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Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's
pictures of huacas
USA TREVER
I. Introduction ingas del Pir (ca. 1590), also known as the Galvin
manuscript. Those earlier color drawings have only
In the early seventeenth century, the native Andean
recently resurfaced in the academic world and they
author and artist Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala penned
reveal much about Guarnan Poma's graphic production.
an illustrated account of the history of Peru from its
This study is art historical in its focus on formal shifts and
first inhabitants, through the Inca kings, to his own era
pictorial re-articulations, but its analyses also draw upon
of Spanish viceregal rule. Guarnan Poma's history, El
recent advances in Andean history, ethnography, and
primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno (ca. 1615), is
archaeology.
best known for the 398 line drawings that illuminate
This essay will argue that Guarnan Poma invented a
the text. No other early colonial Peruvian manuscript is
new colonial iconography for depicting native Andean
so heavily illustrated and thus Guarnan Poma's pictures
religion during his collaboration with Mura and that he
have been repeatedly mined for the illustration of
continued to use and adjust that iconography throughout
Andean history, anthropology, and ethnography. Not
his career. Guarnan Poma's pictorial formulae integrate
until relatively recently, however, have scholars begun
to evaluate and contextualize Guarnan Poma's use of conventional Christian tropes of idolatry with particular
Andean emphases on the sacrality of mountains and
European popular and religious iconography, survivals of
stone. It is well known that pagan forms from classical
pre-Hispanic visual traditions, and colonial-era agendas.1
antiquity informed Spanish interpretation of idolatry in
Within Guarnan Poma's corpus, one finds the invention
the American viceroyalties, and so it is not surprising
and recombination of pictorial language to serve the
that Guarnan Poma draws heavily upon medieval
rhetorical needs of an often paradoxical writer. The
iconography of idolatry in these pictures. What is more
images of the Nueva cornica are just as polemical as
remarkable is how the illustrator adapts that vocabulary
its text, especially in their amplification of the author's
to suit the local subject at hand. In the later Nueva
argument for a return to native rule in Peru, unburdened
cornica, Guarnan Poma continues to employ the same
by both idolatry and corruption, but grounded instead in
the Catholic faith. idiosyncratic iconography of mountains-as-idols, but
the formula shifts as he reveals a deeper understanding
In this essay I examine Guarnan Poma's pictures of
of the primacy of ancestral cults. Guarnan Poma's
native religion within this context of pictorial invention
most "authentic" visual articulation of pre-Hispanic
and colonial religious rhetoric. I bring together the
metaphysics, however, appears not in the Nueva
artist's illustrations of huacas (central objects of Inca
cornica but, unexpectedly, in the illustrated Inca
and Andean devotion) in the Nueva cornica with the
romance that concludes Mura's Historia. In the change
watercolors that he made years prior to illustrate the
of genre to romantic fiction, Guarnan Poma's pictures are
same subject for the Spanish friar Martn de Mura's
seemingly freed from the constraints of religious rhetoric.
Historia del origen y genealoga real de los reyes
What results is a radically different representation of
two huacas (Pitusiray and Sahuasiray) in an image of
Several ideas developed here were first presented at the Association apotheosis that is singular in the history of art.
for Latin American Art's first triennial conference "Open Dialogues" at
New York University's Institute of Fine Arts in October 2007. A version
of this paper was presented during the Vanderbilt-Chicago-Harvard II. Assembling the huacas
workshop "Materiality, Ontology, and the Andes" at Harvard University
in April 2009. The author heartily thanks Tom Cummins, Irene Winter, At the opening of his chapter on idolatry in the Nueva
Gary Urton, Joanne Pillsbury, Jessica Berenbeim, Eulogio Guzmn, cornica, Guarnan Poma illustrates the fifteenth-century
Csar Astuhuamn, Francesco Pellizzi, Juliet Wiersema, and the Inca king Topa Inca consulting an assembly of huacas
anonymous reviewers for their invaluable comments, suggestions, and (fig. 1 ).2 "Huaca" is a Quechua and Aymara term that is
criticisms.
