Phone bullying: impact on self-esteem and
well-being
Judy Drennan, Mark R. Brown and Gillian Sullivan Mort
Judy Drennan is a Professor
at the School of Advertising,
Marketing, and Public
Relations, Queensland
University of Technology,
Brisbane, Australia.
Mark R. Brown is a Senior
Lecturer at the UQ Business
School, University of
Queensland, Brisbane,
Australia.
Gillian Sullivan Mort is a
Professor at the School of
Management, Latrobe
University, Melbourne,
Australia.
Received: September 2010
Revised: February 2011
Accepted: June 2011
DOI 10.1108/17473611111185850
Abstract
Purpose Most current research emphasises the benefits of mobile communications for consumers.
The purpose of this paper, however, is to investigate the neglected negative effect of m-bullying on
young consumers, to expand the understanding of the pervasive impact of enhanced mobile
communication.
Design/methodology/approach Data were collected using a cross-sectional mall intercept method.
The survey instrument comprised of sets of statements about the self and the experience of using mobile
phones, followed by a set of demographic questions.
Findings Findings indicate both genders experience m-bullying and that levels of self-esteem were
found to have a direct effect on overall well being.
Originality/value While prior research emphasised the positive aspects of enhanced connectivity,
this paper advances understanding of the negative aspects of mobile communications and identified
the risk of bullying inherent in continuous communication.
Keywords Young consumers, Adolescents, Self esteem, Mobile communication systems, M-bullying,
Well-being, Gender
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
The pervasive adoption of mobile phone technology has yielded new insights into the nature
of social interaction among young people. Despite the potential for positive communication
experiences, much of the attention directed at mobile phone usage among young people
has focused on the negative aspects of device ownership. For example, reports of children
sending offensive or upsetting text messages to their peers are common. Stories regarding
the misuse of camera phones to record and transmit images intended to shame or
embarrass others are frequently reported in the media (Parry, 2005). Given the technological
advances that have enabled mobile phones to function as a world wide web interface, these
pictures and videos can now be distributed beyond previously limited audiences, via social
networking sites for instance, directly from the phone. Such actions have stimulated
researchers interest in the way that mobile devices may be used to facilitate negative social
interactions such as bullying.
Bullying has been defined as a systematic abuse of power that is both persistent and
intentional (Nansel et al., 2001). It is viewed as the most pervasive form of aggression in
schools and covers direct or indirect physical, verbal, gestural, psychological, and
electronic formats. Bullying is considered a serious social problem requiring attention
(Limber and Small, 2003; Campbell, 2005) as it can have a long term impact on an
individuals self-esteem and overall sense of well-being (OMoore and Kirkham, 2001; Rigby,
2000). While direct bullying refers to overt aggression such as physical assault and verbal
insults, indirect bullying denotes relational aggression that includes group exclusion and the
VOL. 12 NO. 4 2011, pp. 295-309, Q Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1747-3616 j YOUNG CONSUMERS j PAGE 295
 spreading of rumours. Motivation for these types of behaviour may relate to racism, sexual
orientation and harassment, and class distinction (Greene, 2006).
Concomitant with the rise of the internet has been the emergence of the cyberbully,
defined as anyone who repeatedly misuses technology to harass, intimidate, bully or
terrorise another person (Franek, 2005/ 2006). Cyberbullying has been identified as a
serious problem by numerous researchers. For example, Campbell (2005) reports that
cyber-bullying is a global issue with grave incidents occurring regularly in Australia, New
Zealand, the United States, Canada, Japan, Scandinavia and the United Kingdom. A study
by Keith and Martin (2005) showed that 57 per cent of students claimed to have experienced
hurtful or angry things said about them online. One explanation for the prevalence of
cyber-bullying is that technology has decreased the boundaries to access people and
reduced the reflection time between contemplation of bully activity and actually committing
the act (Franek, 2005/ 2006).
Although cyberbullying as a phenomenon has existed for some time, academic research
into the domain has only gained momentum in recent years. As might be expected in the
early stages of discipline development, findings have been rather divergent and
disagreement rife (Tokunaga, 2010). It is likely that a contributing factor to such variation
is that cyberbullying has been defined and measured quite differently across the research
spectrum. It is generally agreed that conventional bullying requires persistent and
meaningful interaction between the perpetrator and the victim. However, the anonymous
nature of cyberbullying makes it difficult to detect or confirm such a relationship (Wolak et al.,
2007). For instance, can a one-time, embarrassing video posted to YouTube and viewed by
a million people be considered an incidence of bullying?
Notably, research has indicated an age difference and gender difference in young peoples
exposure to bullying. Younger boys tend more toward direct physical aggression while
young girls are more apt to employ indirect relational aggression such as name calling
(Bowie, 2007; Rivers et al., 2007; Williams and Guerra, 2007). However, the results are mixed
with some studies suggesting that such gender differences may diminish with age
(e.g. Pepler et al., 2008).
This purpose of this paper is therefore to investigate the occurrence of bullying specifically via
mobile phones (m-bullying) among older high school students (aged approximately between
16-18 years) and its impact on self-esteem and subjective well-being. Additionally, it
examines gender differences among this group in terms of frequency and type of m-bullying
and levels of distress experienced. In doing so, it extends the understanding of the factors
surrounding m-bullying and advances the research domain of mobile communication.

