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Edited by
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Associate Editors
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Jonathan Ben-Dov
Alison Schofield
volume 114
Edited by
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira (6th : 2011 : Leuven, Belgium)
Hebrew of the late Second Temple period : proceedings of a sixth international symposium on the
Hebrew of the Dead Sea scrolls and Ben Sira / edited by Eibert Tigchelaar and Pierre Van Hecke.
pages cm. (Studies on the texts of the desert of Judah, ISSN 0169-9962 ; volume 114)
Conference held in Leuven, September 1921, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-29101-0 (hardback: alk. paper) ISBN 978-90-04-29931-3 (ebook) 1. Hebrew language,
Post-BiblicalCongresses. 2.Dead Sea scrollsCongresses. 3. Bible. EcclesiasticusLanguage, style
Congresses. I. Tigchelaar, Eibert J. C., editor. II. Van Hecke, P. (Pierre), editor. III. Title.
PJ4865.A35 2015
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Prefacevii
Abbreviationsviii
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls7
Steven E. Fassberg
Priests of Qoreb: Linguistic Enigma and Social Code in the Songs of the
Sabbath Sacrifice37
Noam Mizrahi
The Nominal Clause in the Hebrew Legal Documents and Letters from the
Judean Desert65
Uri Mor and Tamar Zewi
After earlier meetings in Leiden (1995 and 1997), Beer-Sheva (1999), Strasbourg
(2006), and Jerusalem (2008), a sixth international symposium on the Hebrew
of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira was held in Leuven on September 1921,
2011, organized by the editors of this volume with the assistance of Hanneke
van Loon, and with the financial support of the Research FundFlanders
(FWO) The conference hosted twenty scholars and several Ph.D. students. This
volume contains the peer-reviewed papers of eleven of the presented papers.
Half of them have been revised by the authors at the request of the editors. All
of them have been copy-edited by Seth Bledsoe. Brry Hartog has produced
the indices.
Eight of the eleven papers in this proceedings deal with different linguistic
or philological aspects of the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls found at Qumran
(Ariel and Yuditsky; Fassberg; Mizrahi; Muraoka; Naud and Miller-Naud;
Rendsburg; Rey; Zanella), one more generally with the Hebrew of the Second
Temple Period (Joosten), one with the Hebrew of the documents and letters
found elsewhere in the Judaean Desert (Mor and Zewi), and one with the
Prayer of Manasseh from the Cairo Genizah (van Peursen). The emphasis on
the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls warrants the inclusion of this volume, like
the earlier proceedings, in the Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah, and
we thank the series editor, George J. Brooke, for peer-reviewing some of the
articles, and for accepting the volume.
General
BH Biblical Hebrew
CBH Classical Biblical Hebrew
DSS Dead Sea Scrolls
KJV King James Version
LBH Late Biblical Hebrew
LXX Septuaginta
MH Mishnaic Hebrew
MT Masoretic Text
NRSV New Revised Standard Version
QA Qumran Aramaic
QH Qumran Hebrew
RH Rabbinic Hebrew
SBH Standard Biblical Hebrew
Bibliographical
AB Anchor Bible
AGJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des
Urchristentums
ANES Ancient Near Eastern Studies
ANESSup Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement Series
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AOS American Oriental Series
BDB A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Edited
by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs. Oxford, 1907
BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium
BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. Edited by K. Elliger and
W. Rudolph. Stuttgart, 1983
BibOr Biblica et orientalia
BKAT Biblischer Kommentar, Altes Testament
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
DCH Dictionary of Classical Hebrew. Edited by D. J. A. Clines. 9 vols.
Sheffield, 19932015
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
abbreviations ix
The preparation of the database of the Dead Sea Scrolls for the Historical
Dictionary Project at the Academy of the Hebrew Language in Jerusalem
entails the reexamination of the readings of all the scrolls. During the process
new readings and reconstructions are occasionally found, which could be pre-
ferred to those of the official editions. Here are presented three such innova-
tive cases which have been revealed while editing the pesharim.1
1 4Q163 47 i 411
In these lines a commentary on Isa 9:1314 had been preserved. The editor of
the text, John Allegro, restored the survived text as follows:2
] 4
] 5
] 6
Regarding line 5 he noted: apparently the end of a peer on v. 13 and the begin-
ning of the statement of v. 14. Indeed, in chapter 9 of Isaiah we read
. John Strugnell suggested an improved reading of line 5:3
] 5
As he has claimed, it should be better treated as the final words of v. 13, which
contain a variant alternative to the Masoretic Text, whereas begins
the citation of v. 14. Thus, the text should be restored as follows:
* We would like to thank Prof. Elisha Qimron for his valuable comments. Our thanks are also
due to Dr. David Prebor who has styled the English text of the article.
1 The readings are now included in Elisha Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings
(3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 20102015), 2:267, 271, 292.
2 See Allegro, DJD 5:18. These fragments consist of two partially survived columns, and the
following text is situated in the right one. Since it has a full margin on the left, the preserved
words should be posited in the end of the lines as presented below.
3 John Strugnell, Notes en marge du volume V des Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan,
RevQ 7/26 (1970): 163276, at 189.
] 4
[ ] 5
[ ] 6
2 4Q163 23 ii 1414b
In the editions of this scroll the reading is: ...[ ,7 and the rem-
nants of ...[ make possible the identification of the phrase as a citation
of the book of Hosea. Hosea (6:89) says: :
. The scroll citation is similar to
the biblical text, apart from the first word, which is in the scroll vis--vis
in the Bible. How should it be understood?
4
See Maurya Horgan, Pesharim: Qumran Interpretations of Biblical Books (Washington:
Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1979), 108.
5 [( ]] [ 4QSama 164:23 [2 Sam 24:16]).
6 See Elisha Qimron,The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1986), 26 and Qimron, , in ( ed.
Z. Talshir, Sh. Yona, and D. Sivan; Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2001), 36275, esp. 36364.
7 See Allegro, DJD 5:24 and Strugnell, Notes, 193.
Remarks on the Language of the Pesher Scrolls 3
8 For various propositions of medieval and modern commentators see Andrew A. Macintosh,
Hosea: A Critical and Exegetical Commentary (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1997), 242.
9 See Horgan, Pesharim, 120.
10 Compare Allegro, DJD 5:25.
11 See Hannah M. Cotton and Elisha Qimron, Xev/Se ar 13 of 134 or 135 CE: A Wifes
Renunciation of Claims, JJS 49 (1998): 10818, at 111.
12 The same suffix seems to occur in the Bible, as well. In Nah 2:14, there is
. According to the context, is your (fem.) messenger. Compare also the
verb for ( 2 fem. sg.) in Ezek 21:37 and 23:32, which was usually seen as an error;
see Rimon Kasher, :( 2 vols.; Tel Aviv: Am Oved,
2004), 1:432, 459; Leslie C. Allen, Ezekiel 2048 (WBC 29; Dallas: Word Books, 1990), 22, 44.
It can be explained, however, as a peculiar form of , where the last vowel was low-
ered to .
4 Ariel and Yuditsky
Regarding the Tiberian form , its consonantal basis fits the word ; 13
that is and the old original feminine suffix -. It is possible, therefore, that
the only difference between the Tiberian version and the Scrolls
is just the spelling. Both imply your (fem.) power, and in the former the last
vowel is designated by yod whereas in the latter by he. So actually in Hosea
there is, perhaps, an example of a difference between the scribal and the vocal-
ization traditions. The spelling intends such a word as , but it was
vocalized as .
It should be noted that the Greek language has the same form for the pro-
nouns of the second person. Hence, the translation of Septuagint
might indicate the form with the feminine suffix as well, and it could be
assumed that the translator utilized the text which included the very same
version as the Masoretic one.14
In the scroll 4Q177 a number of biblical verses are interpreted. John Allegro, the
first editor of the scroll, joined two fragments and suggested such a composite
text:15
] [ ] [ 8
[ ] [ ] 9
] [ ] [ 10
He rightly stated that in these lines the words of Ps 13:23 are cited and inter-
preted. It says:
13 Basing on the Septuagint version, Albin Van Hoonacker proposed to treat of the
Hebrew Bible as , where the suffix - is related to mentioned in verse 8; see
Albin van Hoonacker, Les douze petits prophtes (Paris: Gabalda, 1908), 6566.
14 As has already been suggested by Wilhelm Rudolph, Hosea (KZAT; Gtersloh: Mohn,
1966), 142 and Macintosh, Hosea, 244.
15 See Allegro, DJD 5:71.
Remarks on the Language of the Pesher Scrolls 5
] [ ] [ 8
[?]
[ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 9
] [] [ ] [ [ ] 10
[ ] ] [ 8
[]
[ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 9
] [] [] [ [ ] 10
The completion ] [, however, does not fit the remnants of the follow-
ing letter . Qimron has proposed reconstructing [], which seems
to be better.
We believe that it is possible to reconstruct the full sentence, as follows:
[ ] ] [ 8
[ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] 9
] [ [] [ ] [ ] 10
21 Eileen Schuller translates mighty tongue; see DJD 24:99. She notes, DJD 24:104, in
sense of strength is frequent in Qumran Hebrew. The verb in the War Scroll should
also be interpreted as strengthen, as, for example, in 1QM 8:1
; see Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings, 1:119. Noam
Mizrahi, :
11QPsa in Avi
Hurvitz Festschrift (ed. S. E. Fassberg and A. Maman; Language Studies 1112; Jerusalem:
Hebrew University Press, 2008), 199212 has discussed the semantics of the verb in
the Scrolls, but has drawn quite different conclusions.
22 See E. Yechezkel Kutscher, , Leshonenu 31 (1967): 28081. It is
worth mentioning that Kutscher himself stated that the verb in Imperial, Egyptian,
and Biblical Aramaic (Dan 6:4) has to be understood as , i.e., to distinguish one-
self etc.; see Kutscher, Hebrew and Aramaic Studies (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977), 18. This
assumption has been accepted by scholars; see, for example, Godfrey R. Driver, Aramaic
Documents of the Fifth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1957), 65; HALOT 5:1933; Takamitsu
Muraoka and Bezalel Porten, A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic (HdO 32; Leiden: Brill,
1998), 259. Yet, in the light of the present discussion, the verb in these dialects of
Aramaic should be better interpreted as, e.g., to strengthen, to overcome.
23 See DJD 20:4546.
24 Regarding these Midrashim see Moshe Zippor, ( Tel Aviv: Papirus, 2001),
166210.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew
Dead Sea Scrolls
Steven E. Fassberg
1 Introduction
From the beginning scholars have noted the influence of Aramaic on the
Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls. E. Y. Kutscher commented on it already in
1950 in a review of M. Burrows edition of the Great Isaiah Scroll,1 and a year
later H. Yalon pointed out several grammatical Aramaisms while reviewing
the same edition.2 In 1958, towards the end of the first decade of research,
M. Goshen-Gottstein presented the first linguistic overview of all published
Scrolls in which he also referred repeatedly to Aramaisms.3 A comprehensive
and detailed analysis of suspected Aramaisms was presented a year later in
Kutschers monumental book on the language of 1QIsaa, where more than
twenty pages were devoted to the subject.4 In his posthumous History of the
Hebrew Language, Kutscher summarized the situation in the Hebrew Scrolls as
follows: The Aramaic influence is all pervasive. The Isaiah Scroll especially is
permeated by Aramaic elements, but they are to be found in the other Scrolls
as well.5 Kutschers general assessment is accepted by all who deal with the
language of the Scrolls, though scholars disagree over specific examples. For
instance, E. Qimron wrestles throughout his 1986 grammar of the Hebrew
Dead Sea Scrolls with the question of different Aramaisms, often agreeing
with Kutscher, occasionally expressing hesitation, and at times preferring to
6 E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 116
and Aramaic in the subject index (119).
7 E. Qimron, The Language and Linguistic Background of the Qumran Compositions,
in The Qumran Scrolls and Their World (ed. M. Kister; 2 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi,
2009), 2:55160, esp. 552, 555 [Hebrew]; and from the same work M. Kister, Some Lexical
Features of the Writings from Qumran, 2:56566 [Hebrew].
8 J. Joosten, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek, in The Oxford Handbook of the Dead Sea Scrolls
(ed. T. H. Lim and J. J. Collins; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 35174, esp. 35859.
9 M. Abegg, Jr., Linguistic Profile of the Isaiah Scrolls, DJD 32:2541.
10 C. Stadel, Hebraismen in den aramischen Texten vom Toten Meer (Schriften der
Hochschule fr Jdische Studien Heidelberg 11; Heidelberg: Universittsverlag Winter,
2008).
11 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 24.
12 M. Bar-Asher, A Few Remarks on Mishnaic Hebrew and Aramaic in Qumran Hebrew,
in Diggers at the Well: Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on the Hebrew of
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 9
2 Orthography
One indicator of the influence of written language on the Hebrew of the Dead
Sea Scrolls is the occasional use of alef as against he to represent final - and -,
as is common in Official and Middle Aramaic, e.g., and bravery 6Qpap
apocrSamKings [6Q9] 45 2; the law 1QSa 1:1; and he built 1QIsaa
4:13 ( Isa 5:2); it was 4QMMTe [4Q398] 1417 i 5; 1417 ii 1, 2;
the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 36; Leiden: Brill,
2000), 1219, esp. 1619.
13 J. C. Greenfields description of a Standard Literary Aramaic at Qumran is directly rel-
evant to the question of the nature of the Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls as
will be seen. See J. C. Greenfield, Standard Literary Aramaic, in Actes du premier congrs
de linguistique smitique et chamitosmitique, Paris, 1619 juillet 1969 (ed. A. Caquot and
D. Cohen; Janua Linguarum, Series Practica 159; Paris: Mouton, 1974): 28089.
14 Joosten, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek, 359.
15 E. Haugen, The Analysis of Linguistic Borrowing, Language 26 (1950): 21031, at 224.
Before him W. D. Whitney, On Mixture in Language, TAPA 12 (1881): 526 presented a
decreasing scale of borrowings: nouns, other parts of speech, suffixes, inflections, and
sounds.
16 S. G. Thomason, Language Change and Language Contact, Encyclopedia of Language
and Linguistics (ed. K. Brown; 14 vols.; 2nd ed.; Oxford: Elsevier, 2006), 10:33946, at 341.
10 Fassberg
3 Phonology
17 J. T. Milik, DJD 3:16364; Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 23.
18 Yalon, review of Burrows, 169; Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 49697.
19 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 49698; E. Qimron, The Language of the
Temple Scroll, Leshonenu 42 (1978): 8398, esp. 90 [Hebrew]. Qimrons interpreration
of as there (11QTemplea [11Q19] 59:4) is difficult; the common interpretation of
a waste is preferable because of the waw connecting it with and
a mockery and a ruin.
20 C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen
(2 vols.; Berlin: Reuther & Reichard 19081913), 1:203.
21 Goshen-Gottstein Linguistic Structure, 15; Sh. Morag, Qumran Hebrew: Some
Typological Observations, VT 38 (1988): 15153; W. R. Garr, Prenasalization, in Studies in
Semitic and Afroasiatic Linguistics Presented to Gene B. Gragg (ed. C. L. Miller; SAOC 60;
Chicago, Ill.: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2007), 81109.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 11
22 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 214; Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea
Scrolls, 3031.
23 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 34, 102.
24 E. Qimron, A Grammar of the Hebrew Language of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Ph.D. diss.,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1976), 11718 [Hebrew].
25 G. Dalman, Grammatik des jdischpalstinischen Aramisch nach den Idiomen des
palstinischen Talmud, des Onkelostargum und Prophetentargum und der jerusalemischen
Targume (2nd ed.; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1905), 94.
26 is also attested in Biblical Aramaic.
27 See Sh. Morag, On the Historical Validity of the Vocalization of the Hebrew Bible, JAOS
94 (1974): 30715, at 315 n. 48, where he calls Official Aramaic influence on the language of
Jeremiah plausible.
28 Were these two nouns realized with consonantal clusters at Qumran? For different
Aramaic realizations of without prosthesis in Aramaic dialects, see Kutscher,
Language and Linguistic Background, 500.
12 Fassberg
4 Lexicon
The biblical Dead Sea Scrolls contain lexical Aramaisms, though by no means
a deluge. Kutscher pointed out that 1QIsaa sometimes substitutes infrequent
Hebrew roots of nouns and verbs with Hebrew roots that are common in
Aramaic, e.g., for , for , for , for , and
for .33 Note also the noun overturning for , if the alef
indeed reflects the Aramaic = ( Hebrew )and not merely an ad hoc
weakening of the guttural h > .34 In a quotation of a biblical verse in a non-
biblical text, 4QTan [4Q176] 811 6, one finds your widowhood for
( it also shows up in Tannaitic Hebrew). A certain and common
Aramaism in some biblical manuscripts, as well as non-biblical, is the plural
base of the noun day35: 4QTest [4Q175] 4 ( Deut 5:29);
1QIsaa ( Isa 1:1); all the days of the wicked domin-
ion 1QS 2:19; all the days that he rejects Gods laws
1QS 3:5; and in some phylacteries ( Exod 13:10): []
Phyl B [4Q129]; [ Phyl I [4Q136]; [] Phyl M [4Q140];
Phyl R [4Q145]. It should be stressed that apart from 1QIsaa,
the biblical manuscripts that have survived are extremely fragmentary and this
may be the reason why they exhibit fewer lexical Aramaisms than does 1QIsaa.36
Non-biblical scrolls also exhibit borrowings, though the number of exam-
ples is actually quite limited. One cannot say that they are particularly fre-
quent in any one text.37 Borrowed nouns include crown, which appears
four times in the expression 1QS 4:7, 1QSb 4:2, 1QHa 17:25; and once
in the expression crown of glory (4QEschatological Work B
[4Q472] ii 8),38 as well as words and expressions that are of ultimate Akkadian
origin: intercessors (abbt) 1QS 2:9, 4QCurses [4Q280] 2 4;
33 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 219, 223, 233, 289, 272, 313.
34 Ibid., 251.
35 Yalon, review of Burrows, 167; H. Yalon, review of M. Burrows, ed., The Dead Sea Scrolls of
St. Marks Monastery, vol. II, 2: Plates and Transcription of the Manual of Discipline, KS 28
(19521953): 65 [Hebrew]; Goshen-Gottstein, Linguistic Structure, 32 n. 17.
36 Abegg, Linguistic Profile, 25 points out that 1QIsaa contains more than 24% of all the
words (tokens) attested in the biblical manuscripts found at Qumran.
37 Kister, Lexical Features, 56566. 4QTest [4Q175] does contain a number of Aramaic-
looking forms in a relatively small text, but only one, maybe two (depending on
the readings), are lexical. F. M. Cross notes: Perf. 1 sg. I heard (1), he will
give (3), and the days (4). One should also add I dont know you
(fem. sg.) (16). See Cross, Testimonia [4Q175 = 4QTestimonia = 4QTestim], in Pesharim,
Other Commentaries, and Related Documents (ed. J. H. Charlesworth and H. W. M. Rietz;
PTSDSSP 6b; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002), 30827, at 312. J. Strugnell read two more
forms as Aramaic: and he will be (3; Cross )and and with his
praises (21; so too Qimron [n. 51 below], but Cross ;)see Strugnell, Notes en
marge du Volume V des Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, RevQ 7 (1970):
163276, at 22529.
38 See also Sir 45:8 and the Hekhalot literature.
14 Fassberg
5 Semantics
There is no doubt that Aramaic is the source of several calques. Qimron pre-
sented a comprehensive collection of loan translations known at the time
in his 1986 grammar.42 Underlying Aramaic words and syntagms can be
found throughout the non-biblical corpus, e.g., frequently 1QM 2:2
( Dan 6:17, 21), very 4QHoroscope [4Q186] 1 iii 4; = Targum
Onqelos ). Note also in the Vision of Gabriel before me (16) and
before you (17), which are calques on the common Aramaic
(e.g., Dan 2:15, 18).43
39 Cf. the synonym, , which also came into Hebrew and Aramaic from Akkadian.
40 Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 2013, 5024; Qimron, , esp. 32.
For a list of nouns, see Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 3738.
41 There are several cases of in 1QIsaa for MT . See Kutscher, Language and Linguistic
Background, 4045.
42 Qimron, Hebrew of Dead Sea Scrolls, 116, 119.
43 See the discussion of M. Bar-Asher, On the Language of the Vision of Gabriel, RevQ 23
(2008): 491524, at 493 n. 16.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 15
6 Syntax
7 Morphology
[Jer 31:21]); the 2 fem. sg. pronominal suffix - is preserved twenty-seven times
in 1QIsaa as against 217 occurrences of -; there are two more examples of - in
other biblical manuscripts (4QPsb 28 i 18 [Ps 116:10] and 4QLam 3:2 [Lam 1:12])
and five examples in non-biblical manuscripts (4QPsf [4Q88] 8:13; 4QpIsaa
[4Q161] 56 7; 4QTan [4Q176] 811 67, 50 1). As an object suffix, it may pos-
sibly underlie the unexpected orthography I dont know you 4QTest
[4Q175] 16 (= )? .49
The 3 masc. sg. suffix - on plural nouns and prepositions is limited nei-
ther to 1QIsaa nor to biblical texts, e.g., his hands 1QIsaa 37:10 ( Isa
44:5); upon him 1QpHab 12:12; his feet 1QS 6:13; with
his praises 4QTest [4Q175] 21.50 It also shows up in non-biblical texts such as
the Community Rule (1QS) and Pesher Habakkuk (1QpHab), though early edi-
tors, because of the difficulty in distinguishing between waw and yod in some
manuscripts, sometimes read the Aramaic - suffix as the Hebrew - (eh),
which is found in Biblical Hebrew on III-y nouns (e.g., his field) and in
poetry.51 - also shows up in 1QIsaa as the object suffix on perfect 3 pl. verbs (cf.
Tiberian Hebrew -), e.g., they must carry it on
their backs, transport it and put it down 1QIsaa 34:12 ( ... -
Isa 46:7).52
49 The he is unexpected. Strugnell, Notes, 226 reads here . See also n. 37 above.
50 Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 61; Abegg, Linguistic Profile, 34. See also n. 37
above.
51 See the discussion in J. Licht, The Rule Scroll: A Scroll from the Wilderness of Judaea.
1QS. 1QSa. 1QSb. Text, Introduction and Commentary (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1965),
4445 [Hebrew]. On the difficulty of distinguishing waw from yod, see E. Qimron, The
Distinction between Waw and Yod in the Qumran Scrolls, Beit Mikra (1972): 10212
[Hebrew].
52 Abegg, Linguistic Profile, 34.
53 For possible additional examples, see Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 191.
54 Ibid., 197200.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 17
It has been suggested that the use of G-stem verbal nouns and infinitives
with prefixed mem, which is found in various Dead Sea Scrolls, is the result
of Aramaic influence,55 e.g., seeking out 1QS 3:3; also in the parallel
text 4Q257); to unlock 1QS 10:4; to repent 1QS 3:1; hat-
ing 1QS 4:5; to repent 1QM 1:13; in leaving and entering
4QShirShabbf [4Q405] 23 i 10.
Some have viewed the masc. pl. suffix - found in the Copper Scroll (3Q15)
and occasionally in other Scrolls56 (and in Tannaitic Hebrew) as an Aramaism,
though most nowadays consider it a phonological phenomenon: a shift of final
m > n.57
8 Analysis of Data
The sketch presented above leaves no doubt that the scribe of 1QIsaa was heav-
ily influenced by Aramaic and that other scribes were also influenced, though
the manuscripts they wrote or copied show less evidence of it. It confirms
what was known by the end of the 1950s, namely, that there is a significant
difference in the amount of Aramaisms in 1QIsaa and other more carefully
written, official-looking documents such as the Community Rule (1QS) and the
Temple Scroll. One must keep in mind, however, that the picture of other bibli-
cal Scrolls may be distorted because of their fragmentary nature.58
Are the Aramaisms the result of a literary language, the vernacular, or a
combination of both? The most obvious yardstick by which to begin to exam-
ine the Aramaisms in the Hebrew scrolls is the Aramaic corpus of manuscripts
from Qumran.59 Yet, because the provenance and date of composition of many
if not all of the Aramaic documents is far from certain60 and because the texts
55 Licht, Rule Scroll, 44. See also the remarks of Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 65.
56 Qimron, Language of Temple Scroll, 9394.
57 See Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 27 for a discussion and additional bibliography.
58 See n. 36 above.
59 See the grammatical descriptions of Qumran Aramaic by K. Beyer, Die aramischen Texte
vom Toten Meer (3 vols.; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 19842004); U. Schattner-
Rieser, Laramen des manuscrits de la mer Morte. I. Grammaire (IELOA 5; Lausanne:
Editions du Zbre, 2004) and T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Qumran Aramaic (ANESSup 38;
Leuven: Peeters, 2011).
60 For an overview of the Aramaic corpus, see J. J. Collins, The Aramaic Texts from Qumran:
Conclusion, in Aramaica Qumranica: Proceedings of the Conference on the Aramaic Texts
from Qumran in Aix-en-Provence 30 June2 July 2008 (ed. K. Berthelot and D. Stkl Ben
Ezra; STDJ 94; Leiden: Brill, 2010), 54764.
18 Fassberg
are written in Standard Literary Aramaic and not in a vernacular like the Bar-
Kosibah letters, for these reasons it must be said that just because a feature
may be found in an Aramaic Dead Sea Scroll does not necessarily mean that
Qumran Aramaic is the source of the Aramaism.
The alleged morphological Aramaisms are the most intriguing and sur-
prising of all the data. As noted, morphological loans from one language to
another are relatively rare. U. Weinreich noted that when they do occur they
may not only be the result of cultural influence, but may also have been
introduced into the recipient language to replace zeros or phonemically less
bulky forms.61 Grammatical loans may be attested when the two languages
are closely related, or usually when they are dialects of the same language:
one of the parade examples is the borrowing of Scandinavian pronouns (Old
Norse) beginning with th- (eir they, eim them, and eirra their) into Old
English displacing the corresponding h- forms (hie, him, and hira), presum-
ably facilitated by the existence in Old English of th- demonstrative pronouns
(including the definite article).62 Is the contact between Hebrew and Aramaic
reflected in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls similar to the contact that might have
enabled the borrowing of pronouns between Old Norse and Old English? See
what Otto Jespersen says about Old Norse and Old English:
Can one say that this was the case for Aramaic and Hebrew? Did not the
Canaanite vowel and consonant shifts, as well as the distinctive Canaanite core
vocabulary, create a divide with Aramaic that was considerably wider than
that between Old Norse and Old English? Was a sentence such as
61 U. Weinreich, Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems (The Hague: Mouton, 1964), 33.
62 O. Jespersen, Growth and Structure of the English Language (10th ed.; Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1982), 66; T. R. Lounsbury, History of the English Language (rev. and enl.
ed.; New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1894), 26667.
63 Jespersen, Growth and Structure, 60.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 19
the man went out from the city felt to be identical with
?Were Hebrew and Aramaic mutually intelligible? It is interesting to
note that the redactors of the Mishnah clearly distinguished between Hebrew
and Aramaic. There is no Mischsprache in the Mishnah: when the editors deal
with Aramaic, they cite the sentence or paragraph in pure Aramaic. There is
no general mixing of languages, even though there are isolated Aramaic words
that appear in the Mishnaic text.
A comparison with other Hebrew corpora that were heavily influenced by
Aramaic is, I think, instructive. The first is Tannaitic Hebrew. Despite the con-
siderable Aramaic influence on the language, which manifests itself in many
different areas,64 it is by no means accepted by all that Aramaic penetrated
the morphological structure of the language. Take, for example, the pronomi-
nal and the verbal systems. Grammatical features that have been attributed
by scholars to Aramaic include the 2 masc. sg. independent pronoun , the
possessive suffixes 2 masc. sg. [] and 2 fem. sg. [], the second a-vowel of
the Nitpael stem, and the Pael stem.65 All of them, however, are explainable
by internal Hebrew processes and are attested already in Classical Biblical
Hebrew: ( 8 in MT), - ( , , , ,) , - (, , , ,
) , and the final a-vowel of Hitpaal (e.g., ) . The existence of paral-
lel phenomena in Aramaic probably reinforced their use in Hebrew. Following
Weinreichs observation that grammatical borrowings tend to replace ambigu-
ous forms, why would speakers of Tannaitic Hebrew borrow a form such as
for the 2 masc. sg. from Aramaic when it would create confusion in the system
between the 2 masc. sg. and the 2 fem. sg. independent pronouns? Grammatical
borrowings are usually motivated by the desire to eliminate obfuscation.
A second corpus for comparison is the Hebrew Judean Desert documents
from between the destruction of the Second Temple and the Second Revolt.
Though the paradigms are not complete and the evidence is limited, I am not cer-
tain that there are clear Aramaisms in either the pronominal or verbal systems,66
64 For an extreme maximalist view, see I. Gluska, Hebrew and Aramaic in Contact during the
Tannaitic Period: A Sociolinguistic Approach (Tel Aviv: Papirus, 1999) [Hebrew].
65 M. Bar-Asher, Lhbreu mishnique: tudes linguistiques (Orbis Supplementa 11; Leuven:
Peeters, 1999), 3034. On the suffix see also R. Steiner, From Proto-Hebrew to
Mishnaic Hebrew: The History of - and - , HAR 3 (1979): 15774.
66 U. Mor, The Grammar of the Epigraphic Hebrew Documents from Judaea between the
First and the Second Revolts, (Ph.D. diss., Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, 2009),
11633, 14346 [Hebrew]. Mor, at 132, cites one example of a possible 3 masc. pl. Aramaic
suffix - ( in P. Yadin 51:3), but the reading is far from certain. According to
H. Gzella there is Aramaic influence, however, on the use of the Hebrew participle; see
H. Gzella, The Use of the Participle in the Bar Kosiba Letters in the Light of Aramaic,
DSD 14 (2007): 9098; Gzella, Elemente systemischen Sprachkontaktes in den
20 Fassberg
unless one views the shift of final m > n as proof, though it is currently believed
by most to reflect an internal Hebrew development.67
Yet another case of intense Hebrew and Aramaic contact occurs in Neo-
Aramaic as spoken today in Israel. Hebrew is the superstratum for all Neo-
Aramaic speakers living in Israel, most of whom emigrated from Kurdistan in
19501951. And yet, the pronominal and verbal systems of all Neo-Aramaic dia-
lects still spoken in Israel are impermeable to Hebrew morphological features.
The lexicon is flooded with Modern Hebrew loans and scores of verbal roots,
but the nouns and verbs are all inflected according to the grammatical rules
of Neo-Aramaic, and the pronouns are direct internal Aramaic developments.
Speakers of Jewish Neo-Aramaic often borrow pronouns and verbal inflections
from other closely related Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects, but not from Hebrew.
Speakers distinguish clearly between Hebrew and Neo-Aramaic; they bor-
row lexemes freely, but not morphological elements. The same is true for the
Western Neo-Aramaic Christian dialects (Malula, Baxa, and Jubbadin), which
have been in contact with the superstratum of Arabic for over a millennium.
The lexicon of Western Neo-Aramaic is heavily Arabicized, but the grammati-
cal structure of the language remains entirely Aramaic.
In the light of the relative rarity of morphological borrowings between
languages,68 on the one hand, and the Hebrew-Aramaic bilingualism dem-
onstrated in Tannaitic Hebrew, the Hebrew of the Judean Desert documents,
and Jewish Neo-Aramaic, on the other, I question whether all the morphologi-
cal phenomena that have been described as borrowings in the Hebrew of the
Dead Sea Scrolls indeed are vernacular Aramaisms that penetrated the texts
from the spoken language of the scribes.
The 2 fem. sg. forms with final - are attested in Biblical Hebrew in all the
categories in which they are attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls: the independent
pronoun, the possessive suffix, and the object suffix. Kutscher called the pro-
nominal elements with - in 1QIsaa a mirage form or fata morgana,69 i.e.,
although the 2 fem. sg. forms with yod looked like ancient Hebrew forms,
hebrischen Bar-Kosiba-Briefen, in ...der seine Lust hat am Wort des Herrn!: Festschrift
fr Ernst Jenni zum 80. Geburtstag (ed. J. Luchsinger, H.-P. Mathys, and M. Saur; AOAT 336;
Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2007), 93107.
