ISTORIJSKI ^ASOPIS

K. LXV
(2016)
UDC 93/94 YU ISSN 03500802

INSTITUTE OF HISTORY

HISTORICAL REVIEW
Vol. LXV
(2016)

Editorial board

Mihailo Vojvodi, Biljana Vueti, Neven Isailovi,

Jovanka Kali, Tatjana Kati, Angeliki Konstantakopoulou (Greece),
Giuseppe Motta (Italy), Konstantin Nikiforov (Russia), Ana Stoli,
Ilija Todev (Bulgaria), Lubomra Havlkov (Czech Republic)

Editorinchief

Sran Rudi, Ph.D.

Director of the Institute of History

BELGRADE
2016
 93/94 YU ISSN 03500802

K. LXV
(2016)

, , ,
, , (),
(), (), ,
(), ()

2016
 Ovaj broj Istorijskog ~asopisa
{tampan je uz finansijsku pomo}
,
Vlade Republike Srbije


:
15

35

Aleksandar Uzelac
THE PORT OF MAUROCASTRO, EMPEROR THEODORE
SVETOSLAV AND THE TATAR ELITE IN THE PONTIC STEPPES 45

61

:
79

(GETO)
(14261433) 101

(14431444) 113

XVIII .:
147

XVIII 159
 .

18381843. 183

205

18781879. 229

/
249

277

.
M
(18881889) 307

. , .

1889. 1892. 331

(18751903) 355

1912. 385

Giuseppe Motta
THE ECONOMY OF NATIONS. SOME REFLECTIONS ABOUT
THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC STATE POLICIES IN
SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR 403

(19181941) 425


Roberto Sciarrone
CONTRIBUTION OF ITALIAN NURSES
DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR 453

,
,
,
, 2015, 423 . ( ) 465

,
,
, ,
, 2015, 616 .
( ) 473

(19302012),
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, ,
2015, 250 .
( ) 481

,
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, 2016, 377 .
( ) 484

, XI XIII ,
, 2016, 466 .
( ) 488

,
, , 2015, 234 .
( ) 492

, . ,
, 2015, 318 .
( ) 494
 ,
, , 2015, 328 .
( ) 499

Aye Kayapnar, Le Sancak ottoman de Vidin du XVe la fin du XVIe sicle,

Les ditions Isis, Istanbul 2011, 538 pp.
( ) 503

Tadhg hAnnrachn, Catholic Europe 15921648: Centre and Peripheries,

Oxford University Press, Oxford 2015, 270 pp.
( ) 505

, :
(18151878), TOPY, 2015, 251 .
( ) 511

, ,
18681878, , 2015, 579 .
( ) 518

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(18601868), , 2015, 339 .
( . ) 522

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( ) 538
 19141918.

1315. 2014. , . ,
, 2015, 712 .
( ) 542

, , ,
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, 2015, 549 .
( ) 544

Meu nama: neispriane prie gej i lezbejskih ivota.

Zbornik radova, urednici Jelisaveta Blagojevi i Olga Dimitrijevi,
Hartefakt Fond, Beograd 2013, 454 str.
( ) 548

, , ,
, ,
, , 2015, 336 .
( ) 554

, ( 18801920)
1914. 1918,
, , ,
2015, 407 .
( ) 556

19031914. . IVII (42 ),

, 19802015, 30.145 .
( ) 562

/ LIRE LES ARCHIVES

DE LATHOS / READING THE ARCHIVES OF MOUNT ATHOS.
70 / Colloque ddi au 70e anniversaire de
la collection / Symposium dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the series Archives de
lAthos, Paris, 19452015, cole franaise
dAthnes ( . 70
Archives de lAthos, Paris, 19452015)
, , 1820. 2015.
( ) 575
UNITY AND DIVERSITY OF MEDIEVAL (CENTRAL) EUROPE, SOCIAL
ORDER AND ITS COHESIVE AND DISRUPTIVE FORCES. Second biannual
conference of MECERN (Medieval Central Europe Research Network) (
() .
)
, , 31. 2. 2016.
( ) 577

FIRST INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP ON COMPUTATIONAL LATIN

DIALECTOLOGY WCLD, Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian
Academy of Science, Etvs Lornd University Budapest
( ),
, , 78. 2016.
( ) 582

KANUNI SULTAN SLEYMANIN KAYIP MEZARININ ARATIRILMASI

( ),
,
, , 2526. 2016.
( ) 583

VISTA DAI BALCANI. LITALIA NELLE RELAZIONI INTERADRIATICHE, DAI

PRIMI DEL NOVECENTO ALLA GRANDE GUERRA, Universita degli studi di
Bari Aldo Moro, Departimento di studi umanistici (DISUM), Universita del
Salento, Dipartimento di storia, societa e studi sull`uomo
( :
),
, , 6. 2016.
( ) 586

GREAT RIVERS (ECOLOGICAL, HYDROMETEOROLOGICAL, ENERGY

SAFETY), 18th International Scientific & Industrial Forum / ICEF
( : , ),
18. ),
, , 1720. 2016.
( ) 587

STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE BALKANS BEFORE AND AFTER

ESTABLISHMENT OF OTTOMAN RULE, e ,
, Yunus Emre
( )
( ),
, , 2526. 2016.
( ) 589
 . ,
, ,

(The Balkan Village, Continuities and Changes Through History)
, , 1011. 2016.
( ) 598

DYNAMICS AND POLICIES OF PREJUDICE FROM THE EIGHTEENTH TO

THE TWENTYFIRST CENTURY, Sapienza University of Rome, Department of
Documental, LinguisticPhilological and Geographical Sciences
(
),
, , 2324. 2016.
( ) 599

23. ,
(AIEB),
(23rd International Congress of Byzantine studies),
, , 2227. 2016.
( ) 604

REINTERPRETING CITIES, 13th International Conference on Urban History,

European Association for urban History EAUH
( , 13.
)
, , 2427. 2016.
( ) 608

MARIA NOSTRA. THE SEA IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION

FROM ANTIQUITY TO MODERN TIMES, Institute of International Relations and
World History, Lobachevsky State University of Nizhni Novgorod (UNN)
( Maria nostra.
),
, 1314. 2016.
( ) 610

IN MEMORIAM

( ) 613
. ( . ) 617
. , ( ) 622

627
 CONTENTS

ARTICLES

Ivana Komatina
THE GREAT KINGDOM FROM THE BEGINNING: CORONATION OF
STEPHEN NEMANJI AND THE TRADITION OF THE DIOCLEAN
KINGDOM 15

35

,
45

Neboja Pori
USE OF THE TERM ROYAL GRACE IN SERBIAN MEDIEVAL
DOCUMENTS FOR THE CITIZENS OF DUBROVNIK 61

Marija Vasiljevi
GENEALOGIES BETWEEN HISTORY AND IDEOLOGY:
THE EXAMPLE OF THE ORIGIN OF PRINCESS MILICA 79

Desanka Kovaevi Koji

WAX HOUSE (GETO) IN DUBROVNIK ACCORDING TO TRADE
BOOKS OF KABUI BROTHERS (14261433) 101

Aleksandar Krsti
SERBIAN CITIES AND MARKET PLACES IN HUNGARIAN
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES FROM THE TIME OF THE
LONG CAMPAIGN (14431444) 113

XVIII :
147

Marina Mati
FIGHT FOR THE DIOCESE OF DALMATIA AND BOKA
IN XVIII CENTURY 159

Radomir J. Popovi
ACTIVITY OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN CONSUL IN SERBIA
GERASIM VASCHENKO 18381843. 183
 Jovana Blai Peji
ROSTISLAV FADEEV AND THE EASTERN QUESTION 205

Momir Samardi
AUSTRIANSERBIAN RELATIONS AND THE ISSUE
OF THE DRINA BORDER 18781879 229

Milan Guli
PRINCIPALITY/KINGDOM OF SERBIA AND THE QUESTION
OF ARRANGEMENT OF IRON GATES 249

Gordana Gari Petrovi

DEVELOPMENT OF POULTRY FARMING
IN THE KINGDOM OF SERBIA 277

Nedeljko V. Radosavljevi
CHURCHSCHOOL MUNICIPALITY IN MOSTAR AND CHANGES
ON THE HERZEGOVINA METROPOLITAN THRONE (18881889) 307

Miroslav D. Pei, Boica B. Mladenovi

FUNCTIONING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM IN THE KINGDOM
OF SERBIA FROM 1889 TO 1892 331

Alberto Becherelli
SERBIAN RISE IN THE BALKANS ACCORDING TO NOTES
OF ITALIAN DIPLOMATS AND MILITARY PERSONNEL (18751903) 355

Biljana Stoji
THE GREAT POWERS KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE CREATION
OF THE BALKAN ALLIANCE IN 1912 385

.

403

elko Brali
PEOPLES UNIVERSITIES IN VOJVODINA
BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS (19181941) 425

CONTRIBUTIONS 453
CRITICAL REVIEWS 465
REVIEW ARTICLES 473
ACADEMIC EVENTS 575
IN MEMORIAM 613
INSTRUCTIONS FOR CONTRIBUTORS 627
 , . LXV (2016) . 1534
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 1534
: 929.731:94(497.11)12

:

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*
ivana.komatina@iib.ac.rs
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...Eodem tempore Stephanus dominus Servie sive Rasie, qui mga iupanus
appellabatur, missis apochrisariis ad Romanm sedem impetravit ab Honorio summo
pontifice coronam regni. Direxit namque legatum a latere suo, qui veniens coronavit
eum primumque regem constituit terre sue..., homae archidiaconi Spalatensis
Historia Salonitanorum atque Spalatinorum pontificum, edd. O. Peri. D. Karbi, M.
Matijevi Sokol, J. Ross Sweeney, Budapest New York 2006, 162 (= homae
archidiaconi Historia). . , ?,
89 (2014) 78 (= , ).

16
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, rekom @it ~ v roukotvoreni emou
() manastr.6 ,
1218/1219. .

3
...Stestanus (!) quoque dominus Raxie et Servie, qui megadipanus (!) apelabatur,
dum neptem condam Henrici Dandulo ducis accepisset in coniugem, ex suasione
uxoris, abiecto scismate, per nuncios a papa optinuit ut regio titulo decoratus esset, et
per legatum cardinalem ad hoc missum, una cum coniuge coronati sunt...., ndreae
Danduli ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta, Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores XII, ed. L. A. Muratori, Milano 1728, 287 (= ndreae Danduli Chronica)
, .
4
( . , ),
1597. ., VIII,
.
, , ,
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17


, ,
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(.
). ()

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, (e`e zovet se veliko
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..post omnia haec arhiepiscopus dominus kir Sava, jussit convenire concilium omnium
in magno arhiepiscopato @it~, Stephano primocoronato ragi.... eo conventu fratrum
suum magnum Supanum honore et corona Regia coronavit, eique omnes officiales ad
obsequia regia costituit, , , 282.
8
, 248.
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.

18
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: ...
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,
....14 ,
.
III 1202.
, , (olim)
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, III 15. 1204,

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XII ,
XIII , ,

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.
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, 1204,
,

14
...Nos autem semper consideramus in vestigia sancte romane ecclesie, sicut bone
memorie pater meus, et preceptum sancte romane ecclesie semper custodire, et in
proximo legatos nostros vellemus transmittere ad sanctitatem vestram..., Theiner,
Monumenta Slavorum I, 6 C. ,
, 1997, 6566 , .
15
.. qualiter etsi olim ad instantiam eiusdem Meganipani disposuerimus legatum
nostrum mittere in Serviam, tandem tamen, voluntate tua plenius intellecta, a proposite
desistentes magnificentie tue duximus referendum, Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I,
1415.
16
...quod cum nobilis vir Stephanus Megaiuppanus Servie per honorabiles nuntios
nobis humiliter supplicaverit, ut in terram suam dirigeremus Legatum, qui eam ad
obedientiam ecclesie Romane reduceret, et regium sibi diadema conferret..., Theiner,
Monumenta Slavorum I, 36.