2. Mobile phone usage and frequency of m-bullying

In a study of young peoples use of mobile phones as part of their consumption styles, Wilska
(2003) found that mobile communication is an extremely important part of their daily life (see
also Azzarone, 2003). As well as providing the core mobile delivery of individualised/
customised relationship based, timely and location specific services to the user (Sullivan
Mort and Drennan, 2002, p. 17), it enhances efficiency and entertainment as well as
increasing spontaneity (Anckar and DIncau, 2002). The integration of mobile phones into
everyday life is a reflection of the broader social context that shapes the adoption of new
technologies and guides their utilisation. The evolution of 3G technology, providing virtually
limitless possibilities via Internet-enabled mobile phones, further expands the impact of this
technology on our everyday lives (Reid, 2005). 3G technology is characterised by the
convergence of digital media that is, voice, text, picture and video information
transferable, accessible and deliverable across all media (Reid, 2005).
It is widely acknowledge that mobile digital devices have become increasingly incorporated
into young peoples personal identity (Jones, 2002) for example, through personalisation
of mobile devices (e.g. colour and design options, ringtones, screensavers, and carry
cases) and through connectivity within reference groups (Pura, 2003; Wilska, 2003).
Recently, a new perspective has emerged, based upon mobile phone use, that regards the

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use of communication technology as a social tool and physical extension of the human
body; aptly called apparatgeist theory (Katz and Aakhus, 2002; Katz and Sugiyama, 2006).
Katz and Aakhus (2002) suggest there is a complex relationship between personal
communication technology and social control, involving a multifaceted interplay between
fashion, the body, social groups and technology. This research has been extended by Katz
and Sugiyama (2006), citing the influence that fashion has on Japanese and American
teenagers personal communication technology adoption, use, and replacement. Their
research deciphered that mobile communication technology has become embedded in the
person, becoming part of them both symbolically and physically (Katz and Sugiyama, 2006).
This supports the earlier views of Haddon (2003), who addressed the symbolic value of
goods, as well as research by Ling and Yttri (2002), which identified the way teenagers relate
to the symbolic aspects of mobile phones.
Further evidence (Wei and Lo, 2006) suggests among Taiwanese college students, mobile
phone usage strengthened the users family bonds, expanded their psychological
neighbourhoods and facilitated proximity to their social networks. It has been argued that
the mobile phone promotes identity development as it occurs relatively free from institutional
forms; however, despite its value in connectedness, it can also facilitate the development
of an empty-self by fostering a consumptive approach to interaction (Garcia-Montes et al.,
2006). Based on theories of socialisation and communications technology, it therefore
seems logical that the various aspects of personality, experience, and the social
environment all influence the way a mobile phone is used.
Geser (2004) argues the significance of the mobile phone lies in empowering people to
engage in communication without the necessity for physical proximity or spatial immobility.
Humphreys (2005) also examined the use of mobile phones in a Japanese population,
based on original communication theories such as Goffmans Theory of Cross Talk (Goffman,
1963, 1971) and Hoppers Caller Hegemony (Hopper, 1992), to identify both how mobile
phones are used in the social context and what constitutes violations of cell phone usage on
tacit codes of social interactions. Ling and Yttris (2002) research on the mobile phone use of
teenagers in Norway determined that the need to be connected and coordinate with the
social group extends beyond normal activities to be consistent with the theory of
hypercoordination. Hypercoordination involves the micro-coordination aspects of
managing accessibility (instrumental and functional use), plus the expressive dimension
related to emotional and social communication, and self-preservation between and within
groups (Katz and Aakhus, 2002; Ling and Yttri, 2002).
Wei and Lo (2006) determined that different psychosocial aspects of the individual affect
mobile use, with lonely users more likely to consider the mobile phone for its symbolic
value (fashion and status), and identifying a negative correlation between shyness, social
utility and affection gratification. Notably, the researchers also found significant differences
in mobile phone use based on gender, with females having higher usage rates and
employing their phones for expression of affection and to take advantage of mobile
technology, whereas male users tended to use their mobiles for information seeking,
suggesting that gender mediates how users exploit mobile phones to maintain social ties
(Wei and Lo, 2006). These results validate the theory that mobile phone use is actually a
complex interplay of social, biological and psychological factors, as suggested in earlier
research (Katz and Aakhus, 2002; Ling and Yttri, 2002; Katz and Sugiyama, 2006).
Although some researchers have suggested engagement in high school bullying behaviour
is influenced by gender (Beran and Li, 2004), studies of cyber-bullying have yielded mixed
results. Migliore (2003, in Keith and Martin, 2005) identified differences based on gender,
finding that females inflict abuse more often than males in the online environment through
instant messaging, online conversations and emails. Among London students aged
between 11 and 16 years, it was found that the most common forms of cyber-bullying were
via phone calls, text messages and email, as opposed to online chat room bullying (Smith
et al., 2006). It is therefore likely that:
H1. Females will experience a higher frequency of m-bullying than males.