67 On m > n, see, e.g., Bar-Asher, Lhbreu mishnique, 9.
68 For examples of morphological borrowings, see S. G. Thomason, Language Contact: An
Introduction (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2001), 6365; D. Winford,
An Introduction to Contact Linguistics (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2003), 5658.
69 Kutscher, History of the Hebrew Language, 38; Kutscher, Language and Linguistic
Background, 25.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 21
in reality they entered the Qumran texts from the Aramaic vernacular.
Ben-ayyim, in discussing Samaritan Hebrew, took the opposite view of the
2 fem. sg. forms with final -, arguing that the ancient Hebrew forms were
maintained because of the Aramaic.70 I agree with Ben-ayyim because I
think Qumran scribes tended to lengthen artificially pronouns and other forms
whenever possible in order to embellish the text (the independent pronouns
, , , the suffixes -, and -, the adverbs , , ).71
In the case of the 2 fem. sg. morphemes, I believe that here too Qumran scribes
deliberately used the archaic or dialectal Hebrew forms since they were longer
and felt to be more elegant than the regular classical forms, and also had the
same syllable structure as the 2 masc. sg. forms (Cv#). The existence of the suf-
fix in Aramaic reinforced the use of the older Hebrew forms.72
The orthography - for the 3 masc. sg. pronominal suffix on pl. nouns and
the object suffix is undeniably Aramaic. It occurs once in Biblical Hebrew
( Ps 116:12), but on a word that occurs only in Second Temple Hebrew
sources and itself may be an Aramaism.73 Ben-ayyim considered the suffix
- in Qumran Hebrew texts to be an Aramaic orthography that reflected a
realization of -o, similar to the contracted diphthong of Samaritan Aramaic,74
and a borrowing of Aramaic orthography.75 In the light of the contraction of
the diphthong aw > o in the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the ensuing
homophony and graphic confusion between the 3 masc. sg. suffix on singular
and plural nouns (- and -), I would like to suggest that the use of - was
70 Z. Ben-ayyim, A Grammar of Samaritan Hebrew (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2000),
104 (perfect suffixes), and 225 (independent pronouns). Qimron, in his review of the
Hebrew version of Ben-ayyims grammar (see n. 47 above), agrees with Kutschers inter-
pretation of the data (p. 365) as does generally Abegg, Linguistic Preference, 31, 3334.
71 S. E. Fassberg, The Preference for Lengthened Forms in Qumran Hebrew, Meghillot 1
(2003): 22740 [Hebrew].
72 Two different 2 fem. sg. suffixes existed in Palestine. The orthographies of the suffix in
the Aramaic Dead Sea Scrolls - and - (e.g., 1QapGen ar [1Q20] 19:19 but ,
19:20) could reflect -e, as in Official Aramaic, though Palestinian Aramaic also
knows , which is found in Targum Onqelos, Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, and Samaritan
Aramaic. See S. E. Fassberg, The Pronominal Suffix of the Second Feminine Singular in
the Aramaic Texts from the Judean Desert, DSD 3 (1996): 1019.
73 See Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background, 213; the Classical Biblical Hebrew
noun is .
74 Written - and - in Samaritan Aramaic texts.
75 Z. Ben-ayyim, Studies in the Traditions of the Hebrew Language (Madrid: Instituto Arias
Montano, 1954), 9092. Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 61 corrects Ben-ayyims
statement that - was used on both singular and plural nouns: - is restricted to plural
nouns. See too Goshen-Gottstein, Linguistic Structure, 1617.
22 Fassberg
merely another embellished form, a long marker of the 3 masc. sg. suffix -o,
which served to distinguish plural nouns bound by the suffix from the homoph-
onous singular nouns. The orthography - was, as suggested by Ben-ayyim,
borrowed from Aramaic, but probably from Standard Literary Aramaic and not
from the vernacular, in which there are signs that the he already began to fall
out ( his brother 1QapGen [1Q20] 21:34; on him 11QNJ ar [11Q18] 8 3;
9 4),76 leaving -y and -oy, which may have further contracted to -o. Moreover,
the use of the he agreed with the orthographic convention of adding that let-
ter to final -o in spellings such as 1QIsaa 38:18 ( Isa 45:11); and
in his bosom 1QIsaa 30:11 ( Isa 33:11); his strength 1QIsaa 37:17
( Isa 44:12); his desire 4QJubd [4Q219] 2:29, 32; his sign 4QJubd
[4Q219] 2:34; as well as the spelling - found in Official Aramaic texts and
once in Qumran Aramaic.77 With regard to - as an object suffix (cf. Tiberian
Hebrew [h]), this orthography was probably realized as since the he may
not have been pronounced and the diphthong y > /o as in revealed
4QTest [4Q175] 11 = MT ) . Here too the scribe of 1QIsaa seems to have merely
adopted the literary Aramaic form.
In the case of the 3 fem. pl., which is attested only in 1QIsaa, Aramaic influ-
ence may indeed be responsible, though later Palestinian Aramaic dialects
(Jewish Palestinian ,78 Christian Palestinian ,79 and Samaritan
qli)80 show a suffix of -e/i and not -, the latter of which is attested in the
qere of Biblical Aramaic ( , , ) as well as in Targum Onqelos
() . The final - in 1QIsaa represented by - may well be in imitation of
Standard Literary Aramaic.81
76 See Schattner-Rieser, Laramen, 59; Muraoka, Grammar of Qumran Aramaic, 40; cf.
Syriac, where the pronoun was written with a he for historical reasons, even though it was
no longer pronounced: = [aw].
77 T. Muraoka and B. Porten, A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic (2nd rev. ed.; HdO 32; Leiden:
Brill, 2003), 50; Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 61. The Qumran example is
its nostrils 11QtgJob [11Q10] 36:5. See Muraoka, Grammar of Qumran Aramaic, 40.
78 S. E. Fassberg, A Grammar of the Palestinian Targum Fragments from the Cairo Genizah
(HSS 38; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990), 17576, 179.
79 For the Christian Palestinian Aramaic evidence, see M. Bar-Asher, Palestinian Syriac
Studies: Source-Texts, Traditions and Grammatical Problems (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew
University of Jerusalem, 1977), 32526 [Hebrew].
80 Z. Ben-ayyim, The Recitation of Prayers and Hymns (vol. 3.2 of The Literary and Oral
Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic amongst the Samaritans; ed. Ben-ayyim; Jerusalem:
Academy of the Hebrew Language, 1967), 147 [Hebrew].
81 One finds - in the Aramaic Dead Sea Scrolls: they are/were perfect 1QapGen
[1Q20] 20:6, 22:28; they took 1QapGen [1Q20] 5:12; they were 4QEnocha
[4Q201] iii 16.
The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls 23
9 Conclusion
Aramaic has left a heavy imprint on the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls, particu-
larly 1QIsaa. Other documents show less influence and may lend support to
S. Weitzmans view that the Qumran community sought to write in the Holy
Tongue and transcend the mundane reality,84 and to the antilanguage nature
of Qumran Hebrew argued by W. Schniedewind,85 though one would have
thought that the scribe of 1QIsaa would have wanted to preserve the ipsissima
verba of God, as did other scribes of other biblical manuscripts. It must be
borne in mind that the biblical manuscripts at Qumran with which one can
compare 1QIsaa are fragmentary and so the more limited extent of Aramaic
influence on different manuscripts may be an optical illusion. Among non-
biblical manuscripts, the Community Rule (1QS) has a number of Aramaisms;
4QTest [4Q175] should also be singled out since, relative to its size, there are
several Aramaic-looking features.86 This is not surprising since both manu-
scripts were copied by the same scribe.87
88 Cross, ibid., 3089, calls the orthography baroque and the forms archaic and pseudo-
archaic literary forms.
89 See Greenfield, Standard Literary Aramaic, 281.
The Tiberian Vocalization and the Hebrew
of the Second Temple Period
Jan Joosten
1 Introduction
While the Tiberian system of vocalization was developed only in the Middle
Ages, the information encoded in the Tiberian vowels added to the Masoretic
text is probably considerably older.1 Some past and present Hebraists tend to
view the Masoretes themselves as the ones who created the vocalization on
the basis of their general knowledge of Hebrew and the Biblical text.2 Most
specialists agree, however, that the Tiberian Masoretes based their vocaliza-
tion on an oral reading tradition stretching back to the time when some form
of Hebrew was still a living language.3 The Tiberian vocalization preserves a
host of features that could not be derived from the consonantal text, and nev-
ertheless appear to represent genuine linguistic features of Hebrew:
The distinction between shin and sin is not one of vocalization, but the
point distinguishing them was introduced at the same time as the vowels.
In some cases, Hebrew sin may have been selected so as to accord with a
samek in Aramaic, but the letter also occurs in many words not attested in
that language (e.g., to strip off, to press, drive, to creep).
Comparative grammar shows that it is almost always correctly used in these
instances as well.4
The difference between infinitive construct ( ) and infinitive abso-
lute ( ) is for most verbs a matter of vocalization only. The distinction
1 See S. Schorch, Die Vokale des Gesetzes: Die samaritanische Lesetradition als Textzeugin der
Tora, I: Das Buch Genesis (BZAW 339; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2004), 110.
2 See, e.g., P. Kahle, Die berlieferte Aussprache des Hebrischen und die Punktation der
Masoreten, ZAW 39 (1921): 22039; R. Bartelmus, Einfhrung in das Biblische Hebrisch
(Zrich: Theologischer Verlag, 1994), 2022.
3 See the recent review of the evidence in G. A. Khan, A Short Introduction to the Tiberian
Masoretic Bible and its Reading Tradition (Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2012), in particular 4648.
4 See R. Steiner, Addenda to The Case for Fricative Laterals, in Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf
Leslau on the Occasion of his 85th Birthday (ed. A. S. Kaye; Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1991),
2:14991514, in particular 15014 (where earlier literature is discussed).
These features, and many others, can hardly have been reconstructed by the
Masoretes on the basis of their knowledge of comparative Semitics. They must
reflect an oral tradition going back to an age when the biblical idiom was still
known at least to some.6
The present study will focus on some parallels and connections between
Tiberian Hebrew and different varieties of Hebrew from the Second Temple
period.
2 Methodological Remarks
5 See, e.g., Deut 29:22; Judg 20:16; 1 Sam 20:13, 23:22; Isa 44:28; Jer 13:16, 32:5; Ezek 46:18; Mal 3:11.
An exception would be in Exod 2:7, where one expects a short form.
6 In his dissertation, Uri Mor has recently defended the view that the period between the
Jewish wars is the one when Hebrew died out as a living language; see U. Mor, The Grammar
of the Epigraphic Hebrew Documents from Judaea between the First and the Second Revolts
(Ph.D. diss., Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, 2009). Note, however, that Steven Fassberg
has recently enumerated some arguments for the view that Hebrew remained a spoken lan-
guage in Palestine until much later; see S. Fassberg, Which Semitic Language Did Jesus and
Other Contemporary Jews Speak, CBQ 74 (2012): 26380, in particular 27578.
The Tiberian Vocalization & the Hebrew of the 2nd Temple Period 27
have been transmitted through a textual tradition that can only partially be
retraced. How can a linguist operate with such disparate materials?
In dealing with these thorny questions it is important to keep an eye on
the objective of the inquiry. The point at issue presently is the problem of the
antiquity of the oral tradition leading up to the Tiberian vocalization. This
issue can be discussed without having recourse to fine-grained dialectological
analyses. What is of interest is not the location of Tiberian Hebrew on the dia-
lectal spectrum of the Second Temple period, but the temporal anchoring of
the tradition it represents. The perspective is historical. The question at issue is
whether it is possible to find diachronic markers defining the time span when
the Tiberian tradition originated. Some linguistic features spring up and die
out in Hebrew at approximately datable periods. If such features can be identi-
fied in Tiberian Hebrew it will be possible to cast light on our problem.
9 H. S. Horovitz and I. A. Rabin, eds., Mechilta dRabbi Ismael (Breslau, 1930; repr., Jerusalem:
Shalem, 1997), 54.
10 Ibn Janah, Book of Hebrew Roots (ed. A. Neubauer; Oxford: Clarendon, 1875), 611; D. Qimhi,
Sefer hashorashim (ed. J. H. R. Biesenthal and F. Liebrecht; Berlin: Friedlnder, 1847), 313.
11 Gesenius, Thesaurus, 3:1169.
12 Cited in W. Gesenius, Hebrischdeutsches Handwrterbuch (2 vols.; Leipzig: Vogel, 1810
1812), 2:974.
13 Thus HAL, HAHAT (but not DCH).
14 The only real exception is in 1 Kgs 10:22 and parallel.
15 For more details and secondary literature, see the study by Chaim Cohen cited above
in n. 7.
16 Some exegetes are of the opinion that the occurrences of the word in Ps 44:20 and 107:10,
14 are very late. It is hard to attain certainty in these matters.
The Tiberian Vocalization & the Hebrew of the 2nd Temple Period 29
of death.17 Thus the reinterpretation must have occurred between the sixth
and the second century BCE. It is a reasonable hypothesis to say that the
word fell into oblivion because of the disruption caused by the Judaean exile.
The Tiberian vocalization reflects the later form and appears to hark back to
this period.18
Another, equally famous example is the noun / meaning witness,
pointed almost everywhere as if it were a form of the verb to blow. In
this case the correct meaning of the word was retrieved only in the twentieth
century after the discovery of Ugaritic.19 Otherwise, the history of this word is
comparable to that of : while the word is still used correctly by Habakkuk,
at the very end of the seventh century, by the time of the Septuagint translators
its meaning is completely forgotten. In the Greek version, the word is generally
interpreted as a finite verb, exactly as in the MT.
These examples show, rather persuasively, that elements of the Tiberian
vocalization were stabilized during the Second Temple period.
4 Grammatical Modernizations
17 This is the standard rendering everywhere except in the book of Job, where other equiva-
lents are found as well.
18 For completeness sake it should be signaled that the word is attested once with con-
text in the Qumran Scrolls: They hedged about me with utter dark-
ness (1QHa 13:35). It is difficult to know from this sole occurrence how the author of the
Hodayot would explain the word, let alone how he would vocalize it. Without context the
word is found in 4Q509 189 3. In later Hebrew, the word is, unless I err, used only in refer-
ence to the biblical text.
19 See D. Pardee, Yp witness in Hebrew and Ugaritic, VT 28 (1978): 20413.
30 Joosten
20 M. Lambert, Le waw conversif, REJ 26 (1883): 4762; Lambert, Lemploi du Nifal en
hbreu, REJ 41 (1900), 196214; H. L. Ginsberg, , Tarbiz 5 (193435):
20823 and Tarbiz 6 (193536): 543; J. Hughes, Post-Biblical Features of Biblical Hebrew
Vocalization, in Language, Theology, and the Bible: Essays in Honour of James Barr (ed.
S. E. Balentine and J. Barton; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 6780; E. Qimron,
, Hadassah Shy Jubilee Book (ed. Y. Bentolila; Jerusalem:
Mosad Bialik, 1997), 3743; D. Talshir, ,
in Samaritan, Hebrew and Aramaic Studies Presented to Professor Abraham Tal (ed. M. Bar-
Asher and M. Florentin; Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 2005), 15975. See now also Khan, Short
Introduction, 4850.
21 In a recent study on the form in Biblical Hebrew, Noam Mizrahi has expressly
established a link between the grammatical modernizations in the Tiberian vocalization
and Second Temple Hebrew; see N. Mizrahi, Colliding Traditions in Biblical Hebrew in
Historical Linguistic Perspective, in ISRAEL: Linguistic Studies in the Memory of Israel
Yeivin (ed. R. I. Zer and Y. Ofer; Jerusalem: Hebrew University Bible Project, 2011), 34154,
xxviii [Hebrew, with English abstract].
22 JM116, Indirect volitive moods.
23 See J. Joosten, Textual Developments and Historical Linguistics, in After Qumran: Old and
Modern Editions of the Biblical TextsThe Historical Books (ed. H. Ausloos, B. Lemmelijn,
and J. Trebolle Barrera; BETL 246; Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 2131; in more detail, Joosten,
The Verbal System of Biblical Hebrew: A New Synthesis Elaborated on the Basis of Classical
Prose (Jerusalem: Simor, 2012).
The Tiberian Vocalization & the Hebrew of the 2nd Temple Period 31
This state of affairs raises doubts as to the vocalization of the form weyirau
in the following formulaic passages:
Deut 17:13
All the people will hear and be afraid, and will not act presumptuously
again.
Deut 19:20
The rest shall hear and be afraid, and a crime such as this shall never
again be committed.
Deut 21:21
So you shall purge the evil from your midst; and all Israel will hear and
be afraid.
The use of clause-internal YIQTOL in the first clause, would lead one to expect
a WEQATAL form in the second clause. Functionally, none of the usual mean-
ings of we + jussive fits the passages well: one should hardly attribute a volitive
(and may they be afraid) or telic (so that they may be afraid) nuance to
the second clause. These considerations may seem somewhat subjective, but
they can be backed up by two more structural observations. Firstly, the cases
enumerated (to which Deut 13:12 is to be added, see below) are practically the
only cases of we + prefix conjugation in the Deuteronomic Code.24 The legisla-
tive style has no place for volitive forms. Secondly, in the one instance where
the Deuteronomic formula is varied in a way that puts a different verb in the
second slot, WEQATAL is used instead of we + prefix conjugation:
Deut 31:13
24 The exceptions occur in quoted direct discourse: Deut 13:3, 7, 14; 20:5, 6, 7, 8; and in a
motivation clause Deut 16:19.
32 Joosten
Their children, who have not known it, will hear and learn to fear the
Lord your God.
What all this leads up to is that instead of we + prefix conjugation, the original
text of Deuteronomy was intended to be read as WEQATAL in all these pas-
sages: . It appears that in the later reading tradition, the form was adapted
to the syntax of post-classical Hebrew in which we + YIQTOL is regularly used
in legislative discourse, as is indeed the norm in Qumran Hebrew.25 First-yod
verbs have the particularity that the consonantal shape of third person forms
is the same for the prefix conjugation as for the suffix conjugation. This made
it possible to read WEQATAL as we + YIQTOL.26
It is hard to say when the change in the reading tradition, from WEQATAL to
we + YIQTOL, was made. Non-volitive we + YIQTOL is found already in the later
biblical books,27 and is still frequent in Mishnaic Hebrew. An indication as to
the relatively high date of the change is that in one or two passages, it shows up
in the consonantal text as well:
Deut 13:12
attestation of we + YIQTOL of the same verb even although it does not occur in
the same formula:
Deut 2:4
You are about to pass through the territory of your kindred, the descen-
dants of Esau, who live in Seir. They will be afraid of you.
Here too, one expects the WEQATAL form . The pointing probably reflects
secondary adaptation to later syntax. And here, too, the consonantal text con-
curs with the pointing.31
The fact that the reading of the forms as prefix conjugation shows up in the
consonantal text tends to indicate that the putative change from WEQATAL to
we + YIQTOL came about in the Second Temple period.
Dan 11:4
And while still rising in power, his kingdom shall be broken and divided
toward the four winds of heaven.
The reason for the use of the short form is not that the meaning is
jussiveit isnt, but simply that the form occurs at the head of the clause
following waw.
The meaning of short and long forms is, in LBH, the same: both may be
used over a wide range of predictive and modal statements. The LBH system is
31 In 4QDeuth [4Q35], the form is written with one yod: . In the Samaritan Pentateuch,
the form is written with two yods in all passages: Deut 2:4; 13:12; 17:13; 19:20; 21:21.
32 See E. Qimron, Consecutive and Conjunctive Imperfect: the Form of the Imperfect with
Waw in Biblical Hebrew, JQR 77 (1987): 14961, esp. 15153.
34 Joosten
superficially similar to that of Classical Hebrew, where long and short forms
tend to occur in the same syntactic positions, but in CBH the forms do in
fact express distinct functions: the imperfect is used in predictive discourse,
whereas the jussive expresses volition or light subordination. In a con-
text like that of Dan 11:4, Classical Hebrew would not have used the jussive
but WEQATAL.
LBH grammar has affected the pointing of CBH texts in a few places where
a long form has been shortened due to the prefixed waw:
Exod 19:3
Thus shall you say to the house of Jacob, and tell the children of Israel.
In this example, the second imperfect form does not have a jussive meaning.
According to the CBH system, the form should therefore be read wetaggd, as
is confirmed by the consonantal orthography.33 The form is to be regarded as a
normal imperfect.34 It was mechanically vocalized as a jussive according to the
LBH system, because it was preceded by waw.35
If this explanation is correct, the vocalization of we + prefix conjugation as
a short form in Exod 19:3 can only be attributed to Second Temple times. It
accords with the syntax of LBH and Qumran Hebrew, but in later Hebrew the
short form became obsolete.
The lexical and grammatical features inspected above show rather clearly that
elements of the Tiberian vocalization hail back to the Second Temple period.
By itself this is an interesting insight, establishing at once the great antiquity
of the tradition on which the Masoretes based their work, and the secondary
nature of some of the features this tradition incorporates.
33 Note also that CBH does not use the jussive in the second person except following the
negation al: the second person volitive is the imperative.
34 For the syntax of the passage, see J. Joosten, A Neglected Rule and Its Exceptions: On Non-
Volitive yiqtol in Clause-Initial Position, in : Saggi di linguis-
tica ebraica in onore di Alviero Niccacci, ofm (ed. G. Geiger; Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing
Press, 2011), 21319.
35 Thus also in Mic 3:4; 6:14; Ps 85:14 (but not in Amos 9:10).
The Tiberian Vocalization & the Hebrew of the 2nd Temple Period 35
36 Stefan Schorch has tried to define more precisely the period when oral reading traditions
of the biblical text crystallized. On the basis of an array of evidence, some of it rather
loosely connected to the issue, he argues for the end of the second and the beginning of
the first century BCE as the most likely period when fixed reading traditions may have
been established. See Schorch, Vokale des Gesetzes, 5660.
37 A few cases may be found where an opposition between CBH and LBH is expressed solely
in the vocalization. Such cases seem to indicate that the vocalization of CBH texts was
transmitted faithfully all the way down from pre-exilic times. See for the time being
S. Morag, On the Historical Validity of the Vocalization of the Hebrew Bible, JAOS 94
(1974): 30715; D. Boyarin, Towards the Talmudic Lexicon IV, in Teuda VI: Studies in
Hebrew and Arabic in Memory of Dov Eron (ed. Aron Dotan; Tel Aviv: University Publishing,
1988), 6375, in particular 6364.
36 Joosten
6 Conclusions
38 See the review of the question in L. L. Grabbe, Comparative Philology and the Text of Job:
A Study in Methodology (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1977), 17997.
Priests of Qoreb: Linguistic Enigma and Social
Code in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice
Noam Mizrahi
Introduction
The liturgical composition known as the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice is one
of the most enigmatic works discovered among the Dead Sea scrolls. To be
sure, its state of preservation is considerably better than that of many other
works, due to the presence of nine or ten copies; fragmentary as they are, they
overlap in many passages, a fact that allowed Carol Newsom to reconstruct
much of the work in her admirable edition.1 This reconstruction enabled her
and subsequent scholars to account for the literary structure of the work as
being composed of thirteen songs, and to expose its somewhat esoteric or even
mystical contents.
The most baffling aspect of the Songs, however, remains its language.
Although its entire inventory of lexical items and grammatical forms is
attested elsewhere in QH or other corpora,2 in this composition they are boldly
combined into unique phrases and seemingly wild syntactic constructions
that are often so exceptional as to verge on unintelligible. A reader may be
relieved to at last encounter a clause with what appears to be a comprehensive
1 The manuscripts are generally quoted according to the following editions: C. Newsom, DJD
11:173401, pl. xvixxxi; F. Garca Martnez, E. J. C. Tigchelaar, and A. S. van der Woude, DJD
23:259304, pl. xxxxxxiv. I have also consulted the preliminary edition of C. Newsom, Songs
of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition (HSS 27; Atlanta: Scholars, 1985). A new composite
edition is that of E. Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad
Ben-Zvi, 20102015), 2:35884 [Hebrew].
2 Hebrew corpora are abbreviated throughout this paper as follows: BH = Biblical Hebrew,
divided to classical (CBH) and late (LBH) phases; QH = Qumran Hebrew; MH = Mishnaic
Hebrew, referring especially to the language used by the early Rabbis, the Tannaim. LBH, QH,
and MH comprise the main literary corpora that testify to Second Temple Hebrew, although
it is acknowledged that they do not completely overlap in terms of their exact time, literary
status, or social register. Quotations from rabbinic literature are taken from Maagarim, the
online database of the Historical Dictionary of the Academy of Hebrew Language (http://
hebrew-treasures.huji.ac.il/), with references to the standard editions of the rabbinic works
cited. Translations from the Hebrew Bible take their cue from the NRSV, but with many modi-
fications. Other translations are my own, unless noted otherwise.
1 Primary Evidence
3 For the time being it is also unique to the Songs, as no parallel to it has been detected in other
Hebrew or Aramaic sources.
4 When quoting from the Dead Sea scrolls, overlapping manuscripts were merged into a com-
posite text, so that brackets mark only conjectural restorations. The numbering of lines dis-
tinguishes, with the prime sign, between lines of columns (1, 2, 3) and lines of fragments
(1, 2, 3).
Priests of Qoreb 39
Song I describes the establishment of the cultic function of the angels, and
twice juxtaposes the collocation with an appositive:
servants of the kings presence (no. 1), and , the holiest among
the holy ones (3). These epithets demonstrate that the angels called
belong to the highest ranks of the priestly hierarchy at the heavenly temple,
since they are allowed to be in the very presence of the divinity. A similar rela-
tion is implied by the designation , chiefs of the kings congre-
gation (6), from Song VIII. Song I further informs us that these senior angels
possess divine knowledge (2), and are thus in charge of the teaching ( )of
the other angels, called , holy ones. The important position of these
priests is reflected also in Song XI, which seems to place them in the inner
sanctum ( )of the heavenly temple (7). Songs VIVIII portray a picture
according to which seven groups or orders of priests officiate in the celestial
shrine; these are probably denoted by the term ( 5).6 Song VIII
focuses on the second order, which consists of , deputy princes,
and defines them as , second among the
priests of QWRB, a second council in the wondrous abode (4). The func-
tional matrix that emerges from this survey is that the collocation
refers to the angels that serve as priests in the heavenly temple, and best fits a
select group of themthose who hold the highest ranking positions in the
celestial hierarchy.7
(8)
( Ps 48:10)
We ponder your steadfast love, O God, in the midst of your palace.
(9) ( Ps 82:1)
God has taken his place in the divine council, in the midst of the gods he
holds judgment.
7 The form appears in two additional phrases, one that may come from Song IV:
, the holy ones of QWRB (4Q401 16 2 || 4Q402 9 4), and the other from Song IX:
, the spirits of QWRB, holy of holies (4Q405 1415 i 4 [=col. G 19] ||
4Q403 3 2). Both phrases are unique, and seem to be variations of the more basic term
, which recurs in the Songs.
8 See, e.g., Newsom, Songs, 3637; cf. B. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry (trans.
J. Chipman; STDJ 12; Leiden: Brill, 1994), 288 n. 47. Newsoms interpretation also underlies
James Davilas attempt to connect with the figure of the archangel Metatron, known
from much later sources as the angel who bears Gods name within him, following biblical
proof-texts such as Exod 23:2023 (mentioning a divine messenger about whom God says:
, for my name is within him) and Isa 63:714. See his paper, The Macrocosmic
Temple, Scriptural Exegesis, and the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, DSD 9 (2002): 119, esp.
1217, elaborating his earlier comment in Liturgical Works (Eerdmans Commentaries on the
Dead Sea Scrolls 6; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2000), 98.
9 Newson, Songs, 3637.
Priests of Qoreb 41
(10) [ ]
[] :
( 11Q13 ii 910)
As it is said concerning it in the Songs of David, who has said: God has
taken his place in the divine council, in the midst of the gods he holds
judgment.
2.2.1 Semantics
First and foremost, there is no clear evidence anywhere in Hebrew that has
ever been used as an architectural term in general, or denoted the holiest part
of the temple in particular. This is certainly not the meaning of Ps 82:1 (no. 9),
and there is no indication that Ps 48:10 (no. 8) refers necessarily to the inner
sanctum rather than the temple in general.
Moreover, the very assumption that the form in the Songs can be inter-
preted as inner part may be misguided, as it does not give sufficient weight to
a crucial semantic distinction between two different usages in BH:
(a) The substantive is a primary noun that denotes the entrails, and this
concrete meaning is particularly clear whenever the word is used in unbound
constructions:
10 E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars, 1986), 65330.1a.
For the wider phonological background of this interchange, see E. Y. Kutscher, The
Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa) (STDJ 6; Leiden: Brill,
1974), 45296.
42 Mizrahi
(12)
( Sir 4:23 [ms a])
Do not churn the stomach of an oppressed person; and to the entrails of a
poor man, do not cause pain.11
(b) By contrast, the more abstract notion of inner part is found, if at all, only
in bound usages of the word, notably when it forms part of the prepositional
phrases and . These forms are the product of grammaticalzation
of the word when used figuratively. Thus, for instance, ( e.g., Num
14:14) in the entrails of the people > in the midst of the people > among the
people; ( e.g., Gen 45:6) in the entrails of the land > in the midst
of the land > within the land. The semantic change gave rise to syntactic
reanalysis, in which the distinct components of the prepositional phrases were
fused together and reinterpreted as a single, compound preposition, that is:
][ + in [the entrails of the people] > in [the midst of the people] >
] +[ [ in the midst of] the people > [among] the people (cf. Judg 18:20).12
This semantic and syntactic development follows a predictable path, being a
typological process that is well-attested cross-linguistically.13
Against this background, it becomes clear that the use of in (8) and
(9) is in no way exceptional. Synchronically, it functions as an extended form
of the simple preposition . Translating it as in the midst in both psalms
is thus somewhat misleading; among would be a more idiomatic rendition.
In any case, this bound usageas part of compound prepositionssignifies
(13) ( Ps 103:1)15
Bless the Lord, O my soul, and all my organs (lit. my entrails), bless his
holy name.
The adapters most conspicuous touch is the replacement of the older sin-
gular by the innovative dual , which was current in his vernacular.
14 This is perhaps on formal analogy with other terms that denote body parts: hands,
feet, eyes, and especially internal organs. Alternatively, the dual end-
ing might reflect an anatomical distinction between the small intestine and the colon.
15 That Ps 103 belongs to the LBH corpus has been established, on independent grounds,
by A. Hurvitz, The Transition Period in Biblical Hebrew (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1972),
10730 [Hebrew]. Interestingly, the dual-like form is witnessed only by the vocalization,
whereas the consonantal text is apt also for the singular form , which is com-
mon in CBH (cf. Isa 16:11; Ps 5:5; 94:19). The vocalization tradition thus captures, in this
case, a grammatical difference between CBH and LBH that is not encoded in the conso-
nantal text.
44 Mizrahi
(17a) ( Lev 9:14; cf. Exod 29:17; Lev 1:9, 13; 8:21).
He washed the entrails and the legs ...
vs.
(17b) ( 11QTa 34:1011)
And they wash the entrails and the legs ...
The dual form eventually becomes the default form in MH, for instance:
Thus the original use of the word as a primary noun, which is peculiar both
semantically (by having a concrete sense) and syntactically (by being used
as an independent lexeme), is being marked, in Second Temple Hebrew, by
a novel morphological marking. When denoting the internal organs, contem-
poraneous authors reveal a clear preference for the dual over the older
singular , regardless of the question how exactly the latter was vocalized
(i.e., as either or ) .