20
 :

.17
XIII
, ,
,
.
, , ,
, 1217.
, ,
. ,

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III,
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,
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(. ) . 1220.
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III, , ,
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.
17
Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 11, 1518, 2033, 3940 Innocentii III epp. I, PL
214, 825826, 11121118 II, PL 215, 155158, 277297, 551554 ,
I, 163164 I, 260270 (. ). III
, , 1198/1199, S. Runciman, A
History of Crusades. The Kingdom of Acre and the later Crusades III, Cambridge
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18
...missis apochrisariis ad Romanm sedem... Direxit namque legatum a latere suo,
qui veniens coronavit eum..., homae archidiaconi Historia, 162.
, : per nuncios ( . . .) a
papa optinuit, ut regio titulo decoratus esset, et per legatum cardinalem ad hoc missum,
una cum coniuge coronati sunt.... ndreae Danduli Chronica, 287.
21


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1217. .? ,
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. ,
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,

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,
.
19
, : Sanctissimo patri et domino Honorio,
romane sedis, ecclesie universali pontifici, Stephanus dei gratia totius Seruie, Dioclie,
Tribunie, Dalmatie atque Chulmie rex coronatus, inclinationem summe fidelitatis
constantia. Quemadmodum omnes christiani diligunt uos et honorant, et pro patre et
domino retinent, ita nos desideramus sancte romane ecclesie et vestri fidelem filium
nominari, affectans quod benedictio et confirmatio dei et vestra sit, si placet, super
coronam et terram nostram semper manifeste. Et ob hoc uobis nostrum episcopum
Metodium nomine destinamus, ut, quicquid ex uestri sanctitate et voluntate processerit,
nobis per latorem presentium litteris, si placet, rescribatis, F. Raki, Pismo
prvovienanoga kralja srbskoga Stjepana papi Honoriju III god. 1220, Starine JAZU
7 (1875) 5356 (= Raki, Pismo).
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28
 :

(illustris rex Dalmatie et Dioclie),

Dioclie atque Dalmatie rex, rex
1199. ,
1200.
Vulcani Dioclie regis illustris.52

1207. .53 ,

, .

?

. , . ,
rex,
, ,
. ,
III,

52
Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 57, 13.
53
..re Velcano, Chronica Ragusina Junii Resti (ab origine Urbis usque ad annum
1451) item Joannis Gundulae (14511484) ed. Sp. Nodilo, Zagreb 1893, 7475.

, 12021204,
(nobili viro W(ulcano), meganipano Servie, nobilis viri W(ulcani),
meganipani Servie, megajuppanus Servie, Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum
I, 1819, 34). ,
11961208, , , .
, , 8587,
e ,
1196.
, , , . .
, 1998, 158, 1190. ,

(), (Az veli xupan Nemana pustaiu
Splechiani dasi izlaze suobodno u moiu zemgliu i snami Rastachaiu u Humschu
zemgliu i snami Vlacha u Zetu, . , ,
3 (1955) 69.
a (...Georgio principe Dioclie, filio videlicet iupani Vlcanni...)
1242. .
, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae IV, ed. T.
Smiiklas, Zagrabiae 1906, 149150 , , 83, . 27.

29


.

,54
rex.

III
, 8. 1199.
. ,
,

.
, ,
. ,
, .55 ,
III,
,

54

,
,
,
, Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 56.
55

8. 1089. , III
.
, ,
, , , , , , ,
, crux gestatoria omne regnum Diocliae, Kehr,
Papsturkunden in Rom, 148149. ,
, , 140144. ,
(regnum Diocliae),
XI XII . ,
III
, 8. , 1199. . 1089. . Hac igitur
communi cura inducti precibusque fillii nostri Bodini regis Sclavorum gloriosissimi
inclinati..., Kehr, Papsturkunden in Rom, 148149, III
Hac itaque consideratione diligenter inducti et charissimi in Christo filii (Vulcani) illustris
regis Dalmatiae et Dioclie precibus inclinati... , CD II, 311 , ,
141, XIII .

30
 :

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,
I ,
XII .56
, ,

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.57
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, 1217. ,
XII XIII ,
,
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..po bo`ie milosti vn~ani prvi
kral..., , 1220. .,
rex coronatus.58 , ,
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,59

56
, , 194195.
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1208. 1242 , , 8891. ,
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rex Dioclie
,
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, 110 Raki, Pismo, 5356.
59
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31


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.

32
 :

Ivana Komatina

THE GREAT KINGDOM FROM THE BEGINNING:

CORONATION OF STEPHEN NEMANJI
AND THE TRADITION OF THE DIOCLEAN KINGDOM

Summary

Stephen Nemanji was crowned King of all Serbian and Maritime

Lands by the legate sent by Pope Honorius III, in the church of St. Peter and Paul
in Ras. We know these details thanks to the sources of Latin provenance: the
History of Thomas the Archdeacon and the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo.
Regarding the place of coronation, a later papal act from the 16th century reveals
that it was the church of St. Peter and Paul in Novi Pazar. However, in the
Serbian hagiographies dedicated to St. Sava, as well as in somewhat later
genealogies and annals, a different tradition was recorded. The hagiographers
of St. Sava, Domentijan and Teodosije, stated that Sava crowned Stephen king
in the ia Monastery, and according to them this occurred after the
establishment of the Serbian Archbishopric in 1218/1219. Although these
statements were rejected by scholars long ago, what awakens the attention of
researchers is that Domentijan, unlike Teodosije, did not conceal that the royal
crown was brought from Rome and that, according to him, Sava sent an epistle
to the then Pope. As Stephen repeatedly sought royal crown from the Pope since
1199 (first of the three missions), the paper raises the question as to what
mission and letter of Stephen could be the source for Domentijan when writing
about the mentioned epistle in the Life of St. Sava. Presumably, it was the second
mission of Stephen and the letter sent on that occasion in 1217 that could serve
Domentijan as a source for the story about the epistle, but unfortunately it was
not preserved, or the whole paragraph about the epistle in the Life of St. Sava is
just Domentijans construction. It is interesting that when speaking about the
mission to Rome sent to acquire the royal crown, Domentijan denotes bishop
Methodius as the bearer of the epistle, the more so because Methodius was
mentioned as the bearer in another letter, which Stephen sent to the Pope in
1220 (his third known mission to the Pope). However, the content of the letter
from 1220 is completely different from what Domentijan presents as a content
of the epistle, and above all in it Stephen titles himself as already a rex
coronatus. Domentijan was probably remembering the embassy to Rome in
1220, but as the coronation in his text happened only after the creation of the
Serbian Archbishopric, in order to exalt his teacher Sava as the one who

33


awarded the crown to Stephen, he attributed the role of the previous (second)
mission of 1217 to the later one (third mission) of 1220.
Domentijan among other things notes that Sava wanted to crown his
brother king after the first fatherland of their kingdom, the place called
Dioclea, which is called the great kingdom from the beginning. The
statement the great kingdom from the beginning is in scholarly works most
commonly identified with the Kingdom of Dioclea. In this way, the
coronation of Stephen would rely upon the tradition of the Kingdom of
Dioclea of the Serbian rulers Michael and Bodin from the eleventh century.
However, following the sources from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, which
typically reflect the title of the Serbian rulers of the time, it becomes clear that
the Kingdom of Dioclea did not exist, but it was the Serbian kingdom. After
all, neither Domentijan determined it in that way, either geographically or
ethnically. However, the Kingdom of Dioclea was created in the late twelfth
and early thirteenth century, and its creator, as the sources testify, was Vukan
Nemanji, who carried the title of rex Dioclie et Dalmatiae. Nevertheless, this
title was restricted to Dioclea and was not related to other Serbian lands. Vukan
himself wanted, with the help of King Emeric, to obtain the royal crown from
the Pope and become the King of Serbia. When Stephen finally got the royal
crown from Rome in 1217, he always emphasized that he was the first, the
crowned one, the firstcrowned king, and Vukans descendants were deprived
of any possibility to revive the tradition of his Kingdom of Dioclea. Therefore,
there is no doubt that the independent activity of Vukan in Dioclea could have
prompted Stephen to present himself before the Pope as the true successor to
the old royal tradition. On the other hand, Domentijan himself, who wrote the
Life of St. Sava during the reign of King Stephen Uro , and was instructed by
him, could also have intended, or even been obliged, to emphasize the
legitimacy of the Rascian rulers (who ruled from Rasa, not from Dioclea) in
this part of the Life, and even in the whole work, to mark him as the sole
sovereign Serbian king, and to make an ideological link between the Kingdom
of Stephen and the great kingdom from the beginning of Michael and Bodin.
Keywords: Stephen Nemanji, Domentijan, Sava Nemanji, Vukan Nemanji,
Innocent III, Honorius III, Dioclea, Kingdom of Dioclea, ia, coronation.

: 29. 01. 2016.

: 17. 07. 2016.

34
 , . LXV (2016) . 3543
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 3543
: 272762:94(=512.145)(=512.3)13

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:
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,
, ,
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, ,
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1.
,
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virisequisque@hotmail.com
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 153154.
5
G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 107.

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, 1314 1329 ,
,
. ,
, .
, 6.
,
7. ,
XXII 1321 1322
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, 10.

, . , ,
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 73 P. Pelliot, Notes sur lhistoire
de la Horde dor, 71, nota 3.
7
G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 171.
8
G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 210211 Acta Joannis XXII
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Baronii, 37 Vols., eds. O. Raynaldus, A. Theiner, BarriDucis 18641883, Vol. XXIV,
140141, 186, a. 1321, no. 1, a. 1322, no. 44 Bullarium Franciscanum Romanorum
Pontificum. Vol. V. Benedicti XI., Clementis V., Ioannis XXII. monumenta, ed. K. Eubel,
Romae 1898, 214, no. 450 Wadding L. Annales Minorum seu trium ordinum a S.
Francisco institutorum, 32 Vols., ed. J.M.R. da Fonseca, Quaracchi, Firenze, 19311954,
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 44, 178181 Vol. IV, 226
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, , , ,
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,
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,
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30 35 . ,
,

14.
,
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, 15.
,
.
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,
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,
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D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 98, nota 65.
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D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 99.
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D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 198.
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 62, 72, 267268, 272 Vol. III,
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 72 .. ,

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19.

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24
, 1360 1374 21.
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.
,
. ,

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A.C. Moule Textus duarum epistolarum Fr. Minorum Tartarie Aquilonaris an. 1323,
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21
Analecta Franciscana: sive chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam fratrum
minorum spectantia, Vol. III, Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum cum
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Firenze 1897, 515524.

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, ,
, .

.
, ,
.
,
,
, 22. ,
,
23. , ,
, ,
II
24. , 24
,
(

25) 1334 . , ,

26 ,
1334 .
,

27.
22
Analecta Franciscana, 522.
23
. , , 300 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D.
13251354, Vol. 2, eds. H.A.R. Gibb, C. Defremery, B.R. Sanguinetti, Cambridge
1962, 494 A.C. Moule, Textus duarum epistolarum, 110 . ,
, 99.
24
Uxor vero imperatoris Tartarorum eiusdem imperii, quae fuerat filia imperatoris
Graecorum, afflictionem audiens dicti fratris, eidem compatiens sibi ad comedendum
et bibendum transmisit Analecta Franciscana, 519.
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The Travels of Ibn Battuta, 498514.
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G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. IV, 245248 A. Van den Wyngaert,
Sinica Franciscana, Vol. I, Itinera et relationes fratrum minorum saeculi XIII et XIV,
Quaracchi, Firenze 1929, 501506 . , ,
XIII XIV ,
. , 2012, 6165.

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1334 , ,
, .
,
, ,
.
,
,
, ,
. ,
,
.
,
, .

.
, 50
, , , ,
.
,

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, ,
,

24 .
,
, , ,
1338 .

41


.