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 3. M-bullying and self-esteem
Teenage mobile phone use is as an important research area for two reasons. First, the
ubiquitous nature of mobile phones presence in teenagers lives is indisputable, and
second, these teenage years are a crucial developmental stage of life (Garcia-Montes et al.,
Green, 2003; Ling and Yttri, 2002; Taylor and Harper, 2003; Wei and Lo, 2006). Furthermore,
research has determined that the mobile phone has become a symbol of membership and
inclusion, providing opportunities for connection with friends and a means to establish
identity and difference with social networks (Green, 2003).
Given that digital communication technology plays such a key social role in the lives of many
young people, it is therefore logical to conclude that cyberbullying and harassment can be
deeply traumatic to the victim and can cause psychological harm (Gillespie, 2006; Li, 2005).
Educators have called for greater education surrounding the use of mobile phones and other
technology to reduce childrens susceptibility to bullying, but despite this concern,
comparatively little research has focused on the negative aspects of mobile phone use
beyond industry-based surveys. The focus of this phenomenon in teenagers suggests that a
greater understanding of their use of mobile phones may provide information, which would
be crucial to reducing cyberbullying.
In the United States, research has shown that children and adolescents perceive bullying as
a cause of their emotional pain and fear of physical violence (Bochenek and Brown, 2001;
National Association of Attorneys General, 2000). This emotional pain may include low
self-esteem, loneliness, depression, social anxiety and school phobia (Nansel et al., 2001;
Rigby, 2001; Solberg and Olweus, 2003); in addition to anxiety and an impaired ability to
concentrate academically (Beran and Li, 2005).
Adolescence is the most important time of secondary socialisation, where the maturing
individual develops autonomy, gains social and economic independence from family, and
creates identification through the use of peers, thereby achieving consolidation of their
personality and the self (Ling, 2000; Katz and Aakhus, 2002; Sadock and Sadock, 2003). As
a consequence, adolescents often view themselves through the eyes of their peers and thus
deviations in appearance, dress code or behaviour can result in diminished self-esteem
(Sadock and Sadock, 2003). Self-esteem has been defined in many ways by a multitude of
researchers. These definitions range from emphasising primitive libidinal impulses
(Kernberg, 1975) to feelings of existential security in a meaningful universe (Solomon
et al., 1991). However, theorists generally argue that self-esteem is comprised of several
attributes. Two in particular, seem to be fundamental and involve feelings of
self-competence and the affection one has for ones self (Brown and Dutton, 1995;
Tafarodi and Swann, 2001).
Teenagers use of mobile phones in general, is normative, complex and deeply rooted in
their perceptions of social relations (Taylor and Harper, 2003). The fact that teenagers adopt
this socially-integrative approach to technology use is consistent with the importance that
adolescents place on their peers and their influence on emotional development (Green,
2003). As the mobile phone plays a key role in their social communication networks and can
influence self-perceptions of belongingness or social alienation, negative experiences such
as m-bullying may induce negative self-esteem. If frequency of exposure to traditional
bullying is known to impact self-esteem (OMoore and Kirkham, 2001), then it is very likely
that cyber-bullying will have a similar effect. Formally stated,
H2a. There will be an inverse relationship between the frequency with which
individuals experience m-bullying and their perceptions of self-esteem.