(b) Lexis: The compound prepositions and fell out of use in QH,
and are commonly replaced by the alternative compounds and .17 It
can again be demonstrated by the Temple Scrolls reworking of a biblical law,
this time one that pertains to the Day of Atonement:
(19a) .
,
, ( Lev
23:2930)
For anyone who does not practice self-denial during that entire day
shall be cut off from the people. And anyone who does any work dur-
ing that entire day, such a one I will destroy from among the people.
vs.
(19b)
(11QTa 27:68)
And any person, who does work during it, or those who do not practice
self-denial during it, shall be cut off from among the people.
While the scriptural passage freely interchanges between the simple preposi-
tion ( v. 29: ) and the compound preposition ( v. 30: ) ,
the legal adaptation of the Temple Scroll prefers the compound preposition
( ll. 78: ) .
In light of this evidence, one can properly appreciate the striking fact that
and are the only forms attested in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice,18
whereas the older and are not documented at all in the preserved
fragments.
These facts, drawn from the realms of morphology and lexis, render unlikely
a linguistic connection between BH ( or ) , in any of its usages, and the
enigmatic QH form as found in the Songs.
17 This process of lexical replacement was recognized by A. Bendavid, Biblical Hebrew and
Mishnaic Hebrew (rev. ed.; 2 vols.; Jerusalem and Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1967), 1:361 [Hebrew]; cf.
E. Qimron, The Psalms Scroll from Qumran: A Linguistic Survey, Leonenu 35.2 (1971):
99116 [Hebrew], at 1165.7.
18 Song VII: 4Q404 6 1; Song IX: 4Q405 1415 i 6 [= col. G 21]; Song XIII: 4Q405 23 ii 8, 9
[= col. L 19, 20].
46 Mizrahi
Christian Palestinian Aramaic). Had the word penetrated into Hebrew from
Aramaic, one would expect to find its traces in the western dialects, which
were spoken in Palestine, rather than in the eastern dialects, which were spo-
ken in Mesopotamia. The fact that the documented evidence is opposite to
the expected distribution casts doubts on the initial assumption, and cau-
tions one from accepting the hypothesis that this item was indeed borrowed
from Aramaic.23
To be sure, there might be an exception to this rule in the form of a word
spelled that was recently found in a small Aramaic fragment allegedly
coming from Qumran. Its exact interpretation, however, is hampered by the
fragmentary context. Two options were proposed:
(a) Andr Lemaire, who first published the fragment under the provisional
siglum XQ6, read and restored in line 3: (?) ] [, and
interpreted the form as a D infinitive.24 This grammatical analysis, however,
would normally necessitate a form without a waw, namely, , as is indeed
found in all the parallel examples adduced by Lemaire himself.
(b) mile Puech re-edited the fragment under the siglum 4Q587 (frg. 1), but
his reading at this point is indecisive: - [/] . When comment-
ing on this line, he hesitates on whether the form should be read as ( fol-
lowing Hebrew ) or ( in accordance with Syriac ).25 The first
option is unlikely, since medial short /i/ is rarely if ever represented by yod
in the Qumran scrolls, while the second option is dialectally problematic, as
explained above.
The fragmentary state of the text, as well as the doubts concerning the read-
ing of the other words in context, precludes any definitive answer. Nevertheless,
Lemaire may have been on the right track in taking the form not as a noun but
rather as an infinitive. This interpretation, however, should be slightly modi-
fied in order to accommodate for the unexpected presence of a waw. The plene
spelling may be a product of an irregular phonetic change, which is sporadi-
cally attested in various Aramaic dialects as well as in QH, vis., the change of
/a/ > /o/ before /r/ in closed syllables.26
23 This is in contrast to the Hebrew feminine form , which is attested only in much
later sources: the dictum of R. Pedat quoted in b. abb. 13a (although note that the parallel
quote in b. Abod. Zar. 17a has the form ;)Tanuma Buber, addition to Devarim, 3a.
For this particular form, the assumption of influence from Jewish Babylonian Aramaic is
plausible.
24 A. Lemaire, DJD 36:49091, pl. xxxii.
25 . Puech, DJD 37:5014, esp. 5023, pl. xxv.
26 See Kutscher, The Language and Linguistic Background of 1QIsaa, 49697.
48 Mizrahi
Notwithstanding that this is not the only possible explanation for the
ambiguous form that occurs in the small fragment, it is precisely the ambigu-
ity of this occurrence that renders it useless for our concern. As long as there
is no other, unambiguous occurrence of in Western Aramaic, the most
reasonable conclusion that can be drawn from the available evidence is that
this nominal form typifies the eastern dialects and was not necessarily in use
in Palestine during the Greco-Roman period. Consequently, it seems unlikely
that it was borrowed by Hebrew speakers at that time.
27 The nominal pattern qtol is common for nomina agentis; it appears already in the transi-
tional period from CBH to LBH (probably under Aramaic influence), and its distribution
expands in MH.
28 See especially S. Lieberman, The Liturgical Poetry of Yannai, Sinai 4 (1939): 22150
[Hebrew], at 22324; A. HaCohen, Cathedra 64 (1992): 17274 [Hebrew].
29 Lieberman mentions two homilies from Sifre Deuteronomy, but his interpretation was
refuted by M. B. Lerner, The Beginning of Piyyut: Talmudic and Midrashic Inquiries,
Sidra 9 (1993): 1334 [Hebrew], esp. 1920. Prof. Menaem Kahana drew my attention to
two additional homilies in Sifre Numbers116 (ed. Hurovitz, 13132) that may be relevant,
and suggested that I consider the possibility that the same meaning is at play with the
phrase in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice. The homilies in Sifre Numbers,
however, pose several exegetical difficulties of their own, and cannot be said to utilize
such a meaning unambiguously. Moreover, even if they are interpreted in this way, this is
not necessarily relevant for the Songs (cf. below, n. 31).
Priests of Qoreb 49
analysis makes it very difficult to assume that such a sense was functional in
the language of the early rabbis, the Tannaim.30
Furthermore, even if one assumes that such a verb or a particular sense
of it were known to users of Second Temple Hebrew, it still does not supply
adequate explanation for the phrase in the Songs of the Sabbath
Sacrifice. To begin with, there is a conceptual difficulty: at least in the earthly
temple, liturgical singing is a ritual task peculiar to the Levites, who stand out-
side the inner cultic circle, rather than the priests, who serve within it.31 The
latter are supposed to perform their cultic duties in silence, and this holds true
to their angelic projections as described in the Songs.32
In addition, although the Songs portray a picture according to which the
main ritual performed in the heavenly temple is glorifying God by songs of
praise, this is not the primary theme of the specific passages that contain the
phrase . Indeed, the extensively preserved fragments from Songs VI
and VII describe with much detail the angelic liturgy, but, tellingly, nowhere
do they mention the term . To be sure, the term does surface in
Song VIII, which parallels Song VI in its structure and content, but in all its
contexts the phrase seems to designateand possibly to explainthe place
of the angels within the priestly cultic hierarchy of the heavenly temple, not
their liturgical function in organizing the prayer.
30 Lerner, The Beginning of Piyyut, 2125. I should add that the two relevant terms are
not necessarily related to one another. The nomen agentis occurs in an ambiguous
context that plays with several possible derivations ( y. Ber. 8b [ed. Academy of Hebrew
Language, 39]). By contrast, the term , which denotes a genre of liturgical poetry,
may be compared to Syriac /qurrb/, which can denote liturgy, especially the
mass; as such, it might be a metonymic extension of the original sense of offering, sac-
rifice in a specialized usage, i.e., when referring to the Eucharist. See the references in
M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon: A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion and
Update of C. Brockelmanns Lexicon Syriacum (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2009), 1343a.
The technical terminology of Byzantine Piyyu contains several items that were evidently
borrowed from Greek and Aramaic, and some of them may have come from Syriac.
See, e.g., C. Aslanov, Bayt (House) as Strophe in Hebrew, Byzantine and Near Eastern
Poetry, Le Muson 121 (2008): 297310. For the cultural setting that enabledand even
motivatedsuch borrowings, cf. Aslanov, Romanos the Melodist and Palestinian Piyyut:
Sociolinguistic and Pragmatic Perspectives, in Jews in Byzantium: Dialectics of Minority
and Majority Cultures (ed. R. Bonfil et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2012), 61328.
31 This rule also applies to the two homilies quoted from Sifre Numbers (above, n. 29), which
indeed refer to the Levites.
32 I. Knohl, Between Voice and Silence: The Relationship between Prayer and Temple Cult,
JBL 115 (1996): 1730.
50 Mizrahi
4 New Proposal
(20)
...( Exod 36:2)
Moses called Bezalel ... to come to do the work.
33 Segholate nouns are commonly employed in BH as nomina actionis of the G stem. See
H. Bauer und P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der hebrischen Sprache des Alten
Testament (Halle: Niemeyer, 1922; repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1965), 461,61kl.
34 The terms masculine and feminine are used in this context solely as a descriptive
means to refer to the grammatical marking of these inanimate nouns with or without
final *-, without implying anything about their syntactic behavior. For the use of such
feminine infinitival forms in BH, see A. Cohen, The Infinitive plus H, Leonenu 33
(1969): 238 [Hebrew].
Priests of Qoreb 51
Against the infinitival purpose clause attested in BH, which employs the femi-
nine form /r-/ < *ru- (21a),35 the Community Rule makes use of
a construct phrase; its nomen rectum is a segholate masculine form:
(21b), whose Tiberian counterpart can be either * <( ra) or * <( ru).36
The strong relation of the latter form to the verbal paradigm is even more
pronounced in a variant reading found in 4QSh, a copy of the Community Rule
from Cave 4:
(21c) ( [] 4Q262 1 3)
washing water
(22) , :
, : .
( Sifra, 1:1 ,[ ed. Weiss, 79c])
R. Aqiva says: One passage reads upon their approaching (lit. drawing
near) before the Lord they died (Lev 16:1), and one passage reads they
offered (lit. brought near) illicit fire before the Lord (Lev 10:1). The deci-
sive passage is upon their offering (lit. bringing near) illicit fire before the
Lord (Num 3:4; 26:61). This means that they died for approaching (lit.
drawing near), not for offering (lit. bringing near).
(23) , ] [] ...[ , ,
[...] ( []4Q400 1 i 1920)
is the house of God and that the priests are his personal servants, normally
one does not find that they are described as those who approach God himself,
or even his seatan action that would have be considered an unacceptable
encroachment. At most, they can approach the altar (Exod 40:32; Lev 9:78).42
Similarly, the people of Israel may only approach the Tent of Meeting (Lev 9:5;
contrast Num 18:22).43
The verb q-r-b is therefore used in P in a specific technical sense that per-
tains to the delimitation of ritual spheres. But since it is usually used to refer to
unauthorized access to domains of graded holiness, it is not normally applied
to priests. In any case, it is not used to define their role in relation to the divin-
ity itself, but rather to exclude admittance to the domain of holiness.
(24)
( Ezek 40:46)
42 The peculiarity of priestly terminology is particularly evident regarding this usage, since
the phrase / + can be shown to be typical of P, whereas non-priestly
sources employ + ( 1 Sam 2:28; 1 Kgs 12:33). See M. Paran, Forms of the
Priestly Style in the Pentateuch (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1989), 31415 [Hebrew]; note also his
explanation for the juxtaposition of the two phrases in 2 Kgs 16:12. For a somewhat differ-
ent opinion see Milgrom, Cultic Use, 84 n. 38.
43 The only exception to this rule may be found in the divine words quoted by Moses after
the death of Aarons sons: , , through those who are near
me I will show myself holy, and before all the people I will be glorified (Lev 10:3), assum-
ing that are the sons of Aaron, and taking as a reference to the action of killing
them (cf. Ezek 28:22). However, critical commentators doubt if this passage had originally
referred to the event to which it is now connected, and in any case, it does not explicitly
mention any priests. See J. Milgrom, Leviticus 116 (AB 3; New York: Doubleday, 1991), esp.
600601, and the literature adduced there.
44 The connection between the law code and the other prophecies contained in the book
of Ezekiel has been much debated in critical scholarship, and so also the integrity of the
law code itself. These issues, however, have no direct impact on the present discussion,
which is concerned with the reception of the priestly terminology in the Songs of the
Sabbath Sacrifice. In what follows, when referring to Ezekiel, it is only the law code that is
intended.
Priests of Qoreb 55
The chamber that faces north is for the priests who have charge of the
altar; these are the descendants of Zadok, who (alone) among the descen-
dants of Levi may come near to the Lord to minister to him.
(25) ( Ezek 42:13)
... the holy chambers, where the priests who approach the Lord shall eat.
(26) ( Ezek 43:19)
... the levitical priests from the seed of Zadok, who draw near to me, says
the Lord God, to minister to me.
(27)
( Ezek 44:15)
But the levitical priests, the descendants of Zadok, who kept the charge
of my sanctuary when the Israelites went astray from me, they shall come
near to me to minister to me; and they shall attend me to offer me the fat
and the blood, says the Lord God.
(28)
(Ezek 45:4)
It shall be a holy portion of the land; it shall be for the priests, who minis-
ter in the sanctuary and approach to minister to the Lord.
This usage is unique to Ezekiel.45 It stands in stark contrast to the careful ter-
minology that characterizes P, which refrains from any such definition. The
opposition between the two priestly corpora suggests that this peculiar turn of
phrase encodes a polemical stance.46 But the interpretation of Ezekiels own
language goes beyond the confines of the present discussion and cannot be
addressed here. Suffice it to acknowledge, for the present concern, that the
close similarity between Ezekiels usage and the phrase can hardly
be incidental, nor can it be attributed to a general priestly concern of the
45 The only additional source (4Q213a 1 18) that exhibits a somewhat similar use of the
verb q-r-b, albeit not in an explicit association with the term , is Levis prayer in the
Aramaic Levi Document, but this use may actually depend on the language of Ezekiel.
See J. C. Greenfield, M. E. Stone, and E. Eshel, The Aramaic Levi Document: Edition,
Translation, Commentary (SVTP 19; Leiden: Brill, 2004), 6263 (ALD 3:10 according to their
numeration); H. Drawnel, An Aramaic Wisdom Text from Qumran: A New Interpretation of
the Levi Document (SJSJ 86; Leiden: Brill, 2004), 99 (Greek text), 173 (Aramaic text), 21718
(commentary; the passage is ALD 1a 11, according to his system of reference).
46 Cf. the insightful comment of Eliezer of Beaugency on Ezek 40:46:
, , so that they shall then approach, hence that all the others,
whom he mentioned above, should keep far away; Miqraot Gedolot HaKeter: Ezekiel (ed.
M. Cohen; Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2000), 271 [Hebrew].
56 Mizrahi
47 Newsom had sensed the relation between the phrase and Ezekiels law code
in her dissertation (4QSerek, 5354), but since she gradually retreated from the under-
standing that the form is related to the verb q-r-b (see above, n. 20), she eventually
gave up her earlier insight in later publications.
48 Cf. E. Qimron, Halakhic Terms in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Their Importance for the Study
of the History of Halakha, in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research (ed. Magen
Broshi et al.; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1992), 12838 [Hebrew]. The general
stylistic trend was already observed by J. Licht, The Thanksgiving Scroll (Jerusalem: Bialik
Institute, 1957), 1011 [Hebrew].
49 G. Bergstrsser, Hebrische Grammatik, II: Verbum (Leipzig: Vogel, 1929), 85,14r (e).
Priests of Qoreb 57
53 This specialized use of q-r-b was correctly perceived by commentators of the Community
Rule from the early days of Qumran scholarship; see, e.g., P. Wernberg-Mller, The Manual
of Discipline (STDJ 1; Leiden: Brill, 1957), 3031 (translation of 1QS 6:1323, esp. line 19; cf.
n. 52 on p. 108), 35 (translation of 1QS 9:15; cf. n. 37 on p. 137) and M. Delcor, Le vocabu-
laire juridique, culturel et mystique de linitiation dans la secte de Qumrn, in Qumran-
Probleme (ed. H. Bardtke; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1963), 10934, esp. 11823.
Priests of Qoreb 59
being admitted] to the council of the community, he shall not touch the purity
of the assembly). After a year, if he passes the exams, he is allowed to partake
in the general assembly, and eventually be elected as a full member and per-
mitted to join the sectarian council (line 19: , to draw near
[i.e., to be admitted] to the cadre of the community).54
54 The procedure described in 1QS 6 famously finds a close parallel in Josephuss report
about the admission of a new member among the Essenes ( J. W., 2.137138). Whether
or not the Essenes described by Josephus are indeed to be identified with the mem-
bers of the Yaad described in 1QS is a much contested issue, one which cannot be
addressed here. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to mention a peculiar choice of words in
Josephuss description of the initial stages of the process, when asserting that
, , Having given proof
of his temperance, he (i.e., the candidate) is brought into closer touch with the rule
( J. W. 2.137138 [Thackeray, LCL]); cf. the recent translation of S. Mason and H. Chapman,
Flavius Josephus: Translation and Commentary, Vol. 1b: Judean War 2 (Leiden: Brill, 2008),
111: Whenever he should give proof of his self-control during this period, he approaches
nearer to the regimen. The apparent resemblance between this formulation (attested
nowhere else in Josephuss writings) and the use of Hebrew q-r-b in 1QS 6 was under-
scored by commentators; see especially T. S. Beall, Josephus Description of the Essenes
Illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 7375.
55 See especially C. Hempel, Community Structures in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Admission,
Organization, and Disciplinary Procedures, in The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years:
A Comprehensive Assessment (ed. P. W. Flint and J. C. VanderKam; 2 vols.; Leiden:
Brill, 199899), 2:6792, esp. 7073. For a theoretical perspective, informed by social-
scientific approaches, see C. Wassen and J. Jokiranta, Groups in Tension: Sectarianism
in the Damascus Document and the Community Rule, in Sectarianism in Early Judaism:
Sociological Advances (ed. D. J. Chalcraft; London: Equinox, 2007), 20545.
60 Mizrahi
(29) 58* * .
(y. Demai 23a [ed. Academy of Hebrew Language, 124])
56 Another noteworthy passage in the D tradition is the famous pesher-like exegesis of Ezek
44:15 (above, no. 27) in CD A 3:204:4. The scriptural passage mentions three groupsthe
priests, the Levites, and the descendants of Zadokwho are defined in terms of their
relation to the cult and the temple. The exegetical explication embedded in D, by con-
trast, systematically interprets these designations as referring to constituents of a sectar-
ian community. See the recent discussion of this passage by L. Goldman, Biblical Exegesis
and Pesher Interpretation in the Damascus Document (Ph.D. diss., Haifa University,
2007), 4262 [Hebrew]. Interestingly, the passage exhibits a major textual discrepancy
which results in lexical differentiationbetween the scriptural quotation and the MT.
While the MT defines the priestly role by framing it with two derivatives of q-r-b, one
referring to the act of approaching God ( , lit. they draw near), and the other to the
offering of sacrifices to him ( , lit. to bring near), the text as cited in D replaces this
whole string of words with one verb: . The lexical replacement may well be related
to the organization terminology employed in other sectarian writings (see, e.g., the par-
allelism in 1QS 9:1516; cf. 1QHa 6:2425, 2932), but this issue requires an independent
analysis.
57 S. Lieberman, The Discipline of the So-Called Dead Sea Manual of Discipline, JBL 71
(1952), 199206, esp. 199200; cf. C. Rabin, Yaad, aburah, and the Essenes, in Studies
in the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. J. Liver; Jerusalem: Kiryat Sepher, 1957), 10422 [Hebrew], esp.
110, 115, 11920. Obviously, the intriguing similarity in terminology and salient sociological
features does not mean that the sectarian Yaad and Pharisaic gatherings are identical in
their social formations and historical context; the differences between these phenomena
are as important as the similarities between them, as emphasized by S. Fraade, Qumran
Yahad and Rabbinic Hbr: A Comparison Reconsidered, DSD 16 (2009): 43353. Still,
the conspicuous phraseological isogloss between late rabbinic reports on Pharisaic cir-
cles and authentic sectarian writings plausibly points to a well rooted usage in Second
Temple Hebrew.
58 This is Liebermans emendation for , which is written in MS Leiden (the only com-
plete manuscript of the Palestinian Talmud), but makes no sense in its context.
Priests of Qoreb 61
A member who went abroad is not expelled from his association; when
he comes back, he requires no (re-)admission.
Furthermore, perusal of MH indicates that the verb q-r-b (often together with
its antonym r--q) was used to delineate various sorts of social boundaries.
Especially noteworthy is a Tannaitic source presented as a much older tradi-
tion, a regulation given to Moses at Sinai,59 which potentially goes back, at
the very least, to the Hellenistic period:60
(30) , :
, , , ,
, .
. , ;
,( m. Ed. 8:7)
R. Joshua said: I have received as a tradition from Rabban Johanan b.
Zakkai, who heard from his teacher, and his teacher from his teacher, as
a Halakah given to Moses from Sinai, that Elijah will not come to declare
unclean or clean, to remove afar or to bring nigh, but to remove afar those
[families] that were brought nigh by violence and bring nigh those [fami-
lies] that were removed afar by violence. The family of Beth Zerepha was
in the land beyond Jordan and Ben Zion removed it afar by force. And yet
another [family] was there, and Ben Zion brought it nigh by force. The
like of these Elijah will come to declare unclean or clean, to remove afar
or bring nigh.61
6.4 Sequitur
While the S and D traditions are related in terms of the ideological movement
that shaped their values and spiritual concerns, they differ in the community
structures they envisage, each reflecting a range of forms of social organiza-
tion. The rabbinic sources evidently describe communities and groups that are
59 This phrase is used in rabbinic literature to denote a type of legal prescriptions that are
not anchored in scriptural proof-textsby way of either explicit mention or exegetical
deductionbut are still accepted as obligatory, drawing their authority from their pre-
sumed antiquity; see Talmudic Encyclopedia, 9:36587 [Hebrew]. Prescriptions so desig-
nated are by no means a unified corpus, as they exhibit a variety of themes, literary forms,
and legal principles; they may have thus crystallized at different contexts. Nevertheless,
at least some of them do appear to belong to very old strata within the legal traditions
transmitted in rabbinic literature.
60 I am indebted to Prof. Vered Noam, who alerted my attention to this instructive reference.
61 The Mishnah (trans. H. Danby; London: Oxford University Press, 1933), 436.
62 Mizrahi
even more remote from those depicted in the S and D traditions. Nevertheless,
the variety of sources embedded in these corpora testifies to a specialized,
terminological use of the verb q-r-b in order to express a type of social affili-
ation that is legally regulated. It appears, therefore, that the technical use of
q-r-b in order to denote the admission of a person to a confined social group
was a common property of Hebrew legal terminology during the Second
Temple period.62
If so, where Jewish authors of the Greco-Roman period have made use of the
Hebrew verb q-r-b or its derivatives, especially in relation to a carefully delin-
eated social circle or a group, modern philologists are at least entitled (and,
at times, obliged) to take into consideration the sociolinguistic connotations
of this verb in the legal terminology of the period.63 All the more so, since the
notion of membership is of crucial importance for the establishment of social
identity, particularly in sectarian contexts.64 Close scrutiny of the language
used to denote various stages of becoming a member of a restricted group may
thus shed some light on the social mechanisms that were operative in the for-
mation of the circles in which the literary texts were formed and/or utilized.
Put differently, when decoding the ancient sources, one must bear in mind
that the verb q-r-b may convey not only the primary meaning of drawing near
but also the secondary sense of being admitted to a community. Such appears
to be the case with the phrase , which is peculiar to the Songs of the
Sabbath Sacrifice.
62 Compare the analogous case of the term , lit. the many, which is similarly
attested by both the Community Rule (for denoting the sectarian assembly) and rabbinic
sources (for referring to the legal category of the public). See, e.g., M. Weinfeld, The
Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect: A Comparison with Guilds
and Religious Associations of the Hellenistic-Roman Period (NTOA 2; Fribourg: ditions uni-
versitaires Fribourg Suisse; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 1415; S. Morag,
On Some Concepts in the World of Qumran: Polysemy and Semantic Development, in
Diggers at the Well (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 36; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 18691.
63 For an attempt to consider QH from a sociolinguistic point of view, see W. M. Schniedewind,
Qumran Hebrew as an Antilanguage, JBL 118 (1999): 23552; idem, Linguistic Ideology
in Qumran Hebrew, in Muraoka and Elwolde, Diggers at the Well, 24555; idem, A Social
History of Hebrew: Its Origins Through the Rabbinic Period (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2013), Chapter 8: Hebrew in the Hellenistic World, esp. 17390.
64 For the application of such sociological insights to the field of Qumran Studies, see, e.g.,
J. Jokiranta, Sociological Approaches to Qumran Sectarianism, in The Oxford Handbook
of the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. T. H. Lim and J. J. Collins; Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2010), 20031.
Priests of Qoreb 63
Conclusion
1 Introduction
The legal documents and letters from the time of the first and second Jewish-
Roman wars, discovered in the Judean Desert, reveal a living Hebrew dialect,
interspersed with ancient writing traditions on the one hand and significant
Aramaic influences on the other. While this dialect is basically similar to
Rabbinic Hebrew, it also exhibits independent linguistic features as well as
some resemblance to the Hebrew dialect of the Dead Sea Scrolls, particularly
in phonology.1 Following a paper by Uri Mor on word order in verbal clauses in
1 For grammatical characterization of this corpus see U. Mor, Judean Hebrew: The Language of
the Hebrew Documents from Judea between the First and the Second Revolts (Jerusalem: The
Academy of the Hebrew Language, forthcoming) [Hebrew]; U. Mor, Three Questions and
Three Answers regarding the Hebrew Documents from Judaea between the First and the
Second Revolts, Meghillot 10 (2013): 21934 [Hebrew]. The texts are cited (and translated,
unless otherwise specified) according to following editions: the Wadi Murrabaat documents
(= Mur.) and the so-called Naal eelim collection (= ev-e)according to A. Yardeni,
Textbook of Aramaic, Hebrew and Nabataean Documentary Texts from the Judaean Desert and
Related Material (2 vols.; Jerusalem: Ben-Zion Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History,
2000), excluding Mur. 174, which is cited according to E. Eshel, H. Eshel, and G. Geiger, Mur 174:
A Hebrew I.O.U. Document from Wadi Murabbaat, Liber Annuus 58 (2008): 31326. The Yadin
collection (P. Yadin)according to Y. Yadin et al., The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period
in the Cave of Letters: Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-Aramaic Papyri (Judean Desert Studies
3; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 2002). The Beth Amar documentaccording to
E. Eshel, H. Eshel, and A. Yardeni, A Document from Year Four of the Destruction of the House
of Israel in Which a Widow Declared That She Received All Her Rights, Cathedra 132 (2009):
524. The War Scrollaccording to E. Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings
(3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad BenZvi, 20102015), 1:10936 [Hebrew]. Rabbinic Literature
according to Maagarim, the online edition of The Historical Dictionary of the Hebrew
Language of the Academy of the Hebrew Language. Translation of biblical passages are
according to RSV version. Translation of Rabbinic passagesH. Danby, The Mishnah:
Translated from the Hebrew with Introduction and Brief Explanatory Notes (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1933); J. Neusner, The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew with a New
Introduction (2 vols.; Peabody: Hendrickson, 2002). Square brackets mark reconstructed text;
angle brackets mark editors addition; curly brackets mark editors deletion.
this corpus,2 the current article is dedicated to its nominal clause patterns. The
limited number of nominal clauses attested in the corpus allows us to present
here a complete account of all their occurrences.3 Most of the examples were
found in the legal documents and only five in the letters (namely ##4, 9, 10, 12,
17), which suggests that nominal clauses were typical of the style of the former
more than of the latter.
In the corpus we found only simple nominal clauses, namely bipartite with-
out a personal pronoun, mostly in the third person, in addition to the subject
and the predicate, occasionally entitled tripartite nominal clauses.4 Though
the number of our examples is limited, they still disclose clear tendencies and
allow us to draw significant conclusions.
#1
...
And all that I have and that I will acquire are responsible and a guarantee
for cleansing before you this sale...5 (Mur. 30.2324)the subject is a
nominalized clause.
2 U. Mor, Word Order in the Legal Documents and Letters from the Judean Desert, Meghillot
7 (2008): 23761 [Hebrew].
3 The legal document from Beth Amar, which was confiscated from Palestinian antique
dealers, is excluded from the corpus, for it is different from the other documents in time
(140 CE) and in language, and the division within it between Hebrew and Aramaic still awaits
clarification (see meanwhile Mor, Judean Hebrew, 1.1.2 n. 17). Nevertheless, we do not over-
look it altogether (see ##3, 16).
4 We exclude from the current discussion existential and possessive clauses, the impersonal-
evaluative pattern (the so-called xagam [ ]pattern; see U. Mor and N. Pat-El, The
Development of Predicates with Prepositional Subjects in Hebrew, Journal of Semitic Studies
[forthcoming]), and nominal clauses containing conjugated forms of the auxiliary verb .
5 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: e.g., ev-e 8.67; ev-e 9.8; ev-e 50 + Mur. 26.1415;
The Nominal Clause in the Hebrew Legal Documents and Letters 67
#2
...
] [
And these men have no authority to pursue (= press a suit against) [one]
another...(P. Yadin 44.24)the negative particle stands at the begin-
ning of the clause;6 the predicate is complex ( + ;cf. #15, where
there is no negative particle and the subject intervenes between the two
components of the complex predicate).
#3
[ ]
And the payment (will be) [from] my house and from my property
(ev-e 49.1011).7
#4
#5
[]
...
#6
... ] [
The half of that silver, minus sixteen denarii, which are (equivalent to)
four selas, on[ly] ... and in addition to it, sixteen more denarii, which are
(equivalent to) four selas (P. Yadin 44.1924);
[ ] ...
For silver (in the sum of) one hundred sixty zuz, which are (equivalent to)
forty selas ... [silver,] ten denarii, which are (equivalent to) two selas plus
one shekel (P. Yadin 46.812);
[ ] [ ]
For silver (in the sum of) th[irty-six zu]zin, [which a]re (equivalent to)
nine selas (ev-e 8:79.6);
The Nominal Clause in the Hebrew Legal Documents and Letters 69
[]
From today until the end of the eve of the Shemia (year), which are five
whole years, years of [t]ax (Mur. 24:5.910)8in a non-restrictive relative
clause, functioning as apposition; the subject is a personal pronoun.
#7
Example 8
... ...
...
] [...]
]Eastoni and others; westthe heirs of (the) son of ABY ... north
anin, son of anina, and others; sou[th]alifa...(Mur. 1112.12);
[] ][
8 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: P. Yadin. 8.5; P. Yadin 47:2.6; ev-e 21.56.
9 This form is a noun and not a verb; see Mor, Judean Hebrew,4.10.36.
10 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: e.g., P. Yadin 7.56 = 3638; ev-e 8a.89; ev-e
50 + Mur. 26.68.
70 Mor and Zewi
rely on formal criteria, as the two clause components are both indefinite
nominal phrases. Consequently, the determination of the word order
(subject-predicate) relies only on context.11
#9
[]
[]
I am making the heaven my witness (that if) any person will be missi[ng]
of the Galileans who are with you, that I shall put the chains on your feet,
the same as [I] did to the son of Aflul (Mur. 43.56)in an apodosis of a
conditional sentence; a threat; the subject is a personal pronoun.12
#10
[]
11 In the Aramaic parallels a preposition may precede the first noun (the cardi-
nal direction word), e.g., To the east: the desert (P. Yadin 7.5);
[ ] To the east[: the ent]rance-gate of the house (ev-e 8.3)
but this, too, is not conclusive, since a subject can take the form of a prepositional phrase; see
T. Zewi, The Nominal Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, in Semitic and Cushitic Studies (ed.
G. Goldenberg and S. Raz; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994), 14567, esp. 15455 n. 29;
T. Zewi, Prepositional Phrases as Subjects in Several Semitic Languages, in Language
and Nature: Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday
(ed. R. Hasselbach and N. Pat-El; Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 67; Chicago: The
Oriental Institute, 2012), 46576.