(Biblioteca biobibliografica
della Terra santa e dellOriente francescano). ,
,
.


(13131341).

,
. ,

.

.
,
(12671280)
.
,
.

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.

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,
, ,
.

42


: , ,
, ,
.

: 31. 01. 2016.

: 30. 06. 2016.

43
 , . LXV (2016) . 4559
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 4559
UDC: 94(497.2)(=512.145):929.731131

Aleksandar UZELAC*
Institute of History
Belgrade

THE PORT OF MAUROCASTRO, EMPEROR THEODORE

SVETOSLAV AND THE TATAR ELITE IN THE PONTIC STEPPES**

Abstract: The article is dedicated to the question of the disputed Bulgarian

rule over the Black sea port of Maurocastro at the beginning of the fourteenth century.
On the basis of relevant sources, it is concluded that Maurocastro was in Bulgarian
hands during 13141316. It has been argued that the establishment of Bulgarian rule
ensued as a consequence of internal dissensions in the lands of the Golden Horde that
followed the accession of Khan Mohammad Uzbek. A focus is placed also on the
relations between Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and influential Tatar nobles in the
western parts of the Pontic Steppes. A new hypothesis is proposed with respect to the
origin of empress Euphrosyne, the wife of Theodore Svetoslav.
Keywords: Maurocastro, Theodore Svetoslav, Bulgaria, Tatars, the Golden
Horde, Tokhta, Bulgarian Empress Euphrosyne, center periphery

One of the most disputed and vexed questions in late medieval

Bulgarian history is whether Emperor Theodore Svetoslav (13001322), and
under which circumstances, controlled the Black Sea port of Maurocastro
(Akkerman, BelgorodDnestrovskiy), situated at the mouth of the Dniester river.1
According to the interpretation formulated some nine decades ago by Romanian
*
aleksandar.uzelac@iib.ac.rs
*
This article derives from the namesake paper presented at the Third International
Congress of Bulgarian Studies, held at Sofia University in May 2013.
1
For the purpose of this text there is no need to delve into the question of existence of
the two fortresses on the banks of the Lower Dniester near modern Belgorod, situated
opposite to each other and named White and Black respectively, which could explain
the variations of the name of the city in Latin and oriental sources. See: R. VelussiIosipescu,
45
Aleksandar Uzelac

scholar Gh. Brtianu and frequently repeated thereafter, it was Tokhta (1291
1312/3), khan of the Golden Horde, who gave Maurocastro to the Bulgarian ruler,
along with the region between the Lower Danube and Dniester. It was allegedly
a sign of gratitude for the elimination of Chaka, the son of khans bitter enemy
Nogai (1300/1).2 Usually, it is assumed that Maurocastro stayed in Bulgarian
hands during the rule of Theodore Svetoslav.3 However, some historians
dismissed the earlier interpretations and completely rejected the possibility that the
city was under the control of the Empire of Tarnovo an example of such
viewpoint is a short and punctual analysis, carried out by A. Kuzev.4

Sources

Before giving a brief overview of the sources related to this

historiographical problem, we must emphasize that the issue itself has to be
considered from the perspective of the frontier area of the Golden Horde and
the Christian world, where the terms control or sway did not have the same
meaning when used in relation to the coastal towns and their hinterland.5

Cetatea Alb, Cetatea Neagr, Revista de Istorie Militar 34 (2012) 1824. (with
cited sources and bibliography).
2
Gh. Btianu, Les Bulgares Cetatea Alba (Akkerman) au dbut du XIVe sicle, Byzantion
2 (1926) 153168 Gh. Btianu, Recherches sur Vicina et Cetatea Alb, Bucharest
1935, 104119 (=Btianu, Recherches).
3
. , e e, o
2 (1929) 138139 . ,
, . 2, 11861393, 1989, 8788 . ,

XIIXIV .,
, . I, 1992, 63 I. Vasary, Cumans and
Tatars Oriental Military in the Prettoman Balkans 11851365, Cambridge 2005,
161162 (=Vasary, Cumans and Tatars) . ,
( , ,
V .), 2009, 3536. Some historians tried to extend
chronology of the Bulgarian rule to the larger part of the century, see for example
, III, ed. . , 1981, 299.
4
. , ?,

1 (1987) 101106 (=, ).
5
D. Deletant, Genoese, Tatars and Romanians at the Mouth of Danube in the Fourteenth
Century, The Slavonic and East European Review 62/4 (1984) 516, n. 24 (=Deletant,
Genoese, Tatars and Romanians).

46
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

Furthermore, as it was shown in the analysis of Kuzev, many sources on which

researchers relied to corroborate the Bulgarian rule, have to be dismissed due
to the wrong or inaccurate interpretation. Such is the case with the report of
Arabic geographer Abulfeda (Ismail AbulFida alHamawi, 12731331). He
wrote that the city of Akchakerman, that is Maurocastro, is situated in the lands
of Bulgars and Turks, i.e Tatars.6 However, in the work of the Arabic writer
the name Bulgars is consistently related to Volga Bulgars, while for their
Danubian counterparts, Abulfeda constantly employed the term Vlachs (al
awlak).7 The same may be said for many portolans and maps, originated in the
Italian and Maiorcan cartographical school of the fourteenth century. They
mark the name Bulgaria in the area north of the Danube,8 but not a single one
of them depicts Maurocastro as a Bulgarian port (quite the contrary, as it will
be shown further on).
nother proposed argument in favor of the hypothesis is a mention of
Belgorod among the Bulgarian and Wallachian places in a fifteenth century
Slavic text, called The list of far and nearby Russian cities (
).9 However, in this source, Belgorod is not
mentioned as a Bulgarian, but as a Wallachian city,10 which is obviously a
reminiscence of the Moldavian rule over the Black Sea port at the end of the
fourteenth century.11

6
Gographie dAboulfda: texte arabe publi daprs les manuscrits de Paris et de
Leyde, ed. P. Reynaud, II/1, Paris 1848, 317 (=Aboulfeda/Reinaud) .. ,
XIIIXIV . ,
, , 2009, 120 (=, ).
7
Aboulfeda/Reinaud, II/1, 288289, 316, 318 , , 113, 119.
8
. , XIIIXIV
, 4 (1975) 17, 20.
9
. ,
XIII XV , 2 (1984) 24.
10
, , , .
. , . , . , .
, . . , . .
. , . ,
. . . . .
. . . . . .
, .. , ,
1979, 94, 99.
11
Cf. . Ghiaa, Formations politiques au bas Danube et a la Mer Noire (fin du XIIe
XVe s.), Revue des tudes sudest europennes 24 (1986) 36 Deletant, Genoese, Ta
tars and Romanians, 526sq Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 164165.

47
Aleksandar Uzelac

Somewhat dubious evidence is recorded in the Franciscan tradition,

describing the martyrdom of friar Angelo of Spoleto in the city by Bulgarians
in 1314.12 Naturally, presence of Bulgarians in the city does not exclusively
signify their political control. Besides, there is a possibility that the perpetrators
were Bulgars settled from the Middle Volga region. It is striking that, according
to the words of Abulfeda, the inhabitants of the city were infidels, as well as
Muslems.13 Archaeological finds also point out to the existence of the
emigrants from the East in medieval Belgorod.14
Last, but certainly not least important testimony is a wellknown
decree of Genoese chancery of Gazaria, issued on March 22, 1316. The decree
forbade traders to go to Zagora (Bulgaria) whose emperor, despite the assurances
given to the commissioner Barnabas de Moniardino, refused to provide
compensation for the damage done in Mau[r]ocastro as well as elsewhere.15
The critics used the fact that the city is mentioned in the somewhat corrupted
form Mauocastro. They tried to identify the place with the port of Emona
(Emanocastro?), north of Mesembria (modern Nesebar),16 or with a small

12
Item, in Mauro Castro, frater Angelus de Spoleto, tunc custos fratrum, interemptus
est per Bulgaros, G. Golubovich, Biblioteca BioBibliografica della Terra Santa e
dellOriente Francescano, II, Quaracchi Firenze 1913, 72 . ,
XIII XIV ,
, edd. .. .. ,
2012, 39, 57 . , 1323 :
, ,
7 (2014) 91, 96.
13
Aboulfeda/Reinaud, II/1, 317 , , 120 J. Bromberg,
Toponymical and Historical Miscellanies on Medieval Dobrudja, Bessarabia and
MoldoWallachia, Byzantion 13 (1938) 6566 (=Bromberg, Miscellanies) I. Dujev,
Medioevo Bizantinoslavo, I, Roma 1965, 406413 (=Dujev, Medioevo Bizantino
slavo) , ,102.
14
.. , ( XIII XIV .),
1986, 20sq, 115116.
15
Deuetum de non eundo a Zagora: nobilis vir Bernabos de Monyardino ciuis Ianuae
abaxator... accessit pro parte dicti comunis ad dominum Fedixclauum Dei gracia im
peratorem et dominatorem Burgarie ad requirendum emendacionem de dampnis illac
tis Ianuensibus in terris subdictis dicto domino imperatori tam in Mauocastro quam
alibi., Monumenta historiae Patriae edita jussu regis Caroli Alberti, ed. L. Cibrario,
Augustae Taurinorum 1838, col. 382 rpdkori j okmnytr Codex diplomaticus
Arpadianus continuatus, ed. G. Wenzel, VIII, Pest 1870, 469.
16
. . , , .
. , 1978, 337, n. 12 , , 103104.

48
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

harbor of Mauro, situated south of Varna.17 These attempts are nothing but
conjectures, lacking solid ground, especially in the light of the fact that the
name of the city was frequently written in corrupted forms. Striking examples
are the forms Mauo Castro on the map of Angelino Dulcert (1339), and
Maocastro, recorded in the famous trading manual of Francesco Balducci
Pegolotti, written around 1340.18 According to one opinion, while there is no
doubt that the Genoese document refers to the port on the mouth of the
Dniester, it is possible that the Bulgarians who made damage to Genoese
traders were present there as a detachment under Tatar command.19 This
interpretation cannot be accepted either namely, the decree claims that the
damage was done in the lands subjected to the emperor of Zagora.
Therefore, the decree itself provides an indisputable indication that the
Bulgarian ruler held Maurocastro in 1316. If one takes into account the
martyrdom of Angelino of Spoleto as another sign of Bulgarian rule (or at least
their presence) in Maurocastro, it may be concluded that the city was indeed
in the hands of Theodore Svetoslav in the middle of the second decade of the
fourteenth century.

Role of Khan Tokhta

At the end of the thirteenth century, a civil war erupted in the Golden
Horde, between the young khan Tokhta and his older cousin Nogai, who ruled
the steppe region on the northern coasts of the Black Sea. Tokhta managed to
defeat and kill his opponent in late 1299. Afterwards, he made decisive steps
in order to establish direct control in the lands of his adversary. Tokhtas first
move was to invest his brother SaraiBuka at Nogais place, i.e. as the
commander of the western wing of the Golden Horde. After he joined forces
with Nogais youngest son Turai in an attempt to overthrow the central
government in Sarai which eventually led to their downfall (in 1301/02) the
khan decided to send two of his sons to the west. Older Ilbasar eventually took
the position enjoyed previously by SaraiBuka, while younger TukulBuka
17
Bromberg, Miscellanies, 64
18
. ,
, o 33 (1919)
1415 Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La pratica della mercatura, ed. A. Evans,
Cambridge MA 1936, 42 L. Rdvan, At Europes Borders. Medieval Towns in the Ro
manian Principalities, Leiden 2010, 473sq.
19
V. Spinei, Moldavia in the 11th 14th Centuries, Bucharest 1986, 124 (=Spinei, Moldavia).

