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4
Kenney, 94ff. 102; R&W, 135; 147; 150; 170ff.; 244.
5 A useful bibliography is found in Martin R. P. McGuire and Hermigild
Dressier, Introduction to Medieval Latin Studies2, (1977) 240f.
6 Grenfell, JHS 39 (1919) 36ff.; cf. Kenney, 140.
cause they have received very little attention from classical scholars. In ch. 16
of his Letter to the Romlans St. Paul sends greetings to a fairly large number of
people in a city which he had not yet visited. This chapter, and the letter itself,
end in most witnesses with a doxology (16:25-27), but our oldest witness, the
Chester Beatty Papyrus. now in Ann Arbor, has the doxology at the end ofch.
15, followed by a horizontal line. These anomalies could mean that Romans
originally ended with ch. 15 (with the doxology) and that ch. 16 is actually part
of a letter to the Christians in Ephesus, where Paul had been before. For some
reason this portion of the text, destined for Ephesus, became attached to
Romans. Once it was considered (as it still is today by the editors) as the last
chapter of Romans, it became necessary to transpose the doxology from the
end of ch. 15 to the end of ch. 16. Possibly Paul himself had a copy of Romans
sent to the congregation in Ephesus: after all, it was such an essential state-
ment of his theology that it should be read everywhere, not just in Rome; but
he did add his personal greetings to the people in Ephesus. This theory would
conveniently explain the omission of ev 'Pcrb,u(1:7 and 15) in some witnesses.
The other problem, not generally recognized, is found in 1 Corinthians 4:6.
The words r6Ou 6nurpd yeypanral make very little sense, as Bousset in his
commentary (1917) and others conceded, though more recent works are silent.
Bousset mentioned someone else's "ingenious conjecture" that the virtually
untranslatable words preserve a marginal gloss rT MH 6n7rpA yeypa7rral,i.e.
the A of 'INA which is, indeed, followed by MH. If this conjecture is right-and
I think it is-the corruption must be very old, possibly as old as Paul's original
letter.
25
There is an entertaining study on some less direct forms of influence of
Christian thought and idiom by R. M. Ogilvie, G&R NS 18 (1971) 32ff. A truly
amazing case (if their diagnosis is correct, as it probably is) has been brought to
light recently by R. A. Coles and M. W. Haslam in their notes on P.Oxy. 3331
(Oxy. Papirv, vol. XLVII [1980] 53ff.): "An obscene episode from the Life of
Aesop, pars. 75-76 Perry.-This particular section of the Life has a peculiar
textual status. Most of the MSS omit the episode entirely, passing directly
from par. 74 to par. 77. It is extant in only two MSS. (codd. descripti
excluded): cod. Baroccianus 194, known as O (15th cent.), and, translated into
Latin, cod. Lollianus 26 (Lo; 14th cent.). The texts are published by B. E.
Perry, Aesopica I (Urbana 1952), pp. 95 and 127f. respectively ... These two
MSS., O and Lo, show textual affinity with MSS which lack the episode.
Apparently no one has argued that they are independent of the rest of the
tradition, or even that they had access to an extra-stemmatic source. Rather
they are supposed to be descendants of an archetype from which pars. 75-76
were deleted-an act of censorship (cf. Herodotus 1.199).-The 10th cent.
cod. G (Ms. 397, Pierpont Morgan Library) is the sole representative of an-
other branch of the tradition and was published for the first time in 1952 (Perry,
Aesopica I, 35-77). Here matters stand differently and rather oddly. Folio 49
ends in mid-sentence in par. 74, and folio 50 commences towards the end of
par. 76; the text is nonsensical. But the MS itself shows no sign of physical
disruption. Perry makes the most reasonable inference (Studies 7f.): G's scribe
was reproducing the pagination of his exemplar, from which a sheet had been
removed (whether out of prurience or prudery).-The papyrus represents just
that portion of the text which is missing from cod. G. This compels considera-
tion of what would otherwise be a fairly fantastic hypothesis: that here we have
a remnant of the actual detachment from the MS on which G depends. Such a
hypothesis, undeniably economical, encounters two objections. First, the dis-
covery at Oxyrhynchus of a fragment of the exemplar of an extant 10th-
century manuscript (first attested at Grottaferrata near Frascati towards the
end of the eighteenth century) may be considered on general grounds unlikely.