As gender differences have been observed in both usage of mobile phones and exposure to
cyberbullying, it is important to investigate any differential impact that such exposure may
have among boys and girls in terms of their self-esteem. Bolognini et al. (1996)
demonstrated that global measures self-esteem are significantly higher for adolescent
males than females. This finding was supported in a large scale study by Kling et al. (1999)
of 48,000 adolescent Americans. Given that increased exposure to conventional bullying is

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known to adversely impact individual self-esteem and the rationale for Hypothesis 2 that
m-bullying may have a similar influence, it is logical to argue that such an effect is likely to be
stronger for females than for males given their generally lower self-esteem in adolescence.
Formally stated:
H2b. The inverse relationship between frequency of m-bullying experience and
perceptions of self-esteem will be stronger for females than males.

An argument might also be made that mobile bullying plays a meaningful role in, in causing
some degree of psychological distress to those that fall victim to it. Research has indicated
that students who experience higher levels of anxiety are more likely to suffer at the hands of
bullies (Solomon et al., 1991). Furthermore, bullying experiences have been shown to
heighten psychological distress (Dao et al., 2005; Duncan, 1999), with similar findings for
cyber-bullying (Ybarra et al., 2006). Geist and Borecki (1982) have also demonstrated that
increased distress has a significant inverse relationship with perceptions of self-esteem.
One could reason that the degree to which an individual experiences such symptoms of
distress as a result of exposure to m-bullying may therefore have some impact upon his or
her self-esteem. Hence:
H3a. There will be an inverse relationship between the levels of distress experienced
due to m-bullying and perceptions of self-esteem.

If self-esteem varies by gender at adolescent age, then it is possible that any impact of
distress due to experienced m-bullying may have a differential effect dependent on
gender. It is unclear whether girls respond with greater distress to mobile bullying than
boys and there is little research available to point the way. However, one revealing study
found that high-school aged girls experience higher levels of psychosomatic symptoms
than boys as a result of bullying behaviour. A logical extension of this finding is to
determine whether such effects are observed for emotional distress as a consequence of
m-bullying. This important study suggests that teenage females may indeed exhibit more
extreme distress responses to m-bullying than males. Therefore the hypothesis can be
made that:
H3b. Females will experience higher levels of distress in response to m-bullying than
males.

4. Self-esteem and well-being

Increasing concern over disturbing trends of m-bullying has led to some schools or their
governing bodies banning the use of mobile phones (e.g. the Queensland State
Government in 2006). In Australia, the problem of mobile phone bullying has gained such
significance it has resulted in the launch of an industry-based campaign to help combat the
rise of mobile phone use to harass, menace or offend someone (ABC News Online, 2006).
The rapid growth of 3G capabilities further threaten the integrity and safety of mobile phone
use with potential for the availability of adult-based materials such as pornographic video
clips, multimedia messages and also bullying, harassment and intimidation via peer-to-peer
networks and chat rooms (Reid, 2005).
For young people, life dissatisfaction has been associated with social-emotional problems,
such as depression, anxiety, peer difficulties and drug abuse. In contrast, researchers have
found life satisfaction linked with high self-esteem, self-concept and self-mastery (Gilman,
2001). Overall, research indicates a positive correlation between social-emotional
experiences and life satisfaction (Gilman and Huebner, 1997; Harter, 1999; Lewinsohn
et al., 1991; Valois et al., 2001). As the consumption of mobile digital technology is an
important part of the daily lives of young people, it is highly appropriate to investigate its
relationship with their subjective well-being and to relate it to specific domains such as
friendship, family, work, finances, social group and leisure.
Subjective well-being is a broad category of phenomena that includes peoples emotional
responses, domain satisfactions, and global judgments of life satisfaction (Diener et al.,