49
Aleksandar Uzelac

established himself in Sakchi (modern Isaccea) on the [Lower] Danube and in

the lands stretching as far as the Iron Gates.20
Earlier scholarship has shown beyond doubt that during the first
decade of the fourteenth century, the left bank of the Danube remained under
Tatar direct control. The Tatar mint in Sakchi worked intermittently up to 711
A.H. (1311/12).21 At that time the monetary reform was carried out in the lands
of the Golden Horde,22 and according to one view, its reflection can be even
seen on coins minted in Bulgaria during the reign of Theodore Svetoslav.23
The Bulgarian ruler was elevated to the power with the Tatar support and he
remained loyal to Tokhta until the end of his reign. That the Empire of Tarnovo
remained part of the sphere of influence of the Golden Horde is recorded by
western,24 as well as Arabic contemporaries. The latter stated that all lands
from Caucasian Derbend and Khwarism to Constantinople had been under the
sway of Tokhta.25 Even the westernmost Bulgarian state the Principality of
Vidin that managed to secure its independence despite the aspirations of
Theodore Svetoslav, remained in the Tatar orbit. Its tributary status towards the
Tatars is recorded in a Latin anonymous contemporary source conventionally
titled Descriptio Europae Orientalis.26
Taking these circumstances into account, even if one accepts the
possibility that Tokhta would relinquish parts of his territories willingly, it is
not plausible to suppose that he would cede the basin of the Lower Dniester to

20
.. , , ,
. I, , 1884, 117, 161, 384
(Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri, Ibn Khaldun, = , I).
21
E. OberlnderTrnoveanu, Byzantinotartarica Le monnayage dans la zone des
bouches du Danube la fin du XIIIe et au commencement du XIVe sicle, Il Mar Nero:
Annali di archeologia e storia II, Roma 1996, 193.
22
.. , XII XV .,
1983, 6267.
23
. , IIIIV .,
2005, 104112.
24
P. Gautier Dalch, Une gographie provenant du milieu des marchands toscans
(dbut du XIVe sicle), in: idem, Lespace gographique au Moyen ge, Firenze 2013, 176.
25
, I, 197, 206, 447 (alMuffadal, alZahabi, alAssadi).
26
Sedes autem imperii dicti est apud Budinium [=Vidin], ciuitatem magnam. Imperatores
autem eiusdem imperii omnes uocantur Cysmani Vacillante autem vngaria tartari
preoccupauerunt dictum imperium et fecerunt eum sibi tributarium nunc seruit tartaris
sub tributo, Anonymi Descriptio Europae Orientalis: Imperium Constantinopolitanum,
Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Ruthenia, Ungaria, Polonia, Bohemia anno MCCCVIII
exarata, ed. O. Grka, Cracoviae 1916, 38, 3940.

50
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

his dependant, thereby breaking a direct link between the Danube delta and
Pontic steppes. Therefore, his role in the establishment of Bulgarian rule over
Maurocastro has to be dismissed.27 Another opinion, according to which joint
BulgarianTatar condominium was established in the region under the Tokhtas
auspices can hardly be accepted. It does not have any foundation in the sources
and represents nothing else than a conjecture in an attempt to reconcile two, at
first glance, contradictory, but chronologically simultaneous facts: Tatar rule
in Sakchi in the Danube Delta and Bulgarian control over Maurocastro to the
northeast. But do they really contradict each other? As it was pointed out,
Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro is documented in the time span of 13141316,
while Tokhta died as early as 712 A.H. (1312/13).28

Internal Dissensions in the Golden Horde

The accession to power of Tokhtas successor and nephew, Mohammad

Uzbek (13131341), was marked with strong internal dissensions in the Tatar
domains. Among the victims of the purge that the new ruler conducted, the
sources mention one of Tokhtas sons, numerous bakhshis and magicians
and one hundred and twenty influential members of the Tatar elite.29 Followed
by the bloody struggle in Sarai, the beginnings of the reign of Uzbek further led
to the disturbances in Western steppes, where two emirs Taz and Tonguz
conspired to overthrow him. According to Arabic writers Ibn Dukmk (1308
1388) and AlAyni (13601453), their discontent was caused by the religious
policies of the new khan and his adherence to the Islamic faith. Be that as it
may, the rebellion spread, but Uzbek eventually defeated and killed the
rebellious leaders, as well as other influential magnates who supported them.30
27
V. Ciocltan, Hegemonia hoardei de Aur la Dunrea de Jos (13011341), Revista
Istorica: Serie nou 5/1112 (1994) 1102sq , , 104.
28
, I, 174, 197, 206 (alBirzl, alMuffadal, alZahabi)
K , . III, , edd. ..
et al., 2006, .. , :
, 2010, 288, n. 185 (=, ).
29
, I, 197, 206 (alMuffadal, alZahabi) .. ,
, , . II,
, . . . .
. . , 1941, 100, 141 .. ,
, 1973, 103105.
30
, I, 323, 516. (Ibn Dukmk, AlAyni) D. DeWeese, Islamization and Native
Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tkles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic
Tradition, University Park PA 1994, 118, 120 , , 290, n. 193.
51
Aleksandar Uzelac

It is not precisely known how long Taz and Tonguz managed to hold the ground
against the central power, but it is conspicuous that khans mint in Azak was
opened in 1317 and numismatic finds suggest that Uzbek managed to establish
his control in the area between the Don and Dnieper at that time.31
Taz and Tonguz are not unknown historical figures. They played an
important role in the turbulent events that shaped political realities in the Pontic
Steppes at the end of the thirteenth century. Taz belonged to the group of Tatar
leaders who abandoned Tokhtas cause and defected to Nogai in 1297. He
married Nogais daughter Tugulja and thus became his soninlaw.32 After
1299, he joined his forces with Nogais emir Tonguz in order to overthrow
Chaka, who proclaimed himself khan after his fathers death. Being defeated,
they switched sides and joined Tokhta again. Since they were powerful enough
to rebel against central government in 1313, it may be supposed that the khan
bestowed them some possessions in the Western Steppes. A vivid testimony of
their activities in the PrutDniester interfluve is preserved in the two local
toponyms village and river Tazlu and settlement Tungujeni near Iai.33
The rebellion of Taz and Tonguz and indications of Bulgarian rule in
Maurocastro are referred to in the sources approximately at the same time. When
these circumstances are taken into account, the issue of Bulgarian control over
the Black Sea port can be discussed in a new light not only through the analysis
of the internal dissensions in the lands of the Golden Horde, but also of relations
between the Bulgarian emperor and the Tatar elite in Dashti Kipchak.

Ties between Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite

It is now time to turn our attention to the early years of the life of
Theodore Svetoslav, when he was also present in the lands north of the Danube.
It was usually supposed that the Bulgarian prince was a hostage, sent by his
father emperor George I Terter (12801292) to Nogai after 1285 however,
there are some indications that he was in fact a political refugee.34 Leaving the
31
.. , , 1 (1981)
239 . ,
, 1987, 21.
32
, I, 109 (Baybars alMansr).
33
V. Spinei, The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads North of the Danube Delta from
the Tenth to the MidThirteenth Century, Leiden Boston 2009, 320.
34
P. Diaconu, propos des soidisant monnaies de Jacob Sviatoslav, 12
(1995) 242256 . ,
XIII , 2015, 199204.

52
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

issue of his status aside, it should be noted that he was present in Chakas camp
after Nogais defeat, together with Taz and Tonguz. Consequently, the Bulgarian
prince must have maintained relations with influential Tatar leaders at the time.
As mentioned previously, Taz and Tonguz rebelled against Chaka as
soon as he proclaimed himself the new khan. Defeated in the pitched battle
which took place somewhere in the land of As (i.e. Alans, probably southern
Moldavia), they received help from Tokhta, who sent his brother Burluk with
an army to help the rebels.35 It turned out to be a decisive moment for Chaka,
who, faced with superior opponents, decided to cross the Danube and to secure
his new base with the help of Theodore Svetoslav. However, he was captured
and eventually murdered in the Bulgarian capital of Tarnovo by the newly
proclaimed Bulgarian emperor, who, as Arabic writers clearly state, acted on
Tokhtas orders.36 It seems quite logical to suppose that during these events
the contacts between Theodore Svetoslav and the khan in Sarai were conducted
via intermediaries, i.e. khans representatives in the lands north of the Danube:
his brother Burluk and renegades Taz and Tonguz.
Earlier, during his stay in Nogais lands, occurred yet another
important event in the life of Theodore Svetoslav. Byzantine historian
Pachymeres relates how the Bulgarian prince, finding himself in poverty, met
a certain prosperous merchant named Pantholeon. He eventually concluded a
marriage with the merchants granddaughter Euphrosyne, whose father was a
certain Mankous (), and whose godmother was the namesake
Byzantine princess and Nogais wife.37 Another testimony about this marriage
is recorded by Egyptian historian Baybars alMansr and repeated by his

35
, I, 116117 (Baybars alMansr).
36
, I, 117, 161 (Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri) Abulfedae Annales
Muslemici Arabice et Latine, ed. J. Reiske, V, Hafniae 1794, 176177. On these events
see: also Georges Pachymeres, Relations historiques, III, ed. A. Failler, Corpus fon
tium historiae Byzantinae XXIV/3, Paris 1999, 290293 (=Pachymeres/Failler) E. Oberlander
Trnoveanu, Numismatical Contributions to the History of SouthEastern Europe at the
End of the 13th Century, Revue Roumaine dHistoire 26 (1987) 245258 . ,

XIII XIV ., 5 (1994) 527534
. , ?, 12
(1999) 7175 Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 9496.
37
Pachymeres/Failler, III, 290291 A. Failler, Euphrosyne lepouse du tsar Thodore
Svetoslav, BZ 78 (1985) 9293 . , ,
, . .
, 1994, 177185 K. ,
(12801323), 2011, 105106 (=, ).

53
Aleksandar Uzelac

continuator alNuwayri according to them, the ruler of the Vlachs was

married with a cousin of Chaka.38 This information is often interpreted as the
reflection of marriage between Chaka and daughter of George I Terter (sister
of Theodore Svetoslav), also concluded after 1285. However, it needs to be
borne in mind that Baybars alMansr was wellinformed on the events in the
Pontic steppes and it is hard to conceive that he could have made such a
mistake.39 Consequently, if his testimony is accepted, it has to be concluded
that Euphrosyne, the first wife of Theodore Svetoslav, belonged to the highest
circle of steppe aristocracy and that she was related to Chaka (and Nogai).
As some researchers pointed out, the name of the brides father, recorded
by Pachymeres is just a grecisized form of a TurkicMongol name either
Mongke or Mangush.40 It would be futile to search for the person bearing either
of these names among Nogais nobles and military commanders, enumerated in
the works of Arabic writers. However, there is one man whose personal name can
be at least remotely connected to the father of the Bulgarian empress mentioned
by Pachymeres and who was also related to Nogai and Chaka. It was a certain
Manjuk/Munjuk (), for whom nothing is known, but the name and the fact
that he was the father of Nogais soninlaw none other than Taz.41
Euphrosyne, the wife of Theodore Svetoslav and mother of the last
descendant of the Terter dynasty George II (13221323) was remembered as
a pious empress in Bulgarian tradition.42 Baptized on the court of Nogai, by his
Greek wife, she was undoubtedly of Tatar or halfTatar origin and his relative,43
38
, I, 117, 161 (Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri).
39
Credibility of the report of Egyptian historian is accepted by , ,
109110. Possible source of information of Baybars alMansr is disccussed in: .. ,

XIII XIV ,
4 (2015) 2953.
40
Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica Die Byzantinischen Quellen Der Geschichte
Der Trkvlker, II, Leiden 1983, 179 Pachymeres/Failler, III, 291, n. 83 ,
, 226.
41
, I, 109, 323 (Baybars alMansr, Ibn Dukmk). The man of the same
name is mentioned among Tokhtas noyons in 1299, but whether he was the same person
as the father of Taz, remains unclear, cf. , I, 113 (Baybars alMansr).
42
. , ,
4 (1915) 222, 226 , ed. .. ,
1928, 88.
43
Pantholeon, Euphrosynes grandfather by maternal side was Christian, but his ethnicity
is not known. Considering numerous examples of Christianized Cumans and Tatars in
the Black Sea ports, it is not certain that he was Greek or Genoese, as some historians
supposed. However, it is possible that he is also mentioned in a Genoese document
54
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

but probably not by blood. As we have seen, there is a strong possibility that
she was in fact a daughter of Manjuk, and (half?) sister of the influential Tatar
noble Taz who was Nogais soninlaw and leader of the rebellion against khan
Uzbek after 1313. The hypothesis, based on the genealogical material
preserved in sources and the identification Mankous Manjuk also presents a
conjecture, but one that is not without foundation. Moreover, the possible
origin of Euphrosyne could explain the Bulgarian activities at the mouth of the
Dniester and ties between Theodore Svetoslav and local Tatar elite in the
Western Steppes in the middle of the second decade of the fourteenth century.
What is certain, it should be taken into account in the future studies of the
BulgarianTatar relations and political conditions in the Western steppes during
this turbulent era.

