, cultural sur- research results. With respect to local sophisticated system of 'ethnoscience' vival and pride-of-place. In this regard, community participation, indigenous largely intact (although not unchanged) the necessary generation of spatial in- assistants are trained at the initiation today. In the Upper Xingu, history is formation should be embedded within of each field season in archaeologi- inscribed on the body and on the land, larger participatory mapping strategies cal and mapping techniques, including in a highly indelible and clear 'histori- whenever possible. 'high-tech' transit and GPS mapping cal' form. Another important area of discussion and excavation. Importantly, a broad These observations are critical for involves the disposition of collections. understanding of basic methodologies more than academic issues. Archaeol- The question of appropriate repositories provides a way for project participants ogy documents changes in settlement for archaeological remains and their to communicate and design mutual re- patterns from pre-Columbian times, storage is not fully resolved in terms search strategies. Archaeological map- including the complicated regional of hierarchical local, state, and federal ping provides precisely such common settlement patterns documented for the regulations. At the local level, commu- language. The Xinguano case, although period c. AD 1250-1650, included com- nities often feel strong claims to these not unique, is one of the only examples plexly organized sub-regional clusters materials and, although federal law in of large-scale archaeological research of some 6- 12 villages, comprised of most cases requires their curation in conducted in an indigenous area. large, medium, and small-sized plaza state facilities, local claims should also Participatory projects of all kinds, villages interconnected by wide, straight be recognized. Likewise, indigenous roads and other intricately constructed claims to ancestral materiak,whether .- -- including - archaeological - - mapping, - - - -.- surveying and excavation, integrate features (Heckenberger2004, et a b - within their demarcated lands or not, Kuikuro people. At the beginning of 2003). This evidence and demographic must also be acknowledged. Minimally, each field season, Kuikuro assistants patterns over the past 120 years provide indigenous groups should be incorpo- are trained, young to middle-aged adult some of the clearest evidence for cata- rated into debates and participate in men and women, providing a fertile strophic population decline in Amazo- archaeological fieldwork, particularly ground for dialogue, since local indi- nia. After the introduction of regular as it applies to scared sites and remains, viduals understand the research through medical assistance, the region shows including human remains. In Arnazonia, hands-on experience. The Kuikuro remarkable rebound: population in the precisely due to the lack of archaeo- leadership takes an active role in all Kuikuro village went from about 100 in logical history, indigenous peoples decision-making, as well as data collec- the 1960s to 150 in mid- 1970s, 180 in and archaeologists can forge lasting tion and interpretation. Project results the early 1980s, 220 in the late 1980s, collaborations and avoid the pitfalls of and basic expertise of research partners and 330 in 1993. Today there are about cultural 'partisanism' that have some- are also incorporated into community 500 divided in three villages. Thus, in times occurred elsewhere. education projects. Participants in the the Upper Xingu, at least, archaeology provides a ready response to the com- Conklin, B. Nowotny, H., P. Scott, and M. Gibbons. mon refrain of indigenous antagonists: 2003 Engaged Anthropology and Indig- 2001 Rethinking Science: Knowl- "why so much land for so few people, enous Advocacy: Speakmg Truth to edge and the Public in the Age people who do not know how to de- Power. Anthropology Newsletter 4 4 5 of Uncertainty. Polity Press: velop the land?" The answer is simple: Cambridge. before colonialism decimated regional Fisher, W. populations, there were many more, 2003 Rain Forest Exchanges: Industry Posey, D. they used their lands well, and-with and Community on the Amazonian 1983 Indigenous knowledge and basic medical assistance-they will be Frontier Smithsonian Institution development: An ideological bridge plentiful again. Press: Washington, D.C. to the future? CiSncia e Cultura 35:877-94. 2002 Indigenous Knowledge and Ethics: A Darrell Posey Reader. CC Routledge: New York. Through collaborative and engaged archaeological Redford, K. H., and S. E. Sanderson. approaches, diverse viewpoints can be joined to help 2000 Extracting Humans from Nature. Conservation Biology preserve and protect cultural heritage and indigenous 12: 1362-64. $9 property rights. Schwartzman, S., D. Nepstad, and A. Moreira 2000 Rethinking Tropical Forest Con- servation: Perils in Parks. Conserva- The Upper Xingu case was the first Gibbons, M., C. Limoges, H. Nowotny, tion Biology 12:1351-55. federally protected indigenous area in S. Schwartzman, P. Scott, and M. Trow Brazil. It is considered by many as the 1994 The New Knowledge Produc- Terbough, J. 'crown-jewel' of Brazilian indigenism. tion: The Dynamics of Science and 2000 The Fate of Tropical Forests: A But, struggles over land rights are far Research in Contemporary Societies. Matter of Stewardship. Conservation from over. In fact, just as the federal Sage: London Biology 12:1358-60. government moved to establish the PIX in the late 1950s, the state government Heckenberger, M. Michael Heckenberger (Ph.D. sub-divided and sold or distributed 2004 The Ecology of Power: Cul- Pittsburgh 1996), Assistant Professor individual lots. Several juridical cases tural, Place, and Personhood in the ofAnthropology at the University of have already successfully incorporated Southern Amazon, AD 1000-2000. Florida, has worked for fifteen years archaeological data. Archaeology is Routledge: New York (in press). on the archaeology of indigenous thus a critical element in defining and Amazonian peoples, particularly on the demarcating indigenous lands. Through Heckenberger, M. J., A. Kuikuro, U. T. Xinguano peoples. He was a Visiting collaborative and engaged archaeologi- Kuikuro, J. C. Russell, M. Schmidt, C. Professor at the Museu Nacional (Rio cal approaches, diverse viewpoints can Fausto, B. Franchetto. de Janeiro) and Visiting Researcher at be joined to help preserve and protect 2003 Amazonia 1492: Pristine For- the Museu Goeldi. He has published cultural heritage and indigenous prop- est or Cultural Parkland. Science various articles, a book entitled The erty rights. 1302: 1710-4. Ecology of Power: Culture, Place, and Personhood in the Southern Amazon, References Latour, B. AD 1000-2000 (Routledge, 2004), 1998 From the world of science to the and the co-edited volume, 0 s Po- Ashman, K. and P. Baringer world of research? Science 280:208- vos do Alto Xingu: Historia e Cul- 2000 Aifter the Science Wars. Rout- 209. tura (with Bruna Franchetto, UFRJ ledge: New York. Press, Rio de Janeiro, 2001). E-mail: Meggers, B. J. <kaiaiam@aol.com>. W Colchester, M. 1996 Amazonia: Man and Culture 2000 Self-determination or Environ- in a Counterfeit Paradise. Smith- mental Determinism for Indigenous sonian Institution Press: Wash- Peoples in Tropical Forest Conserva- ington. tion. Conservation Biology 12:1365-67. In This Issue Applying Anthropology