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 1999, p. 277). It is considered to be composed of affect (positive and negative emotions)
and life satisfaction (overall quality of life) (Diener et al., 1999). While the first two
components are emotional in nature, life satisfaction is thought to be a
cognitive-judgemental aspect of well-being (Neto, 1993). Research on subjective
well-being has been examined within groups and at the individual level (Diener, 2000) as
a response to the need for intervention strategies to promote subjective well-being (Gilman,
2001). Adolescent well-being, including such factors as happiness, life satisfaction and
quality of life, has been used to understand psychological conditions such as anxiety and
depression and diverse behavioural outcomes, such as problems at school (Storksen et al.,
2006).
Subjective well-being as a concept has gained extensive attention in both academia and
public life (as the pursuit of happiness), and has been researched via three major
approaches:
1. as global personal judgements of satisfaction and quality of life;
2. as recollections of past emotional experiences; and
3. as an aggregation of multiple emotional reactions across time (Kim-Prieto et al., 2005).
Various psychometric scales have also been developed to measure life-satisfaction (a key
component of well-being), with objective indicators focusing on external, quantifiable
conditions of a particular geographic or cultural area, such as income levels, and subjective
measures addressing personal evaluations of life circumstances (Gilman and Huebner,
2000).
Personality research in college students has shown that life-satisfaction judgements
(subjective measures) are relatively stable over time, as a reflection of chronologically stable
individual personality differences on variables such as hedonic balance, health satisfaction
and academic performance (Schimmack et al., 2002). The integration of the mobile phone
into the development of the individual and their interaction with society suggests that
aspects of subjective well-being, personality and culture affect its implementation as a
communications device. Initial evidence of this relationship was found in the study by Wei
and Lo (2006), in their identification of variation in mobile phone use based on different
personality types and also gender: Further, Diener et al. (2003) argue that self-esteem can all
influence overall levels of subjective well-being. In an attempt to confirm this relationship, it is
proposed that:
H4. There will be a positive relationship between levels of self-esteem and subjective
well-being.

5. Methodology
The following sections will outline the methodology used for this research, present the
findings, and discuss the results.

5.1 Data collection and sample

Data was collected using a cross-sectional mall intercept method. The population of interest
was defined as young people of late high school age who use a mobile phone. Systematic
sampling was undertaken during the holiday break after final high school exams in two
separate locations:
1. a busy pedestrian mall of a major holiday destination; and
2. a busy shopping mall of the nearby state capital city.
Trained researchers approached potential respondents and requested them to complete a
pencil and paper questionnaire on site. Overall, a total of 218 responses were obtained and
all respondents were users of mobile phones.

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5.2 Measures and analysis
The survey instrument was comprised of statements about the self and the experience of
using mobile phones, followed by a set of demographic questions (i.e. gender, age, and
state of residence)[1]. To improve readability and understanding, the questionnaire was
pre-tested using a judgment sample of actual consumers.
The statements about the self included a ten-item self-esteem measure (Rosenberg, 1965)
and a five-item subjective well-being scale (Pavot and Diener, 1993). Both multi-item scales
have been pre-validated and demonstrate good psychometric properties. The set of
statements concerning mobile phones were of four types. The first set of statements, which
tapped responses regarding social experiences involving mobile phones, were developed
following focus group sessions and yes/ no responses. A set of statements about m-bullying
asked for a report of occurrence and a rating of experienced distress on a five-point scale
anchored by not at all distressed and extremely distressed, came next. These
statements were derived from focus group discussions and a review of the literature. This
was followed by a set of statements about actions taken following any experienced
m-bullying, requiring dichotomous yes/no responses, and a final set of mobile phone privacy
statements with yes/no responses. Descriptive statistics were derived and a combination of
chi-square analysis and simple and multiple regression analyses were undertaken to
examine the data.