Restoration of the Tatar Sphere of Influence

Even if one disregards the previously emphasized possibility about the

relationship between Theodore Svetoslav and Taz, it is evident that the
establishment of the Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro did not have anything in
common with an allegedly benevolent attitude of khan Tokhta. It did not take
place in Tokhtas lifetime, but during the struggle between the center and the
periphery in the lands of the Golden Horde that followed the khans death, i.e.
at the time of the rebellion of Taz and Tonguz against the central power in Sarai.
Moreover, it is certain that, like the conflict between the khan Uzbek
and the Tatar separatist leaders, the Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro also proved
to be shortlived. Even before the end of the reign of Theodore Svetoslav, the
port was again under the Tatar control. Conspicuously, as early as in 1318, a
bull of Pope John XXII, determining the domains of the bishop of Kaffa in
Tatar lands (ad partes Tartarorum), stated that they stretched from Varna in
Bulgaria to Sarai (a villa de Varia in Bulgaria usque Saray inclusive in
longitudine).44 In a document from 1323, containing the list of franciscan
monasteries in the lands of Northern Tartars, those in Maurocastro and

dating from 1281, where financial activities of certain Pantaleo de Vicina are mentioned,
Brtianu, Recherches, 48, 173 V. Ciocltan, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade in the
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, trans. S. Willcocks, Leiden Boston 2012, 260.
44
L. Waddingus, Annales minorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum,
VI, Romae 1783, 549 Caesaris Baronii Annales ecclesiastici denuo excusi et ad no
stra usque tempora perducti, ed. A. Theiner, XXIV, Romae 1871, 187 Dujev, Me
dioevo Bizantinoslavo, 404 Spinei, Moldavia, 124125.

55
Aleksandar Uzelac

Vichina are recorded.45 Arabic writer alUmari enumerates Tuna (Danube) and
Torlu (Dnieper) among the rivers that flow through the Khanate of Kipchak,
stating in addition that Akchakerman was one of the Tatar cities.46 Further
evidence of the restoration of Tatar rule can be found on contemporary maps
of Italian and Majorcan cartographical school it is not accidental that on the
map of Pietro Vesconte (1321) and mappamundi of Angelino Dulcert banners
with Mongol tamghas stand above Maurocastro. There is no need to delve
further into records of direct Tatar rule over Maurocastro and the Danube delta
during the later part of the Uzbeks reign. It will be sufficient to note that from
1321 onwards the Empire of Tarnovo was firmly under the sway of khan
Uzbek. Restoration of the central power of the Golden Horde on the fringes of
the western steppes signalled the beginning of a new era of the Tatar expansion
towards the Balkans.47 For the next two decades, BulgarianTatar relations
were strengthened and the Golden Horde again assumed the dominant political
and military role in Southeastern Europe.

45
In Tartaria Aquilonari fratres minores habent monasteria immobilia 18, in civitatibus
et villis infra scriptis, videlicet: in vicina iuxta danubin. In Mauro Castro. In Cersona,
Brtianu, Recherches, 57 Spinei, Moldavia, 125 . . ,
XIV .,
4 (2007) 187.
46
, I, 236237 (alUmari).
47
Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri IV, I, ed. L. Schopen, Bonnae
1828, 188189 . Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins The Foreign Policy of
Andronicus II 12821328, CambridgeMassachusets 1972, 281 Vasary, Cumans and
Tatars, 123.

56
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

MAUROCASTRO,
Map of Pietro Vesconte (1321)

57
Aleksandar Uzelac

MAUROCASTRO (MAUO CASTRO),

map of Angelino Dulcert (1339)

58
The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

XIV .
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Neboja Pori

USE OF THE TERM ROYAL GRACE

IN SERBIAN MEDIEVAL DOCUMENTS
FOR THE CITIZENS OF DUBROVNIK

Summary

The term royal grace (milost) in Serbian medieval documents has been
found to denote a rulers action performed to reward his faithful subjects.
Although researchers have attributed its origin to Byzantine influence, the
chronology and patterns of its use indicate that it was probably adopted from the
Latin West. Its use to describe royal actions in favor of Dubrovnik, a political
entity outside the Serbian state, resulted from close and complex relations between
the two parties. First attested around 1240 in a document dealing with possession
of land along the border by Dubrovnik nobles, it became firmly established in
treaties regulating true international issues during the second half of the 13th
century, when changes in mutual relations enabled Serbian rulers from the mighty
Nemanji dynasty to present themselves as hierarchically senior to the Dubrovnik
commune. After that, the term was regularly used by the Nemanjis both in treaties
with the commune and in quittances settling business arrangements between the
Serbian rulers and individual Dubrovnik citizens, most often in the form of the
dispositive verbal phrase stvoriti milost (to create grace). However, among the
much less powerful regional lords of the postNemanji period, its use is limited
to documents of the Bali family (inconsistently) and of Prince Lazar and his
successors. Rulers of the consolidated Serbian state (the Despotate), formed in
the early 15th century, again applied it regularly in treaties, but not in quittances,
probably due to incompatibility with the form of that document type.
Keywords: Serbia, Dubrovnik, Middle Ages, royal grace, Nemanjis, regional
lords, despots, treaties, quittances.

: 30. 04. 2016.

: 01. 07. 2016.

77
 , . LXV (2016) . 7999
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 7999
: 929.52:929.731(497.11)13/14

:
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marijavasiljevic27@gmail.com
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1
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srodnic carv di nekogo vlmo`a. I ta roda
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mi gospod i t()c, i prdd i htitr Smna i Sav, bl(a)govrni
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97


Marija Vasiljevi

GENEALOGIES BETWEEN HISTORY AND IDEOLOGY:

THE EXAMPLE OF THE ORIGIN OF PRINCESS MILICA

Summary

Medieval genealogies were written with the intention to present

specific familys or persons origin. They illustrate the need to legitimize their
hold on power or the aim to acquire it, and to demonstrate that the achieved or
desired authority is legal. This paper explores the use of genealogies in the
political life of late medieval Serbian lands. The case in question is that of the
wife of prince Lazar, Milica, who is presented as a descendant of prince Vukan,
the eldest son of the Serbian rulersaint, Stefan Nemanja. The analysis is
conducted by comparing all of the sources that refer to Milicas ancestry. The
research shows that the available information can be divided into two groups: one
where unspecified kinship with the Nemanji dynasty is mentioned and the other
where the VukanMilica lineage is clearly stated. Various sources, ranging from
stemmachronicles, liturgical texts and one charter issued by Milicas son, despot
Stefan Lazarevi, belong to the first group. Moreover, all of them were written
during the life of the princess, or very shortly after her death.
The first genealogy that notes the VukanMilica lineage is found in
the Life of despot Stefan Lazarevi, written by Constantine of Kostenets at the
time of despot Stefans nephew and successor ura Brankovi. This political
and unconventional hagiography is marked by rewriting and reinterpretation of
certain parts of the despots life. With this questionable approach to the past,
the author presents a genealogy of despot Stefan. Emperor Constantine the
Great becomes an ancestor of the Nemanji dynasty and, through the Vukan
Milica lineage, of the despot himself. This falsified genealogy belongs to the
type of lay genealogies, characterized by ideological attitudes and loose
attachment to the historical truth. Even though the main branch of the
Nemanjis is presented correctly, it is not possible to accept the lineage in
question without confirmation from other sources. Yet, the other sources do not
repeat it. Afterward, the lineage is often distorted and the aim to unite all the
prominent figures of medieval times in a single family tree is quite noticeable.
Consequently, genealogies become filled with further fabrications. Later on,
they are interpolated in other historiographical genres, one stemmachronicle
from the 16th and chronicles from the 16th and 17th century.

98
 :

In the end, although the VukanMilica lineage cannot be accepted from

the methodological point of view, with the current state of the sources it is not
possible to offer an alternative version of family relations between the princess
and the Nemanji dynasty. It could be argued that the success of the one we
find in the Life of despot Stefan lies in the absence of living protagonists of the
genealogy, an appropriate number of inserted personalities and the convenience
of its narrative for despot ura Brankovi and his successors.
Keywords: Middle Ages, genealogies, VukanMilica lineage, grid of perception.

: 13. 04. 2016.

: 03. 07. 2016.

99
 , . LXV (2016) . 101111
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 101111
: 339.1(497.5)14:638.17

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Squaro, fol. 7
In Christo 1427 a di 30 mago

mesi a cholar di era chruda trasi del (geto) di era fina

in. m.4 L. 812
L. 874 a pp. 21 go. 4 C. pp. 186 go. 8
L. 180 bree pp. 3 go. 6
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per aseto bastasi peso pp. 2 go. 0
per doana del geto pp. 4 go. 5
S. pp. 196 go. 7

17
Della mercatura et del mercante perfetto, Libri quattro di M. Benedetto Cotrugli,
Raugeo. O trgovini i savrenom trgovcu, etiri knjige gospara Bene Kotruljia
Dubrovanina, reprint izdanje sa prevodom . Muljaia i pogovorom A. Runjia,
Dubrovnik 1989, 192193.
18
. , (Caboga), 56, 6. VI 1428
20, 6. VI 1428 58, 16. VII 1428 59, 24. VII 1428 61, 16. IX 1428 64, 18. X 1428.
19
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 7, 30. V 1427.

105


mesi a cholar
di era cruda, ,
.

, . ,
, .
, bree (),
doana del geto ()
.
.
, .
er crude, , ,
er
fina (trato di era fina del geto, di era fina). ,
er crude pagato per geto
. , , (doana del geto),
doana del geto pagato per
geto.20 (doane), (pagato per geto)
.
,
. .21
officiales del geto.22
,

, .
ser Jacob di Prodanello
,
. ser Gugno di Crieva.23
Piercho ,uliar,
, .
Piercho in pegno ( ) una gonela,
20
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 6`, 24. V 1427 28. V 1427 fol. 97, 18. XI 1429 3.
XII 1429 fol. 31`, 17. V 1430 28. V 1430 fol. 122, 12. X 1430 21. X 1430.
pagato del geto .
21
.
22
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 71, 16. III 1429.
23
Hofiiales del geto ser Gugno di Crieva
. Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 11, 1. VIII 1427 fol. 21, 21. XII 1427 .
, (Caboga), 4. III 1432.

106
 (GETO) (14261433)

.24
, , .
, tara (tarra), .
,
ser Jacob di Prodanello.
, ,
, tare (pagato per peso di
tare rason a di 13 hotubio 1427).25 , tari,
, , ,
.26

Squaro,fol. 55
In Christo amen 1428 a di 28 hotubrio

ser Jachomo di Prodanelo die ser Jacomo di Prodanelo die aver per (L.) 1295
dar duc. 95/18 tarra L. 21 resta L. 1274 a duc. 71/2 duc. 95 go. 18

. , (Caboga) . 64

4 novembrio 1428
era fina die dar a di 4 deto, per chasa die aver chonpria di ser Jacobo di Prodan(elo)
L. 1274 a duc. 71/2go. 1C, monta m.6 duc. 96

tara
. , ,
.