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40 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 41
Peruvian books or manuscripts and they seem never to \Z^pc^ fy*<S ^^zftvgS?
yuAr* **/'**K " ryt/ur<% c p-... s
have been represented mimetically in earlier Inca art. y'jJoc. } H/^*tfH/t ^.n^t & .iDiVyt-n. &L cAtc
Only one other set of images even remotely resembles 1 pnuSe/t-r{<rx* fiua*. e//>**"?.?*+>
this series: the watercolor illustrations that Guarnan
Poma made for Martn de Mura's Historia del origen y
genealoga real de los reyes ingas del Pir (ca. 1590).6 ~ - * ^ ' " " '-" ?*
! ,)*a>*v > - ^ -^<r *+,**+**>. - vlv a <"* .". ~ .
Considered together, these two series of images make up ,U"rt-,^^r, V r-x/^^v *~-r
an exceptional collection of early colonial visualizations *7*^,1* 'a,^ .y.v <*tie2uf'nJ'a
of pre-Hispanic religious forms.
Guarnan Poma established a precedent for his image
of Topa Inca addressing the huacas in a watercolor made
for Mura (fig. 2). In that drawing, the Inca king Capac
Yupanqui speaks with a group of huacas in Cusco.
Several formal differences are apparentcolor is added,
the composition is reversed,7 Huanacauri is not present,
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42 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
the Nueva cornica, Guarnan Poma's picture is survive in stone conform to distinct stylistic and aesth
didactic in its presentation of Andean divinitiescanons.
as Stone huacas were often either uncarved
occupying points on a spectrum between lithicrock andformations (fig. 3) or sculpted stones that were
anthropomorphic extremes and it reveals an abstract or only vaguely figurai in form (Dean 2006a;
Paternosto 1996). At times lithic huacas evoked the
understanding of some huacas as liminal, mythological
shapes
beings that could shift from humans into stones and viceof humans and animals (Allen 1997:78), but they
versa.10 It is this set of stony huacas in particular were
thatrarely fully formed and their identification often
Guarnan Poma emphasizes throughout his drawings required
of visions and extraordinary acts of perception
native Andean religion. (Brittenham n.d.). Large stone huacas were often
described by Spanish priests as formally ambiguous,
Although huacas might be any physical objects
especially imbued with camay, they are most oftenmonstrous, or malformed, looking almost like a man
or a child but not quite (see, for example, Acosta 2002
described in colonial extirpation accounts as stones,
springs, temples, and mountains that had numinous [1590]:bk. 5:9:270; Arriaga 1999 [1621 ]:10:97; Cobo
properties, oracular powers, and mythological 1990 [1653]:bk. 1:11:46).12 Even the portable huacas
that were considered the "doubles" or "brothers"
importance, and were active agents in ancient political
conflicts and alignments (Polo Ondegardo 1982a(huauques) of the Inca kings and deities did not
[15851:447; Arriaga 1999 [1621 ]:2:28-31 ; Rowe represent
1963 their subjects directly but instead took the
[1946]:296; Curatola and Zikowski 2008). Theseshapes of birds, fish, or snakes (Van de Guchte 1996;
huacas are often encountered in landscapes and Dean many 2006a).
of Monolithic huacas set in the landscape
their shrines are arranged along conceptual lines often echo the forms of mountains beyond and require
called
proper alignment of viewer, stone, and landscape (Dean
ceques that radiated out of Cusco (Cobo 1990 [1653]:bk.