6. Results
Of the 218 questionnaires, 39.5 per cent (n 86) were from males and 60.5 per cent
(n 132) were from females, with a modal age of 17 years. The multi-item constructs of
self-esteem (a 0:80), distress (a 0:83), and well-being (a 0:80) were checked for
reliability with all exceeding Cronbach alpha scores of 0.7. Overall, 93.6 per cent of
respondents reported experiencing at least one incident of m-bullying in terms of the items
listed in the scale we employed. We conducted an analysis of the data checking for gender
differences and found a number of key distinctions.
There were few significant differences between genders regarding the frequency with which
m-bullying was experienced. Seventy-two respondents (33.6 per cent) claimed to have
received unsolicited pornographic or obscene images or messages on their phones. Of
those, males (50.6 per cent) were significantly more likely to have been sent such information
than females (22.5 per cent) (Chi-square 18.13; p , 0.001). In total 58 people (27.1 per
cent) had been sent threatening messages, of which 37.6 per cent were male and 20.2 per
cent were female (Chi-square 7.94; p , 0.01). Of the participants 53 (24.8 per cent)
reported receiving sexually harassing messages of which, notably, significantly more were
male (32.9 per cent) than female (19.4 per cent) (Chi-square 5.06; p , 0.05). A total 106
individuals (49.5 per cent) had also been sent excessively revealing messages and again,
males were more likely to experience this than females (Chi-square 6.18; p , 0.05).
We conducted regression tests on the data to test H2a, H2b and H3a. H2a stated that there
will be an inverse relationship between the frequency with which individuals experience
m-bullying and their perceptions of self-esteem. Although the data did not support H2a, we
determined that such an effect did exist for female participants (t 22.19; df 1, 126; p ,
0.05) but not for males (t 20.04; df 183; p . 0.05). Therefore, hypothesis H2b, which
stated that the inverse relationship between the frequency of experienced m-bullying and
perceptions of self-esteem will be stronger for females than males, is supported.
H3a stated that there will be an inverse relationship between the levels of distress
experienced and perceptions of self-esteem. We summated the distress levels associated
with each item that comprised the m-bullying scale and regressed the composite variable
against self-esteem. No significant influences were found at either the aggregate or gender
level. We then proceeded to regress the individual items in a multiple regression and found
that only one of these items, Sent tokens of Affection, had a significant impact on
self-esteem (t 2 3.04; df 12, 192; p , 0.01). However, on inspecting for gender
differences, it was observed that this effect was not significant for females. Other

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 gender-related findings were that distress was significant for males in terms of the sabotage
of their work/school reputation (t 2 2.0; df 12, 69; p 0.05). For females, high distress
related to threatening pictures or images was significantly associated with low self-esteem
(t 2 2.19; df 12, 109; p , 0.05).
Our hypotheses suggested females would experience a greater frequency of m-bullying
than males (H1) and higher levels of distress (H3b). Counter to expectations, H1 was not
supported by the data. In our sample, males were proportionally exposed to more
m-bullying instances than females, but the difference was not significant at the aggregate
level. However, upon closer examination of the data, it appears that males received
significantly more messages that were pornographic/obscene (Chi-square 18.13; p ,
0.001), threatening (Chi-square 7.94; p , 0.01), sexually harassing (Chi-square 5.06;
p , 0.05) and excessively revealing (Chi-square 6.18; p , 0.05) in nature.
With regard to distress levels, on nine out of the twelve items comprising the m-bullying
scale, females were significantly more likely than males to be distressed by such
experiences. They are more concerned about (see Table I):
B Having private information about them exposed to others (t 2 3.09; df 1,64; p ,
0.01).
B People pretending to be someone they are not (t 2 2.06; df 1,91; p , 0.05).
B Others sabotaging their private reputation (t 2 3.62; df 1,61; p , 0.01) or school
reputation (t 2 3.82; df 1,55; p , 0.01).
B Being sent pornographic/obscene images or messages (t 22.47; df 1,66; p , 0.05),
threatening (t 23.35; df 1,53; p , 0.01) or harassing messages (t 23.05;
df 1,50; p , 0.01).
B Excessively revealing messages (t 2 3.33; df 1,141; p , 0.01).
B Exaggerated messages of affection (t 2 2.88; df 1,101; p , 0.01).
It is also notable that females are significantly more likely to keep any m-bullying messages
(Chi-square 16.82; p , 0.01) and tell a trusted adult about what was happening
(Chi-square 5.66; p , 0.05). H3b is therefore supported.Finally, it was hypothesised that
there will be a positive relationship between levels of self-esteem and subjective well-being.
A further regression analysis revealed that self-esteem has a significant positive effect on
perceptions of well-being at both the aggregate and individual gender levels. However,
neither frequency of m-bullying nor distress experienced had a direct impact on well-being.
H4 is therefore supported.

7. Discussion and implications for theory and practice

The results of the study suggest the experience of m-bullying is widespread among high
school students. In contrast to some studies where the incidence rate hovers around the 14
per cent mark, our findings indicate that nearly all students have experienced at least one
form of m-bullying by the time they have left high school. For example, one such study
employed a group of first year high school students (ABC News Online, 2006) while another
(NCH and Texas Mobile, 2005) surveyed 11-19 year olds, which may have diluted the figure.
The conclusion we draw is: exposure to m-bullying increases with age and by the last years
of school is more prevalent.
In contrast to previous research suggesting that m-bullying would not appear to be getting
worse, our study finds that it is more prevalent than generally perceived among one of the
key marketing segments for mobile phone companies (i.e. senior high school students). This
extremely high incidence of m-bullying (93.6 per cent) is clearly a major concern for the
mobile phone industry, child welfare groups, schools and policy makers. In fact, the
Australian Mobile Telecommunications Association has initiated a social marketing
campaign to increase awareness of mobile phones and bullying as well as providing
strategies to cope with this type of bullying. It has also produced a policy template to assist