12 On the order personal pronoun + participle in the apodosis of a threat expression, see
A. Bendavid, Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew (2 vols.; Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 19671971),
2:832833 [Hebrew]; Mor, Word Order, 253.
13 Mor, Word Order, 251, 256.
The Nominal Clause in the Hebrew Legal Documents and Letters 71
#11
[ ] [] ...
#12
{}
And if it were not for (the fact) that the gentiles are approaching us,
I would have come and appeased/convinced you for this (Mur. 42.5)in
an adverbial clause.
#13
...
{}
Elazar, son of Elazar, (son of) ayyaa, and Eliezer, son of Shemuel
both of them (shall undertake to) weigh out the half of that silver ... and
Teinna, son of Shimon, and Allima, son of Yehuda (shall be) weighing
out the half of that silver (P. Yadin 44.1822).
14 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: e.g., Mur. 25.5; ev-e 8.5; ev-e 50 + Mur. 26.11.
Note that is a passive form, a participle of Pual (Mor, Judean Hebrew, 4.7.4).
15 Mor, Word Order, 250, 256.
16 Note the attachment of the pronoun to the verb in of ev-e 49 (Mor, Judean
Hebrew, 5.5).
72 Mor and Zewi
#14
[= ]
And all that is written above is legally binding on them, and on each with
respect to the other (P. Yadin 44.26);
#15
[]
And the buyer and his heirs is (= are) [per]mitted in regard to this sale to
do with it all that you (= they) desire (Mur. 30.2223);
[ ] [
#16
... <>
I acknowledge to you this day that I have leased to you the garden of
ours...(P. Yadin 45.67);
17 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: P. Yadin 7.29; P. Yadin 10.6, 18; ev-e 13.910.
18 Mor, Word Order, 248. On this pattern in Biblical Hebrew and in Aramaic see also
Muraoka, Emphatic Words, 15; Zewi, The Nominal Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, 15455,
and the literature cited there in n. 30.
The Nominal Clause in the Hebrew Legal Documents and Letters 73
...
I acknowledge to you this day that I have leased from you (both) the
site that is called hasullam ... (P. Yadin 46.3)19a legal formula of
acknowledgement.
#17
]...[
#18
This salewithin its boundaries (are) the four carob trees (Mur.
22:1112.23);
...] [
This salewithin its boundaries (are) a house and[...] the fig trees
and olive trees. The tree...(Mur. 30.1718)21these two examples
(as well as the two parallel Aramaic examples) occur in deeds of sale,
in the legal paragraph describing the assets within the property (in an
19 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: e.g., P. Yadin 17.40; P. Yadin 20.4142; P. Yadin 42.3.
Cf. also Beth Amar: 46. This construction is typical of the language of prayer and
Rabbinic Hebrew (Mor, Word Order, 253 n. 51). On the order participle + personal pro-
noun at the beginning of a speech act (as opposed to personal pronoun + participle in
other positions) see Bendavid, Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, 2:81719. This order
also expresses, according to Bendavid (pp. 82527), an action that has begun in the recent
past. Both these functions are appropriate for the example mentioned above.
20 This formula is found in Biblical Hebrew and Rabbinic Hebrew (Mor, Word Order, 254
n. 52). Here too the order participle + personal pronoun is found at the beginning of
a speech act (but in contrast to the previous example this cannot be an action that has
begun in the recent past).
21 Parallels in the Aramaic documents: ev-e 21.34; ev-e 50 + Mur. 26.89.
74 Mor and Zewi
#19
] [] /[] [
...
...
And these are the si[t]es that fell to the portion of Elazar, son of Elazar,
and of Eliezer, son of Shemuel: the site that is called haafir and the site
that is called hasullam ... and this is the site that fell to Teinna, son of
Shimon, and to Allima, son of Yehuda: the site that is called haiwweret...
(P. Yadin 44.1015).23
2.3 Conclusion
The examples above clearly suggest that subject-predicate is the typical word
order in the Judean Desert legal documents and letters.24 The alternative order
(predicate-subject) is prevalent only in two patterns: (1) when the predicate
25 As stated, Bendavid, Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, 2:81719, offered an alternative
explanation for these examples; see notes 1920 above.
26 The order predicate-subject in sentences whose predicate is a demonstrative pronoun
or a personal pronoun is the expected order in Biblical Hebrew; see Zewi, The Nominal
Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, 14950.
27 Ibid., 14950, 154, 158. The basic word order of the nominal clause in Biblical Hebrew is
a matter of debate. Some scholars argue that subject-predicate is the basic order, and
predicate-subject depends on pragmatic matters, such as different sorts of emphasis (e.g.,
GKC141l). Muraoka notes that in approximately two thirds of the nominal clauses in
Biblical Hebrew the order is subject-predicate, and that the scale of predicate-subject
clauses does not allow us to treat them simply as irregular forms (Joon and Muraoka,
Grammar,154f). See C. L. Miller, ed., The Verbless Clause in Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic
Approaches (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1999), for different theoretical treatments of
nominal clauses; and T. Zewi and C. H. J. van der Merwe, Biblical Hebrew Nominal Clause:
Definitions of Subject and Predicate, JNSL 27 (2001): 8199, for different approaches to
identifying the subject and the predicate in nominal clauses.
76 Mor and Zewi
3.2 Nominal Clauses in the Hebrew Language of the Dead Sea Scrolls
Nominal clauses in the Dead Sea Scrolls, as in Biblical Hebrew, exhibit either
subject-predicate or predicate-subject word order.32 Both sequences are
attested in nominal clauses whose predicate is a nominal phrase, a prepo-
sitional phrase, or an infinitive, with no apparent syntactic conditions. This
can be observed clearly in the following two examples, which display nomi-
nal clauses introduced by and having a nominal phrase predicate. Subject-
predicate order is found in ] [For it is a time of distress
for Isra[el] (1QM 15:1), and predicate-subject order is found in
For it is a Sabbath of rest for Israel (1QM 2:89).33 Subject-
predicate order is attested in this dialect also in nominal clauses whose predi-
cate is a content clause. This pattern does not exist at all in Biblical Hebrew.34
Predicate-subject word order is also attested in this dialect in nominal clauses
whose predicate is an adjective, a passive participle, an interrogative particle, a
personal pronoun or a demonstrative pronoun.
It appears, then, that the word order of nominal clauses in the Dead Sea
Scrolls differs from that of the Judean Desert legal documents and letters
(compare, for instance, #11 above with the predicate-subject sequence in Dead
Sea Scrolls nominal clauses whose predicate is a passive participle). Actual
resemblance is revealed only in predicate-subject examples whose predicate
is a demonstrative pronoun. As stated above, in Biblical Hebrew too this order
32 This discussion is based on T. Zewi, Nominal Clause Patterns in the Dead Sea Scrolls,
Shaarei Lashon: Studies in Hebrew, Aramaic and Jewish Languages Presented to Moshe
Bar-Asher (ed. A. Maman, S. E. Fassberg, and Y. Breuer; 3 vols.; Jerusalem: Bialik Institute,
2007), 1:6480; T. Zewi, Nominal Clauses in the Dead Sea Scrolls, JJS 59 (2008): 27391.
The corpus for these studies comprises Pesher Habakkuk, the Damascus Document,
the War Scroll, the Temple Scroll, and the Rule of the Community (Serekh Ha-Yaad); no
Biblical scrolls were included in it.
33 English translation is according to D. W. Parry and E. Tov, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Reader
Part 1: Texts Concerned with Religious Law (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 20842, 24870.
34 See T. Zewi, Content Clause in Hebrew, Leshonenu 70 (2008): 62757, esp. 650; T. Zewi,
Content Expressions in Biblical Hebrew, in Egyptian, Semitic and General Grammar:
Studies in Memory of H. J. Polotsky (ed. G. Goldenberg and A. Shisha-Halevy; Jerusalem:
Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2009), 30216, esp. 306. Content clauses
in the role of a predicate in the Dead Sea Scrolls are peculiar to the Pesharim; cf. Zewi,
Nominal Clause Patterns in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 7273; Zewi, Nominal Clauses in the
Dead Sea Scrolls, 28485; Zewi, Content Clauses in the Dead Sea Scrolls, Hebrew in
the Second Temple Period: The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and of Other Contemporary
Sources: Proceedings of the Symposium of Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls,
December 2931, 2008, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem (ed. S. E. Fassberg, M. Bar-Asher,
and R. Clements; STDJ 108; Leiden: Brill, 2013), 28998.
78 Mor and Zewi
of the Judean Desert legal documents and letters with Rabbinic Hebrew;37
it is still more salient considering that the language of the legal documents
and letters has no such similarity to Biblical Hebrew and the Dead Sea
Scrolls language.
4 Conclusion
The majority of the nominal clauses in the legal documents and letters from
the Judean Desert exhibit subject-predicate word order and are unconditioned
by the syntactic pattern in which they appear. These characteristics are also
typical of Rabbinic Hebrew, in which the subject-predicate order generally
prevails. This conclusion conforms with other linguistic features revealed in
the language of the Judean Desert legal documents and letters, which testify to
its close affinity with Rabbinic Hebrew.
Takamitsu Muraoka
Whereas Qimrons The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (1986) is bound to remain
the fundamental reference work as far as Qumran Hebrew (QH hereafter) is
concerned for some years to come, its syntax section covers only a small num-
ber of select topics. A number of scholars, including Qimron himself, have
published on issues not covered in this standard work. However, there is no
denying that there remains a great deal more to be investigated. It is a great
honour for me to be allowed to address here only one such issue, namely the
morphosyntax and syntax of the infinitive in QH. The scope of this investi-
gation is limited primarily to the following texts: 1QS (Community Rule), 1QH
(Thanksgiving Hymns), 11QTa (Temple Scroll) and 1QpH (Pesher Habakkuk).
It is generally agreed that the infinitive absolute (inf. abs.) became obsolete
in Mishnaic Hebrew (MH hereafter).1 The process had already begun in Late
Biblical Hebrew (LBH hereafter), and it is a process continuing in QH, as shown
by cases in which an inf. abs. in the biblical source text is replaced by a finite
verb as in 1QIsaa 37:19 vs. MT . Qimron2 justly mentions [ ]
( 1QM 1:8).3 This case reminds us
of BH examples such as ( Gen 8:5) and
( 1 Sam 6:12). However, that the structure was not quite at home with the
author of 1QM is betrayed by the incongruence in binyan, for one would have
expected Hiphil .4 We could identify another case in
1 M. Prez Fernndez, An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (trans. J. Elwolde; Leiden:
Brill, 1997), 144. Cf. also T. Muraoka, An Approach to the Morphosyntax and Syntax of in
Qumran Hebrew, in Diggers at the Well: Proceedings of a Third International Symposium on
the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 36;
Leiden: Brill, 1997), 193214, esp. 19596. See also a brief discussion of this particular instance
in Qimron, DJD 10:81 ( 3.4.2.4).
2 E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), 310.14.
3 The reading presented here follows E. Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings
(3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 20102015) vol. 1. For other texts, so far as they are published
in the first volume, the same applies.
4
( Prov 4:18), mentioned by Y. Yadin,
( Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1957), 259, as
another example of this construction illustrates a clumsy imitation of the BH construction.
7 For a syntactical analysis of this long series of infinitives, see T. Muraoka, Notae Qumranicae
philologicae (1), RevQ 17 (1996): 57383, esp. 57576.
8 On this syntagm, + inf., which is not to be considered syntactically equivalent to the
preceding + inf., see T. Muraoka, Notae Qumranicae philologicae (3): The Community
Rule (1QS) Column 3, Abr-Nahrain 35 (1998): 4764, esp. 56.
9 For a discussion of this long series of infinitives from a stylistic, literary perspective, see
J. Licht, ( Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1965), 30 and
31. P. Wernberg-Mller, The Manual of Discipline (STDJ 1; Leiden: Brill, 1957), 44 is right in
saying that these infinitives are to be translated as finite forms, though he is inconsistent
with his in order to do what is good and right (p. 22). Thus these infinitives do not clarify
the purpose of entering the covenant, pace J. H. Charlesworth, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew,
Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, Vol. 1: Rule of the Community and Related
Documents (PTSDSSP; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1994), 7 n. 3. Charlesworth dissects the series
of infinitives into shorter series, translating the first infinitive of each with in order to and
the subsequent ones with a participle, which produces in English an awkward anacolouth
with no grammatical subject. Martone justly recognises the obligative, injunctive force of
the construction here, justifying his addition of si deve in his translation: si deve ricercate Dio
etc., see C. Martone, La Regola della Comunit (Turin: Silvio Zamorani, 1995), 117, 137 n. 4.
Aspects of the ( Morpho ) Syntax of the Infinitive 83
Epexegetical
21 In other editions the lines are numbered as 2526. Henceforward this discrepancy will
not be noted: the requisite information can be easily found in the margin to the left in
Qimrons edition.
22 A translation such as you have favoured me with the spirit of knowledge [to love tr]uth
[and justice,] and to loathe all the paths... is misleading: DSSSE, 1:155. We submit that
is not an impf., but an inf., coordinate with the preceding . In close, semantic
juncture the preposition lamed may be left out as in ( 1QS 10:14).
23 On this difficult passage, see T. Muraoka, Notae Qumranicae philologicae (2), Abr-
Nahrain 33 (1995): 5573, esp. 6768; I read a phonetically spelled ( Hiphil) instead
of Qimrons ( Qal).
86 Muraoka
the second says how the attitude and stance manifests itself in practice.24 In
the Qumranic style, the second infinitive could have been introduced with
;likewise, ( 1QS 1:6
7); and, similarly, ( 1QS 1:15) and
11QTa (47:34). Also,
(1QS 1:45) is meant to elaborate the immediately preceding pair of infinitives:
( 1QS 1:34). It is not for nothing that
the co-ordinating conjunction waw is missing before .25
In one rare case an epexegetical infinitive follows and elaborates a noun
phrase: ( 1QS 4:11).26 This biblical imagery is to
be compared with ( Exod 9:7);
( Exod 7:14). This epexegetical function of the inf. cst. is a legacy from
BH as in ( 1 Sam 14:33).27
Nominalisation
24 In the corresponding spot in the 4Q fragment (4Q255 i 1) there is no waw prefixed to
.
25 It is thus misleading to use a semicolon, as DSSSE, 71 does before in order to keep
oneself... as if this is a new injunction parallel with the preceding in order to love
everything.... Equally misleading is Vermess that they may abstain ...; see G. Vermes,
The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (4th ed; New York: Penguin Books, 1995), 98.
On the other hand, DSSSEs use of a participle, performing, to follow on not to talk at
line 6 is felicitous.
26 See further T. Muraoka, Notae Qumranicae philologicae (4b) on the Community Rule,
in Zaphenath-Paneah: Linguistic Studies Presented to Elisha Qimron on the Occasion of
His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (ed. D. Sivan, D. Talshir, and C. Cohen; Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev Press, 2009), 11525, esp. *12223.
27 See further Joon and Muraoka, Grammar, 124o.
Aspects of the ( Morpho ) Syntax of the Infinitive 87
Abstract
This paper focuses on the description and explanation of the syntactic status, distri-
bution, and scope of the quantifier in Qumran Hebrew, that is, the Hebrew of the
Qumran collection of the Dead Sea Scrolls. First, it will be shown that the quantifier
ordinarily exhibits many syntactic features that are similar to Biblical Hebrew with
respect to the constituent it modifies and the semantic nuances of each construction.
Second, the distinctive patterns of at Qumran will be described and analysed. These
include, first, the use of before repeated, conjoined nouns to indicate each and
every, which is a syntactic construction that emerged in the Second Temple period.
The second construction involves the reduced use of the floated quantifier in Qumran
Hebrew. The implications of the syntactic features of for a diachronic understanding
of Hebrew will be explored.
1 Introduction
* We thank our research assistant, Ms. Jacqueline Smith, for her assistance in collecting
and classifying the data for this paper. This work is based on research supported in part
by the National Research Foundation of South Africa (Jacobus A. Naud UID 85902). The
grant-holder acknowledges that opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations
expressed in any publication generated by the NRF supported research are those of the
author, and that the NRF accepts no liability whatsoever in this regard.
1 J. A. Naud, Syntactic Patterns of Quantifier Float in Biblical Hebrew, HS 52 (2011): 12136;
Naud, The Interpretation and Translation of the Biblical Hebrew Quantifier KOL, JSem
22 (2011): 40821; J. A. Naud and G. A. Rendsburg, Negation: Pre-Modern Hebrew, EHLL
2:80111.
2
This section draws on the material in Naud, Syntactic Patterns, and Naud, The
Interpretation and Translation, and is repeated here for the convenience of the reader to
understand the argumentation in this article. The following linguistic abbreviations are used
in this article: NP (Noun Phrase), QP (Quantifier Phrase).
3 The linguistics literature on quantification is massive. For important references on this
topic, see the articles on the various aspects of quantification in J. Gutirrez-Rexach,
Semantics: Critical Concepts in Linguistics, vol. 6: Generalized Quantifiers and Scope
(London: Routledge, 2003). Other important articles include: M. R. Baltin, Floating
Quantifiers, PRO, and Predication, LingI 26 (1995): 199248; J. Barwise and R. Cooper,
Generalized Quantifiers and Natural Language, Ling&P 4 (1981): 159219; E. Benmamoun,
Remarks and Replies: The Syntax of Quantifiers and Quantifier Float, LingI 30 (1999): 62142;
J. D. Bobaljik, Floating Quantifiers: Handle with Care, in The Second Glot International
State-of-the-Article Book (ed. L. L.-S. Cheng and R. Sybesma; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2001), 10748;
R. May, The Grammar of Quantification (Ph.D. diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
1977); U. Shlonsky, Quantifiers as Functional Heads: A Study of Quantifier Float in Hebrew,
Lingua 84 (1991): 15980; D. A. Sportiche, Theory of Floating Quantifiers and Its Corollaries
for Constituent Structure, LingI 19 (1988): 42549.
4 J. Lyons, Semantics (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 2:455.
90 Naud and Miller-Naud
the students and not over an additional NP in the sentence (for example, the
books). In order to qualify the NP the books, a second quantifier must be for-
mally added, as in example (2b).
Quantifiers can be divided into two general types on the basis of the amount
of entities or the amount of the substance with which they are associated.
(Examples of the relevant quantifiers in English and Afrikaans are given in
brackets).5
(3) (a) All-type quantifiers are used with uncountable entities and/or
with a series of entities consisting of three or more members
(English all; Afrikaans alle, al);
(b) Each-type quantifiers are used with a series of countable
entities consisting of two or more members (English each;
Afrikaans elk, elkeen).
5 This division is not an exhaustive classification of Afrikaans floating universal quantifiers; see
J. Oosthuizen, Movement vs. Binding: Two Analyses of Quantifier Postposing Phenomena in
Afrikaans (M.A. thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1988). The division in (3) must be broad-
ened to make provision for at least two additional types of floating universal quantifiers. The
first type (Type I quantifiers) encompasses the negative equivalents of the quantifiers in
(3a)(3c), i.e. nie al/albei (not all/both), geeneen (not one) etc. The quantifiers of the sec-
ond general type (Type II quantifiers) are the same as those in (3b) in the sense that they are
used with an exact number of entities. Examples of Type II quantifiers are al drie (all three),
al tien (all ten), etc., that is, combinations of al (all) plus a number. These two types of
quantifiers will not be discussed because the relevant characteristics of Type I quantifiers are
the same as those of their positive equivalents in (3a)-(3c), and the relevant characteristics of
Type II quantifiers are the same as in (3b).
6 D. Gil, Universal Quantification in Hebrew and Arabic, in Studies in Afroasiatic Grammar
Papers from the Second Conference on Afroasiatic Languages Sophia Antipolis, 1994 (ed.
J. Lowenstamm and U. Shlonsky; The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics, 1996), 10522,
at 106.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 91
while the quantifier every forces distributive interpretations. Consider the con-
trast between the two sentences in (4):
Whereas in (4a), the sentence may be understood to mean that the boys are
acting collectively (all on one elephant) or individually/distributively (each
one on a separate elephant), in (4b) the only interpretation is that they are
acting individually (each boy on a separate elephant). In other words, the use
of every forces a distributive interpretation.
While English has distinct lexemes for the universal quantifier and the
distributive quantifier, Gil mentions Maricopa, isiZulu, Malayalam, White
Hmong, Yukaghir, Modern Hebrew and Arabic as languages with a simple uni-
versal quantifier, but no distributive universal quantifier.7 In these languages
there are no distinct lexical counterparts to English all and every, but instead
the semantic contrast between simple and distributive universal quantifi-
cation is expressed structurally. According to Gil, the quantifier in Modern
Hebrew or Arabic may occur either with plural morphology, in which case it is
interpreted as a simple universal quantifier, or alternatively it may occur with
singular morphology, in which case it is interpreted as a distributive universal
quantifier.8 This claim is reiterated by Shlonsky, who states that the distribu-
tive universal quantifier in Hebrew and Arabic must be followed by an indefi-
nite singular noun.9 Brockelmann also operates with this distinction.10 What
this means is that Modern Hebrew differentiates the use of as a universal
quantifier from as a distributive quantifier through the syntactic shape of
the quantifier phrase.
In Qumran Hebrew, however, there are two additional syntactic construc-
tions involving , namely: with indefinite plural nouns and with definite
singular nouns. In other words, Modern Hebrew only uses with definite plu-
ral nouns to indicate all and with indefinite singular nouns to mean each/
every. But both Biblical Hebrew and Qumran Hebrew use in four construc-
tionswith definite and indefinite nouns in both singular and plural. Whereas
Modern Hebrew uses maximal redundancy to indicate the type of quantifi-
7 Ibid., 10810.
8 Ibid., 110.
9 U. Shlonsky, Quantifiers as Functional Heads, 160 n. 1.
10 C. Brockelmann, Hebrasche Syntax (2nd ed.; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,
2004), 71.
92 Naud and Miller-Naud
11 F. Garca Martnez and E. J. C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition (2 vols.;
Leiden: Brill, 19971998).
12 M. Wise, M. Abegg, and E. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (2nd ed.; London:
Harper Collins, 2005).
13 D SSSE, 1:79; Wise, Abegg and Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 122.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 93
14 See also 1QpHab 2:89; 1QpHab 2:10; 1QpHab 3:45 (2 examples); 1QpHab 3:6; 1QpHab
3:11; 1QpHab 5:4; 1QpHab 5:5; 1QpHab 6:7; 1QpHab 7:5; 1QpHab 8:1; 1QpHab 8:5 (2 exam-
ples); 1QpHab 12:1213; 1QpHab 13:1; 1QpHab 13:3; 1QpMic 810 7; 1Q22 1:10; 1Q26 1+2 7
(2 examples); 1QMyst 1 i 8; 1QMyst 1 i 89; 1QMyst 1 ii 10; 1QS 1:3; 1QS 1:7; 1QS 1:89; 1QS 1:11;
1QS 1:16; 1QS 1:19; 1QS 1:1920; 1QS 1:23; 1QS 2:45; 1QS 2:5; 1QS 2:10; 1QS 2:1516; 1QS 2:18; 1QS
2:19; 1QS 3:5; 1QS 3:67; 1QS 3:78; 1QS 3:11; 1QS 3:14; 1QS 3:15; 1QS 3:17; 1QS 3:22; 1QS 3:23; 1QS
3:24; 1QS 4 (2 examples); 1QS 4:12; 1QS 4:13; 1QS 4:15; 1QS 4:18; 1QS 5:4; 1QS 5:6; 1QS 5:7; 1QS
5:8; 1QS 5:10; 1QS 5:14; 1QS 5:19 (2 examples); 1QS 5:20 (2 examples); 1QS 5:22; 1QS 6:2; 1QS 6:7;
1QS 6:15; 1QS 7:20; 1QS 9:3; 1QS 9:25; 1QS 10:17; 1QS 11:14; 1QS 11:16; 1QS 11:19; 1QSa 1:4; 1QSa 1:5
(2 examples); 1QSa 1:6; 1QSa 1:15; 1QSa 1:16; 1QSa 1:24; 1QSa 1:2728; 1QSa 1:29; 1QSa 2:1213;
1QSb 2:27; 1QSb 3:2; 1QSb 3:24; 1QSb 5:19; 1Q31 1 1; 1QM 1:3; 1QM 1:7; 1QM 1:12; 1QM 2:4; 1QM
2:7 (3 examples); 1QM 2:12; 1QM 2:13; 1QM 2:16; 1QM 4:2; 1QM 4:6; 1QM 4:7; 1QM 4:8; 1QM
4:12-13; 1QM 6:10; 1QM 7:2; 1QM 7:7 (2 examples); 1QM 7:12; 1QM 9:3; 1QM 9:14; 1QM 10:12;
1QM 10:5; 1QM 10:9; 1QM 10:13; 1QM 11:6; 1QM 11:13; 1QM 12:10; 1QM 12:13; 1QM 12:14; 1QM
13:1 (2 examples); 1QM 13:2; 1QM 13:3; 1QM 13:4; 1QM 13:8; 1QM 13:1112; 1QM 14:8; 1QM 14:9
(2 examples); 1QM 14:11; 1QM 15:1; 1QM 15:4; 1QM 15:6; 1QM 15:7; 1QM 15:9; 1QM 16:1; 1QM
16:11; 1QM 17:8; 1QM 18:4 (2 examples); 1QM 19:5; 1QM 19:10; 1QM 19:12; 1Q39 1 3; 2Q22 2:3;
4QpPsa 110 ii 2; 4QpPsa 110 ii 3; 4QTest 24; 4QTan 1:6; 4QTobe 2 3; 4QTobe 6 5; 4QJuba
1:15; 4QJuba 2:15; 4QJuba 2:16; 4QJuba 7:13; 4QJuba 7:14; 4QJubd 2:12; 4QJubd 2:28; 4QJubd
2:30; 4QJubd 2:31; 4QpsJubb 5 2; 4QSb 3:3; 4QSb 9:4; 4QSd 1:3; 4QSd 2:1; 4QSd 2:6; 4QSj 1 3;
4QSj 1 7; CD-A 1:2; CD-A 2:16; CD-A 4:7; CD-A 4:12; CD-A 7:3; CD-A 7:4; CD-A 7:9; CD-A 7:13;
CD-A 7:21; CD-A 8:1; CD-A 8:21; CD-A 12:14; CD-A 12:15; CD-A 13:4; CD-A 14:1; CD-A 14:3;
CD-A 14:8; CD-A 14:9; CD-A 14:12; CD-B 19:5; CD-B 19:1314; CD-B 19:3132; CD-B 19:33; CD-B
20:2; CD-B 20:14; CD-B 20:2627; CD-B 20:27; 4QDa 1 a-b 3; 4QDa 11 6; 4QDa 11 7; 4QDb 9 v 12;
4QDc 1 10; 4QDe 3 ii 19; 4QDe 7 i 15; 4QDe 7 i 20; 4QDf 3 8; 4Q274 1 i 1; 4Q274 1 i 3; 4Q274 1 i
89; 4Q274 2 i 9; 4QBera 1 a 2, b 2; 4QBera 5a, b, c, 1; 4QBera 5a, b, c, 5; 4QBera 7a 2, b, c, d, 3;
4Q292 2 4; 4QMysta 6 i 14; 4Q303 1 6; 4Q369 3 4; 4Q370 i 3; 4Q374 2 ii 5; 4Q379 12 6; 4Q379 22
ii 10; 4Q380 1 ii 3; 4Q381 1 10; 4Q392 1 7; 4QMMTc 12 iii 1; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 27; 4QShirShabbd
1 i 35; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 41; 4QShirShabbd 1 ii 4; 4QShirShabbd 1 ii 13; 4QShirShabbd 1 ii 14;
94 Naud and Miller-Naud
(5)11QTa 19:1415
][] [
and [y]ou [shall offer] new wine for the libation: four hin from all the
tribes of Israel, a th[ird of] a hin for (each) tribe.
In this example, it is clear that indicates all rather than every because the
amount of wine for each tribe is explicitly mentioned in the following phrase.
(6) 1QM 7: 12
The one priest shall walk before all the men of the battle line to
strengthen their hands for battle.
In this example, it is clear that one priest is walking before the total group of
men of the battle line.
And the Inspector who is over all the camps will be between thirty
years and sixty years of age, master of every secret of men.
4Q416 1 10; 4Q417 2 i 7; 4Q417 2 i 1213; 4Q417 2 ii 11; 4Q418 99c 10; 4Q418 81 7; 4Q418 81
8; 4Q418 81 17; 4Q422 26 ii 7; 4Q423 4 2; 4Q426 1 i 2; 4QHa 7 ii 13; 4QHa 7 ii 23; 4Q433a 2
7; 4Q434 1 i 1; 4Q437 2 i 7; 4Q439 1 i 6; 4Q445 3 1; 8Q5 2 6; 11QTa 3:8; 11QTa 9:12; 11QTa 15:4;
11QTa 16:13; 11QTa 17:4; 11QTa 19:16; 11QTa 20:13; 11QTa 26:11; 11QTa 27:9; 11QTa 29:6 (2 exam-
ples); 11QTa 29:10; 11QTa 42:3; 11QTa 45:13; 11QTa 46:4; 11QTa 49:14; 11QTa 50:10; 11QTa 50:12;
11QTa 50:16; 11QTa 51:6; 11QTa 51:11; 11QTa 51:16; 11QTa 53:9; 11QTa 53:19; 11QTa 53:20; 11QTa
54:5; 11QTa 55:34; 11QTa 55:67; 11QTa 55:13; 11QTa 56:13; 11QTa 57:5; 11QTa 57:78; 11QTa
57:1516; 11QTa 58:1617; 11QTa 58:19; 11QTa 58:21; 11QTa 59:10; 11QTa 59:15; 11QTa 59:19; 11QTa
60:2; 11QTa 60:3; 11QTa 60:10; 11QTa 60:11 (2 examples); 11QTa 60:14; 11QTa 62:16; 11QTa 63:4;
11QTa 64:6; 11QTa 66:11.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 95
Again, in this example, the meaning is that there is a single inspector who is
over all the camps, not one inspector over each of the camps.
(8) 4Q274 1 i 3
...]...[...]...[
A man from all of the impure persons [...] ... [...]... shall bathe in
water and wash his clothes, and afterwards he shall eat.
In this example, one person out of the totality of the group of impure persons
is described. The following example is similar:
And concerning all (the totality of the specific group of) their
heroes, not one remains standing.
The construction of with the plural deictic also fits into this category;
the deictic is construed as semantically definite as an anaphoric deictic:15
15 Additional examples include: 1Q22 4:9; 1QM 2:6; 1QM 6:4; 1QM 9:5; 4Q248 1 10; 4QDf 4 ii 5;
4Q381 1 7; 4QMMTa 37 i 18; 4QpapMMTe 1417 ii 4; 4QShirShabbc 4 11; 4Q418 123 ii 5;
4Q437 4 6; 4Q438 4a, b, c, d, ii 34; CD-A 8:12; CD-A 16:3; CD-B 19:24.
16 The phrase occurs 47 times in the Hebrew Bible. For a clear example of the same
meaning of the quantifier in this construction, see Gen 49:28. The other examples are:
96 Naud and Miller-Naud
And the priests will bless all the men of Gods lot who walk unblem-
ished in all his paths.
The noun is construed as a proper name and thus the construct phrase gov-
erned by is semantically definite. Note that the participial clause which
modifies the noun phrase agrees with it in semantic definiteness.
This construction is the Qumran Hebrew equivalent of the Biblical Hebrew
construction where precedes definite plural nouns, as illustrated in Ezra
2:58.
The quantifier has scope over two definite plural nouns and indicates the
totality of the (specific group of the) temple servants and the (specific group of
the) descendants of Solomons servants.