1:12-16, 47-84; Zuidema 1964; Rowe 1979; Van de Astuhuamn 2008). Seeing figures in stone
2006b;
Guchte 1990; Bauer 1998; Christie 2008). Processionshuacas was, and remains, part of a process of visual
imagination and active engagement between object
to and rituals at these shrines continue to be performed
and viewer. These stone huacas are incommensurate
by communities following a religious calendar (Sallnow
1987; Reinhard 2005).11 with Western religious sculpture that informed Spanish
Inca and other Andean sculptures in metal often encounters with native religion in the Americas (see, for
example, Cummins 1994, 1995, 2002a; Dean 2006a).
represent figures naturalistically but sculptures that
In contrast to Renaissance or classical sculpture, Inca
and other highland Andean artistic traditions emphasize
10. Inca and Andean mythology is replete with tales of petrification visual abstraction, metonymy, and materiality over
and lithomorphosis. For example, through divine intervention, stones verisimilitude and mimesis. The division between
in the battlefield transformed into soldiers to aid Inca Yupanqui in
sculpture and nature, between "idol" and rough stone,
a pivotal victory against the Chancas (Pachacuti Yamqui 1995 [ca.
1613]:58 [19r]; Cobo 1979 [1653]:bk. 2:10:127-129). After he became was not as firmly defined in the pre-Hispanic Andean
king and took the name Pachacuti, the Inca had these stones installed world as it was in the European tradition.
in temples throughout Cusco (Acosta 2002 [1590]:bk. 6:21:364; Cobo In the text of Guarnan Poma's Nueva cornica, as in
1990 [1653]:bk. 1:8:35-36). most colonial accounts (see Duviols 1977; MacCormack
11. Recently historian Peter Gose (2006, 2008) has argued,
1991; Mills 1997), however, the author describes huacas
however, that the worship of mountains, rocks, and stones was not
original to pre-Hispanic religion. Rather, he proposes that landscape
simply as "idols." But whereas such glosses fall short
worship arose only in the aftermath of sixteenth-century reduccin in defining the complexity of what the huacas were,
and extirpation campaigns that rid communities of the mummified Guarnan Poma's images offer richer commentaries on
ancestors and sculptural "idols" that formed the original core of the physical and metaphysical qualities of these Andean
Andean worship, leaving only the land itself as the object of devotion.
religious forms as they are situated within the colonial
Gose's study is important in its historicization of the forms of native
Andean religion. What that author does not analyze critically, however,
ideology of the artist's time. Let us turn to Guarnan
is the physical form of those Andean "idols," which he seems to accept Poma's earliest pictures of huacas, created for Murua's
as anthropomorphic statues in the classical European sense. The Historia.
"idols" of pre-Hispanic Andean ancestral cultssuch as the stone of
Huanacauriwere just as likely (or perhaps more likely) to be rough
stones as anthropomorphic statues. As such, they maintained a material
continuity with the landscape and thus the change that Gose observes 12. A possible exception, the purportedly Inca stone statue in
may better be understood as a colonial shift in emphasis rather than a the Museo de Amrica, Madrid (Van de Cuchte 1996:fig. 1 ) is in all
complete rupture in religious practice. likelihood a colonial reworking of an original Inca stone.
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 43
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44 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 45
Figure 5. An incident of cannibalism in Peru. Cieza, Parte Figure 6. Idolaters of "Lesser Armenia" (Armenian Cilicia).
primera de la chronica del Per, 1553, ch. 19, fol. 22. *58 Marco Polo, Livre des Merveilles, 1390-1400. The Pierpont
803F, Floughton Library, Harvard University. Morgan Library, New York. MS M.723, fol. 82r.