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 Table I Incidence of m-bullying and experienced distress by gender
Incidence Distress experienced
m-bullying items Gender Freq % Chi sq p Mean SD t df p

Exposed private information about you to others Male 29 34.1 2.62 1.40
Female 38 29.5 0.52 0.472 3.65 1.30 23.09 64 0.003**
All 67 31.3 3.19 1.42
Pretended to be someone she or he was not Male 42 49.4 2.20 1.25
Female 56 43.8 0.66 0.417 2.71 1.16 22.06 91 0.042***
All 98 46.0 2.48 1.22
Sabotaged your private reputation Male 30 35.3 2.59 1.32
Female 36 27.9 1.31 0.252 3.76 1.26 23.62 61 0.001**
All 66 30.8 3.22 1.41
Sabotaged your work/school reputation Male 28 32.9 2.68 1.42
Female 30 23.3 2.43 0.119 3.97 1.12 23.82 55 0.000*
All 58 27.1 3.33 1.42
Sent pornographic/obscene images or
messages Male 43 50.6 1.61 0.92
Female 29 22.5 18.13 0.000* 2.37 1.42 22.47* 40.35 0.018*
All 72 33.6 1.91 1.19

Sent threatening written messages Male 32 37.6 2.44 1.34

Female 26 20.2 7.94 0.005** 3.65 1.30 23.35 53 0.001**
All 58 27.1 2.95 1.45
Sent sexually harassing messages Male 28 32.9 1.96 1.20
Female 25 19.4 5.06 0.025*** 3.08 1.44 23.05 50 0.004**
All 53 24.8 2.48 1.42
Sent threatening pictures or images Male 10 11.8 2.40 1.27
Female 6 4.7 3.75 0.053 1.20 0.45 2.03 13 0.064
All 16 7.5 2.00 1.20
Sent tokens of affection Male 69 81.2 1.26 0.86
Female 106 82.2 0.03 0.854 1.20 0.51 0.60 170 0.548
All 175 81.8 1.23 0.67
Sent exaggerated messages of affection Male 60 70.6 1.56 0.88
Female 88 68.2 0.14 0.713 2.13 1.10 23.33 141 0.001**
All 148 69.2 1.89 1.05
Sent excessively disclosive messages Male 51 60.0 1.62 0.78
Female 55 42.6 6.18 0.013*** 2.15 1.06 22.88 101 0.005**

j
All 106 49.5 1.89 0.97
Sent excessively needy or demanding
messages Male 51 60.0 2.27 1.13
Female 68 52.7 1.10 0.294 2.71 1.21 21.97 109 0.051
All 119 55.6 2.52 1.19

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Notes: n 218; * p , 0.001; ** p , 0.01; *** p , 0.00