Within the Temple Scroll (11QT), there are a few examples in which seems
to mean each, every rather than all:
Gen 10:29; 14:3; 15:10; 25:4; Lev 20:23; Deut 3:5; Jdg 13:23; 20:25, 44, 46; 1 Kgs 7:9; 2 Kgs 10:9;
1 Chr 1:23, 33; 2:23; 7:8, 11, 40; 8:38, 40; 9:9; 12:39; 25:5, 6; 26:8; 27:31; 29:17; 2 Chr 14:7; 21:2;
29:32; Ezra 10:44; Job 33:29; Qoh 11:9; Isa 45:7; 66:2 (2 examples); Jer 2:34; 3:7; 5:19; 14:22;
Ezek 6:13; 16:30; 18:11; Zech 8:12, 17.
17 Additional examples include: 1QS 1:15; 1QS 3:8; 1QS 3:10; 1QS 4:3-4; 1QpHab 7:13; CD-A 13:14;
CD-B 20:8 4QFlor 1-2 i 7-8; 4QpapSa 2:3; 4QpapSa 2:5; 4QpapSc 2:1.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 97
It will have a square pillar within it, in its centre, of four cubits in
width on each/all of its sides. And the width of the stairway with
ascending steps is four [cu]bits.
We would expect the phrase to mean on all of its sides, that is, the
total measurement of the four sides is four cubits. However, because the width
of the stairway is four cubits, it is clear that the phrase instead must mean on
each of its sides. Other examples of this meaning of are found only in the
Temple Scroll, primarily with measurements.18
18 See 11QTa 31:10; 11QTa 36:5; 11QTa 36:13; 11QTa 38:1314; 11QTa 51:6; 11QTa 52:14; 11QTa 60:10.
19 See also 1QpHab 8:13; 1Q27 1 ii 5; 1QS 5:16; 1QS 6:3; 1QS 6:4; 1QS 6:9; 1QS 6:11; 1QS 6:12; 1QS
6:15; 1QS 7:1; 1QS 7:22; 1QS 8:16; 1QS 8:18; 1QS 8:21; 1QS 8:2324; 1QS 8:25; 1QS 9:12; 1QS 9:20;
1QS 9:21; 1QS 9:23; 1QS 10:5; 1QS 10:17; 1QS 10:18; 1QS 11:89; 1QSa 1:19; 1QSa 2:3; 1QSa 2:4;
1QSa 2:5; 1QSb 3:28; 1QM 4:3; 4Q171 12 ii 89; 4QTan 12 i 78 (2 examples); 4Q215a 1 ii
4; 4Q215a 1 ii 8; 4QJubd 2:8; 4QJube 1 2; 4Q251 10 9; 4QSb 9:3; 4QSb 9:7; 4QSb 9:10; 4QSb 19:3;
4QSf 4:3; 4Q265 4 i 11; CD-A 2:20; CD-A 3:20; CD-A 9:1; CD-A 9:2; CD-A 9:13; CD-A 9:14; CD-A
9:16; CD-A 10:12; CD-A 11:2; CD-A 11:16; CD-A 12:2; CD-A 12:17; CD-A 12:21; CD-A 14:9-10; CD-A
14:10; CD-A 14:11; CD-A 14:12; CD-A 14:13; CD-A 15:9; CD-A 15:12 (2 examples); CD-A 15:15;
CD-A 16:7; 4QDa 2 i 7; 4QDa 8 i 3; 4QDa 8 i 7; 4QDe 6 iii 17; 4QDe 6 v 19; 4QDe 7 i 15; 4QDf 2
10; 4QDf 2 11; 4QDf 5 i 10; 4Q272 1 i 2; 4Q274 1 i 2; 4Q274 1 i 5; 4Q274 1 i 6; 4Q274 2 i 4; 4Q274
3 ii 10; 4Q277 1 ii 2; 4Q298 34 i 5; 4QMysta 3a ii 3; 4QMysta 3a ii 10; 4QMysta 3a ii 11 (2
examples); 4QMysta 3a ii 15 (2 examples); 4Q370 1 6 (2 examples); 4Q381 1 4; 4Q381 1 6;
4Q381 24a+b 5; 4QMMTc 12 iv 2; 4Q416 1 12; 4Q416 1 13; 4Q416 2 ii 2; 4Q416 2 iii 5; 4Q416
2 iv 8; 4Q417 1 i 6; 4Q417 2 i 10; 4Q417 2 i 19; 4Q417 2 ii 9; 4Q418 81 2 (2 examples); 4Q418 81
4; 4Q418 81 20; 4Q418 9, 9a 1314; 4Q421 12 2; 4Q422 10a-e iii 11; 4Q423 1+2 i 1 (2 examples);
4Q434 1 ii 1; 11QTa 17:11; 11QTa 17:16; 11QTa 20:9; 11QTa 25:9; 11QTa 27:6; 11QTa 27:9; 11QTa 32:15;
11QTa 35:2; 11QTa 35:3; 11QTa 35:5; 11QTa 45:12; 11QTa 45:15; 11QTa 45:17 (2 examples); 11QTa
46:15; 11QTa 47:5 (2 examples); 11QTa 47:6; 11QTa 47:7 (2 examples) 11QTa 48:5; 11QTa 48:6;
11QTa 48:11; 11QTa 49:5; 11QTa 49:7; 11QTa 49:8; 11QTa 49:9; 11QTa 49:1112; 11QTa 49:21; 11QTa
50:11; 11QTa 50:21; 11QTa 51:19; 11QTa 52:4; 11QTa 53:19; 11QTa 53:20; 11QTa 57:10; 11QTa 57:14;
11QTa 57:15; 11QTa 57:21 (2 examples); 11QTa 58:3; 11QTa 58:17 (2 examples); 11QTa 59:9; 11QTa
60:19; 11QTa 61:6 (2 examples); 11QTa 62:10; 11QTa 62:14; 11QTa 63:4 (2 examples); 11QTa 65:2.
98 Naud and Miller-Naud
Every (i.e., each and every individual) man who has been in the
council of the community { } for ten full years...
In every (i.e., each and every individual) place where there are ten
men from the council of the community, there should not be miss-
ing a priest among them.
It (the outhouse) must not be visible from each and every direction
from the city for three thousand cubits.
And in the same way, each and every every lost object which has
been found and has no owner, will be for the priests, for he who
found it does not know the regulation in its regard.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 99
When the indefinite singular noun is an abstract noun, the phrase with has
the nuance each and every aspect of X:20
(19) 4QMysta 8 8
In his hand (are) the laws of everything (= each and every individ-
ual thing)...
20 See also 1Q27 1 ii 5; 4QSj 1 5; 4Q265 7 17; 4Q417 2 i 9; 4Q418 2, 2a, 2b, 2c 5; 4Q418 69 ii 1; 4Q418
127 1; 4Q418 127 6.
100 Naud and Miller-Naud
21 P. Joon and T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (2nd ed.; Rome: Gregorian &
Biblical Press, 2009),138d.
22 C.L. Miller, Definiteness and the Vocative in Biblical Hebrew, JNSL 36 (2010): 4364.
23 See also 1Q27 1 i 7; 1Q27 1 i 9; 1QS 1:5; 1QS 1:9; 1QS 1:10; 1QS 1:22; 1QS 2:12; 1QS 3:13 (2 examples);
1QS 3:20; 1QS 3:22; 1QS 3:2425; 1QS 4:2; 1QS 4:5 (2 examples); 1QS 4:6; 1QS 4:7; 1QS 4:11; 1QS
4:12; 1QS 4:15; 1QS 4:16; 1QS 4:17; 1QS 4:20; 1QS 4:21; 1QS 4:23; 1QS 5:7; 1QS 5:1819; 1QS 6:7; 1QS
10:21; 1QSb 4:26; 1QSb 5:18; 1QM 1:8 (2 examples); 1QM 1:9; 1QM 3:8; 1QM 3:9; 1QM 6:6; 1QM
6:13; 1QM 10:56; 1QM 11:14; 1QM 13:10; 1QM 13:16; 1QM 14:7; 1QM 15:2; 1QM 17:5; 1Q36 7 2;
4Q185 12 iii 12; 4Q215a 1 ii 8; 4QJubd 2:33; 4QSf 5:1; CD-A 1:1; CD-A 1:2021; CD-A 2:2; CD-A
2:6; CD-A 2:910; CD-A 2:10; CD-A 8:4; CD-A 14:2; CD-B 20:34; 4QDc 1 9; 4QDe 2 ii 19; 4Q286
5a, b, c 2; 4Q286 5a, b, c 7; 4Q286 5a, b, c 10; 4Q286 7a i, b, c, d 6; 4QMysta 8 7; 4Q369 1 i 4;
4Q370 1 34; 4Q381 1 6; 4Q382 31 4; 4QShirShabba 1 i 2; 4QShirShabba 1 i 5; 4QShirShabba 1 i
15; 4QShirShabba 1 i 16 (2 examples); 4QShirShabba 1 i 17; 4QShirShabba 2 2; 4QShirShabbb
14 i 8; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 21; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 22; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 24; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 29;
4QShirShabbd 1 i 3031; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 32; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 34; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 35;
4QShirShabbd 1 i 36; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 37 (2 examples); 4QShirShabbd 1 i 38 (3 examples);
4QShirShabbd 1 i 40; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 42; 4Q416 1 14; 4Q416 2 iii 14 (2 examples); 4Q417 2 ii
7; 4Q418 126 i-ii 9; 4Q418 2, 2a, 2b, 2c 6; 4Q418 55 9; 4Q418 69 ii 8; 4Q418 69 ii 12; 4Q418 69
ii 1314; 4Q418 81 4; 4Q418 81 12; 4Q418 81 13; 4Q418 81 14; 4Q418 81 16; 4Q418 81 18; 4Q418 81
20; 4Q418 127 5; 4Q423 5 4; 4QHa 7 i 17; 4QHa 7 ii 6; 4Q434a 12 7; 11QTa 35:14; 11QTa 49:15
(2 examples); 11QTa 50:1718.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 101
... to love all (i.e., each and every one of the) sons of light, each
one24 according to his lot in Gods plan, and to hate all (i.e., each
and every one of the) sons of darkness, each one according to his
guilt in Gods vindication.
In these is the history of all (i.e. each and every one of) mankind.
... and to hold fast to all (i.e., each and every one of the) good
works and to do truth, justice and righteousness in the land.
(26) 4QpNah 34 iv 2
Her children were dashed to pieces at all (i.e., each and every one
of the) crossroads.
The distinction between plural indefinite noun phrases and plural definite
noun phrases modified by can be seen by comparing similar phrases:
for all the periods of eternity (i.e., for each and every one of the
periods of eternity) and for all the ages (i.e., for the totalities of
the ages).
The construction is the Qumran Hebrew equivalent of the Biblical Hebrew
construction, as illustrated in Isa 28:8:
All (= each and every one) tables are covered with filthy vomit;
there is no place left.
24 A subsequent article will describe how as a distributive differs from as a distribu-
tive. Preliminary investigations suggest that the use of after serves to strengthen
the distributive interpretation. See, for example, CD-B 20:24.
102 Naud and Miller-Naud
The indefinite plural noun modified by indicates each and every one of the
tables and conveys the nuance of every.
The book of the names of all their army (i.e. the totality of the
individual members of their army) is with you in your holy
dwelling.
25 See also 1QpHab 3:5; 1QpHab 5:12; 1QpHab 6:1; 1QS 1:13; 1QS 2:22; 1QS 2:25; 1QS 3:15; 1QS 5:9;
1QS 6:2; 1QS 8:1; 1QS 8:12; 1QS 8:15; 1QS 8:17; 1QS 8:18; 1QS 8:19; 1QS 8:21; 1QS 9:7; 1QS 9:9;
1QS 9:13; 1QS 9:19; 1QS 9:20; 1QS 9:24 (2 examples); 1QS 10:8; 1QS 10:9; 1QS 10:16; 1QS 11:18;
1QS 11:19; 1QSa 1:6; 1QSa 1:26; 1QSa 2:12; 1QSb 3:2; 1QSb 3:3; 1Q29 57 2; 1QM 1:5; 1QM 4:11;
1QM 6:11; 1QM 7:17; 1QM 9:6; 1QM 11:16; 1QM 13:2; 1QM 13:5; 1QM 14:12; 1QM 15:1011; 1QM
15:11; 1QM 16:3; 1QM 18:1; 1QM 18:3; 4QpNah 5 2; 4Q171 34 iii 12; 4Q171 12 ii 7; 4QFlor 13
ii 2; 4QFlor 4 5; 4Q185 12 ii 10; 4Q215a 1 ii 3; 4QJubd 1:35; 4QJubf 1 4; 4QSb 18:3; 4QSf 1 iv 3;
4QSj 1 67; 4Q265 7 14; CD-A 2:1; CD-A 6:10; CD-A 8:19; CD-A 9:10; CD-A 11:21; CD-A 12:10;
CD-A 12:12; CD-A 12:1213; CD-A 13:9; 1QSa 2:12; CD-A 13:11; CD-A 14:11; CD-A 14:16; CD-A 15:7
(2 examples); CD-B 19:32; CD-B 20:8; 4Q301 1 3; 4Q369 1 ii 7; 4Q376 1 iii 1; 4Q381 69 2; 4Q382
105 5; 4QShirShabbd 1 i 31; 4Q415 2 ii 3; 4Q417 2 i 14; 4Q418 81 12; 4Q418 123 ii 3; 4Q418 126 i-ii 2;
4Q418 126 i-ii 10; 4Q418 127 2; 4Q422 10a-e iii 10; 4Q423 5 6; 4Q448 B:3; 11QTa 20:5; 11QTa 25:11;
11QTa 26:12 (2 examples); 11QTa 27:6 (2 examples); 11QTa 31:8; 11QTa 35:14; 11QTa 44:5; 11QTa
45:8; 11QTa 45:1112; 11QTa 45:16; 11QTa 47:1213; 11QTa 48:7 (2 examples); 11QTa 49:7; 11QTa
49:9; 11QTa 49:21; 11QTa 50:8; 11QTa 50:20; 11QTa 51:4; 11QTa 52:3; 11QTa 52:7; 11QTa 52:16;
11QTa 53:15; 11QTa 53:19; 11QTa 54:13 (2 examples); 11QTa 55:8 (2 examples); 11QTa 55:9; 11QTa
55:18; 11QTa 59:10 (2 examples); 11QTa 62:10.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 103
And every one (i.e. the totality of the identified and selected indi-
viduals) who declines to enter [the covenant of Go]d in order to
walk in the stubbornness of his heart shall not [enter the Com]
munity of this truth ...
In the following example has scope over the collective noun and indi-
cates the totality of the identified and selected individual members of entity:26
And in third place all (i.e. the totality of the identified and selected
individual members of) the people will enter the Rule, one after
another, by thousands, and hundreds....
They will bring all (i.e. the totality of the identified and selected
of) their knowledge and their strength and their riches into the
community of God ...
26 See also 1Q22 1:2; 1QS 2:21; 1QS 6:9; 1QSa 1:1; 1QSa 1:23; 1QSa 1:25; 1QSa 2:21; 1QM 2:9; 1QM 3:13
(2 examples); 1QM 4:15; 1QM 5:1; 1QM 9:1; 1QM 16:89; 1QM 17:14; 4QpNah 34 iii 3; 4Q185
12 ii 10; CD-A 3:14; CD-A 7:20; CD-A 8:13; CD-A 15:5; CD-A 16:1; CD-B 19:26; 4QDa 5 i 18;
4QDf 3 8; 4Q375 1 ii 6; 4Q376 1 ii 2; 4Q376 1 iii 1; 4Q418 126 i-ii 1; 4Q439 1 i 5; 11QTa 21:6; 11QTa
26:7; 11QTa 26:9; 11QTa 39:67; 11QTa 56:1011; 11QTa 60:12; 11QTa 62:7.
27 See also 1QS 1:11; 1QS 9:10; 1QS 9:13; 4Q171 12 ii 7; 4Q300 1 ii 4; 4Q300 3 i 3; 4Q432 5 i 2.
104 Naud and Miller-Naud
In the council of the Community (there shall be) twelve men and
three priests, perfect in all (i.e., the totality of the identified and
selected of) that has been revealed from all (i.e., the totality of the
identified and selected of) the law to do truth and righteousness
and judgment and, compassionate love and unassuming behaviour
of each man with his neighbour ...
Then Pharaoh commanded all his people, Every boy that is born
you shall throw into the Nile, but you shall let every girl live.
The construction indicates the totality of the individual members of the (spe-
cific) group of sons that are born and the totality of the individual members of
the (specific) group of daughters (that are born).
The substantive uses of with the definite article are similar.
And they shall be recorded in the Rule, each one before his neigh-
bour according to his insight and his deed so that the entirety (i.e.,
the totality of those identified and selected) may obey, each one
his neighbour, the lesser man the superior ...
For the whole (i.e., the totality of those identified and selected)
shall be in a community of truth and proper humility and compas-
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 105
sionate love upright purpose, each one to his neighbour in the holy
council and sons of an everlasting society.
The total (i.e., the totality of the items identified and selected) of
the tithes and of the treasure: a seventh of a second tithe made
unclean.
2.5 Summary
To summarise, the difference between as the distributive quantifier every
and as the collective quantifier all is that it functions as the distributive quan-
tifier when it has scope over indefinite nouns (i.e., the NP is non-specific and
implicitly inclusive), whereas it functions as the collective quantifier when the
NP is specific and inclusive. The distinction between the use of plural and sin-
gular NPs is motivated by individualisation. The singular focuses on individu-
alisation/individuation; the plural does not.
Thus far, we have seen that the patterns of quantification with in Qumran
Hebrew are identical to those of Biblical Hebrew. In this section, we examine
and explain two usages of which depart from the patterns found in Biblical
Hebrew.
28 E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press 1986),
8182; A. Hurvitz, The Transition Period in Biblical Hebrew: A Study in Post-Exilic Hebrew
and its Implications for the Dating of the Psalms (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1972), 7073
[Hebrew], and references cited there; R. Polzin, Late Biblical Hebrew: Toward an Historical
Typology of Biblical Hebrew Prose (HSM 12; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press 1976), 4751.
29 Additional examples include ( Esth 9:21, 27);
( 2 Chr 11:12;
28:25; 31:19; Esth 8:11,17);
( 2 Chr 32:28); ( Esth 2:11);
(Esth 3:14; 4:3; 8:13, 17).
106 Naud and Miller-Naud
On each and every day Mordecai would walk about in front of the
court of the harem, to learn how Esther was faring and what was
happening to her.
And much as she coaxed Joseph day after day, he did not yield to
her request to lie beside her, to be with her.
30 G KC123.
31 In addition to the examples provided below, see 1QM 7:17; 4Q471 1:4; 4QMMTa 3:20 =
4QMMTc 2:2 (both examples are partially reconstructed); 11QTa 15:1; 11QTa 15:3; 11QTa 17:11;
11QTa 20:10 (reconstructed); 11QTa 22:1213; 11QTa 36:5; 11QTa 23:7(?); 11QTa 36;54; 11QTa
40:8; 11QTa 42:13 ; 11QTa 48:14..
32 For the theoretical background and terminology of change and diffusion with reference
to the history of Hebrew, see J. A. Naud, Diachrony in Biblical Hebrew and a Theory of
Language Change and Diffusion, in Diachrony in Biblical Hebrew (ed. C. L. Miller-Naud
and Z. Zevit; Linguistic Studies in Ancient West Semitic 8; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
2012), 6181.
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 107
... the children of Israel shall give to the priests one ram, one lamb,
and to the Levites one ram, one lamb and to each and every tribe
one ram, one lamb.
You shall offer on each and every day for these seven days a burnt
offering to the LORD.
Contrast the following example with all the days, referring to the
totality of the days and not to the complete set of individual, distributive days.
...I will create my temple, establishing it for myself all (i.e., the
totality of) the days, according to the covenant which I made with
Jacob at Bethel.
In Biblical Hebrew the quantifier may appear after the constituent with
which it is associated, but in that case it obligatorily hosts a resumptive
pronoun. This phenomenon can be illustrated with the following sentence
pairs in which the quantifier serves to modify the NP peoples. In (44a),
Lam 1:18, the quantifier precedes the NP and is bare. In (44b), Ps 67:4,
follows the NP and hosts a pronominal suffix which agrees with the quantified
NP in number and gender.
(44a)Lam 1:18
(44b)Ps 67:4
Let peoples praise you, O God; let all peoples (lit. peoples, all of
them) praise you!
You shall eat the flesh of mighty men, and drink the blood of the
princes of the earth as if they were rams, lambs and goats, bullsall
Syntactic Features of in Qumran Hebrew 109
All of you (lit. you, all of you) have seen it yourselves; why then have
you become altogether vain?
Who appointed him over the earth? Who put him in charge of the
whole world (lit. world, all of it)?
And all the people (lit. the people, all of it) knew itEphraim and
the inhabitants of Samaria, who say in pride and in arrogance of
heart.
And it will have two gates: to the north and to the south, one faces
the other with the same measurements as the gates of the laver
building. And all of this building, all of it, its walls on the inside
there will be blocked windows....35
4 Conclusions
35 It is possible that the translation should be in this whole building; cf. DSSSE, 2:1253.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of
Manasseh from the Cairo Genizah
1 Introduction
Among the so-called magical texts from the Cairo Genizah edited by Peter
Schfer and Shaul Shaked, the Cambridge fragments T.-S. K 1.144, T.-S. K 21.95,
and T.-S. K 21.95P constitute a manuscript containing various prayers, most
of which have a mystico-magical character.1 Among these prayers we find a
Hebrew version of the Prayer of Manasseh2 previously known in Greek and
Syriac.3 There is no relationship with Manassehs prayer found at Qumran
(4Q381 33 811) edited by Eileen Schuller4 and investigated by William M.
Schniedewind.5 One of the very few studies on the Genizah text is an article by
Reimund Leicht, in which he argues that this Hebrew text of PrMan is a tenth-
century translation from a Greek text close to the text of the Codex Turicensis,
but reflects also unequivocal influence from the Syriac versions.
The picture that emerges from Leichts hypothesis is reminiscent of the
model that various scholars in the late-19th and early-20th centuries advocated
regarding the Hebrew text of Ben Sira from the Cairo Genizah,6 namely, that of
a document written in the Second Temple Period,7 that survived in Greek and
Syriac, and that in the Middle Ages, presumably the tenth century, was retrans-
lated into Hebrew.8 For the Hebrew text of Ben Sira the retroversion theory
could not stand the test of time, and after the discovery of the Masada text and
the Qumran fragments, at most the partial retroversion theory could be main-
tained; that is, the view that the Genizah manuscripts of Ben Sira are basically
the result of inner-Hebrew development, and that only some passages such as
Sir 51:1330 contain traces of a retroversion from Syriac (or Greek).9
For other books the scholarly discussion moved in the opposite direction.
Thus M. Gaster considered the small Hebrew version of the story of Judith
that he published in 1894 to be standing at the beginning of the literary and
Ariel Gutman and Wido van Peursen, The Two Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh
(Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies 30; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2011), 12. Schuller, Non-
Canonical Psalms from Qumran, 3132, 16162, argues for the secondary attribution of the
prayer to Manasseh; see also Schuller, 4Q380 and 4Q381: Non-Canonical Psalms from
Qumran, in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research (ed. D. Dimant and U. Rappaport;
STDJ 10; Leiden: Brill, 1992), 9099, esp. 9495; and Schuller, DJD 11:123.
6 Cf. W. Th. van Peursen, The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira (SSL 41; Leiden: Brill,
2004), 20.
7 Note, however, that the date of origin of PrMan is not so easy to establish as some schol-
ars have suggested and that a later date of origin cannot be ruled out; cf. Gutman and van
Peursen, The Two Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 4152.
8 Whether we should call PrMan-Heb a retranslation (back into Hebrew) or just a trans-
lation depends on the source of the Greek and Syriac versions. Only if we assume that
these versions go back to a Hebrew originalwhich is far from certain (cf. Gutman and van
Peursen, The Two Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 89 n. 11)is it justified to speak
of a re-translation.
9 Cf. van Peursen, The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira, 1923; van Peursen, The
Alleged Retroversions from Syriac in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira Revisited: Linguistic
Perspectives, Kleine Untersuchungen zur Sprachen des Alten Testaments und seiner Umwelt
2 (2001): 4795; and van Peursen, Sirach 51:1330 in Hebrew and Syriac, in Hamlet on a Hill:
Semitic and Greek Studies Presented to Professor T. Muraoka on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth
Birthday (ed. M. F. J. Baasten and W. Th. van Peursen; OLA 118; Leuven: Peeters, 2003), 35774.
114 van Peursen
textual history of the book of Judith,10 and this view was in vogue for some
time and entered, for example, the Encyclopedia Biblica edited by Cheyne and
Black, in which Gaster wrote the entry on the book of Judith.11 In 1922, how-
ever, C. Meyer argued that the Hebrew text was a free retroversion from the
Vulgate,12 and since then this view has become the majority view;13 although
the minority view, giving priority to one or more of the extant Hebrew ver-
sions, did not completely disappear. It was advocated by A. M. Dubarle in his
1958 article.14 Similarly, the abridged Hebrew version of the Book of Maccabees
was thought by its editor, Abraham Schweizer, to be original,15 a view that was
refuted by C. C. Torrey.16
Will PrMan-Heb from the Cairo Genizah undergo the same fate as the
Hebrew text of Ben Sira from the Genizah? Will it also in the endwith our
increased knowledge of Hebrew from the Second Temple periodturn out
to be a genuine, original Hebrew document? Or should we rather consider it
as a parallel to medieval translations into Hebrew of, for example, the books
of Judith and 1 Maccabees? This question can be addressed from various per-
spectives. Leicht focuses on the textual affiliations of PrMan-Heb with the
Greek and Syriac versions and draws upon linguistic observations to support
his theory.17 My aim is to start with the Hebrew text in its own right and with
its linguistic profile before proceeding to the larger text-historical picture
10 M. Gaster, An Unknown Hebrew Version of the History of Judith, Proceedings of the
Society of Biblical Archaeology 16 (1894): 15663.
11 M. Gaster, Judith, the Book of, in Encyclopedia Biblica: A Critical Dictionary of the Literary,
Political and Religion History, the Archeology, Geography and Natural History of the Bible
(ed. T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black; 4 vols.; New York: The Macmillan Company,
18991903), 2:264246.
12 Carl Meyer, Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Buches Judith, Biblica 3 (1922): 193203.
13 Cf. Carey A. Moore, Judith (AB 40B; Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985), 1012.
14 A. M. Dubarle, Les textes divers du livre de Judith, VT 8 (1958): 34473; see, however, also
Dubarle, Rectification: sur un texte hbreu de Judith, VT 11 (1961): 8687.
15 A. Schweizer, Untersuchungen uber die Reste eines hebraischen Textes vom ersten
Makkabaerbuch (Berlin: Poppelauer, 1901); unfortunately, we were unable to consult a
copy of this book, so we depend on the extensive review by Torrey.
16 Charles C. Torrey, Schweizers Remains of a Hebrew Text of 1 Maccabees, JBL 22 (1903):
5159. Compare how Torrey (p. 53) linked up the discussion about the original Hebrew
of 1 Maccabees with that about the original Hebrew text of Ben Sira: Since a part of the
original Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus has recently come to light, we are prepared to hear of
the recovery of the original text of other books of the Old Testament Apocrypha, now
preserved only in translations.
17 The studies about the Hebrew texts of Judith and 1 Maccabees mentioned above do not
address linguistic arguments.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 115
that emerges. Regardless of its origin, PrMan-Heb has cultural and literary-
historical significance, being the only Hebrew witness from a Jewish context to
a prayer otherwise only known from Christian transmission channels.
2 Rabbinic Elements
Our analysis of the linguistic profile of PrMan-Heb will start with features that
are typical of Rabbinic Hebrew.18
2.1 Orthography
1. The pronominal suffix 1 sg. attached to plural nouns or prepositions with
a (pseudo-)plural ending is spelled : 2a19 my fathers; 2b8
my sins, my transgressions; 2b9+13 my iniquities;
2b9+10 my sins; 2b12 on me (contrast 2b16+17 ;)2b15
my wrongdoings; 2b16 in my sins; 2b17 before
me, my sins.
2. The Niphal imperfect is written with a yod as vowel letter in the prefix:
2b5 and you relent.
3. Word-internal consonantal yod is written as : 2b18 do not con-
demn me.19
4. The Tetragrammaton is written with three yods in 2b6 and 2b18 .
5. in 2b18 because you are the Lord of
the gods for the human beings is at first sight somewhat peculiar. There
is no exact parallel to in the Bible, the closest parallel being
in Dan 11:36. A more plausible explanation, however, is that it is a
short form of God; the Genizah manuscript in which PrMan-Heb
is found contains also other abbreviated forms of .20
2.2 Morphology
1. The form of the perfect 2 masc. sg. is ( contrast BH ): 2a20
( you who) made; 2b1 you commanded; 2b7 you
put.
18 References are to the folio and line number of the Genizah manuscript. Thus 2a19 means:
line 19 of folia 2a.
19 See also below, Section 2.2.
20 Schfer and Shaked, Magische Texte aus der Kairoer Geniza, 27.
116 van Peursen
2. After the full imperfect is used, rather than the short form in 2b17
and let (your wrath) not burn.21
3. The Piel of the so-called hollow roots follows the pattern of the strong
verb: 2b18 ( do not) condemn me.22
4. The pronominal suffix attached to the negation does not take the
epenthetic nun: 3a1 I am not (contrast BH ).23
21 After the short imperfect is frequent throughout the CH period (including QH). In MH
the short imperfect is used only in literary and elevated style, see Gideon Haneman,
( A Morphology of Mishnaic Hebrew according to the Tradition of
the Parma MS [De Rossi 138]) (TSHLRS 3; Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1980), 3132;
Mordechai Mishor, ( The Tense System in Tannaitic
Hebrew) (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1983), 8692; and van Peursen, The
Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira, 92.
22 Cf. M. H. Segal, A Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927), 8283 and
Segal, ( A Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1936), 143. See
also above, Section 2.1, on the orthography.
23 Cf. M. Prez Fernndez, An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (trans. John F.
Elwolde; Leiden: Brill, 1997), 19.
24 Van Peursen, Language and Interpretation in the Syriac Text of Ben Sira: A Comparative
Linguistic and Literary Study (MPI 16; Leiden: Brill, 2007), 224. The examples given there
include Gen 1:9 the waters (that are) under the sky for MT
.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 117
2.4 Syntax
1. There is one nominal clause with the pattern : 2b3
and there is none who can stand before your power. This pat-
tern is reminiscent of MH examples such as m. Mena. 4:3
it has nothing which renders it permissible,27 but the use of ( rather
than ) is remarkable.28
2. The pattern X is attested twice: 2b9 I have
no authority to look; 2b1011 and I do not
have the insolence to raise my head to you. Unlike the pattern ,
which is well attested in LBH and QH, the pattern X is common
in MH.29
25 Cf. van Peursen, The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira, 335, with references
to Prez Fernndez, Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew, 20910, and M. Azar,
( The Syntax of Mishnaic Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Academy of the Hebrew
Language/University of Haifa, 1995), 11718; but note that in MH the compounds with
and are more common.
26 Cf. M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Babli, Yerushalmi and Midrashic
Literature (2 vols.; New York: Judaica, 18861903), 99b.
27 Example from Azar, , 89.
28 Cf. Prez Fernndez, Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew, 41: The interrogatives
and can also have indefinite significance, particularly in the sequence / who-
ever, whatever...and especially when preceded and reinforced by ( etc.).
29 Cf. W. Th. van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, in Sirach, Scrolls, and Sages:
Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls,
Ben Sira, and the Mishnah held at Leiden University, 1517 December 1997 (ed. T. Muraoka
and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 33; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 22343, esp. 229.
30 Only three occurrences in BH: Job 11:8; 2 Sam 3:1; Jer 29:28; for its use in RH see J. Levy,
Neuhebrisches und Chaldisches Wrterbuch ber die Targumim und Midraschim (4 vols.;
Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 18761889), 1:166a.