This iconographie innovation of including the does it mention the monolith that appears behind the
monolith/mountain as a necessary component of the king. Rather, the mountain/monolith has become part
Andean idol recurs throughout the illustrations of huacas of the manuscript's graphic shorthand for indicating
in Mura's Historia (figs. 7-10). Guarnan Poma's drawing Andean divinity. By overlapping the body of the king
of Capac Yupanqui offering sacrifices to the sun (fig. 7), and the monolith, the artist conflates their forms, as if
which introduces Mura's chapters on Andean idolatry, to indicate that they share in the same sacred quality of
is a fine example. In the text, Mura describes how the being. The mountain/monolith motif appears again in
Incas offered sacrifices to the sun and to the creator god the image of the Indians of Cusco worshipping an idol
Pachayachachic, which he states was represented by a named Sanco Casoa (fig. 9).19The illustration clearly
gold statue in the form of a ten-year-old boy.17 But in references Christian iconography, as comparison to the
the image one sees the Inca king and queen offering a French illumination of Armenian idolatry readily reveals
child and corn beer to the sun and to a mountain that (fig. 6); in both illustrations men kneel in a landscape
Mura has labeled Pachayachachic. The image offers an and raise their hands in European-style prayer to the
alternative representation of the Andean creator god not anthropomorphic idol that is elevated at the right of the
as an anthropomorphic idol, but as a mountain.18 page.20 But in Guarnan Poma's image the Andean idol is
The divine mountain or monolith appears again in
the drawing of the Indians of Cusco worshipping the
19. One presumes that a huaca by this name existed in Cusco, but
sun and the Inca king, who was understood to be the it is not included in Polo's huaca list (Cobo 1990 [1653]:bk. 1:1216,
son of the sun (fig. 8). The text describes how cusqueos 47-84) or in the extirpation accounts produced by Cristobal de Molina
would pray to the sun, and then to the Inca, but nowhere (1988 [ca. 1576]), Albornoz (1988 [1581-1585]), or Jos de Arriaga
(1999 [1621]). Rudolfo Cerrn-Palomino (personal communication,
2011 ) suggests that this may be a misspelling of the name of the Inca
17. This description of the statue of Pachayachachic (fols. 95r-96v) king Manco Capac.
is a later textual addition in Mura's hand. 20. In contrast, typical Andean gestures of worship (mocha) involve
18. Only later in the manuscript (bk. 3, ch. 50) does the text state placing the left hand on the forehead and extending the right, pulling
that huacas often took the forms of rocks, hills, and mountaintops. out eyebrow hairs as offerings, and making kiss-like sounds.
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46 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
elevated on a monolith and within a masonry wall, not Cobo 1990 [1653]:bk. 1:17:88; MacCormack 1991:56)
on a column or an altar. or as a gold statue in the shape of a fox (Albornoz 1988
The image of a numinous figure standing on top of [1581-1585]: 191 ), neither of which corresponds
a monolith is repeated in the illustrations of the huacas Guarnan Poma's drawing. The illustration of t
of the four quarters (suyus) of the Inca empire (fols. of the southeastern quarter, Collasuyu (fig. 10),
10Ov, 101 v, 102v, 103v). In one image (fol. 101 v), an two Indians offering coca leaves and an alpa
Indian offers smoke and prayers to an anthropomorphic named Titicaca and to the sun. The Island of
idol named Pachacamac ("Animator of the World"), called the Island of the Sun) in the lake by th
who was a major pre-lnca oracle whose temple was is the setting of an Inca myth of the creation of t
sacked by Hernando Pizarro in 1533. Early accounts of (Betanzos 1996 [1557]:pt. 1:1:7-8; Sarmient
Pachacamac describe the cult object as a carved wooden [1572]:7:49-55; Molina 1988 [ca. 1576]:50
staff kept in a painted temple (Estete 1872 [1534]:82-83; 2002 [1590]:bk. 1:25:72; Bauer and Stanish
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 47
T
/ \A f;f $3 i- i w w/. rY"
./ KM., ' u'n'r.'
_
" M. 1 -
'1
t
mL
(om JL gp '
Figure 9. The Indians of Cusco worship the idol Sanco Casoa. Figure 10. The Indians of Collasuyu offer coca and an alpaca
Mura, Historia del origen y genealoga real de los reyes ingas to the idol Titicaca and to the sun. Mura, Historia del origen y
del Pir, ca. 1590, bk. 3, ch. 47, fol. 98v. Photo: Courtesy of genealoga real de los reyes ingas del Pir, ca. 1590, bk. 3, ch.