Secondly, the physical procedure entailed is less than straightforward. Instead
of the simple removal of a leaf or two from the codex, we have to envisage first
a number of columns being cut out and the severed roll repasted, and then a
medieval scribe reproducing the columniation in his codex. This is rather too
much to swallow; yet the coincidence remains." Not really hard to accept,
considering the conflicting emotions: prudery and prurience.
time, made long lists from the 'good' quartos of obvious misprints and abnor-
mal spellings. He was then able, by a truly providential coincidence, to apply
his lists to three MS pages discovered and published by Sir Edward Maunde
Thompson, in The Booke of Sir Thotmas Moore and attributed by him and
others since then to Shakespeare himself. The peculiar character of Shake-
speare's own type of 'secretary' handwriting easily explains the five classes of
common corruptions which appear in a dozen or so quarto texts produced by
seven or eight printing houses over a period of about fifteen years. Wilson
testifies that those lists of corruptions proved to be a constant help with indi-
vidual problems in the text during the forty years of his editing the plays. What
happened when Shakespeare revised a playhouse MS and sent the revised text
to the printers can be read on pp. 166f.-a marvellous piece of detection.
31 On S. Timpanaro's La genesi del m1etodo del La(c1ann, 1963 (also avail-
able in a revised and augmented German translation. Die Entstehlug der
Lacrhlhnnsclhen Melthode. 1971) cf. Kenney, 101ff.
for a closed tradition, and it would seem that only few texts are
transmitted in such a way that the archetype can be recon-
structed. Even in a closed recension there sometimes appears
to be no single archetype apart from the author's copy. The
stemma alone does not tell us whether or not there was an
archetype (West, 41f.). If it can be reconstructed, it should be
assigned a date. Quite often the archetype is incomplete.32
'Ueberlieferungsgeschichte' was treated scornfully by Hous-
man but has been rehabilitated since;33 I would agree with
A. T. Grafton who writes, in his review of Kenney:34 "To
be sure, doubts have arisen about the simplicity which
Lachmann and his followers, save perhaps O. Jahn,35 attrib-
uted to the textual traditions they studied. It has become clear
that few traditions are uncontaminated, and the elimination
principle has become harder and harder to apply. But editing
remains historical in method, since it rests on study of the
historical environment in which each text is written and of the
historical process by which it has been handed down to us. To
this extent, all modern editors are Lachmann's heirs."
The books included in this survey have very little to say, as
far as I can see, about the value of illustrations in reconstruct-
ing the history of a text. Where illustrations exist, they are
important. Jachmann's monograph on the pictures found in
some MSS of Terence remains to this day a brilliant piece of
deduction, I think. More recently Soubiran, in the introduction
to his Bud6 edition of Cicero's Aratea (1972, pp. 106ff.) has
made it plausible that the superb constellations painted in the
9th-century Harleianus 647 go back to an old original, possibly
produced in the 2nd century A.D.
On the elimination of MSS as one of the stages of the 'recen-
sio' West (33; 43) and R&W (186ff.) are instructive. The prin-
ciple itself was applied by Politian but not mentioned again
32
Willis, 31ff.; to his examples add Cicero's Aratea (Soubiran, pp. 122f. of
the Bude edition) and Seneca's Naturales Quaestiones with curious transposi-
tions of whole books, presumably as the result of the loss of pages.
33 Cf.
Kenney, CR 75, NS 25, n. 2 (1975) 303; Gamberale, Athenaeum NS 52
(1974) 389f.
34 A. T. Grafton, in: JRS 67
(1977) 172.
35 See my sketch of Otto Jahn in: 150 Jahre Rheinische Friedrich-
Wilhelms-Universitat zu Bonn, "Philosophie und Altertumswissenschaften,"
(1968) 144ff., especially p. 151. He had studied with Lachmann (see pp. 145f.).
occurred. Later still, when the codex format had been well
established, we find text and notes united again. Of the witness-
es some are clearly 'learned editions,' others are unassuming
'Lesetexte,' but apparently all the 'recentiores' are more or
less intended as critical editions, produced by the contamina-
tion of MSS of different families (Vian, p. LII): they contain a
number of conjectures, but they also preserve old readings.