31 Qal occurs in the Bible only in Esth 1:16 and Dan 9:5.
118 van Peursen
3 Non-Rabbinic Features
32 In the Hebrew Bible it occurs only in Dan 1:10, meaning to make guilty. See also Sir 11:18.
33 Compare Sir 41:16, where the Genizah MSS B and C have , but the Masada Scroll .
Since in BH we find other forms with a waw, such as Ps 93:5 ( probably to be inter-
preted as a Niphal of ), I have argued elsewhere that the Masada text should be inter-
preted as a Niphal of , and that the Genizah manuscripts reflect a later stage in the
history of the Hebrew language, in which the Niphal of and the Qal of have
merged; cf. van Peursen, Het Participium bij Ben Sira (M.A. thesis, Leiden University,
1994), 35. For the purpose of the present study it suffices to observe that the form in Heb-
PrMan ( )agrees with the form in the Genizah manuscripts of Ben Sira as against the
Masada Scroll. R. Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version of the Apocryphal Prayer
of Manasseh, JSQ 3 (1996): 35973, at 366, refers to in the Yishtebach of the
morning prayer. For the construction of + infinitive see also van Peursen, The Verbal
System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira, 270.
34 Cf. Levy, Neuhebrisches und Chaldisches Wrterbuch ber die Targumim und Midra
schim, 3:655.
35 Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 367, and Gutman and van Peursen, The Two
Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 4647.
36 occurs in the Bible with the meaning return (HALOT, 1800b).
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 119
3.1 Orthography
1. Sin (rather than samek) occurs in the form 2b13 they have over
taken me, for which we would expect in MH .37
3.2 Morphology
1. The lengthened imperative is used in 2b16 spare!38
2. Unusual in RH are perfect forms of to be able, as in 2b13 . In RH
we find only the participle ;the BH perfect structure , has
been replaced in RH by perfect forms of the verb + the participle .39
37 Cf. Segal, A Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew, 32; see Segal, , 34, on samek
replacing sin, but there this verb is not mentioned.
38 Cf. Haneman, , 31; Prez Fernndez, Introductory Grammar
of Rabbinic Hebrew, 151; and van Peursen, The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben
Sira, 92.
39 Prez Fernndez, Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew, 114; see also Haneman,
, 7172.
40 Other examples: 2a19 the God of my fathers; 2b6 the evil over the
people; 2b6 the God of the righteous; 2b6 the good for the
righteous; 2b8 the seashore; 2b10 fetters of iron; 2b13
the hairs of my head; 2b18 under the depths of the earth; 2b18
the human beings; 3a2 for ever and ever. Note that we interpret 2b18
as an apposition: the Lord God [ ;]see Section 3.6.
41 For the use of this construction in BH see T. Muraoka, The Status Constructus of
Adjectives in Biblical Hebrew, VT 27 (1977): 37580.
120 van Peursen
42 Disagreement in number is attested with as subject of a plural verb (Jer 31:3; Ezra
9:2; Neh 9:2); for the idiom used here compare Prov 11:21 the offspring of the
righteous (but there the two words constitute a construct state connection rather than
an apposition). For disagreement in number with an attributive adjective, Joon and
Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 148a, give as an example Isa 9:1 .
In MH, with collectives, adjective agreement is according to semantic sense, according
to Prez Fernndez, Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew, 81.
43 Cf. Joon and Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 124s, on the identification of the
subject in infinitive constructions.
44 Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 367, calls the use of the suffix pronoun here
rather clumsy.
45 Azar, , 80. The construction is common in Syriaccf., e.g., Sir 36:22
that you alone are God, corresponding to ] [][
in the Hebrew text (MS B)as well as in other Semitic languages; cf. Van Peursen,
Language and Interpretation in the Syriac Text of Ben Sira, 304.
46 See Section 2.4 above.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 121
47 H ALOT, 88b.
48 Cf. van Peursen, The Verbal System in the Hebrew Text of Ben Sira, 249.
49 Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 373; cf. Schfer and Shaked, Magische Texte
aus der Kairoer Geniza, 53: denn alle Heerscharen des Himmels flehen zu dir.
50 Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 373 n. 45 (see also p. 365: If in v. 15
is no scribal mistake this cannot be called a correct translation of the sources).
51 Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Babli, Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature,
484ab.
52 Levy, Neuhebrisches und Chaldisches Wrterbuch ber die Targumim und Midraschim,
2:82b.
122 van Peursen
1. For the sin rather than samek in and the form in 2b1314
and my iniqui-
ties have overtaken me and I cannot see; they have become more numer-
ous [reading ]than the hairs of my head, and my heart has left me,
compare Ps 40:13
.
2. For the construct state of an adjective, in 2b4
and innumerable are your mercies and your righteous
acts to those whose heart is upright, compare Ps 36:11
continue your mercy to those who know you and your
righteousness to those whose heart is upright.
3. The use of the imperfect for the present tense in 2b15
for I know my wrongdoings and my sin is always before
me can be explained from Ps 51:5 .
4. Perhaps the construction of rather than for someone who in
2b3 and there is none who can stand before your
power comes from Nah 1:6 who can stand before his
anger?54 Yet, though the sequence is identical, the syntactic
structure in which these words function is different.
5. Note also that the construction in 2b8 than the sand
(that is) on the seashore comes from Judg 7:12
(contrast the sand of the sea in the Greek version of PrMan).
6. Apart from these examples, which affect the linguistic profile of the text,
other biblical quotations or allusions occur as well. Thus 2b56
and you relent the evil over the people (with people instead
of human beings in the Greek text) seems to be influenced by Exod
32:12 and relent the evil against your people and
Joel 2:13 slow to anger and abounding
in love, and he relents the evil. 2b19 show
me, Lord, your mercy and give me your salvation is a direct quote from
Ps 85:8 .
7. The lengthened imperative of the verb to spare (2b16) occurs also
in Neh 13:22 and spare me according to the greatness
of your mercy and Joel 2:17 spare, o Lord, your people,
but since there are no other analogies with these passages, apart from
words and idioms that we can expect in penitential prayers in general
(cf. in Neh 13:22 and have compassion in Joel 2:17), we do not
consider the occurrence of the lengthened imperative in PrMan-Heb to
be the result of a quotation.
8. Also the following examples are unsure: 2b10 fetters of iron
which occurs (as an Aramaism in BH) also in Ps 105:18 and 149:8; 2b10
and my sins are heavy, where we find the combination of
and , which occurs also in Gen 18:20 ; 2b14
I inclined my heart, which occurs also in Ps 119:112 (contrast I incline
the knee of my heart in the Greek).
Biblical quotations do not explain all non-RH features. Thus the use of the
imperfect for the present tense in 2b15 can be explained from Ps 51:5, but the
same usage is attested in 2b5 and 2b19. The biblical elements should hence
be described not only in terms of quotations from or allusions to biblical pas-
sages, but also as biblical language used in an otherwise RH text.
congruities between the Hebrew and the Syriac versions.55 The most obvious
examples that he mentions are the following:56
To this last example we can add the observation that the biblical idiom
is rendered in the Peshitta with a plural in, for example, Deut 17:3 MT:
, Pesh .61
We admit that such etymological congruities should play a role in estab-
lishing the textual relationships between the various sources. For our linguistic
analysis, however, it should be noted that the features of the Hebrew text that
55 Ibid., 364.
56 We distinguish between SyrA, the version found in the Syriac Didascalia and biblical
manuscripts, and SyrB, found in Melkite Horologia; cf. Gutman and van Peursen, The Two
Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 2425.
57 Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, has instead of in his list on p. 367, but
the correct reading in his text on p. 370. In general, one can observe the alternation of
( e.g., 2b17 do not bring) and ( 2b16, 17, 18).
58 Here, too, Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, has instead of in his list on
p. 364, but the correct reading in his text on p. 370.
59 Note the difference between the two Syriac versions, ignored by Leicht.
60 Cf. ibid., 364.
61 Cf. P. G. Borbone and K. D. Jenner, eds., The Old Testament in Syriac according to the
Peshitta Version, Part V, Concordance 1: The Pentateuch (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 304b.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 125
can be accounted for by the similarities with the Syriac text are not in them-
selves linguistically problematic. Thus the constructio ad sensum
is indeed remarkable, especially in comparison with the singular form in the
Greek, but fits well with the rules of BH and RH. Also the peculiar structure62
is reminiscent of biblical passages such as Isa 37:16
you are God (or: it is you who are God).63 Likewise, the use of the 2nd person
perfect in the first verses instead of the participle found in the Greek can well
be explained by the influence of the Syriac, but as such the Hebrew text is not
problematic at all. An exception can be made for 3a2 because
the plural in this construction is indeed unattested in the Hebrew Bible.64
Moreover, here, too, as in the case of biblical quotations, the etymologi-
cal congruities do not result in consistently applied correspondences. Note,
for example, that , which twice corresponds to Syriac , occurs
also in 2b6, where SyrA+B has only . Also, the etymological congruities
cannot account for the most striking lexical peculiarities in the Hebrew text.
Thus 2b1112 to make your anger endure cannot be explained by
a translation error, since SyrA+B has the normal I provoked
your anger. The same applies to the lexical peculiarities mentioned above, in
Section 3.6, such as the use of insolence in 2b10.
62 Cf. Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 364: The peculiar structure ,
found in the Syriac version , is very striking as well.
63 This verse has played a major role in the linguistic study of the Hebrew tripartite nominal
clause; see van Peursen, Three Approaches to the Tripartite Nominal Clause in Classical
Syriac, in Corpus Linguistics and Textual History: A Computer-Assisted Interdisciplinary
Approach to the Peshitta (ed. P. S. F. van Keulen and W. Th. van Peursen; SSN 48; Assen:
Van Gorcum, 2006), 15773, esp. 15859; cf. F. Delitzsch, Biblischer Commentar ber den
Prophet Jesaia (Leipzig: Dorffling und Franke, 1866), 363: in ist nachdrck-
liche Wiederaufnahme, also Verstrkung des Subj., wie 43,25. 51,12. 2S 7,28. Jer. 49,12.
Ps. 44,5. Neh. 9,6f. Ezr. 5,11: tu ille (nicht tu es ille (Ges. 121,2) = tu, nullus alius.
64 See Section 3.6 above.
126 van Peursen
altered and updated in its transmission history,67 but also close linguistic affin-
ities with Qumran Hebrew and agreements with the CD fragments.68
67 E. Qimron did not include the Genizah manuscripts of the Damascus Document in his
Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), since their text was
distorted by the copyists of the Middle Ages and thus does not reflect the DSS language,
especially in its phonology and morphology (p. 15).
68 Cf. S. E. Fassberg, The Linguistic Study of the Damascus Document: A Historical
Perspective, The Damascus Document, A Centennial of Discovery: Proceedings of the
Third International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls
and Associated Literature, 48 February, 1998 (ed. J. M. Baumgarten, E. G. Chazon, and
A. Pinnick; STDJ 34; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 5367, at 67: The relationship of phenomena in
the Damascus Document to features in late biblical Hebrew, mishnaic Hebrew, and the
Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls has been proven beyond doubt. Moreover, the Geniza
manuscripts of the Damascus Document, once disparaged linguistically, are now recog-
nized as medieval copies that still possess features of an earlier authentic type of Hebrew.
69 Cf. Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 364.
70 Cf. van Peursen, Sirach 51:1330 in Hebrew and Syriac, passim.
128 van Peursen
The agreements with the Syriac text in themselves still do not compel us
to consider PrMan-Heb a retranslation from Syriac. If remarkable elements
in the Hebrew text correspond to similar constructions in the Syriac text and
the constructions in that case are less remarkable in Syriac, the congruities
as such would be a strong argument for the dependency of the Hebrew text
upon the Syriac. However, where the Hebrew text is somewhat extraordinary,
as, for example, in 2b16 and do not destroy me because of
my sins, the construction in the Syriac text (SyrB)
is just as
uncommon as the Hebrew construction. In such a case the agreements do not
answer the question as to whether the Syriac text derives from the Hebrew or
the other way round.
71 Gutman and van Peursen, The Two Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 89.
72 Ibid., 24.
73 Ibid., 201.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 129
Apart from the fact that this postulation is highly hypothetical, because of the
absence of any Hebrew manuscript corroboration of this reconstruction, it is
problematic because of the agreements between the Hebrew and the Syriac,
not only the etymological congruities, but also, for example, cases where the
Hebrew and the Syriac versions have a perfect against a participle in the Greek
text. It is hard to explain how these features have been retained (or rather: rein-
troduced) in the transition from Hebrew to Greek and from Greek to Syriac.
Because of these text-historical considerations, I prefer the alternative
reconstruction, namely that the Hebrew text is a retranslation from the Greek
and/or Syriac. As indicated above, the correspondence between the Greek
asking I request (v. 13) and the Hebrew
I seek you because I need you (2b16) argues for the latters depen-
dency on the Greek; the remarkable patterns of formal agreement argue for
dependency on the Syriac. This agrees with Leichts view that the Hebrew text
depends both on a Syriac text (more precisely, a text of the SyrB type) and on
a Greek text (close to the text of the Codex Turicensis). As a consequence, the
question as to whether the Greek version in the end goes back to a Hebrew
original (cf. note 8 above) becomes irrelevant to our analysis of the Genizah
text and cannot be answered on the basis of this text.
74 Ibid., 201.
130 van Peursen
example, from some Syriac liturgical texts from the Genizah.75 The text under
discussion is another piece of evidence of this exchange.
The origin of the PrMan-Heb can be placed in the wider cultural context of
Jewish translation activity in the Middle Ages in which the Jewish or allegedly
Jewish sources that had been transmitted through Christian channels were
rediscovered by Jews who translated them into Hebrew. This activity gave rise
to an abundance of Hebrew translations of all kinds of literature, as has been
described in detail in the still classic work by M. Steinschneider.76 Thus, cul-
turally, the Hebrew versions of the books of Judith and Maccabees discussed
above provide better parallels to PrMan-Heb than the Genizah fragments of
Ben Sira or the Damascus Document. Whether this is also true linguistically
deserves further research. Above we noted the differences between the linguis-
tic profiles of the Genizah texts of Ben Sira and the Damascus Document on the
one hand, and that of PrMan-Heb on the other. A comparison of the linguistic
profile of PrMan-Heb with that of the other mediaeval Hebrew translations
is beyond the scope of the present study. Since until now the study of these
translations has focused on textual affiliations and the quest for the original
versions of these books, a linguistic description of them is still a desideratum.
6 Conclusions
The linguistic profile of PrMan-Heb in itself does not prove its dependency on
a Greek or Syriac text. The linguistic observations put forward to support this
argument are not decisive. PrMan-Heb can be read as a rabbinic text, reflecting
rabbinic language and ideas, with some passages that reflect biblical influence.
It is only the textual affiliations and general text-critical and text-historical
considerations that necessitate an explanation in terms of a retranslation from
the Syriac or Greek rather than in terms of development within the Hebrew.
Does this mean that our research has been useless because PrMan-Heb can
only be positioned at the end of a long and complex transmission history?
Certainly not! PrMan-Heb is a document that deserves to be studied in its own
right, whether or not it reflects a Hebrew text from the Second Temple period,
and whether or not it brings us back to the precursors of the Greek and Syriac
75 Ibid., 1213.
76 S. P. Brock, East Syrian Liturgical Fragments from the Cario Genizah, OrChr 68 (1984):
5879 and Brock, Some Further East Syrian Liturgical Fragments from the Cairo Genizah,
OrChr 74 (1990): 4461; cf. Leicht, A Newly Discovered Hebrew Version, 368 and Gutman
and van Peursen, The Two Syriac Versions of the Prayer of Manasseh, 12.
Linguistic Observations on the Hebrew Prayer of Manasseh 131
versions that were available. We find here in a clearly Jewish environment, and
with some adaptations to the Jewish context, a text that otherwise was trans-
mitted only in Christian channels. As such it is a unique witness to PrMan,
which adds an interesting chapter to the reception history of Manasseh and his
Prayer. It also informs us about cultural and religious exchanges between Jews
and Christians in the Middle Ages.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed through
Pesher Habakkuk
Gary A. Rendsburg
1 For an excellent survey, see Aaron Hornkohl, Biblical Hebrew: Periodization, EHLL 1:30414.
2 See especially the many references to language issues scattered throughout S. R. Driver, An
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (12th edition; New York: Charles Scribners
Sons, 1906).
3 E. Y. Kutscher, A History of the Hebrew Language (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1982), esp. 12, 4445,
7785; Avi Hurvitz, Ben Laon leLaon (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1972); Avi Hurvitz, A
Linguistic Study of the Relationship between the Priestly Source and the Book of Ezekiel (Paris:
Gabalda, 1982); and numerous articles written by Avi Hurvitz over the course of almost half a
century.
4 Ian Young, Robert Rezetko, and Martin Ehrensvrd, Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts (2 vols.;
London: Equinox, 2008).
5 In addition to the abbreviations included in this sentence, note also: QH = Qumran Hebrew;
MH = Mishnaic Hebrew.
and Ehrensvrd present the case of Pesher Habakkuk (1QpHab).6 To their mind,
this composition evinces relatively few LBH features, to such an extent, in fact,
that it may be compared with other SBH texts such as portions of Samuel and
Kings.
2.0. The LBH features identified by Young in 1QpHab are the following:
2.1. with two separate items inherent in this phrase:
a) The noun solution, interpretation (cf. Qoh 8:1; Sir 38:14
MS B).
b) introducing complement clause (much more common in
Qohelet, Esther, Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah, Chronicles, than in SBH).7
2.2. Preference for Hiphil over Qal:
a) 4:2 mock (cf. Ps 22:9, Job 21:3, Neh 2:19, 3:33, 2 Chr 30:10; else-
where 12x as Qal)
b) 9:11 acted wickedly (cf. 1 Sam 14:47, Ps 106:6, Job 34:12, Dan
9:5, 11:32, 12:10, Neh 9:33, 2 Chr 20:35, 23:3; elsewhere 9x as Qal)8
6 Young, Rezetko, and Ehrensvrd, Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts, 1:25562, 27176. In light
of the more detailed article written by Young alone (Late Biblical Hebrew and the Qumran
Pesher Habakkuk, JHS 8 [2008], 138, art. 25), one assumes that he is the main contributor
to this particular subject. Henceforth, accordingly, I shall refer to the view of Young, Rezetko,
and Ehrensvrd as simply Young.
7 See the list compiled by Robert D. Holmstedt, The Story of Ancient Hebrew er, ANES 43
(2006): 726, at 10 n. 10.
8 The outlier here is 1 Sam 14:47, since it appears in a clearly SBH composition. But as Noam
Mizrahi pointed out to me during the oral presentation of this paper in Leuven, the pas-
sage is textually difficult and suspect, especially in light of LXX he was being kept
safe (thus the NETS rendering), the last word in the verse. Note that Greek frequently
renders Hebrew save, rescue, which presumably was present in the LXX Vorlage.
One could imagine, for example, an original text which read =( Hiphil) or
(= Niphal) he would save, he would be victorious, which eventually served as the LXX
Vorlage (the latter option is suggested by the passive voice in the Greek), but which was
changed (purposefully?) by a later scribe to he would transgress during the Persian
period, during which time the Hiphil served to express this semantic notion, as opposed to
the Qal. See S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel (Oxford: Clarendon,
1890), 9192. Alas, the last word that can be read in 4QSama 6 2 is and how often does
this happen in Dead Sea Scrolls scholarship!
134 Rendsburg
2.3. Eighteen verbal object suffixes vs. zero instances of plus suffix;9 as
follows:
4:7 they overtake them
4:7 to capture them
4:8 and they destroy them
5:11 and they did not help them
7:2 he did not make known to him
7:4 he made known to him
8:2 he will rescue them
9:10 he gave him
10:4 he will bring him up
10:5 he will condemn him
10:5 he will judge him
11:7 to swallow them
11:8 and to cause them to stumble
11:15 it will swallow him
12:5 he will judge him
12:13 they made them
12:13 to worship them
12:14 they will not save them
2.4.Preference for ( 40x vs. 2x , even if this count includes 20 instances
of the characteristic phrase ;) one notes especially the following
passages:
a) 1:4 ( ] even though the lemma Hab 1:2 reads )
b) 4:2 ( cf. Neh 3:33; elsewhere in BH typically with - ,
sometimes with -)
c) 4:2 / 4:56 ( cf. Neh 2:19; elsewhere
in BH with -)
d) 12:3 ( cf. Joel 4:4, Ps 13:6, 103:10, 116:7, 119:17, 142:8, 2 Chr
20:11; elsewhere with direct object or with -)
e) 7:12 ( cf. Neh 9:30 ;
elsewhere in BH with -)
9 For discussion, see Robert Polzin, Late Biblical Hebrew: Toward an Historical Typology of
Biblical Hebrew Prose (HSM 12; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976), 2831; Mark F. Rooker,
Biblical Hebrew in Transition: The Language of the Book of Ezekiel (JSOTSS 90; Sheffield: JSOT
Press, 1990), 8687; and Richard M. Wright, Linguistic Evidence for the Pre-Exilic Date of the
Yahwist Source (London: T&T Clark, 2005), 3741.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 135
3.0.Prime among these LBH traits are matters of style and syntax identified by
Frank Polak in his extensive researches into the different registers of the bibli-
cal Hebrew literary corpus.
3.1.One of the most crucial discoveries made by Polak is the increased use
of hypotaxis (subordination) in LBH prose, in contrast to the more typical
parataxis that dominates in SBH.12 Moreover, the hypotaxis of LBH at times
works downward through several levels, with subordination upon subordina-
tion. Pesher Habakkuk reveals a number of such instances:13
1QpHab 2:610
[ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ]
[ ]
][
14
6. They are the oppress[ors of the covena]nt who will not believe
7. when they hear all that is to co[me up]on the latter generation from
the mouth of
8. the Priest whom God has placed in [his heart the understand]ing to
interpret all
9. the words of his servants the prophets, through [whom] God has
foretold
10. all that is to come upon his people and [his] com[munity].
1QpHab 5:912
vacat
Young University; Leiden: Brill, 2006) (henceforth DSSEL), though I have kept an eye on
other editions as well, e.g., Maurya P. Horgan, Habakkuk Pesher (1QpHab), in The Dead
Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, vol. 6B: Pesharim,
Other Commentaries, and Related Documents (ed. J. H. Charlesworth; PTSDSSP; Tbingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 2002), 15785; and Elisha Qimron, Megillot Midbar Yehuda: ha-ibburim
ha-Ivriyim (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad BenZvi, 20102015), 1:24357.
14 Qimron, Megillot Midbar Yehuda, 1:246 restores instead of at the lacuna, though
for our purposes this matters not.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 137
1QpHab 7:78
{}
7. Its interpretation, that the end time will be long, more so than all
8. that the prophets had said, because the mysteries of God are wondrous.
1QpHab 7:1014
1QpHab 8:13
X
1. Its interpretation is about all the observers of the Torah in the house of
Judah whom
2. God will rescue from the house of judgment, on account of their labour
and their loyalty
3. to the Teacher of Righteousness.
1QpHab 9:47
vacat
138 Rendsburg
1QpHab 9:912
[]
[ ]
15
1QpHab 10:913
[]
15 I have adopted the reading ( with kaf ) in line 11, following Horgan, Habakkuk
Pesher (1QpHab), 176, especially upon checking the photograph; though the reading with
bet (as per DSSEL and Qimron, Megillot Midbar Yehuda, 1:253) is possible and would fit the
context as well.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 139
13. into judgments of fire, because they blasphemed and reviled the
chosen ones of God.
1QpHab 11:1214
11. Its interpretation is about the priest whose disgrace became greater
than his honour,
12. because he had not circumcised the foreskin of his heart, and he fol-
lowed the paths of
13. indulgence, in order to bring to sweep away the thirsty.
1QpHab 12:26
vacat
16 See Frank Polak, The Oral and the Written: Syntax, Stylistics and the Development of
Biblical Prose Narrative, JANES 26 (1998): 59105.
140 Rendsburg
many of these are noun groups, on which see below,3.3); whereas verbs are
designated via the light Hebrew font.17
1QpHab 5:912
vacat
1QpHab 7:45
1QpHab 9:912
[]
[ ]
1QpHab 11:48
3.3.Not surprisingly, given the greater nominal style inherent in LBH, the
number of noun groups increases in Persian-period literature.18 Such is to be
seen in Pesher Habakkuk as well, as witnessed by the following lists.
3.3.1.The first type of noun group is comprised by the collocation of two (or
more) individual nouns (A+B). In six instances, as indicated below, the Pesher
comment expands upon a single noun present in the interpreted lemma,
thereby further highlighting this practice.
17 Once more these selections are taken from those sections of Pesher Habakkuk which nar-
rate past events and hence most closely approximate BH narrative prose storytelling.
18 See n. 12; and see also Frank Polak, Parallelism and Noun Groups in Prophetic Poetry
from the Persian Era, in A Palimpsest: Rhetoric, Ideology, Stylistics, and Language Relating
to Persian Israel (ed. E. Ben Zvi, D. V. Edelman, and F. Polak; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias,
2009), 199235.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 141
1:6
2:12
3:1 ( infinitives)
3:4
3:5
3:10 ( [] lemma Hab 1:8 )
3:1213 ] [
4:23 ( lemma Hab 1:10 )
4:7
5:9 ( lemma Hab 1:13 )
6:1
6:6
6:11 ( lemma Hab 1:17 )
8:2 ( lemma Hab 2:4 )
9:5
9:6 ( lemma Hab 2:8 )
9:910
11:78 ( infinitives)
12:1314 ( infinitives) (sic)
13:34
3:6
4:5
4:6 (lemma Hab 1:10
)
4:10
5:5 ) (complex
5:78
5:10 ) (complex
7:2
7:5 ) (complex
7:8
7:1011 ) (complex
7:1112
7:13 ) (complex
7:14
8:1 ) (complex
8:2
8:9
8:9
8:11 ) (complex
8:12
8:12 ) (cf. Lev 22:16
8:1213 []
8:13 ) (complex
9:1
9:2
9:5
9:6
9:7
10:12 []
10:13
10:13
11:12 ) (sic
11:56
11:6
11:67 ) (complex
11:8 ) (complex
11:1415 ) (complex) (cf. Isa 51:17 []
12:4
12:4 ) (complex
12:8
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 143
12:9
12:1213 ( complex) (lemma Hab 2:18 )
12:14
13:23 ( sic)
13:3 ( complex)
The most revealing of these passages is 11:68, which includes a five-word con-
struct string at the time of the festival of the repose
of the Day of Atonement (11:67), followed by a four-word construct string
on the day of the fast of the Sabbath of their repose
(11:8). Such complex constructs are very rare in the Bible; the following repre-
sents more or less a complete list:19
4.0.We now turn to other grammatical items classified as LBH (that is, beyond
the items investigated by Polak), though these too were not included by Young
in his study of Pesher Habakkuk. The first of these is the non-repetition of the
preposition in a noun series.
The difference between SBH and LBH may be seen by comparing the follow-
ing passages:20
The latter system continues in post-Biblical texts, as seen in the following pas-
sages from a Judean desert document:21
19 P. Joon and T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute, 1993), 465.
20 See Abba Bendavid, Leon Miqra u-Lon akhamim, (2 vols.; Tel-Aviv: Devir, 19671971),
2:45556; and the more detailed study of Misop Park, azara we-i-azara al Miliyot
bi-Lon ha-Miqra u-vi-Lon Megillot Midbar Yehuda (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, 20022003). I am grateful to Steven Fassberg for this latter reference and to
Dr. Park for supplying me with a copy of her work.
21 Uri Mor, Diqduq Ivrit el Teudot Midbar Yehuda ben ha-Mered ha-Gadol le-Mered Bar-
Kokhva (Ph.D. diss., Ben-Gurion University, 2009), 241.
144 Rendsburg
Mur 30:15
Mur 30:18
In light of this picture, one is not surprised to find five examples of this usage
in Pesher Habakkuk:
1:6
3:5
3:1213 ] [
4:23
4:7
5.0. Among the noun groups of the construct phrase type surveyed above
(3.3.2), two collocations deserve special notice.
5.1. The first of these places the word truth in the nomen rectum posi-
tion, with a variety of nouns serving in the nomen regens slot. Five such phrases
occur in the Bible, with only one from a pre-exilic text, one from an exilic text, and
three from post-exilic textsthus pointing to the late usage inherent here:22
(Exod 18:21)
(Ezek 18:8, Zech 7:9)
(Neh 7:2)
(Neh 9:13)
22 Note that the first of these occurs in the mouth of Jethro, whose speech is replete with
atypical usages. See further Mordecai Mishor, On the Language and Text of Exodus 18,
in Biblical Hebrew in Its Northwest Semitic Environment: Typological and Historical
Perspectives (ed. S. E. Fassberg and A. Hurvitz; Jerusalem: Magnes, 2006), 22529.
23 I do not include the specific references here, which may be located via a search in any of
the DSS concordances; the same holds for the list in5.2 below.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 145
7:10
7:1112
8:9
5.2. The second relevant phrase places the word deeds of in the
nomen regens position, with a panoply of terms in the nomen rectum slot. To be
sure, such construct phrases occur in SBH, but they are limited to prescribed
usages.
The first such usage places before a specific artisan term, as in the fol-
lowing exemplary phrases:
The second typical usage occurs with a specific product or material in the
nomen rectum locus, as illustrated by the following expressions:
The third standard usage is the well-known expression with hand (singular
or plural) serving as nomen rectum, hence, for example:
The picture in LBH is totally different, since here one finds authors utilizing a
host of different words following deeds of. The impression one gains
is that late authors no longer felt constrained by the traditional phraseology
146 Rendsburg
summarized above. Rather, they began to express their literary and linguistic
freedom through the use of expressions such as these:
(Isa 32:17)
(Qoh 8:11)
(Qoh 8:14)
(Qoh 8:14)
(2 Chr 17:4)
(Sir 39:19 MS B)
10:12 []
12:8
6.0.In this section we present a series of other late usages, of various types
and in no particular order, found in Pesher Habakkuk.
6.1.The expression one after another occurs in our text in the
following passage:
[
]
[on]e after another they shall come to destroy the la[nd] (1QpHab 4:1213)
A second attestation within the Dead Sea Scrolls corpus (albeit in an Aramaic
composition) occurs in the book of Tobit:
[
in the house of [Reuel] (4Q197 [4QTobb ar] 4 i 16)
For another occurrence in a Hebrew text of several centuries later, note the
following from a Wadi Murabaat document:24
Finally, the form in the house occurs 9x in MH, especially within specific
locutions, such as at the ash-heap and in the phar-
ynx. The evidence points to this unusual usage as a feature of Hebrew (and
Aramaic) within the prescribed period of ca. 200 BCE (or whenever we may
date the book of Tobit, or at least the relevant Qumran manuscript thereof)
through ca. 300 CE. Its presence in 1QpHab surely must be accorded status as
an LBH trait.
6.3.The noun fulfillment occurs in 1QpHab 7:2 fulfillment of
the end, and in two other DSS texts:
4Q249p 10 [( )
]
4Q381 24a+b 2
()
24 For this specific reference and for general discussion of the phenomenon treated here, see
Mor, Diqduq Ivrit, 10910.
25 Data according to Maagarim (database of the Academy of the Hebrew Language,
Historical Dictionary of the Hebrew Language project).
26 See already E. Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1986), 99, where is included in the list of Words Mainly Attested in the DSS and in
the Tannaitic and Amoraitic (MH2) Literature.
148 Rendsburg
On account of their engagement and their faith in the Teacher of
Righteousness (1QpHab 8:23)
This usage is not attested in BH, where instead the noun means toil,
labour and by extension trouble, distress. But the QH usage is continued in
MH, especially with the collocation of the verbal root -- be engaged and
the key noun Torah, e.g.:27
On account of their engagement and their faith in the Teacher of
Righteousness (1QpHab 8:23)
27 Again, see Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 102, where occurs in the same list
of lexical items noted in the previous footnote.