Tom Cummins. 52, fol. 103v. Photo: Courtesy of Tom Cummins.
the huaca ofTiticaca is described in historical accounts to millenarian Taki Onqoy practitioners, were preparing
as an uncarved crag of living stone that was adorned with to lead the charge against the Spaniards and their
fine textiles and gold, not as an anthropomorphic figure Christian God in the sixteenth century. The other two
(Cobo 1990 [1653]:bk. 1:18:91-99; Pachacuti Yamqui images illustrate regional variations of the Inca creator
1995 [ca. 16131:12 [5v]). god.21 Furthermore, since both Pachacamac and Titicaca
Guarnan Poma's images of the regional huacas in are linked to the creation of the world, one may interpret
Mura's Historia are generic and essentialized; they all four of these images as representing Lascasian
do not correspond to the known physical forms of the manifestations of a creator God. These homogeneous
principal huacas in any of these areas. They name only
two specific shrines: Pachacamac and Titicaca, which 21. The huaca of Antisuyu is named "Anti Viracocha" (fol. 100v)
were the paramount huacas of the coast and the sierra, and the huaca of Chincaysuyu is named "Tied Viracocha Pachacamac"
respectively (Gose 2008:94, 104), and which, according (fol. 102v).
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48 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 49
Figure 12. The "Intihuatana" at Machu Picchu. Photo: Courtesy of Stephen Trever.
1530s. Central to Guarnan Poma's entire enterprise is the no evidence that the Inca ever placed anthropomorphic
argument that native Andeans did not require forcible statues on top of stone sculptures like this. Instead, I
conversionsince they were already in fact Christians propose that Guarnan Poma has represented the huaca
and thus the conquest and colonial occupation of Peru here in two ontologically distinct parts: the carved
were theologically and politically unjustified (Adorno stone at bottom that is the visible, physical form and
2000:13-35, 60). Guarnan Poma thus calls for a return the figure at top that is the usually unseen, conceptual
to native Andean rule that would maintain this original form. What was described earlier as an iconographie
Christian faith. shift (that is, the replacement of the column with the
For Guarnan Poma, the huacas of the Incas were mountain/monolith) can thus be seen
theologically equivalent to other pagan idols and profound representational effect in all
he continues to employ his iconography of Andean break down the nature of a huaca int
mountain idolatry to make the point visible. The clearest metaphysical components.
iconographie parallels between the two works may Elsewhere in the illustrations of th
be observed in his drawings of Inca rites in the Nueva Guarnan Poma makes similar bottom/t
cornica. In the illustration of the rites of February (p. between the physical/conceptual real
238 [240]), an Inca king offers sacrifices to a small subjects. In an image of an Inca mess
anthropomorphic figure that stands at the top of a stone has drawn a placard that reads "car
monument. Likewise, the illustration of March depicts a a quipu (an Andean knotted record-k
king offering an alpaca to the numinous figure on top of (p. 202 [204]). Such a placard would
a monolith (fig. 11). carried by a messenger. It is present only to explain a
The forms of these huacas are distinct from those seen foreign object to the Spanish reader. A sim
in Mura's Historia; it is clear that they are not natural appears in the image of Tupac Amaru being
forms in the landscape but instead abstractly carved Vilcabamba in chains (p. 449 [451]). A sol
stones. The monolith in the illustration of the rites of a gold idol of the sun, above which appears
March bears a remarkable resemblance, for example, to figure within a burst of light. Unlike the s
the "Intihuatana" atMachu Picchu (fig. 12). But there is this gold idol was an anthropomorphic sculp
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representing the anthropomorphic spirit of the sun.
Therefore the physical (lower) and conceptual (upper)
forms of the mimetic idol are congruous. Throughout the
Nueva cornica Guarnan Poma demonstrates his desire
to offer an account that would be understood cross
culturally (Adorno 2000:68-71) and these pictorial
strategies serve that didactic purpose.