VOL. 12 NO. 4 2011 YOUNG CONSUMERS PAGE 303

 schools for governing mobile phone use in schools (Australian Mobile Telecommunications
Association, 2007).
Although it was proposed in H2a that the more individuals experienced m-bullying, the more
negative will be the influence on perceptions of self-esteem, our findings showed this not to
be the case for the aggregate sample. Instead, an effect was observed for females only
(H2b), which suggests that they are more sensitive to higher rates of bullying. Males, on the
other hand, may be accustomed to general insults within their peer group, as it is a common
feature of male teen culture. Consequently, they may be less likely to suffer damage to their
self-esteem, but steps should be taken to decrease incidences of m-bullying in general.
As discussed in the results, only specific types of m-bullying created distress that
significantly impacted on self-esteem. For males, sabotage of their school/ work reputation
and receiving unwanted tokens of affection were the most likely to cause negative effects on
self-esteem. For some males, this may feel like harassment. Female self-esteem, on the other
hand, appears to be most affected by distress arising from threatening pictures or images.
H1 suggested females would experience more m-bullying than males. In fact, no significant
difference was observed in terms of overall experience: males reported receiving
significantly more messages that were pornographic/obscene, threatening, sexually
harassing and excessively revealing in nature than females. However, females are more
likely to bully their colleges (young people) in the online environment (Smith et al., 2006) than
males. The finding is important and may be a reflection of how genders differ in their use of
electronic communication technology. For example, females may use the Internet more for
communicating than males, but mobile phones are used equally by the sexes for this
purpose. Perhaps the inclusion of an extended range of mediums through which bullying
can occur in this study including sending of multimedia messages, rather than simply text
and phone calls resulted in a better representation of bullying behaviour and thus the
reported occurrence of bullying for both genders.
Overall, females are significantly more likely than males to be distressed by m-bullying,
which supports H3b. Specifically, they experience more distress than males if private
information about them is exposed to others, if people pretend to be someone they are not, if
others sabotaging their private reputation or school reputation, and if they are sent
pornographic/obscene images or messages, threatening or harassing messages,
excessively revealing messages, and exaggerated messages of affection. Thus it seems
that females are significantly more distressed by m-bullying because of its characteristic
relational bullying. It appears that females may be more distressed because this bullying
affects their relationship with others, their self and group image, and disrupts the
communication patterns that are so important to them.
Consistent with previous research indicating a link between self-esteem and subjective
well-being, our findings support this relationship in the mobile phone context. The results
support the view that being bullied has an association with low self-esteem, loneliness,
depression, social anxiety and school phobia (Nansel et al., 2001; Rigby, 2001). In contrast
to the early literature on mobile communication (Anckar and DIncau, 2002; Kalakota and
Robinson, 2002; Pura, 2003; Wilska, 2003) that emphasised the positive,
experience-enhancing aspects of improved connectivity with peer groups, this research
has identified the risks inherent in continuous, immediate communication and growing
dependence on the virtual village created by mobile phone communication (Solberg and
Olweus, 2003).
The research builds on the understanding of the lonely consumer and the effects of
personality on usage of mobile phones and outcomes (Wei and Lo, 2006). However, it also
makes a significant theoretical contribution by examining the negative behaviour of
m-bullying and extending understanding from the experience of m-bullying to self-esteem
and well-being (findings consistent with Valois et al., 2001). In line with more traditional forms
of bullying, m-bullying is not a trivial experience and has wider effects on the self and overall
life satisfaction. More comprehensive theories of mobile communication (see Geser, 2004;

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PAGE 304 YOUNG CONSUMERS VOL. 12 NO. 4 2011
Katz and Sugiyama, 2006) need to be developed which encompass these findings
regarding the behaviour of m-bullying and its wider negative effects.
This research offers new product, m-services and communication managers and regulators
enhanced knowledge with which to market their offerings. Managers must provide more
comprehensive instructions for usage of both mobile communication devices and their
associated services. Keeping mobile phone numbers private may help prevent m-bullying.
Technological fixes like being able to bar communication from some phone numbers and
screening of text and images could help. A code of conduct should be developed in
collaboration between industry and regulators, and should be supported by social
marketing approaches to change social norms. More research could be conducted into the
personal and social consequences of enhanced mobile communication. M-bullying has
potentially serious negative consequences. Product managers should be proactive in
addressing these issues and in adopting self-regulation to avoid potentially more restrictive
regulation being imposed.
While this study has identified a number of relationships that have enhanced our
understanding of m-bullying, the nature of the sample as a type of convenience sample must
be acknowledged as a limitation. Larger studies using stratified random samples should be
undertaken to test the generalisability of the relationships. It would also be preferable for
cross-national studies to take place in order to examine the effects of m-bullying in different
cultural contexts (individualistic vs. collectivist cultures).

8. Conclusion
An understanding of mobile communication facilitated by the ubiquitous hand-held mobile
phone is growing. This paper advances the new phase of research on mobile
communication by identifying the nature and effects of the negative aspects of use of
advanced technology, which decreases the boundaries to access people and also reduces
the reflection time between contemplating or planning an act and actually committing the
act. Young consumers are exposed to mobile bullying behaviour with alarming frequency
and strategies are urgently needed to combat its deleterious effects. The research outlined
here represents an effort to specifically document the mobile bullying experience and
provides additional evidence of the seriousness with which the issue must be regarded.
Given the integration of mobile technology with other forms of digital communication such as
social networks, a logical next step would be to conduct multi-platform, multi-method
research to gain a deeper understanding of the pervasive nature of cyberbullying. The use
of mobile social software is on a rapid growth trajectory and it is clear that mobile bullying will
be further facilitated by the adoption of these technologies, making it even more difficult for
young people to avoid its impact.

Note
1. Copies of the original questionnaire can be obtained from the authors on request.

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Corresponding author
Judy Drennan can be contacted at: j.drennan@qut.edu.au

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