28 Once more, see Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 88, where is included
amongst Words Mainly Attested in the DSS and in the Late Biblical Books.
29 D CH, 1:318.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 149
While this adverbial occurs in SBH (e.g., 15x in Genesis, Deuteronomy, Joshua,
Judges, Samuel, Kings), it develops into a more salient feature of LBH. The
single attestations of in both Zechariah and Nehemiah do not disclose
this, but the 36 occurrences in the book of Chronicles demonstrate the point
clearly, especially when one considers the difference between parallel passages
such as these:30
1 Kgs 10:2
2 Chr 9:1
1 Kgs 10:10
2 Chr 9:9
Its interpretation, that the last end time will be longer than anything
about which the prophets spoke. (1QpHab 7:7[8])
30 Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 535; and Polzin, Late Biblical
Hebrew, 140.
31 See Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 95, for the inclusion of this item in his list of
Words Mainly Attested in the DSS and in the Late Biblical Books.
150 Rendsburg
Qoh 2:15
Qoh 7:16
Qoh 12:9
Qoh 12:12
Esth 6:6
Other Qumran texts also reflect the usage of more than, very much:
Finally, one notes that this feature occurs in Tannaitic texts, indeed one
might even consider it a distinguishing characteristic of MH.36
6.8.The noun the coming things is a common feature of Pesher
Habakkuk:
1QpHab 1:3 ]
1QpHab 2:7 [ ]
1QpHab 2:10
1QpHab 7:12 {}
32 For extended discussion, see A. Schoors, The Preacher Sought to Find Pleasing Words: A
Study of the Language of Qoheleth, Part I: Grammar (OLA 41; Leuven: Peeters, 1992), 114
15, and Schoors, The Preacher Sought to Find Pleasing Words: A Study of the Language of
Qoheleth, Part II: Vocabulary (OLA 143; Leuven: Peeters, 2004), 21518.
33 Several of these perhaps should be read as ytr (as opposed to ytr), but the picture
remains the same essentially.
34 The restoration is rather obvious, but in any case is confirmed by the reading of Ben Sira
MS B, which is not damaged at this point.
35 MS B has as the final word.
36 Moshe Zvi Segal, Diqduq Leon ha-Mina (Tel-Aviv: Devir, 1936), 193; and Miguel Prez
Fernndez, An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 81.
According to Maagarim, the counts for in Tannaitic texts are as follows: 18x Mishnah,
43x Tosefta, 60x Midreshe Halakah.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 151
This usage developed in BH only during the exilic period, as evidenced by the
following two texts:
Isa 41:22
Ezek 16:16
Notwithstanding the fact that these phrases represented the totality of this
usage in ancient Hebrew (which is to say, the term the coming things
does not occur in the intervening material from the Persian period or in Ben
Sira, nor does it occur in rabbinic texts, as far as I am able to determine), one
still may see in this usage a feature linking LBH (albeit from the transitional
period during the 6th century BCE) and QH.
6.9.The noun honoured ones occurs in Pesher Habakkuk in the
following passage:
They mock the great ones, and they deride the honoured ones; at kings
and princes they jeer, and they scoff a throng of people. (4:23).
The source for this usage may be found in the following biblical passages:
Isa 23:8
Isa 23:9
Nah 3:10
Ps 149:8
These passages (especially the first three) suggest a non-native Hebrew idiom,
which first was employed as a style-switching feature and which only later was
expanded to general usage.37 Note that the two Isaiah passages are part of the
prophets oracle against Tyre; while the Nahum passage is directed towards
(as throughout this book) the Assyrians, even if the term here refers to the
Egyptian notables. The fourth passage above also refers to the dignitaries of
foreign countries, though one notes that the author of Ps 149 in the post-exilic
period now uses the word in a generic fashion, without an association to spe-
cific foreign notables.
This generalization of the word ( always in the plural, one notes) con-
tinues and may even be expanded in the book of Ben Sira. In the passages
below, the honoured ones could just as easily (and indeed may) refer to
Israelite dignitaries as to foreign ones:
The first verse occurs in a typical wisdom context, while the second appears in
the praise of Elijah.
When we turn to the Dead Sea Scrolls, we find the word honoured
ones attested in 1QpHab 4:2 cited above, and then three times in Pesher
Nahum (4Q169):
4QpNah 34 ii 9 ][] [
4QpNah 34 iii 9 ] []
4QpNah 34 iv 4
Only the third of these is elicited by the lemma of Nah 3:10 (see above for the
verse), whereas the first and second are used in pesher comments to pas-
sages occurring earlier in Nah 3. To be sure, the Pesher author presumably
anticipated the attestation of in Nah 3:10; nevertheless one notes the
more common usage of this word in QH, continuing the picture suggested by
Ben Sira.
7.0.A characteristic feature of Pesher Habakkuk in particular is the omis-
sion of the he in the Hiphil infinitive.
While examples of this general phenomenon occur sporadically in other
DSS texts (with Niphal and Hitpael, in addition to Hiphil),38 the seven-fold
presence of laql infinitives in our text is truly striking.
Examples of this grammatical feature appear more or less equally distrib-
uted throughout the Bible (Exodus/1; Numbers/2; Deuteronomy/2; Samuel/2;
Kings/1; Isaiah/4; Jeremiah/3; Amos/1; Psalms/3; Proverbs/1; Qohelet/1; Daniel/1;
Nehemiah/1; Chronicles/1), as evidence for the colloquial dialect of ancient
Hebrew which penetrated the written standard (= BH) at various times.39
As is well known, this feature becomes standard in MH.41 In this case, accord-
ingly, Pesher Habakkuk does not represent the continuation of a feature
observable in LBH (examples of which have dominated our discussion unto
this point), but the regular use of the laql infinitive by the author/scribe of
1QpHab demonstrates nonetheless that his language is on the way to the still
later attested register of the Tannaim.
8.0.I do not wish to give the impression, however, that there are no early
features of ancient Hebrew in Pesher Habakkuk. Indeed, there are a number
of linguistic usages that evoke SBH from the pre-exilic period, and in some
cases these items even suggest Archaic Biblical Hebrew (ABH). Moreover,
in the famous case of the 3rd person masc. sg. independent pronoun
(see below,8.6), we must contend with a feature that occurs nowhere else in
the history of the Hebrew language.
Before presenting these items, however, I must state clearly that I do not
consider these traits to be natural usages of the Qumran author/scribe, but
rather conscious archaisms (or, in the one case, even an invention), used in
imitation of earlier strata of the Hebrew language.42 Together these elements
constitute evidence for understanding QH as an anti-language, used by the
Yaad to distinguish itself intentionally from other Jews of the period, while
40 This may represent a slight increase in the ratio of occurrences, when compared to BH,
though someone would have to produce a pure mathematical calculation to demonstrate
the point (or to deny it).
41 M. H. Segal, Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927), 58; Segal, Diqduq
Leon ha-Mina, 114, 120; and Gideon Haneman, Torat ha-urot el Leon ha-Mina (Tel-
Aviv: University of Tel-Aviv Press, 19791980), 3738.
42 Hence, most or all of these items would fall into the category of grammatical pseudo-
classicisms, to use the term employed by Jan Joosten, Pseudo-classicisms in Late Biblical
Hebrew, in Ben Sira, and in Qumran Hebrew, in Sirach, Scrolls and Sages: Proceedings of
a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the
Mishnah (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 33; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 14659.
154 Rendsburg
at the same time providing their texts with a patina of antiquity and hence
authority.43 The following features fall into this category.
8.1.In the two places where the option was available, the Qumran author/
scribe elected to use the older 3rd masc. pl. pronominal suffix attached to nouns
ending in -, i.e., -tm (as opposed to the later form -them):44 1QpHab 6:4
their signs [sc. military standards]; 1QpHab 6:4 their wars.45
Note that the former term has biblical precursors in Ps 74:4 and Job 21:29
.
8.2.1QpHab 5:6 includes the phrase in their distress, using the
archaic form their. This morpheme is limited to poetry in the Bible (57x;
mainly in Job, Psalms, and Isaiah, though also 2x each in the archaic poems
of Deut 32 and 33), whereas in QH it occurs quite naturally in prose compo-
sitions (see 1QS 4:14, 9:22, for example). Note that the Pesher comment here
interprets Hab 1:1213a, and not Hab 2:7, where the word occurs.
8.3.As is true throughout QH, so also in Pesher Habakkuk: the preferred
term for God is God. For QH as a whole, God occurs 694x; for the
key text 1QS, this lexeme appears 56x. Pesher Habakkuk employs the term 23x:
1:6, 1:11, 2:3, 2:4, 2:8, 2:9, 2:15(r), 5:3, 5:4, 7:1, 7:4, 7:8, 7:13, 8:2, 8:10, 8:11, 9:10, 10:3,
10:13, 11:15(r), 12:5, 12:9, 13:3.46 For many of these attestations, see the construct
phrases listed above,3.3.2.
8.4.One of the main discriminants between SBH and LBH is the choice
between community, congregation, used in the former (including P), ver-
sus its LBH equivalent .47 Contrary to what one might expect, given the late
linguistic profile observable in Pesher Habakkuk, our text utilizes the former
To complete the picture, note that Ben Sira uses each form 10x, a point that
seems to run counter to the trend for decreased use of in LBH. I would
posit, somewhat tentatively, that the unexpected increase in in Ben Sira
is due to the poetic nature of this composition, with its tendency to evoke bib-
lical language quite consciously.
Regardless, what is clear is Pesher Habakkuks undoubted preference for
, which occurs in 1QpHab 8:2, 8:10, 9:11, 10:11, 10:12 (with only one instance
of in 11:14). This stands in contrast, moreover, to the choice between these
two synonyms in the base text, with occurring twice (Hab 2:2, 2:15), versus
no instances of . In short, by favouring , Pesher Habakkuk resounds
the more classical language found in SBH, as another instance of intentional
archaism in support of the goal of anti-language.
48 These numbers, taken from DSSEL, reflect some double counting, since the same word
that occurs in two different copies of the same composition is counted twice. See, for
example, in the specific form ( )in both CD 3:9 and its parallel text 4Q269
= 4QDd 2 3; and in both CD 12:6 ( ) and its parallel text 4Q271 = 4QDf 5 i 21
(). Such instances, however, are relatively few and do not skew the data presented in
any significant way.
49 The essential equality of the two terms may be determined by noticing the use of in
Gen 18:24 alongside the three instances of in Gen 18:29, 31, 32; the use of in
Gen 27:25 alongside its parallels in Gen 27:4, 19, 31; and so on. For an entre to the subject,
see Joon and Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 63435.
156 Rendsburg
Hebrew texts and 19x in the Aramaic documents from Qumran.53 Amongst the
former are three attestations in 1QpHab, always as the construct plural : 7:5
7:8, 7:14 (see above2.6). Most likely this noun was admitted into the QH lexis
because its morphology was well suited to the Hebrew language, with so many
other basic nouns bearing this shape ( , , , , , , , , , , etc.)
in contrast to words such as nobles or word, speech, which do
not fit a Hebrew paradigm, not to mention such exceedingly long (for Hebrew,
that is) vocables as satraps, and royals.54
Within Pesher Habakkuk there is only one other item that discloses for-
eign influence, namely, ( 1 QpHab 12:11), in the citation of the scriptural
lemma (= MT Hab 2:18 ) . While this pronominal suffix constitutes a pat-
ent Aramaism, its presence may be explained if we follow Fassbergs lead and
regard the form as one further instance of the Qumran scribes preference for
longer forms,55 again, as part of their baroque style.56
53 Count according to DSSEL. Again, there are some double countings, e.g., in the phrase
in both 1QS 9:18 and its parallel text 4Q258 = 4QSd 8 3, but the number of such
examples is relatively insignificant.
54 Naturally, I do not mean to imply that Qumran scribes had paradigm charts of the sort
found in language primers. But individuals who spend their time (lives?) copying, study-
ing, and composing texts gain more than facility in orthography and literary flair. They are
just as likely to gain a firm understanding of the mechanics of the language, especially if
their prose is girded by linguistic ideology.
55 See the very short comment in Fassberg, Haadafat urot Murakhot bi-Mgillot Midbar
Yehuda, 231, and then the extended discussion in the present volume, Fassberg, The
Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea Scrolls, 2122.
56 For this use of the descriptive term baroque, though with special attention to the trend
of baroque orthography in the Dead Sea Scrolls, see Frank Moore Cross, Some Notes
on a Generation of Qumran Studies, in The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the
International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 1821 March 1991 (ed. J. Trebolle
Barrera and L. Vegas Montaner; 2 vols.; STDJ 11.1; Leiden: Brill, 1992), 1:115, at 4.
57 In fact, Pesher Habakkuk most likely was composed towards the end of this century span,
given the repeated reference to the Kittim, a code name for the Romans, in 1QpHab 2:12,
2:14, 3:4, 3:9, 4:5, 4:10, 6:1, 6:10, 9:7. On the use of this code name, see Hanan Eshel, The
Kittim in the War Scroll and the Pesharim, in Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans
158 Rendsburg
The result is a most unusual Hebrew dialect, which may be visualized in the
following manner (adapting the chart developed by Shelomo Morag to depict
his understanding of QH):58
to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Proceedings of the Fourth International
Symposium of the Orion Center, 2731 January 1999 (ed. D. Goodblatt, A. Pinnick, and
D. R. Schwartz; STDJ 37; Leiden: Brill, 2001), 2944, esp. 4142.
58 Shelomo Morag, Qumran Hebrew: Some Typological Observations, VT 48 (1988): 14864,
with the chart on p. 162. As the reader is by now aware, the present article has focused on
elements (a) and (b) of the chart, with an occasional nod to element (d) and no discus-
sion of element (c). The lack of treatment of variant stress patterns is not to minimize
their importance, though. In a word, I would argue that they too could serve the goal of
linguistic ideology. For examples in Pesher Habakkuk, note 1QpHab 4:6 ( with dots
both above and below the waw in the manuscript), 4:11 , 9:5 . The reading in
1QpHab 1:8 is presumably [], but the lacuna occurs at the crucial spot. For additional
comments, see Fassberg, The Nature and Extent of Aramaisms in the Hebrew Dead Sea
Scrolls, 12. For some recent data on the subject, see Martin G. Abegg, The Linguistic
Analysis of the Dead Sea Scrolls: More than (Initially) Meets the Eye, in Rediscovering
the Dead Sea Scrolls: An Assessment of Old and New Approaches and Methods (ed.
M. L. Grossman; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2010), 4868, esp. 6162.
The Nature of Qumran Hebrew as Revealed 159
(c) variant
stress patterns
GQH
Adapted from Vetus Testamentum 48 (1988), p. 162
Dislocated Negations: Negative Followed
by a Non-verbal Constituent in Biblical, Ben Sira
and Qumran Hebrew
Jean-Sbastien Rey
10 ] ] 2 vacat 9 ]1
Two elements are worth noting: (1) while the negative particle usually
directly precedes the verbal predicate, here, this order is disrupted by the
complement ( ; 2) this complement, a reflexive dative () ,
* I wish to thank mile Puech for his careful reading and Gladys Gordon-Bournique for her
improvement of my English text.
1 J. Strugnell and D. Harrington, DJD 34:172, read only ] ;nevertheless, qof and he are cer-
tain (see DJD 34:88), and the trace of a letter is visible before the qof, possibly a head of re
or dalet; see J.-S. Rey, 4QInstruction: Sagesse et Eschatologie (STDJ 81; Leiden: Brill, 2009), 44,
followed by E. Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew Writings (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Yad Ben-
Zvi, 20102015), 2:152.
2 The reading is not certain. As noticed by the editors (DJD 34:175), dalet would be pref-
erable to re, and he is also possible instead of et. Thus or ( cf. Ps 138:3; Sir 13:8
) are not excluded. The end of the line is partially restored with 4Q416 2
i 4 [
(just a trace of the end of the base of kaf has been preserved). The reading
[ proposed by the editors (p. 88) for 4Q416 2 i 4 is impossible and has not been
retained in the edition of 4Q417 (p. 173). Qimron, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 2:152 restores
] [which is certainly too long. In any event, the readings
or restorations proposed do not affect the argument.
usually follows the verb, whereas here it is in a preverbal position.3 The syntac-
tic structure of the clause therefore presents its elements in dislocated order.
In this example, it is unlikely that the negative particle affects the preposi-
tional group and not the verb (i.e., You could increase your appetite but not
for yourself); the expression would be contradictory and would not fit the
context. In what follows, I will call dislocated negation a construction where
the negative particle does not immediately precede the verb but still negates
it (XVerb).
Scholars have noticed that the negative displays some syntactic evolu-
tion in post-biblical Hebrew. Does the specific example of 4Q417 2 i 9 testify to
such an evolution? In this study, I will examine the unusual use of the negative
followed by a non-verbal element in biblical Hebrew, with special focus
on dislocated negative clauses (XVerb). After offering a categorization,
I will consider these uses in Ben Sira and Qumran.
The syntax of the negative has been studied by Elisha Qimron4 in 1983 and
Menahem Zevi Kaddari,5 one year later.6 The general rule is that this particle
3 I thank Elitsur Bar Asher Siegal for this remark. I found only one other example in 1QHa 21:7
That for yourself you have done these things my God.
4 E. Qimron, [ The Negative Word in our Early
Sources], in [ Hebrew Language Studies
Presented to Professor Zeev Ben-ayyim] (ed. M. Bar-Asher et al.; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1983),
47382.
5 M. Zvi Kaddari, [ The Negative Particle al (A Study
in Diachronic Syntax), in ,[ Language Studies, 1: On the Unity of the Hebrew
Language and Its Periodization] (ed. M. Bar-Asher; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1985), 197210. See
also M. Zvi Kaddari, On Deontic Modality in Biblical and Post-Biblical Hebrew, in Occident
and Orient: A Tribute to the Memory of Alexander Scheiber (ed. R. Dan; Budapest: Akadmiai
Kiad; Leiden: Brill, 1988), 25156.
6 More recently, see also T. Zewi, [ The Negative Particle
as a Predicate in Hebrew], in Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of Societatis
Linguisticae Europaeae Sodalicium Isralense, Beit Berl, May 5th, 1998 (ed. E. Allon and
P. Trumer; Kfar-Sava: Beit-Berl College, 1998), 4148; Zewi, The Syntactic Function of Nega
tive Particles in Biblical Hebrew and English Bible Translations, JNSL 33 (2007): 99113;
J. A. Naud, Negation: Pre-Modern Hebrew, EHLL 2:80111; G. Rendsburg attributes the
use of the negative followed by a noun as a dialectal feature of the northern dialect of
162 Rey
in two categories:10 (1)ellipses and (2) absolute uses; in a third part, I will
examine some ambiguous instances. Then, I will look at possible examples of
dislocated negation.
(b) To these examples of ellipsis, we can add three others, where the verb
is implied. For Kaddari, the clause, in this case, may be interpreted as hav-
ing a zero-representation of the existential verb haya as its predicate.16 On
the contrary, for T. Zewi, in such cases, as for absolute uses infra (1.2), the
negation itself has to be understood as the logical predicate.17 For example: 2
Sam 1:21: You mountains of Gilboa,
(let there be) no dew or rain upon you, nor bounteous fields!;18 see also Isa
62:6 ( ) , Ps 83:2 ( ) , and Prov 31:4 (
( ) cf. infra2.2).19
In fact, these examples are classified by Kaddari in the first category where
the verb should be implicit. However, this is not clear, especially in pas-
sages like 1 Sam 2:24, where one cannot expect . As
proposed by Zewi, it seems better to consider that in such examples is the
functional predicate of the clause.21
To this category I suggest adding instances where occurs twice in the
phrase: first before a non-verbal element and then before a prohibitive
, as in 2 Sam 13:12:
She answered him, No, my
brother, do not force me. Qimron explains such cases as a poetic extension of
28 MT:
O Lord, do not rebuke me in your anger,
or discipline me in your wrath; LXX: ,
; Tg: . It is probable that the
negative is missing before by scribal error as suggested by the versions.
29 LXX: , ; Tg:
.
Dislocated Negations 167
O Lord, you know; remember me and visit me, and bring down retribu-
tion for me on my persecutors. In your forbearance do not take me away;
know that on your account I suffer insult.
30 LXX: ; Tg:
.
31 ( 4Q538 1 6), but compare in the preceding line: ( 4Q538 2 4).
32 Muraoka, A Grammar of Qumran Aramaic,75d, 226.
33 For the sense of in this clause, cf. Gen 5:24, Isa 53:8, and Ps 73:24.
34 See W. McKane, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Jeremiah (2 vols.; ICC; Edinburgh:
T&T Clark, 1986), 1:351.
35 See J. Joosten, Lexcdent massortique du livre de Jrmie et lhbreu post-classique, in
Conservatism and Innovation in the Hebrew Language of the Hellenistic Period: Proceedings
168 Rey
The negative is especially common in Ben Sira and particularly in the pro-
hibitive form . Scholars like Kaddari and van Peursen36 have noticed
some peculiarities that they identify as linguistic evolution: the use of in
a predictive sense; the use of before the infinitive construct instead of ;
and the use of in nominal clauses. I would like to look more closely at these
examples, because all of them appear to me textually ambiguous and raise
some methodological questions.
of a Fourth International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls & Ben Sira (ed.
J. Joosten and J.-S. Rey; STDJ 73; Leiden: Brill, 2008), 93108.
36 W. Th. van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of BenSira, in Sirach, Scrolls, and Sages:
Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls,
Ben Sira, and the Mishnah (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 33; Leiden: Brill, 1999),
22343.
37 Van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, 236.
38 Then in Ps 41:3 you will not give him over could also mean Do not give him over, and in
Ps 50:3 he will not remain quiet could also be do not remain quiet, etc.
39 As already noticed by Kaddari, The Negative Particle al, 202 and van Peursen, Negation
in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, 236.
40 ( ed. Harkavy), 178.
Dislocated Negations 169
41 We could add cases where is used in a negative final clause to express purpose-
consecution (Sir 7:1 [MS A], 9:13 [MS A] and 38:12 [MS B in the margin, in opposition to
the plain text )].
42 Kaddari, The Negative Particle al, 202.
43 Translation from Falk, DJD 29:55.
44 See J. Carmignac, Lemploi de la ngation dans la Bible et Qumrn, RevQ 8
(1974): 40713, esp. 40910; GKC,114l; JM,124l; Qimron, The Hebrew of the Dead Sea
Scrolls,400.12; van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, 22728.
45 So Falk, DJD 29:56; van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, 230 n. 50, notes that
the use of in 4Q393 may be due to the different context: is part of a petition
to God, not the expression of a negative command.
170 Rey
Both uses of in this phrase raise difficulties insofar as they precede a non-
verbal element and an infinitive construct for the latter.48 Nevertheless, they
could easily be explained if we consider that both clauses are elliptical. The
verb could be supplied and this example would be placed in category 1.1.b
supra.49
46 Kadari, The Negative Particle al, 201 n. 10, following Ibn Ezra and N. H. Torcyner, suggests
reading not as a proper name, but as an Aramaic-type infinitive of the root : it
is not for kings to be foolish.
47 LXX does not translate the negation (nor do the Targum and Syriac): Do everything with
counsel ( = aram. ;)drink wine with counsel ( ). Those in
power are wrathful (). Let them not drink wine (= ( )? NETS).
48 The form is closer to an infinitive absolute than to an infinitive construct .
49 See Michael V. Fox, Proverbs 1031: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary
(AB; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 886.
50 Trans. by Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34:93.
51 Note that the second group exhibits ellipsis of the negative as well as of the verb .
Dislocated Negations 171
take the loan, rest to your soul do not put (= give) until 131 [you repay] the [l]
oan.
32:4F
3 2:4B
This verse seems to have suffered several alterations. Indeed, the first stich
presents variants;55 the second stich, attested in MS F and MS B, is missing
in Greek and Syriac;56 the third stich is present in MS B, the Greek, and the
Syriac, but is missing in MS F; the second and third stichs are written on the
same line in MS B, but in smaller script. In any event, is a rare
example of dislocated negation. Indeed, the negation probably falls on the
verb and not on which is the object of , and we cannot postulate an
ellipsis. Nevertheless, MS B does not present the same construction: as regu-
larly, the negation directly precedes the verb, and is used in place of .57
So, although MS F presents a dislocated negation, MS B, on the contrary, fol-
lows the common syntax of the prohibitive (except in the use of in place
52 See A. Scheiber, A Leaf of the Fourth Manuscript of the Ben Sira from the Geniza, Magyar
Kyvszemle 98 (1982): 17985; A. A. Di Lella, The Newly Discovered Sixth Manuscript of
Ben Sira from the Cairo Geniza, Biblica 69 (1988): 22638.
53 For in the sense of word, discourse, see Sir 13:11; 44:4.
54 This is the only attestation of outside of the Psalter and the Hodayot (1QHa 7:21;
25:34; 4Q403 1 i 40; 4Q427 3 4; 4Q448 1 1).
55 M S F: ; MS B: ; LXX: (= [ so Schechter-
Taylor]); Syr: in place in which wine is drunk.
56 Di Lella, The Newly Discovered, 233 considered this stich as secondary.
57 According to van Peursen, Negation in the Hebrew of Ben Sira, 232, the particle has
here the sense of as in 13:2; 41:4.
172 Rey
2.5 Conclusion
Our analysis has shown the difficulty in drawing some conclusions on dia-
chronic evolution in the use of the particle . Indeed, in each case where
the negative does not follow classical syntax, textual witnesses differ. For
each one, it seems impossible to know which lesson testifies to the Hebrew
of the second century BCE and which is a later corruption or evolution of the
language.
58 Other cases where is followed by a non-verbal element are limited to biblical quota-
tions: Ps 6:2 in 4Q177 2 i 1213 and Joel 2:13 in 4Q266 11 5 // 4Q270 7 i 19.
59 Falk, DJD 29:55.
60 As noted by Falk, DJD 29:50: It is extremely difficult to read crucial parts of these lines
and to make good sense of them. I offer my reading in the transcription and translation
with a discussion of the difficulties here, and in the comments below consider this pro-
posal alongside the equally plausible restoration of Strugnell. Both rely on conjecture.
61 For the reading , see PAM 42.560 where the tav is entirely preserved, next the head
of a re and the end of its downstroke, after, head and shoulder are preferable for a dalet
than to a re, and finally the final pe is almost certain.
Dislocated Negations 173
It is not the purpose of this study to examine the syntax of the negative ,
however, it is necessary to know if our cases of dislocated negation with
are or are not the result of syntactical contamination of the negative . Do we
observe dislocated negations with the particle ?
As with the negative , generally the position of is immediately before
the verb. But grammarians note that this normal order can be relinquished,
especially for the sake of emphasis.62 If examples are more numerous than
those with the negative , we have to remember that:
First, such constructions are never used in the vetitive, in which case the
negative precedes the verb directly.
Second, when a non-verbal constituent is inserted between the negative
and the verb, most often the non-verbal constituent is predicative and the
negative affects only it, for example: Num16:29: the Lord has not
sent me (lit., It is not the Lord who sent me); Ps 115:17:
The dead do not praise the Lord, nor do any that go down into
silence (lit. it is not the dead (who) praise the Lord, and it is not all those who
go down into silence). As with the negative , these sentences exhibit ellipsis
of the verb.63
Third, cases where the negation affects the verb and not the non-verbal con-
stituent are rare;64 see, for example, Ps 49:18:
For when they die they will carry nothing away; their wealth will not go
down after them. One can hardly translate For it is not in his death that he
shall carry all away. Here, the predicate is clearly the verb and the nega-
tion concerns the verb and not . Classical syntax would have had:
, or for emphasis ( see also Qoh 10:10; 2 Chr
32:25). Clear examples do not seem to be attested in Qumran Hebrew,65 and
only one in Sir 14:12: Death does not tarry (and not: it is not
the death which shall tarry). This unusual syntax is not preserved in the quo-
tation of this clause in b. Erub. 54a: .
In conclusion, we cannot attribute the prohibitive dislocated negation
with to a confusion with the syntax of negative .
62 J M,160e.
63 See Miller-Naud, Ellipsis: Biblical Hebrew, 810.
64 I have not taken into account constructions like , , or .
65 The construction followed by a verb is attested twice. Cases such as 1QS 4:18,
, or 4Q460 9 i 5, ] for you have not abandoned
your servant, are ambiguous (cf. 1Chr 17:4 and Gen 45:8).
174 Rey
4 Conclusion
Francesco Zanella
Introduction
* I am grateful to Prof. Pierre Van Hecke and Prof. Eibert Tigchelaar for inviting me to take part
in this prestigious symposium. I am also grateful to those scholars, among others Prof. Moshe
Bar-Asher, Prof. Jan Joosten, and Dr. Noam Mizrahi, who gave me precious advices during
the discussion that followed the presentation of the paper, thus helping me to deal with the
intriguing and difficult topic I chose.
1 The background of the present paper is the article on the lexeme which I wrote for
the second volume of the Theologisches Wrterbuch zu den Qumrantexten (ThWQ), edited by
Prof. H.-J. Fabry and Prof. U. Dahmen.
2 Cf. the entries for in DCH, HAL, and HAHAT.
3 The data concerning MH results from the consultation of the major concordances to the
Tannaitic corpus: Ch. Y. Kasowsky, Thesaurus Mishnae: Concordantiae verborum quae in sex
Mishnae ordinibus reperiuntur (4 vols.; Jerusalem: Massada Publishing, 19561960]; Kasowsky,
Thesaurus Thosephtae: Concordantiae verborum quae in sex Thosaephtae ordinibus reperiun-
tur (6 vols.; Jerusalem: Massada Publishing, 19321961); B. Kosowsky, Concordantiae Verborum
quae in Mechilta dRabbi Ismael reperiuntur (4 vols.; Jerusalem: Massada Publishing, 1965
1969]; Kosowsky, Concordantiae Verborum que in Sifra reperiuntur (4 vols.; Jerusalem:
Massada Publishing, 19671969); Kosowsky, Concordantiae Verborum que in Sifrei Numeri
et Deuteronomium reperiuntur (5 vols.; Jerusalem: Massada Publishing, 19711974); and lex-
ica: M. Jastrow, The Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Bavli, and Yerushalmi and the
Midrashic literature (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2006) and J. Levi, Wrterbuch ber die
Talmudim und Midraschim (4 vols.; Berlin, Vienna: Verlag Benjamin Harz, 1924).
1 Distributional Analysis
1.1
The first problem concerning the substantive arises with the very cal-
culation of its occurrences. According to the concordances to the non-biblical
Qumran texts, is attested seven times (including doublets): four occur-
rences belong to the Hodayot (1QHa 11:26; 20:21; 4Q427 [4QHa] 7 ii 3 par. 4Q431
[4QHe] 2 2) whereas the remaining three are attested in 4QInstruction (4Q416
2 ii 14; 4Q418a 16 3; 4Q418 176 3).5
1.2
In the Hebrew DSS the substantive is attested three times.11
1x in H 1QHa 19:4
1.3
The present distributional analysis also takes account of the two occurrences
of the (possibly) nominal form , which is considered here in order to have
more data available for the assessment of the lexeme under investigation.12
2 The Lexeme in BH
If the usage of in the DSS goes back to Isa 14:4, and if at that time the
current Isaiah text corresponded to our Masoretic Text (= MT),14 then one can
13 See, e.g., D. Dimant, The Qumran Manuscripts: Contents and Significance, in Time to
Prepare the Way in the Wilderness (ed. D. Dimant and L. H. Schiffman; STDJ 16; Leiden:
Brill, 1995), 2358; Dimant, The Vocabulary of Qumran Sectarian Texts, in Qumran und
die Archologie: Texte und Kontexte (ed. J. Frey, C. Claussen, and N. Kessler; WUNT 278;
Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011), 34795; J. G. Campbell, The Qumran Sectarian Writings,
in The Cambridge History of Judaism III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999),
798821, esp. 8025, as well as Zanella, The Lexical Field, 2833. According to Dimant
4QInstruction should be considered as definitely sectarian. This opinion, however, does
not rely on scholarly consensus.