The visual differentiation between matter and spirit is
grounded in the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas and
other medieval theologians, whose distinctions between
"substance" (true reality) and "accident" (external w J
appearance) resonated throughout early colonial -j.'V j?
accounts of religion in the New World and served as
the theological foundations for the Catholic doctrine
of Transubstantiation (MacCormack 1991). This
philosophical distinction between monolith (accident)
and numen (substance), which I argue is made visible in
Guarnan Poma's huaca illustrations, is not one that is
inherent to Andean religious thought. As ethnohistorian
Frank Salomon (1991:19) has observed in his analysis of
the Quechua myths in the Huarochiri manuscript (ca.
1608), "The world [. . .] does not seem to have been
made of two kinds of stuffmatter and spiritlike that
of Christians; huacas are made of energized matter, like 7
everything else, and they act within nature, not over and
outside it as Western supernaturals do." The bipartite
spatial structure that separates the material from the
conceptual in Guarnan Poma's pictures is not one
that can be explained by Andean metaphysics or Figure 13. The idols and huaca
asymmetric duality.23 Rather it is expressly dependent Pitusiray, otorongo). Guarnan
on medieval Catholic theology. Thus one finds that y buen gobierno, ca. 1615, p
Guarnan Poma employs Catholic religious imagination the Royal Library of Denmar
as well as iconography in his efforts to explain the
nature of the huacas.
Guarnan Poma's cross-cultural illustrations of native
religion continue in his chapter on the idols (pp. 261 The drawing of the huaca
[2631286 [288]), which opens with the scene of greater geographic specifi
Topa Inca consulting the huacas (fig. 1 ). Huanacauri Indians offer sacrifices to
appears again in an illustration of the idols of the Incas (otorongo) and the mounta
(p. 264 [266]).24There the mountain huaca is depicted Here the artist has drawn t
directly below the sun and above the caves of the twin-peaked Pitusiray (pit
mountain Tampu T'oqo, from which the Inca dynastic neighbor Sahuasiray (see
founders emerged (Urton 1990). These distinct places 188). He depicts these per
are collapsed into a single mountain form and their anthropomorphic, phallic
condensed image reappears elsewhere as an emblem the assemblies of huacas c
within a colonial Inca coat of arms (p. 79). (figs. 1-2). We shall return
of Antisuyu again below.
Guarnan Poma continues
23. See note 6. for illustrating mountain h
24. The huaca Coropuna in Condesuyu is similarly depicted as huaca
an of Chinchaysuyu: P
anthropomorphic, mountain-top figure (p. 272 [274]). 14). Here Pachacamac is co
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 51
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52 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
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Trever: Idols, mountains, and metaphysics in Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas 53
The tripartite hierarchy of mountain, mythical person, Poma's illustrations (see note 6), since the male (hartan) figure is placed
and town coexists with a bipartite moiety division that in the position inferior to the female (huriri) figure. In her ethnographic
remains fundamental to many Andean communities.29 study of Yucay, however, Antoinette Molini (1996:220) observes a
similar reversal in social and geographic structures, such that the lower,
29. The binary hanan/hurin division of Andean moieties is feminine moiety (Uray) is understood as superior and to the right of the
apparent in this image but its layout seems to contradict the spatial higher, male moiety ( Wichay). She understands this reversal as typical
interpretations that Lpez-Baralt and Adorno have offered for Guarnanof Yucay symbolic structures, as contrasted with those of Cusco.
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54 RES 59/60 SPRING/AUTUMN 2011
The princess and the shepherd are identified in the religious imagination and social organization. In Andean
religion the maintenance and worship of huacas requires
illustration not just with the twin monoliths on Pitusiray,
as described in the text, but also separately with the social memory, the performance of oral narratives, and
mountains Sahuasiray and Pitusiray/Urconsiray. Thisprocessional movement through the landscape. When
image of the cultural landscape is a remarkably early
narrative is retained and the relationships among huacas,
conceptualization of mountains.as the embodiments landscapes, and communities are brought to the fore, as
of gods, heroes, and ancestors that sustain nearby they are here, Guarnan Poma's picture of huacas most
communities (see Bastien 1978; Gose 2006, 2008; successfully conveys its subject.