. ,
.
ere crude
,
. , ere crude
,
,
, .27
24
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 30, 4. V 1428.
Giucho Marcchoouich, .
25
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 17, 6. X 1427.
26
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 55, 28. X 1428. . ,
(Caboga), 64, fol. 30`, 4. XI 1428.
27
. , (Caboga), 38, 30. V 1427.
107


Squaro, fol. 7
In Christo 1427 a di 30 mago
mesi a cholar di era chruda trasi del (geto) di era fina in.
m.4 L. 812
L. 874 a pp. 21 go. 4 C. pp. 186 go. 8
L. 180 bree pp. 3 go. 6
fo di fondi L. 136 pp. go.
per aseto bastasi peso pp. 2 go. 0
per doana del geto pp. 4 go. 5
S. pp. 196 go. 7

. , (Caboga), 38.

Kal. 1427 a di 4 gugno

13 era chruda die dar a di 4 gugno, per

chasa die aver chompria di piu
L. 874 a pp. 21 go.4C. pp. 186 go. 8
L. 180 di bree pp. 3 go. 6
L. 136 fondi pp. 00 go. 0
per aseto bastasi peso pp. 02 go. 0
per doana del geto pp. 4 go. 6

20 S. pp. 196 go. 8 val a go. 341/2 duc. 68 go. 14

,

er crud ( ) er fin.
era fin ,

.
, (, , ,
) ,
. ,
.

***

,
(geto)

108
 (GETO) (14261433)

. , officiales
geto ,
. ,
,
.28

(geto), , (laboranti)
(bastasi).
(legni).

.29
25. 1333.
domus cere cum geto ,
, dicto officio
.30 .
,
maestro Domengo
17 .31 Maistro, ,
1428.32 .
maistr, , 1430. .33 ,
maistri ,
.
geta,
. (Milut, Milat).
,
.
(per 2 gornate) .34
Mo ,
3 pp. 4go, (per
legni a Milat, per legni a Milut), .35

28
23 24.
29
22, 31, 34, 36.
30
15.
31
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 56, 10, XI 1428.
32
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol.33`, 6. VI 1428.
33
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 122, 12. X 1430.
34
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 111, 6. IV 1430 Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 114,
24. V 1430.
35
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 135, 7. IV 1431.

109


(lavoranti).
,
.36 (2
volte).37 ,
, .
(lavoranti), bastasi ().
.38
,
bastasi del geto.
(per bever).39

***

(geto).

.
, (era fina)
,
, .

36
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol.17, 6. X 1427 (7 pp. 8 go.) fol. 87, 16.VII 1429 (1
pp. 4 go.).
37
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol.103, 2. I 1430.
38
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 18, 28. X 1427 fol 36, 10. IV 1428 fol. 27, 14. II
1428 fol. 87, 16. VII 1429 fol. 83, 4. VII 1429.
39
Libro di negozio, Squaro, fol. 1, 26. II 1428.

110
 (GETO) (14261433)

Desanka Kovaevi Koji

WAX HOUSE (GETO) IN DUBROVNIK ACCORDING TO TRADE

BOOKS OF KABUI BROTHERS (14261433)

Summary

The wax house (geto) was processing crude wax (er cruda) into fine
wax (er fin). Particularly important for the examination of this process and
operational organisation of the wax house (geto) are the Trade Books of the
Kabui Brothers (14261433), i.e. their Sqaro (Reminder) which has not been
published, unlike the Diary and the General Ledger.
Each item of er cruda is accompanied with all elements relating to
its processing (carrier costs, waste, a percentage for customs dohana del
geto). To the right, in the second part of the same er crud item, the quantity
of er fin obtained by purifying er crud is expressed. This process lasted
most often from four to nine days.
Two officiales, appointed from the ranks of nobility by the Dubrovnik
government performed administrative activities, made payments to employees
and collected mandatory customs (dohana del geto). Of other staff, there were
primarily maistori, as well as numerous workers (lavoranti) and carriers
(bastasi). They all worked for compensation.
Based on Squaro, new knowledge is obtained about this important
institution in Dubrovniks economic life. The importance of such knowledge
is all the more important as fine wax (er fin) obtained through processing
in the wax house was after precious metals, the main item of export, from
Serbia and Bosnia through Dubrovnik to foreign markets.
Keywords: wax house (geto), crude wax (era cruda), fine wax (era fina),
Squaro (Reminder), Trade Books of the Kabui Brothers (14261433), Kabui
brothers, Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik government, customs (dohana del geto), officiales,
expert staff (maistori), other staff (lavoranti, bastasi).

: 15. 04. 2016.

: 28. 06. 2016.

111
 , . LXV (2016) . 113146
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 113146
: 911.375.3(497.11) 144
355.48(439)144
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, 3.
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8. 1443. ,
(in descensu regali scaronensi, octavo
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35
,
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, ,
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37
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ad quandam civitatem vocatam Nysam in introitu Bulgarie,
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, ,
,
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1443.
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chiamata Nissa, e appresso il luogo della rotta predetta),
3.

.39 a
6. 1444. ,
, 3. 1443. ,
,
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(post captam ipsam Nysam civitatem)
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144
 (14431444)

Aleksandar Krsti

SERBIAN CITIES AND MARKET PLACES

IN HUNGARIAN DOCUMENTARY SOURCES
FROM THE TIME OF THE LONG CAMPAIGN (14431444)

Summary

This paper discusses the data on the cities, towns and market places at
the territory of present day Serbia, which are preserved in the Hungarian
documentary sources from the time of the Long campaign (14431444).
Some of the cities were mentioned in the reports from the battlefield (like
Belgrade and Ni), but the most of settlements were recorded as the places of
issuing of charters and letters of King Wladislas I Jagiello, Voivode John
Hunyadi and Cardinal Julian Cesarini (Belgrade, Bo/l/van, Ni, Pirot,
Prokuplje, Kruevac). Although many of these data has been used in
historiography for a long time, there are also some which have not been known,
and some toponyms are incorrectly identified. Thus it was not known that the
king of Hungary issued charters in Nekudim near Smedrevska Palanka and
abar near Topola in January 1444. Nekudim was one of the residencies of the
Serbian despots, and abar was also mentioned as the market place in the first
Ottoman census book (defter) of the Smeredevo sancak in 1476/1477. In some
historiographical works concerning the Long campaign it was wrongly
considered that the kings charter from Nekudim was issued in Jagodina in the
Morava valley. Also, the author expressed his doubts that the toponym
Szanock, recorded as the place of publication of one Polish charter of King
Wladislas, refers to the village avac (medieval ave) in the valley of the
Velika Morava, either to the village anac on the Zapadna Morava next to
Kruevac, or any other place in Serbia. It is more likely that the document was
issued by the royal chancery in the city of Sanok in Poland. New data
concerning the charters of King Wladislas I issued in or near Belgrade, Ni
and Kruevac, and which have not been known in the Serbian historiography,
are also presented. At the same time, the author tried to correct some
inaccuracies in the earlier literature related to certain events (for example, the
analyses of the sources shows that the Hunyadis battle with the Ottomans from
November 3, 1443, was nt fought near the village Aleksinac, but took place
in the vicinity of the city of Ni). The new data from the Hungarian
documentary sources makes it possible to determine more accurately the
direction and time of movement of the Crusader army at certain road sections

145


in Serbia, both in its progression in the fall and early winter of 1443, and during
its retreat in January 1444. This source material, though scarce, improves our
knowledge of the Serbian cities, towns and market places in the late Middle
Ages and of the network of medieval roads in the territory of Serbia. Also,
considering the nomenclature of settlements used in the Hungarian sources of
this period, the author tried to point out how the crusade leaders saw and
perceived Serbian urban settlements through which they passed.
Keywords: Wladislas I (III) Jagiello, ura Brankovi, John Hunyadi,
Belgrade, Bovan, Ni, Pirot, Prokuplje, Kruevac, Nekudim, abare.

: 29. 04. 2016.

: 25. 08. 2016.

146
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THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 147158
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THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 159182
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del Rito Greco Savatia dessercitar atti di giurisdizione nella Diocesi stessa, e introdursi
nel Paese, sar altrettanto ben impiegata la vostra non mai intermessa avvertenza ai suoi
passi, et andamenti).
19
, , . 8711/XXII/6 (Seguita la renuncia si Mons. Nico Dimov
Bussovich che esercitava lamministratore spirituale del Rito Greco in cotesti Conventi
e giunte le Patenti del nostro Patriarca con le quali ingiunge alla mia debolezza la cura
pastorale delli medesimi in luoco del preacennato renunciato...).
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ASV (Archivio di Stato di Venezia) SDRE (Senato Deliberazion Roma Expulsis),
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credito, gratto, et accetto a Popoli sar agevole col lui mezzo dimprimerle la
conveniente moderatione, riconoscer, e svelar gli abusi, io crederei consentaneo che
venga loro assentito il Prelato di Rito Greco, gi chanco tanto lo bramano, e lo
sospirano. Chin mancanza dallordinario in Prov.a:, quelli, che aspirano al Sacerdotio,
passano nei Paesi Ottomani Cesarei, per ricevere gli ordini e limpressione del sacro
carattere, et oltril dannaro chofferiscono a quei Vescovi, si fanno in certo modo loro
dippendenti....)
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1743. 1745. , 1759 [M. CrniPejovi, Popis kapetana,
sua i kancelijera topaljske optine za period 17191759. godina, Boka 9 (1977) 385].
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() 14. 1718.
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(Al molto Reverendo Sign. Cap. Vukovoi Vukov e Sud. della Comunit fedel di Topla
territorio di Castel Novo
E proprio riconosciamo dal di li buon cuore della lettera di Sign Protopop Demetrie
Greco, il quale anche in addesso oppera in Venezia per li nostri affari tendenti al
Vescovo, nella quale vediamo quanto vive la Communit anco a noi separatemente
come hanno rispost li Sindaci e Inquisitori di Dalmazia e dAlbania al Ecc.mo Senato,
linformazione che mi ha ricercato per il nostro Vescovo occorentemente al nostro
popolo Slavo di rito, che vadi di nuovo per mandatario il Sign. Mircovich vostro
collega, il quale diede principio in tal affare, e che lui abbia anco a finire perch senza
di lui non si pu finire niente e che noi diamo il nome del Sacerdote nostro che
credessimo che posui esercitare il Vescovato e per ci abbiamo scelto due nomi il
Rever. Padre Proto Singel Partenije Pavlovic ed il Reverendissimo Proto Singel
Nectraie Casmanov Lucich che tutti due religiosi iluminati di questo Monastero di
Savina quale potrebbero esser Vescovi e tutti due esercitano li propri religiosi doveri
come comanda la Chiesa secondo i voleri di Dio, e fedelt del Protopop e pi li
comandi della nostra onorata Comunit in adesso esaminate e guardate cosa sar per
meglio in quanto alle spese, fra tanto vi diamo le nomi e si affiliamo da parte di tutti li
fratelli del Monastero nostro, in questo modo che nesun di uno de due nomi per elegersi
Vescovo quello che le pare a lei, noi sborseremo tutte quelle spese che avr per
incontrare sino al compimento di quanto desideriamo, sar subito esborsato come abbiamo

174
 XVIII

10. 1750. (. 2).85

, :
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, ,
,

.86
,
, .87
,
,
.
,
174849,
.88 ,
(30.
1749), ,
.89
,
.
, 4. 1750,

scritto a Marco Mircovich con la lettera 17giugno1746 e ogni volta mandasse il

Sign. Marco Mircovich una cambiale con la lettera a Ducale che subito sar contata
quanto fosse speso e delli due che fossero eletti che debano suplire tutto quello che sar
di spesa per tal affare e se non rester per Vescovo uno delli due nessuno di noi
intendiamo, ne possiamo spender niente pi a quello che abbiamo speso, e noi e voi
sino ad ora e ne a noi sia rimborsato subito da quello che rester eletto e se fosse
qualche altro che riprenda cura da se, e che spendi del suo, e per magior forza, e validit
ci sottoscriviamo e sigilliamo col sigillo del Monastero, con che restiamo tutti della
Comunit augurandovi del bene con lonorate vostre e quelle di Savina nel territorio
di Castel Novo.
Adi: 15 Aprile 1750
Arsenie Milutinovich Iguman con li fratelli, lo Diacon Steffano Abramovich
sottoscritto per il Padre Iguman con suo ordine, essendogli incomodata la mano.)
85
, .
86
.
87
.
88
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1749. , 16 (2005) 91.
89
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175


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XVIII
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, :
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. . ,
(17511757 1769),
200 (17691969), 1970, 33.
91
. , ,
44 (1935) 5051.
92
. , ,
(1929) 8.
93
. , . , 320321.
94
. , , 1864
(1864) 154156.
95
. , , 1869 (1869)
135138. , , 22. 1754,
(. , . , 142143).
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( . ),
( ), 1753/111.
97
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 XVIII

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(1797),
(1785101, 17956102), .