14 According to 1QIsaa, this is not so clear-cut (see below, 2.2.1.).
180 Zanella
plausibly assume that the context of this particular biblical passage contains
all the pieces of information available to those who intentionally chose to use
this word in their writings.
In Isa 14:4 occurs at the beginning of an oracle uttered against the
King of Babylon.
3
4
5
7
8
3. and it shall come to pass in the day in which YHWH shall give you
rest from your pain and from your agitation, and from the hard
labour, which was worked on you,
4. and you shall lift up this poem against the king of Babylon, and
say: How has the oppressor ceased! The has ceased!
5. YHWH has broken the staff of the wicked ones and the sceptre of
the rulers.
7. The whole earth is at rest, it is quiet: they break forth into singing.
8. Even the cypress trees rejoice over you, the cedars of Lebanon.
2.2.1 or ?
A further possible way to approach the problem of the meaning of is
to assume that the present spelling of the word reflects a mistake. It has been
suggested to emend the form to , thus connecting the word to
the root ( to attack, to storm).28 Interestingly enough, such an emended
form turns out to be a genuine variant, since it is attested in the Isaiah Scroll
(Isa 14:4 = 1QIsaa 12:7).29
The occurrence of the in 1QIsaa in fact complicates our case. If the
variant attested in the Isaiah Scrolls corresponds to the correct form of our
word, where do the six occurrences of the word with dalethence com-
patible with the MTcome from? Do they really originate from a spelling
mistake?
In light of the scanty data available, I believe that, if one is still interested in
determining the meaning of / in the DSS, the fascinating quest
for the correct and original spelling of the word should be put aside. Rather,
one may try to see the problem from a semantic perspective. This means that
one should move the focus of the investigation and deal with questions such
as the following ones: to which semantic domain does belong? Which
concept(s) is it likely to lexicalise? How can a possible relationship to Isa 14:4 be
proven? And, in this regard, does merely represent, like Beuken argues,
eine gelehrte bernahme eines im Grunde unbekannten Ausdrucks,30 or,
rather, do the DSS point to an intentional and consistent usage of the substan-
tive? If, as we assume, the use of in the scrolls relates to Isa 14:4, than the
quest for the Qumranic meaning of must be closely connected either
with its biblical meaning or, at least, to the Qumranic reception of the satirical
song of Isa 14:4, thus reflecting the way in which some Qumran scribal circles
understood the meaning of the word.
its contextualised meaning, and assumed that this would correspond to its
semantic value.32 This particular kind of lexicographical mistake may also be
reflected in the Qumranic usage of : the scribal circles, which inten-
tionally used in their writings, may have picked out this word simply
because they aimed to allude to Isa 14:4. In this respect, they may have used
the otherwise unknown substantive with a meaning that they deducted
from the context of Isa 14:4 but that did not necessarily correspond to its orig-
inal meaning, thus giving birth to a ghost word.33 In this regard, one may
explain the use of in the DSS as a pseudo-classicism, namely a word
whose existence is solely due to the scribal culture.34
Against this framework, the first step to be taken in order to understand the
Qumranic understanding of the meaning of is to go back to the text and
the context of the biblical ml and try to see what the Qumranic reception
might have been.
32 For a distinction between linguistic meaning and contextualised use of the meaning, see,
e.g., Zanella, The Lexical Field, 1519.
33 In the discussion that followed the presentation of the paper, Prof. Bar-Asher argued that
in his view ( plausibly derived from the Aramaic , gold) denotes in Isa 14:4 a
golden staff, namely the sceptre of the king of Babylon.
34 Concerning the role of pseudo-classicisms in the later layers of the Hebrew language,
see J. Joosten, Pseudo-Classicisms in Late Biblical Hebrew, in Ben Sira and in Qumran
Hebrew, in Sirach, Scrolls, and Sages: Proceedings of a Second International Symposium
on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira & the Mishnah, held at Leiden University:
1517 December 1997 (ed. T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde; STDJ 33, Leiden: Brill, 1999),
14659.
184 Zanella
your pain
your agitation
wicked ones
quiet
to rejoice
to break in pieces
Some Semantic Notes on the Lexeme in the DSS 185
(a) First of all, one finds a cluster of lexemes denoting distressing and threat-
ening circumstances, such as oppression ( ; v. 4), pain ( ; v. 3), agitation,
( ; v. 3), violence, submission ( ; v. 3), and slavery ( ; v. 3).
The explicit relationship between such distressing circumstances and the
wicked ones ( ; v. 5) sets this first semantic domain within an une-
quivocal theological framework. Moreover, as the recurrent references to the
2 person sg. indicate, these distressing situations directly involve and affect
the addressee of the prophetic speech, namely the one who is due to sing
the ml. Furthermore, semantically, the clear-cut parallelism between the
lexemes ( oppressor) and in v. 4 may suggest that itself
belongs, in part at least, to this first semantic domain.
(b) Secondly, there is a group of words which lexicalise the opposite pole,
thus denoting rest ( ;v. 3, 7), quiet ( ;v. 7), satisfaction, and joy (;
) . Such positively connoted situations and circumstances are explicitly
described as being far away from ( )the distress mentioned above (cf. v. 3:
away from your pain and from your agitation,
and from the hard labour).
(c) Finally, there are lexemes denoting both the ceasing ( ;2 times, v. 4)
and the destruction ( ;v. 5) of any kind of distressing and threatening situ-
ations. The end of any oppression results from divine destruction, which pre-
pares the way to a final and global period of quiet.
Against its particular context of usage, the lexeme seems to refer to
an oppressing, threatening, and unsettling situation or conditiona sort of
calamitywhich has come to an end thanks to divine intervention.
3 The Lexeme in QH
3.1 4QHa 7 ii 27 par. 1QHa 26:21 and 4QHe 2 2: A Less Concrete Usage of
To begin with, one may want to refer to the passage in 4QHa 7 ii 27 (par. 1QHa
26:21 and 4QHe 2 2), which attests to a clear-cut allusion to Isa 14:4.
186 Zanella
] [ 2
[ ] [ 3
][
[]
4
] [ 5
] [ 6
][
[] [ 7
Finally, one may identify a cluster of verbs denoting the ceasing of some-
thing and its non-existence: besides the known ( to come to an end),
which occurs altogether four times (twice in line 3, once in lines 5 and 7 respec-
tively), one finds ( to end, to complete, to destroy; line 4), and
(to perish; lines 2 and 4 respectively), ( to flee; line 5), ( not to be;
line 4) and ( no longer be; line 7). Within this particular cluster
of lexemes one should also list three further verbs that actually lexicalise the
opposite situation, namely the appearance and the beginning of something:
( Hiphil to appear; twice, lines 4 and 5), ( Niphal to be opened; line
5), and ( Hiphil to pour forth; line 4) .
Compared to Isa 14, this passage from the Hodayot seems to display some
significant developments in vocabulary and concepts. Each one of the three
main semantic domains qualifying the vocabulary of Isa 14:27 is here subject
to striking extensions. Besides the usage of key-words from the biblical pas-
sage (, , and ), the Hodayot text includes new lexemes and omits
some other lexemes, thus providing a new configuration and definition of both
vocabulary and concepts of the original text.
Concerning the first cluster of lexemes (words referring to distressing and
threatening circumstances) the following two data are worth mentioning:
(a) First of all, the lexemes in the biblical passage that refer to concrete
perhaps even historically traceabledistressing circumstances, such as slav-
ery, violence, or submission, are left out. Instead, the Hodayot text uses words
referring to a more abstract, theoretical kind of distress, which instead affects
the inner part of the human nature, such as grief, groaning, terror, and the like.
(b) Secondly, the reference to the domain of the ungodly, which in Isaiah is
only mentioned once () , plays a key role here and almost constitutes an
independent cluster of terms. Starting from , which goes back to Isa 14,
the Hodayot passage uses many words belonging to the semantic field of guilt
and iniquity.
A similar tendency to abstraction also applies to the second cluster of
lexemes (words referring to pleasant and peaceful situations). In compar-
ison with Isaiah one may note here the overwhelming presence of lex-
emes and phrases qualified by a theologically positive association (such as
, , ) , which is in fact meant to stand in contrast to the
domain of the ungodly reflected by the first cluster of lexemes.
The third cluster of lexemes (words referring to ceasing and coming to an
end) reflects traces of a significant extension, as well. On the one hand, the
recurrent usage of the verb ( four times), which clearly goes back to Isa 14,
is strengthened by the use of the close synonym and by further expres-
sions referring to not being. On the other hand, the biblical reference to the
concrete destruction of the rod of the wicked ones (
)
188 Zanella
[] 19
] [ 20
[
] 21
] [ ] 22
[] [ 23
] [
24
25
In spite of its fragmentary state, the context of the text provides significant
pieces of evidence for the assessment of the meaning of .
Some Semantic Notes on the Lexeme in the DSS 189
On the one hand, one can see in line 21 a clear reference to the dissipation
of the ( ) , which one may now consider to be a central
sense-component qualifying the meaning of this substantive: the distressing
and oppressive situation referred to by will surely not last, it will disap-
pear in order to leave the place with a lasting joy.
On the other hand, the exhaustive investigation of the lexical organisation
of the whole passage in 1QHa 20:21 points to recurring word clusters, which are
shared both by Isa 14:4 and 4QHa 7 ii 27, and which one may now consider to
be the typical lexical background for the usage of .
(a) Firstly, occurs together with lexical items referring both to dis-
tressing, threatening situations ( , terror of wickedness; line 19) and
to negative qualities (, insolence, deception).
(b) Secondly, the passage points to a cluster of lexemes denoting pleasant
and peaceful circumstances, such as goodness (), grace (), and rejoicing
().
(c) The third cluster of terms referring to coming to an end through divine
destruction is highlighted by the usage of ( there is not; cf. also ,
there is no more), of the verb in line 17 (Hiphil to cause to come to an
end) as well as by references to destruction ( )and to divine anger (;
line 21), which presumably represents the cause of the destruction. In this par-
ticular context of usage, the occurrence of may not be accidental, but,
rather, it may reflect a syntagmatic and paradigmatic lexical relation explicitly
going back to Isa 14:4.
The passage depicts an appointed time of destruction ( ; line
20). Such a period of time is far away from the dread of wickedness (
;line 19): here there is no deception ( ; line 20) and even the
kind of oppressive threat no longer exists () . The passage
tells us furthermore that this appointed time of destruction results in the joyful
time of the glory of God ( ; line 25).
Compared to Isa 14 and to 4QHa 7 ii 27, this passage displays further devel-
opments in both vocabulary and concepts. In this regard, what is particularly
striking is (a) the focus on the temporal dissipation of the distressing circum-
stances, and (b) the presence of sapiential vocabularyespecially the refer-
ence to the mysteries of God ( ;line 23). These aspects might ascribe an
eschatological and mystical nuance to the context of usage of , which in
Isaiah is implicit at best.
Against this particular semantic framework, if the Hodayot passage actually
goes back to Isa 14as I am proposingthen one may be tempted to draw
the following conclusion: in the Hodayot text, the references to the appointed
190 Zanella
times of destruction, to the divine wrath, and to the final period of glory
may reflect a sort of eschatological interpretation (a kind of implicit pesher
perhaps?) of the Isaianic passage, with respect to the verb ( to break in
pieces; Isa 14:5) and to the global situation of peace described in v. 7. The final
reference to joy in line 25 (), which actually echoes Is 14:7, seems to support
this conclusion.
24
25
26
35 My translation.
36 Cf. H. Stegemann, E. M. Schuller, and C. Newsom, DJD 40:155.
37 Cf. A. Amihay, , ThWQ 1:75557.
38 Ibid., 757.
39 Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34: 399400.
192 Zanella
4.1
The close relationship between the lexemes and seems to be not
only of a morphological kind. In fact, a detailed investigation of shows
striking similarities between the contexts of usage of and .
7
8
9
10
7. This is the rule for the overseer of a camp. He must teach the general
membership about the works
8. of God, instruct them in his mighty miracles, relate to them the future
events coming to the world with their interpretations;
9. he should care for them as a father does his children, taking care of all
their as a shepherd does for his flock
10. He should loosen all their knots, that there be no one oppressed or
crushed in his congregation.
40 The emendation of the uncertain form of the Cairo Geniza text into is made follow-
ing J. Baumgarten in DJD 18:1089.
Some Semantic Notes on the Lexeme in the DSS 193
mebaqqer will take care of it (), so that there is no one oppressed in the
congregation (line 10). (c) Finally, the peaceful and reassuring representation of
the mebaqqer as an attentive shepherd and a merciful father provides a striking
contrast to the oppressive and distressing situations referred to in the text.
]
[
4
vacat 5
6
[]
7
nor to .41 Nonetheless, one may find here clear traces of a dualistic polar-
isation (threatening vs. peaceful circumstances), which is typical of the con-
text of usage both of and of . 4Q416 2 ii 1114 refers respectively
to the enviousness ( )and deceitfulness ( ) of human nature, and
then picks up the image of the merciful father with his only son (line 13) and
uses the verb ( to take care of), thus being very close to the content and
the context of CD 13:710.42
A possible reference to threatening and distressing circumstances may be
found in the extremely fragmentary text 4Q418a 16 3, as well; the lexeme
(toil, labour) in the (plausibly genitival) syntagm ( the toil
of your )]?[ is, in fact, semantically close to the oppression and hard
labour referred to in Isa 14:34. In light of these scanty pieces of evidence, one
may assume, supported by the DJD edition, that may denote a financial
kind of threat.
5 Conclusion
extended in order to be applied to contexts and ideas which are neither neces-
sarily nor explicitly found in the original biblical text.
The two further occurrences in 1QHa 11:26 and in 4Q418 176 3 deviate from
the typical patterns of usage of , and attest to the genitival syntagm
. Here the context of usage of the lexeme seems to lose its reference to
the dissipation of the threat due to divine intervention, thus merely referring
to a distressing, oppressive, and unsettling situation. Due to the fragmentary
data, it is impossible to decide whether this reflects a further step in the con-
ceptual development of the usage of , after its progressive abstraction
and grounding in eschatological conceptions and coordinates.
The investigation of the few occurrences of the substantive indicates
that its context of usage shares the main features qualifying the context of
usage of . Nevertheless, traces of a possible opposition between
and may be detected: in opposition to the dissipation of a , the
ceasing of a does not necessarily require a divine intervention (but the
sole presence and the actions of the mebaqqer): supported by further pieces
of evidence, which unfortunately are not available, this could potentially chal-
lenge the argument for the interchangeability between and .
More questionable is the issue of the role of the lexeme : even if its con-
text of usage shares some aspects with those of and , the context
of usage of seems to be associated with a financial dimension, which applies
neither to Isa 14 nor to the other occurrences in the DSS, and which may be
considered as belonging to the idiolect of 4QInstruction.
Afterword
After the submission of this paper, in late 2011, an excellent article on the same
topic was published by Dr. Noam Mizrahi: The Linguistic History of :
From Textual Corruption to Lexical Innovation, RevQ 26 (2013): 91114.
Based on evidence from phonology and associative etymology, Mizrahi pro-
vides a different perspective on the problem of the meaning of , which
represents a valid alternative to the one proposed in the present paper. In my
view, though, both perspectives are not incompatible.
In my paper, to sum up, I intended to approach the problem of the meaning
of from the point of view of historical semantics, thereby focusing on
the identification of possible diachronic changes in the meaning and the usage
of across the Hebrew Bible and the DSS. In doing this, I made use of
some insights taken from the semantic methodology known as Componential
Analysis of Meaning. This methodology is a proven and valid heuristic tool,
196 Zanella
43 Cf. Zanella, The Lexical Field, 1261 and Zanella, Componential Analysis of Meaning,
passim.
Index of Modern Authors
Abegg, Jr., M. G.8, 12 (nn. 29, 31), 13 (n. 36), Cooper, R.89 (n. 3)
15, 16 (nn. 50, 52), 21 (n. 70), 23 (n. 82), Cotton, H. M.3 (n. 11)
83 (n. 14), 92, 158 (n. 58), 176 (n. 5) Cross, F. M.13 (n. 37), 23 (n. 87), 24 (n. 88),
Allegro, J. M.1, 2 (n. 7), 3 (n. 10), 4 157 (n. 56)
Allen, L. C.3 (n. 2)
Amihay, A.191 Dahood, M.165 (n. 23)
Arbeitman, Y. L.42 (n. 12) Dalman, G.11 (n. 25)
Aslanov, C.49 (n. 30) Danby, H.61 (n. 61), 65 (n. 1)
Azar, M.67 (n. 6), 74 (n. 23), 78, 117 (nn. 25, 27), Davila, J.40 (n. 8)
120 (n. 45) Delcor, M.58 (n. 53)
Delitzsch, F.125 (n. 63)
Baltin, M.R.89 (n. 3) Dhorme, E.42 (n. 12)
Bar-Asher, M.8, 14 (n. 43), 19 (n. 65), 20 Di Lella, A. A.171 (nn. 52, 56)
(n. 67), 22 (n. 79), 57 (n. 50), 154 (n. 44), Dimant, D.179
156 (n. 52) Drawnel, H.55 (n. 45)
Bartelmus, R.25 (n. 2) Driver, G. R.6 (n. 22)
Barwise, J.89 (n. 3) Driver, S. R.132, 133 (n. 8), 149 (n. 30),
Bauer, H.50 (n. 33) 164 (n. 18)
Baumgarten, J. M.192 (n. 40) Dubarle, A. M.114
Beall, T. S.59 (n. 54)
Bendavid, A.45 (n. 17), 70 (n. 12), 73 (n. 19), Ehrensvrd, M.132133, 135 (n. 11), 157
75 (n. 25), 76, 78, 143 (n. 20) Eshel, E.55 (n. 45), 65 (n. 1)
Ben-ayyim, Z.21 22 Eshel, H.65(n. 1), 157158 (n. 57)
Benmamoun, E.89 (n. 3)
Bergstrsser, G.56 (n. 49) Falk, D. K.169 (nn. 43, 45), 172
Beuken, W. A. M.181 (n. 22), 182 (n. 30) Fassberg, S.21 (nn. 7172), 22 (n. 78), 26
Beyer, K.17 (n. 59) (n. 6), 127 (n. 68), 156157, 158 (n. 58)
Bobaljik, J. D.89 (n. 3) Fox, M. V.170 (n. 49)
Bonhomme, M.174 (nn. 6667) Fraade, S.60 (n. 57)
Borbone, P. G.124 (n. 61)
Bowley, J. E.83 (n. 14) Garca Martnez, F.37 (n. 1), 92
Boyarin, D.35 (n. 37) Garr, W. R.10 (n. 21), 32 (n. 29)
Brock, S. P.130 (n. 76) Gaster, M.113114
Brockelmann, C.10 (n. 20), 91 Geiger, G.65 (n. 1)
Gesenius, W.28
Campbell, J. G.179 (n. 13) Gil, D.9091
Carmignac, J.15, 169 (n. 44) Ginsberg, H. L.30
Chapman, H.59 (n. 54) Gluska, I.19 (n. 64)
Charlesworth, J. H.82 (n. 9) Goldman, L.60 (n. 56)
Chazon, E. G.181 (n. 23) Goshen-Gottstein, M. H.7, 10 (n. 21), 11, 12
Cohen, A.50 (n. 34) (n. 29), 13 (n. 35), 21 (n. 75)
Cohen, C.27 (n. 7), 28 (n. 15) Grabbe, L. L.36 (n. 38)
Cohen, M.55 (n. 46) Greenfield, J. C.9 (n. 13), 24 (n. 89), 55
Collins, J. J.17 (n. 60) (n. 45), 156 (n. 51)
Cook, E. M.83 (n. 14), 92 Gutirrez-Rexach, J.89 (n. 3)
198 Index Of Modern Authors
Gutman, A.112113 (n. 5), 113 (nn. 78), 118 Kosowsky, B.175 (n. 3)
(n. 35), 124 (n. 56), 128 (nn. 7173), 129 Krahmalkov, C. R.162 (n. 7), 165 (n. 22)
(n. 74), 130 (nn. 7576) Kuteva, T.42 (n. 13)
Gzella, H.1920 (n. 66) Kutscher, E. Y.68, 10 (nn. 1819), 11 (nn.
2223, 28), 12, 14 (nn. 4041), 15 (n. 47),
HaCohen, A.48 (n. 29) 16, 20, 21 (n. 73), 41 (n. 10), 47 (n. 26), 51
Haneman, G.116 (n. 21), 119 (nn. 3839), 153 (n. 37), 132
(n. 41)
Harrington, D. T.160 (n. 1), 170 (n. 50), 177 Lambert, M.30
(n. 8), 181 (nn. 2425), 191 (n. 39), 194 Leander, P.50 (n. 33)
(n. 41) Leicht, R.113114, 118 (nn. 33, 35), 120 (n. 44),
Harris, Z. S.162 (n. 7), 165 (n. 22) 121124, 125 (n. 62), 126, 127 (n. 69), 130
Haugen, E.9 (n. 76)
Heine, B.42 (n. 13) Lemaire, A.47
Hempel, C.59 (n. 55) Lerner, M. B.48, 49 (n. 30)
Hoftijzer, J.162 (n. 7) Levy, J.117 (n. 30), 118 (n. 34), 121 (n. 52), 175
Holma, H.46 (n. 22) (n. 3)
Holmstedt, R. D.133 (n. 7) Licht, J.16 (n. 51), 17 (n. 55), 56 (n. 48), 82
Horgan, M.2, 3 (n. 9), 135136 (n. 13), 138 (n. 9)
(n. 15) Lieberman, S.48 (nn. 2829), 60 (n. 57)
Hornkohl, A.132 (n. 1) Lounsbury, O.18 (n. 62)
Horovitz, H. S.28 (n. 9) Lyons, J.89
Hughes, J.30
Hurvitz, A.43 (n. 15), 105 (n. 28), 132, 154 Macintosh, A. A.3 (n. 8), 4 (n. 14)
(n. 47) Martone, C.82 (n. 9)
Mason, S.59 (n. 54)
Ibn Janah 28 May, R.89 (n. 3)
McKane, W.167 (n. 34)
Jastrow, M.117 (n. 26), 121 (n. 51), 175 (n. 3) Merwe, C. H. J. van der75 (n. 27)
Jenner, K. D.124 (n. 61) Meyer, C.114
Jespersen, O.18 Michalis, J.28
Jokiranta, J.59 (n. 55), 62 (n. 64) Milgrom, J.53, 54 (nn. 4243)
Jonker, L.112 (n. 5) Milik, J. T.10 (n. 17)
Joosten, J.89, 30 (n. 23), 34 (n. 34), 153 Militarev, A.46 (n. 22)
(n. 42), 167168 (n. 35), 183 (n. 34) Miller(-Naud), C. L.75 (n. 27), 100, 163
Joon, P.67 (n. 6), 75 (n. 27), 8081 (n. 4), (n. 11), 173 (n. 63)
81 (n. 6), 84 (n. 17), 86 (n. 27), 100, 120 Mishor, M.116 (n. 21), 144 (n. 22)
(nn. 4243), 143 (n. 19), 155 (n. 49), 168, Mizrahi, N.6 (n. 20), 30 (n. 21), 32 (nn.
177 (n. 9) 2627), 195196
Moore, C. A.114 (n. 13)
Kaddari, M. Z.161, 164, 166, 168169, 170 Mor, U.19 (n. 66), 26 (n. 6), 65, 66 (nn. 24),
(n.46) 69 (n. 9), 70 (nn. 1213), 71 (nn. 1416),
Kahle, P.25 (n. 2) 72 (n. 18), 73 (nn. 1920), 72 (n. 22),
Kasher, R.3 (n. 12) 76 (n. 29), 79 (n. 37), 143 (n. 21), 147
Kasowsky, Ch. Y.175 (n. 3) (n. 24)
Khan, G. A.25 (n. 3) Morag, Sh.10 (n. 21), 11 (n. 27), 35 (n. 37), 62
Kister, M.8, 13 (n. 37) (n. 62), 158
Knohl, I.49 (n. 32) Muraoka, T.6 (n. 22), 17 (n. 59), 22 (nn.
Kogan, L.46 (n. 22) 7677), 67 (n. 6), 72 (n. 18), 75 (n. 27),
Kooij, G. van der162 (n. 7) 80 (n. 1), 8081 (n. 4), 81 (n. 6), 82
Index Of Modern Authors 199
(nn. 78), 84 (nn. 17, 20), 85 (n. 23), 86 (n. 31), 152 (n. 38), 160 (nn. 12), 161, 163
(nn. 2627), 100, 119 (n. 41), 120 (n. 14), 164, 165 (n. 22), 166, 169 (n. 44)
(nn. 4243), 143 (n.19), 155 (n. 49), 162
(n. 8), 163 (n. 15), 165 (n. 27), 167 (n. 32), Rabin, C.60 (n. 57)
177 (n. 9) Rabin, I. A.28 (n. 9)
Rattray, S.53 (n. 40)
Naeh, S.57 (n. 50) Rendsburg, G. A.83 (n. 15), 88 (n. 1), 151
Naud, J. A.88 (n. 1), 89 (n. 2), 106 (n. 32), (n. 37), 152 (n. 39), 154 (n. 43), 156
161 (n. 6) (n. 52), 161162 (n. 6)
Neusner, J.65 (n. 1) Rey, J.-S.160 (n. 1)
Newsom, C.A.37, 4041, 46, 56 (n. 47), 191 Rezetko, R.132, 133 (n. 6), 135 (n. 11), 157
(n. 36) Rooker, M. F.134 (n. 9)
Nitzan, B.40 (n. 8) Rubin, A. D.42 (n. 12)
Rudolph, W.4 (n. 14)
Oosthuizen, J.90 (n. 5)
Schfer, P.112, 115 (n. 20), 121 (n. 49)
Paran, M.54 (n. 42) Schattner-Rieser, U.17 (n. 59), 22 (n. 76)
Pardee, D.29 (n. 19) Scheiber, A.171 (n. 52)
Park, M.143 (n. 20) Schniedewind, W. M.23, 62 (n. 63), 112, 154
Parry, D. W.77 (n. 33) (n. 43)
Pat-El, N.66 (n. 4) Schoors, A.150 (n. 32), 156 (n. 51)
Prez Fernndez, M.80 (n. 1), 116 (n. 23), 117 Schorch, S.25 (n. 1), 35 (n. 36)
(nn. 25, 28), 119 (nn. 3839), 120 (n. 42), Schuller, E. M.6 (n. 21), 112, 112113 (n. 5),
150 (n. 36) 191 (n. 36)
Peursen, W. Th. van112113 (n. 5), 113 (nn. Schweizer, A.114
69), 116 (nn. 21, 24), 117 (nn. 25, 29), 118 Segal, M. H. (also: M. Z.)116 (n. 22), 119
(nn. 33, 35), 119 (n. 38), 120 (n. 45), 121 (n. 37), 150 (n. 36), 153 (n. 41)
(n. 48), 124 (n. 56), 125 (n. 63), 126 Shaked, Sh.112, 115 (n. 20), 121 (n. 49)
(n. 66), 127 (n. 70), 128 (nn. 7173), 129 Sharvit, S.51 (n. 37)
(n. 74), 130 (nn. 7576), 168170, 171 Shlonsky, U.89 (n. 3), 91
(n. 57) Sokoloff, M.49 (n. 30)
Polak, F.135, 139, 140 (n. 18), 143 Sportiche, D.A. 89 (n. 3)
Polzin, R.105 (n. 28), 134 (n. 9), 149 (n. 30), Stadel, C.8
162 (n. 9) Stec, D. M.165 (n. 24)
Porten, B.6 (n. 22), 22 (n. 77), 162 (n. 7), 163 Stegemann, H.191 (n. 36)
(n. 15), 165 (n. 27) Steiner, R.19 (n. 65), 25 (n. 4)
Puech, .47, 162 (nn. 78), 165 (n. 23) Steinschneider, M.130
Steudel, A.5
Qimchi, D.28, 167 Stone, M. E.55 (n. 45)
Qimron, E.1 (n. 1), 2 (n. 6), 3 (n. 11), 6 (n. 21), Strugnell, J.12, 5, 13 (n. 37), 15 (n. 44), 16
7, 10 (n. 19), 11 (nn. 22, 24), 12 (n. 32), (n. 49), 160 (n. 1), 170 (n. 50), 172, 177
1415, 16 (nn. 5051), 17 (nn. 5557), 21 (n. 8), 181 (nn. 2425), 191 (n. 39), 194
(nn. 70, 75), 22 (n. 77), 30, 33, 37 (n. 1), (n. 41)
41 (n. 10), 44 (n. 16), 45 (n. 17), 46, 56
(n. 48), 47 (n. 52), 65 (n. 1), 80, 81 (n. 6), Talshir, D.23 (n. 83), 30
8384, 85 (nn. 21, 23), 105 (n. 28), 127 Thomason, S. G.9 (n. 16), 20 (n. 68), 92
(n. 67), 135136 (n. 13), 136 (n. 14), 138 Tigchelaar, E. J. C.37 (n. 1)
(n. 15), 147 (n. 26), 148 (nn. 2728), 149 Torrey, C. C.114
200 Index Of Modern Authors
This index includes all texts that are discussed, and excludes some texts that are only listed as
examples of a specific feature.
4QMMTa (4Q394) 1 ii 24 39
37 i 15 15 3 2 40 (n. 7)
37 i 19 15
4QShirShabbf (4Q405)
4QMMTb (4Q395) 89 23 38
10 15 89 45 39
1415 i 4 40 (n. 7)
4QMMTc (4Q396) 20 ii 2122 6 910
12 iv 5 15 20 ii22 1 39
12 iv 7 15 23 i 10 16
12 iv 8 15
4QRitPur A (4Q414)
4QMMTd (4Q397) 13 7 51 (n. 36)
23 2 15
4QInstructionb (4Q416)
4QMMTe (4Q398) 2 i 35 160
1417 i 5 9 2 i 4 160 (n. 2)
1417 ii 1 9 2 ii 9 170
1417 ii 2 9, 81 2 ii 14 193194
1417 ii 6 15
4QInstructionc (4Q417)
4QMMT B 2 i 2 87
11 8687 2 i 9 160
66 84 2 i 2122 170
67 87
7678 84 4QInstructiond (4Q418)
78 84 7 b 5 170
8 9 170
4QMMT C 176 3 190191
7 86
28 87 4QInstructione (4Q418a)
16 3 193194
4QShirShabba (4Q400)
1 i 8 38 4QHodayota (4Q427)
1 i 17 38 3 4 171 (n. 54)
1 i 19 38 7 i 16 56
1 i 1920 5253 7 ii 27 18588
V. CD Bavli
Erubin 54a 173
CD
3:9 155 (n. 48) Mekhilta Devarim
3:204:4 60 (n. 56) 12:1 148
9:1415 98
10:7 167 Sifra
12:6 155 (n. 48) , 1:1 52
13:710 192193
14:2 10
14:810 94 VII. Other Sources
15:616:1 59
15:10 59 Epigraphical sources
20:12 148 Deir Alla I 67 162 (n. 7)
KAI 13,34 162 (n. 7)
RS 92.2016:8 162 (n. 7)
VI. Rabbinic Literature
Proverbs of Aiqar
Mishna TAD C1.1.130131 170
Abot 5:18 118 TAD C1.1.155 162 (n. 7), 163
Eduyyot 8:7 61
Menaot 4:3 117 Josephus, Jewish War
Nazir 8:1 120 2.137138 59 (n. 54)
Nedarim 9:3 118
Ro Haanah 1:8 74 (n. 23) Quintilian, Institutio oratoria
Tamid 4:2 44 8.6.6267 174 (n. 66)
Terumot 5:6 67 (n. 6)
Yoma 8:9 118 Qurn
4:172 52 (n. 38)
Tosefta
Ketubbot 67 (n. 5)
Yerushalmi
Demai 23a 6061