'Emendatio' is, in practice, a form of 'recensio' (Kenney,
25). The 15th-century humanists did not yet distinguish be-
tween collating MSS and correcting them.4' The first scholar
to separate clearly 'emendatio ope codicum' from 'emendatio
ex coniectura' seems to have been Robortello whose treatise
De Arte si 'e Ratione CorrigendCiAntiquoruln Libros Dis-
putatio was first published in 1557.42 Salmasius meant the
same thing when he distinguished emendation 'e libris scriptis
et ex ingenio' (Kenney, p. 20, n. 4).
To make emendations is no easy task. Even Housman (CCP
III 954), slightly annoyed with Lindsay's prediction that the
Thesauruts Lingutae Latinae and certain advances in palaeog-
raphy would make textual emendation easy, stated categori-
cally: "No advance in palaeography will ever make textual
emendation easy, because textual emendation depends much
less on palaeography than on several other things, the chief of
which is the textual emendator ..." (cf. similar warnings
against the palaeographical approach CCP I 123; II 635; III
929; 1095; West, 58f.). Housman illustrates this point else-
where (CCP III 1059) with a famous simile: "A textual critic
engaged upon his business is not at all like Newton investi-
gating the motions of the planets: he is much more like a
dog hunting for fleas. If a dog hunted for fleas on mathematical
principles, basing his researches on statistics of area and
population, he would never catch a flea except by accident.
They require to be treated as individuals ... If a dog is to hunt
for fleas successfully he must be quick and he must be sensi-
tive. It is no good for a rhinoceros to hunt for fleas: he does not
know where they are, and could not catch them if he did ..."
The rules seem self-evident now, but they were not always
followed. There are some early attempts at an apparatus crit-
icus, as we understand it, in the Middle Ages and the Renais-
sance (R&W, 43; 93; 149 have some examples), but the very
slow development of this tool through the ages may well be, as
Kenney (68) suggests, one of the reasons why editing became a
science so late.
What other tools does the critic47 have?
(1) He ought to read many previous editions and commen-
taries. This piece of advice comes from Housman (CCP III
1197) who was usually reticent about his habits: "I have not
read the Thebais more than three times, nor ever with intent
care and interest; and although in putting these notes together I
have consulted a large number of editions . . . and the transla-
tions of. . ." (he lists sixteen editions and three translations)
"it may well be that profitable matter has escaped me ..."
47 The word
'critic,' of course, has different meanings, and perhaps this is
the place to tell a Housman anecdote preserved by G. H. Hardy, A
Mathematician's Apology (1967) 61f. (my friend and colleague David Spring
drew my attention to this great little book): "Exposition, criticism, apprecia-
tion is work for second-rate minds. I can remember arguing this point once in
one of the few serious conversations that I ever had with Housman. Housman,
in his Leslie Stephen lecture The Name and Nature of Poetry had denied very
emphatically that he was a 'critic'; but he had denied it in what seemed to me a
singularly perverse way, and had expressed an admiration for literary criticism
which startled and scandalized me.-He had begun with a quotation from his
inaugural lecture, delivered twenty-two years before-'Whether the faculty of
literary criticism is the best gift that Heaven has in its treasuries, I cannot say;
but Heaven seems to think so, for assuredly it is the gift most charily be-
stowed. Orators and poets . . ., if rare in comparison with blackberries, are
commoner than the return of Halley's comet: literary critics are less common
. .'-And he continued-'In these twenty-two years I have improved in some
respects and deteriorated in others, but I have not so much improved as to
become a literary critic, nor so much deteriorated as to fancy that I have
become one.'-It had seemed to me deplorable that a great scholar and a fine
poet should write like this, and, finding myself next to him in Hall a few weeks
later, I plunged in and said so. Did he really mean what he had said to be taken
seriously? Would the life of the best of critics really have seemed to him
comparable with that of a scholar and poet? We argued these questions all
through dinner, and I think that he finally agreed with me. I must not seem to
claim a dialectical triumph over a man who can no longer contradict me but
'Perhaps not entirely' was, in the end, his reply to the first question, and
'Probably no' to the second."
GEORG LUCK
THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
48
It is also a good ideal for an editor to translate the text he is editing, even if
he does not intend to publish his translation. Shackleton Bailey said this to me
years ago, and now his translations of Cicero's letters have acquired a status of
their own.