98
, 1775,

. ,

. ( ,
,
, ...). ,
[. ,
, 1868 (1868) 135].
99
. , , 1862
(1862) 145151.
100
, ,

,
(17681774) [G. Novak, Dalmacija
god. 1775/6 gledana oima jednog suvremenika, Starine JAZU 49 (1959) 21].
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. , , 1870
1 (1871) 131132.
102
. , . (1868) 138139.

177


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, 15. 1750.

178
 XVIII

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, 10. 1750.

180
 XVIII

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, 10. 1750. ()

181


Marina Mati

FIGHT FOR THE DIOCESE OF DALMATIA AND BOKA

IN XVIII CENTURY

Summary

The text deals with the attempts of Orthodox Christian Serbs in

Dalmatia and Boka to obtain the right to have a bishop for these areas in the
XVIII century, under Venetian rule. The Savina Monastery was an important
stronghold of the fight, as well as a religious, political and spiritual center of
Orthodox Serbs in the XVIIIcentury Boka, at the time when there was neither
a state nor church organization there. Bishops Savatije and Stefan Ljubibrati
were active within the Monastery and persistently attempted to solve the issue
of the Bishop of Dalmatia and Boka. Entrepreneurial priors of Savina, above all
Archimandrite Leontije Rajovi and Prior Arsenije Milutinovi, would later
continue to fight for the same cause. A large repository of unpublished Venetian
XVIIIcentury archive material, most of it stored in the Archive of HercegNovi
and Archive of the Savina Monastery, enabled us to complete the answers to
many questions about this subject, to shed light on the roles of the mentioned
persons, as well as to eliminate certain doubts and inaccuracies.
Keywords: Savina Monastery, XVIII century, Boka Kotorska, Diocese of
Dalmatia and Boka, Venetian rule, jurisdiction.

: 13. 04. 2016.

: 13. 07. 2016.

182
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THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 183204
: 341.78(470:497.11)1834/1843

. *

18381843. **

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rjpopovic@gmail.com
*
radomir.popovic@iib.ac.rs
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(18041918):
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 .

Radomir . Popovi

ACTIVITY OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN CONSUL IN SERBIA

GERASIM VASCHENKO 18381843

Summary

Gerasim Vasilevich Vaschenko, born in 1790, was the first Russian

consul in Serbia. Like the majority of Russian diplomats in the Ottoman Empire,
he began with his service in the Russian legation in Constantinople. As a
dragoman (interpreter), he was perfecting his French and Turkish, and gaining
practical knowledge necessary for diplomatic work. At the time of the Greek
uprising, he was secretary to the commission for sheltering Greek refugees in
Odessa (18211826), member of the Russian delegation in negotiations with the
Turks in Akerman (MayOctober 1826), and member of the Russian mission in
Wallachia and Moldova (18281830). He was the first Russian consul in the
territory of presentday Bulgaria in Sliven (18301833). He also served as a
consul in Orova, Wallachia, from 1837 to 1838. Vaschenkos consulship in
Serbia (18381843) may be tentatively divided into three phases. In the first
phase (18381839), he worked on suppressing British influence in Serbia,
supporting the opposition in its struggle against Prince Milo. A change in the
course of Russian foreign policy at the time of the second Egyptian crisis of
1840/41 resulted in Vaschenkos active support of Prince Mihailos Government
in 1841/42. The Russian influence in Serbia diminished significantly with the
outbreak of Vuis riot in 1842 and the banishment of Prince Mihailo.
Vaschenkos consulship did not help improve relations between the Russian
Empire and the Principality of Serbia. This was due not only to differing state
interests, but also to Vaschenkos traits his presumptuous behaviour and a
derisive attitude which was offputting rather than appealing.
Keywords: Vaschenko, Russian consul, Russia, Serbia, 1838, Prince Milo,
defenders of the Constitution, 1843.

: 08. 04. 2016.

: 12. 07. 2016.

204
 , . LXV (2016) . 205227
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 205227
: 327.39(=18)(470:497.11:497.2)186/187

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225


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226


Jovana Blai Peji

ROSTISLAV FADEEV AND THE EASTERN QUESTION

Summary

Big changes which took place in Europe in the sixties and seventies of
th
the 19 century also reflected on society. In Russia, a new intellectual
movement emerged PanSlavism, which often worked to the benefit of the
official foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The leading publicist of Russian
PanSlavism was Rostislav Andreyevich Fadeyev (18241884), a resigning
general. His basic idea concerning the Eastern Question was to initiate a pan
Balkan uprising, to be joined by the Russian Empire, leading to the liberation
and unification of all Slavs into a panSlavic federation, seated in Tsarigrad,
under the auspices of the Russian Tsar. The necessary condition precedent for
the establishment of a common Slavic state was the destruction of Austria
Hungary. That was exactly the essence of Russian PanSlavism.
Highly interested in solving the Eastern Question in Russian spirit,
R. A. Fadeyev saw his opportunity in the outbreak of the Great Eastern Crisis
(18751878). Between 1876 and 1878, with the support of the highest Russian
officials, general Fadeyev travelled to the Balkans on several occasions, trying
to influence the course of events there by his actions. His activity was
embodied in the wholehearted support to Bulgarians because Tsarigrad, by its
nature, was accessible only via Bulgaria. He strongly believed that with
military cooperation between Balkan allies and the Russian Empire, Tsarigrad
could fall into the Russian hands. The Treaty of Berlin represented a great
defeat for Russian PanSlavism. As a typical representative of Russian Pan
Slavists, during the Berlin meetings of the European powers delegates, general
Fadeyev, with the support of Russian officials, tried to instigate new turmoil
in the Balkans however, that was no longer possible.
Keywords: Rostislav Andreevich Fadeev, Nikolay Pavlovich Ignatyev, Pan
Slavism, Eastern Question, Russia, Milan Obrenovi, Jovan Risti, Serbia, Bulgaria.

: 30. 04. 2016.

: 02. 08. 2016.

227
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: 94:341.222](436:497.11)18
*

18781879.**

:
,

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, 1833,

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XIII , 6.
1879, 5, sterreichisches Staatsarchiv Wien (=S), Haus, Hof und Staatsarchiv
(=HHStA), Ministerium des uern (=Md), Politisches Archiv (=PA), XIX: Serbien,
K 67: Serbische Grenzdelimitations Kommission 18781880.
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. . , 30. 1879, . . 4,
(=), (=), . .
25/84 . XXV/2.
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S, HHStA, Md, Administrative Registratur (=R), Fach 61: Bosnien und
Herzegovina, 9132: Grenzsachen (Serbische Grenze 114, dabei: Regulierung der
DrinaGrenze) DrinaRegulierung, S, HHStA, Md, R, Fach 34Sonderreihe:
Handelspolitik, K 778: Handelspolitische Akten, r. 2326 (18931895).
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S, HHStA, Md, PA, XIX: Serbien, K 89 Elaborat der DrinaAufnahme (1910).

90 91.

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 18781879.

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Eastern Settlement 18781880, London 1938, 137146 170171.

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1878 Commission international pour la delimitation de la Serbie. Protocoles 1879,
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HHStA, Md, PA, XIX: Serbien, K 67). ,
, (Commission international pour la delimitation

237


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trangres, Archives Diplomatiques, Serbie 1879, Tome 1er .
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Serbien, K 67.
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58
Commission international pour la delimitation de la Serbie. Protocoles 1879,
Belgrade 1879, Protocole 20, 34 20. .
30. 1879, , Public Records Office, Foreign Office 78/3062.
59
Commission international pour la delimitation de la Serbie. Protocoles 1879,
Belgrade 1879, Protocole 23, 3942.

243


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, 21. 1879, 30, S, HHStA, Md, PA,
XIX: Serbien, K 67.
61
tat descriptif de la nouvelle frontire de Serbie, Commission international pour la
delimitation de la Serbie. Protocoles 1879, Belgrade 1879, 4445.

244
 18781879.

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245


1 (1879)

246
 18781879.

Momir Samardi

AUSTRIANSERBIAN RELATIONS
AND THE ISSUE OF THE DRINA BORDER 18781879

Summary

In the context of the final phase of the Eastern Crisis of 18751878,

solutions of the Congress of Berlin and implementation of its decisions by the
International Commission for the demarcation of Serbia in 18781879, one of
the less significant issues that arose was that of the border on the Drina river.
During the demarcation of 18781879, the majority of the commissioners
observed this issue as a matter of relations between AustriaHungary and
Serbia, and they reacted primarily at the initiative of the Austrian
commissioner. The work of the International Commission, and the position
taken by Serbian diplomats and commissioners, can be analysed through the
perspective of defining a new system of international relations after the Berlin
Congress, and, in this context, defining the position of newly independent
Balkan states, including Serbia. At the micro level, the conflicting views of
representatives of the major powers in connection with the demarcation of new
Serbian borders, reflected deeper strategic concepts of their governments
regarding the preservation and strengthening of their position in the Balkans.
The issue of the border on the Drina river indicated the possibilities of action
of a nominally independent Balkan state neighboring a great power which had
to prove its strength primarily through the expansion of its sphere of influence
in the Balkans. The basis of the Monarchys policy was the attitude that in all
issues that could be defined as bilateral, the possibility of interference of any
other power had to be excluded.
Keywords: Serbia, AustriaHungary, Congress of Berlin, Drina river, 18781879.

: 29. 04. 2016.

: 03. 07. 2016.

247
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275


Milan Guli

PRINCIPALITY/KINGDOM OF SERBIA
AND THE QUESTION OF ARRANGEMENT OF IRON GATES

Summary

The question of the Iron Gates was an important part of the overall
foreign policy of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia in the second half of the
19th century. After the Paris Congress of 1856 expanded the provisions
regarding the freedom of navigation on the Danube, this river gained an
increasing importance. The dominant position on the Danube was occupied by
the AustroHungarian Monarchy, which in order to make better use of the
Danube waterway, aimed to get a mandate to arrange the Iron Gates at the
London Conference in 1871. The Iron Gates was the hardest part of the Danube
for navigation. Since the Principality of Serbia had an entire Danube bank, its
voice had to be heard in terms of its arrangements. Serbian diplomacy and
support of the High Porte spoiled the AustroHungarian plans. However, in
the new circumstances at the Congress of Berlin, AustriaHungary was given
a mandate for the execution of works at the Iron Gates. Serbia had to agree
with that even in the AndrassyRisti text of the Convention. By the mandate
given to it in 1878, AustriaHungary implemented the works from 1890 to
1895. It built several channels, implemented hydraulic engineering projects
and set up signal stations, which were to ensure greater bandwidth and safer
navigation through the Iron Gates. The most important object of the regulation
works was the Sip channel. The opening ceremony was attended by the rulers
of the three coastal states in the Iron Gates. The Iron Gates set up in the late 19th
century lasted until the construction of the hydropower and navigation system
Iron Gates in the second half of the 20th century.
Keywords: Serbia, Iron Gates, AustriaHungary, Danube, Romania, Channel
of Sip, regulation works.