Sallnow 1987). In modern Andean narratives, sacred
mountains are not static places but are understoodVI.
inConclusions
anthropomorphic terms to move around the landscape
having affairs and adventures with other mountains, Guarnan Poma's pictures of huaca worship in the
lakes, and streams (see Sikkink and Choque 1999). Nueva cornica (ca. 1615) evolved out of his artistic
Guarnan Poma would later allude to the ancestral collaboration with Mura. In that author's ca. 1590
qualities of mountains and landscapes in his illustrations Historia the artist's references to medieval European
of Pariacaca/Pbchacamac and Vilcanota in the Nueva iconography of idolatry are most direct. Yet even in
cornica (fig. 14), but here the concept is most fully his earliest images of huacas as idols, Guarnan Poma
articulated. Yet none of these socio-spatial relationships innovates on standard tropes and his illustrations offer
or metaphysical structures is acknowledged in Mura's their own colonial commentaries on the nature of
text. The image proves to be the far richer source for native Andean religion in Cusco and the four suyus
conceptualizing stone huacas and mountains as they that augmentand at times contradictthe texts that
are situated in the ritual landscape and bound to native they illustrate. In the manuscript's romantic epilogue,
communities. Guarnan Poma's illustration of the apotheosis of
It is here, within the pages of an illustrated fiction, Chuquillanto and Acoytapra offers a unique visualization
that one finds Guarnan Poma's most articulate illustration of Andean metaphysics. The artist continues to expand
of huacas. Unlike his pictures of huacas as idols, the upon and modify his own iconographie formulae for
image of the apotheosis of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra representing huacas in the Nueva cornica and his
lacks any identifiable European model. Instead it calls pictures offer several important observations on the
upon Inca and other highland Andean artistic traditions religious and social meanings of huacas and mountains
of abstraction and schematic representation, as seen, as ancestors. But nowhere in that later work does he
for example, in pre-Hispanic ceremonial drinking illustrate his subject so fully or freely as he did in the
vessels (queros) and textile designs (tocapu) (Cummins illustration of the lovers as Sahuasiray and Pitusiray at the
2002a).30 But as elsewhere in Mura's Historia, the close of Mura's Historia. When Guarnan Poma returns
artist does not act alone. Mura participated in the to illustrate these same peaks of Antisuyu in the context
formulation of this extraordinary image by inscribing of Inca religion in the Nueva cornica, the profound
the captions that give meaning to its interlocking parts. knowledge that he previously demonstrated falls away,
An image like this was apparently only permissible in as if forgotten, and the huacas revert to colonial "idols."
Mura's manuscript and in Guarnan Poma's oeuvre in Guarnan Poma's agenda to present Inca religion as
a fictional context. Here there is no need to maintain idolatrous, in contradistinction to the true, monotheistic
the iconographie program of idolatry. Instead, in the faith of pre-lnca Andeans, trumps the need to convey
illustration of a seemingly innocuous romantic fiction, more specific knowledge of these sacred mountains in
the artist is freed from extirpation rhetoric and creates the Nueva cornica. In his polemical letter to the king,
an image that offers nuanced insights into native Andean Guarnan Poma returns to rely again upon Christian
iconography and religious imagination.
Guarnan Poma's pictures of huacas present an
30. The only image that even compares to this illustration in its exceptional case study in the history of art for the
diagrammatic and hierarchical arrangement of figures in a landscape invention of pictorial forms and the marshalling of
is Pachacuti Yamqui's drawing of a scene of creation that reportedly
images to serve rhetorical and didactic ends within
hung in the temple of the sun in Cusco (1995 [ca. 1613]:36 [fol.
13v]). Although that image is often interpreted as an Inca cosmogram, a cross-cultural setting. His illustrations are rich
Pierre Duviols (1994) has suggested that it is modeled on a Catholic visualizations of religious forms in colonial perspective
altarpiece. and they express varying degrees of ethnographic detail
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