: 29. 04. 2016.

: 11. 07. 2016.

276
 , . LXV (2016) . 277305
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 277305
: 635.6(497.11)18/19

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50
, 36 (1905) 90 . ,
, 1906, 4647.
51
, 36 (1905) 90 . ,
, 2933.

297


, . ,
. 1903.
925 , 150 , 50 , 70 , .52

19. 20. .
,
, ,
.
,
, . . . , ,
, .
, ,
.53
, .
, 1889. . 1897.
320.000 . ,
40 . 1903,
218.000 , 3.000.000 12.000 .54
1890. . 1897.
360.000 , 35
.
218.000 3.150.000 .55
,
, 1901. .
1902. 100.000 120.000
. 1904. 195.439
, 2.920.320 .56
, ,
,
, ,
, .

52
, , , 1904, 20636, 21406.
53
. , , 88 . , XIX
, 1981, 302 , 28 (1897) 200.
54
. , , 303.
55
, 302.
56
, 305.

298


1: 1895. 1905. 57

(kg)
() (kg)
()
1895. 166.000 368.000 18.596 524.332

1905. 1.804.809 206.955 949.405 2.219.824

58

,
,
1900. . 4.740.959
. ,
98,2 , 1,9 .

. 1905. 5 % 34 %,
1910. 42 %
.
,
,
.
, 1910. 2,3
. ,
139,2.
57
, 1907, 327.
58
, ,
: 1900. ,
, . 22, 1903 1905. ,
, . 32, 1913
31. 1910.
, 1911
31. 1905. , 1906
31.
1900. , 1901
, . 112, 18931913.

299


19001910.

85% 4.028.390 ,
5 % ( 247.505,
240.263 224.801 ).
, 1905. 89,5 %
4.493.932 . 176.523 , 170.453
182.054 .

2:
1900.

317.311 8.498 9.545 8.072 343.426
319.939 19.621 11.866 9.097 360.523
257.066 3.415 3.788 5.189 269.458
448.484 18.716 17.168 13.291 497.659
135.022 1.315 3.897 9.103 149.337

300


273.046 17.465 4.933 12.497 307.941

385.589 19.599 21.864 23.771 450.823
234.964 12.319 2.978 8.513 258.774
104.958 2.505 674 2.693 110.830
417.526 28.048 19.936 14.987 480.497
503.959 8.250 35.258 35.943 583.410
143.569 5.912 1.699 2.549 153.729
328.207 8.225 25.676 16.499 378.607
189.015 6.735 4.431 9.504 209.685
122.242 1.720 3.097 3.242 130.301
136.224 6.104 811 1.756 144.895
148.768 6.519 1.797 3.200 160.284
28.043 1.557 1.035 2.148 32.783
4.493.932 176.523 170.453 182.054 5.022.962

1900. 654.356 , 1905.
583.410 1910. 767.723 .
(1900 452.428 , 1905 497.659 , 1910 695.523 ),
(1900 428.463 , 1905 450.823 , 1910 628.508 )
(1900 422.912 , 1905 480.497 , 1910 572.680 ).
, ,
, .
, 1900.
, (2,95
3,2 ), (0,4
).

301


3: 19001910.

1900. 1905. 1910.

24.944 32.783 35.790
309.171 343.426 411.133
311.227 360.523 415.793
219.664 269.458 350.680
452.428 497.659 695.523
149.506 149.337 223.123
304.735 307.941 463.674
428.463 450.823 628.508
254.815 258.774 386.207
96.425 110.830 157.746
422.912 480.497 572.680
654.356 583.410 767.723
138.174 153.729 212.951
376.482 378.607 501.239
209.106 209.685 297.157
97.746 130.301 191.428
135.807 144.895 189.596
154.998 160.284 220.999
4.740.959 5.022.962 6.721.950

, 1900. ,
174.395 . (154.064
), (150.064 ) (135.080 ).
, 218.002
. (205.414),
(197.860), (193.624) (182.971).

302


1900.
(9.421 ).
(19.071 ) (11.716).
.
,
,
.
3,78
.
(3,17),
(0,41),
(0,26) (0,28).

1900.

303


Gordana Gari Petrovi

DEVELOPMENT OF POULTRY FARMING

IN THE KINGDOM OF SERBIA

Summary

Poultry farming was widespread in all parts of the Kingdom of Serbia.

Sudden development of this branch of agriculture began in the late 19th and
early 20th century when the demand for eggs and poultry meat increased in
domestic and foreign markets. In that period, the Ministry of National
Economy introduced new breeds of all sorts of poultry into state agricultural
institutes and schools, with the aim to expand their farming. Breeding poultry
was imported mainly from Germany. The imported chickens included the
breeds of Brahma, Transylvanian, Langshan, Mechelen, Minorca, Orpington,
Plymouth Rock, Italian, Houdan, Guineafowl geese: Pomeranian, Italian and
Emden and ducks: domestic, Pekin and Rouen. Of foreign breeds, Plymouth
Rock and Orpington proved to be the best for our climate, rural method of
farming and domestic needs. The first results of these efforts were evident at
national exhibitions of poultry under the auspices of the Serbian Agricultural
Society, held as of 1905. Prominent in this field were also private
entrepreneurs such as Petar Trivunac, the owner of the poultry park Jelenac
in Aleksinac, as well as female entrepreneurs such as Katinka V. Jovanovi,
the owner of the poultry farm Dedinje. In addition to the Serbian
Agricultural Society, the cooperative movement in the Kingdom of Serbia
also worked on improving poultry farming. At its XII congress, a decision
was made to establish the Poultry Cooperative. What also greatly contributed
to the promotion of poultry farming in Serbia were several slaughterhouses,
opened in the late 19th and early 20th century. By purchasing poultry and eggs
for foreign markets, they stimulated the development of poultry farming,
particularly in Pomoravlje, near the railway, where the largest facilities were
located. Velika Plana, with its two slaughterhouses of K. eus and V.
umaher, was one of the centres of the oldest food industry in Serbia. Klefis
slaughtering enterprise from Jagodina, founded in 1901, also exported poultry
and eggs. These slaughterhouses, as well as the entire Serbian economy, faced
great challenges at the time of the Customs War, when entire exports shifted
from AustriaHungary to the markets of France, Italy, as well as Germany,
Switzerland and Spain. In the early 20th century, several areas boasted
somewhat more progressive poultry farming practices. Belgrade with its

304


environs featured most prominently, with Aleksinac following suit. Other

poultry farming centres were Kragujevac, abac and Pirot. In terms of the
absolute number of all sorts of poultry, the Poarevac district was in the
forefront in 1910, total 767,723 heads of different types of poultry were
recorded. It was followed by Kragujevac, Morava and Podrinje districts.
Keywords: poultry farming, Kingdom of Serbia, agriculture, Serbian
Agricultural Society, agricultural exhibitions.

: 28. 04. 2016.

: 08. 09. 2016.

305
 , . LXV (2016) . 307330
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 307330
: 271.222(497.11)726.1(497.6)1888/1889

. *

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(18881889)**

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10.000 . 1873. . . adijevi, Saborna
crkva Svete Trojice u Mostaru, Srbi u Mostaru, rasprave i ogledi, Beograd 2001, 456457.
6
. , . , 60 D. Beri, Srbi u Mostaru i njegovoj okolini 18441918,
Srbi u Mostaru, rasprave i ogledi, Beograd 2006, 131132 . . ,
(1888
1891), 12 ( 2015) 412.
7
. , . , 6465.
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. M. O. H. Ursinus, Millet,
Extract, from the Encyclopedia of Islam, CD Rom, edition, v. 1.0.1.
, 18. ,

, tevif tayife. . ,
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. XVXIX., 2015, 4347.

309
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.

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498. ,
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, 1886, passim.
13
. , . , 498.
14

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, passim.

311
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312

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22

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2011) 461 . , 1766
1891, 2009, 91.
23

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57 (2008) 195.
313
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D. Beri, nav. delo, 171173.
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314

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316

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18311836, 25 ( 2014) 244245.
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39
, 6568.

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43
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44
12. (24) 1888.
. , . , 286.

318

(18881889)

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4 ( 1889) 4950.
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1889) 8183.
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319
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320

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61
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66
, . 164 7. (19) 1890. .

322

(18881889)

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(18711876),
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1878. .
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, 17. (29)
1903.71

67
http://www.spc.rs/sr/mitropolit_leontije_radulovic_18351888 17.
4. 2016. , ,
.

1992. .
68
. . , ,
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69
, 67 . , . , 441.
70
. . , . , 7.
71
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, 441 . , . , 501509 T. Kraljai, Kalajev reim u Bosni
i Hercegovini 18821903, Sarajevo 1987, 367384 . , . , passim.
73
, . 70 23. (4. ) 1889. .
74
, . 71 26. (7. ) 1889. .
75
, . 72 2. (14) 1889. .
76
, . 73 6. (18) 1889. .
324

(18881889)

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78
,
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. . , . , passim.
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, . 76 20. (2. ) 1889. .
80
, . 80 4. (16) 1889. ,
. 83 14. (26) 1889. . ,
1779. 1800. , 5 (2014) 3839.

325
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15. (27) 1890. .

326

(18881889)

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86
, . 162 20. (2) 1890. .
87
, . 164 7. (19) 1890. .

327
 .

, .


, , ,
.

328

(18881889)

Nedeljko V. Radosavljevi

CHURCHSCHOOL MUNICIPALITY IN MOSTAR AND CHANGES

ON THE HERZEGOVINA METROPOLITAN THRONE (18881889)

Summary

The Serbian Orthodox ChurchSchool Municipality in Mostar, as one

of the most reputable and financially the most stable, was established at the
time of the Ottoman rule in 1835 and abolished by virtue of the decision of the
AustroHungarian occupation authorities in 1882. The motive for the
abolishment were the accusations that it was the initiator of the 1881 riot of
limited scope, launched over the Military Law which envisaged the recruitment
of a contingent from Herzegovina to the AustroHungarian army. The
Municipality was restored in 1888, based on the compromise with state
authorities, when its autonomy was significantly diminished. Its erstwhile
rights to represent all churchschool municipalities in Herzegovina and elect
priests in Mostar were abolished and transferred to the HerzegovinaZahumlje
Metropolitan. At the time of the first convocation of the renewed Church
School Municipality in Mostar in 18881891, even three metropolitans
changed on the HerzegovinaZahumlje throne. Metropolitan Ignjatije
Ikonomidis, a Greek who maintained good cooperation with the Municipality,
protesting together with it over the conclusion of the unfavourable Convention
between the Ecumenical Patriarchate and AustriaHungary, was pensioned in
1888. In the same year, the authorities nominated archimandrite Leontije
Radulovi, who was then ordained and assumed the throne, but died only six
months later from tuberculosis. In 1889, he was succeeded by archimandrite
Serafim Perovi, who served until his death in 1903. In its session minutes,
the restored ChurchSchool Municipality did not record data on Metropolitan
Ignjatije Ikonomidis, but described in detail his relationship with his successors
Leontije Radulovi and Serafim Perovi. It assumed the central role in the
organisation of ceremonies relating to their ordainment and enthronement, and
established with them good cooperation, despite disagreements concerning
jurisdiction, particularly in the case of Serafim Perovi. The Municipality also
organised the erection of the monument to Metropolitan Leontije Radulovi
in the new Cathedral Church. In the years just after its restoration, the Church
School Municipality of Mostar quickly adjusted to changes on the
HerzegovinaZahumlje Metropolitan throne, and fostered good communication
with the three Metropolitans who succeeded one another at the time.

329
 .

Keywords: ZahumljeHerzegovina Metropolitanate, Mostar, ChurchSchool

Municipality, Convention, Metropolitans, minutes.

: 25. 04. 2016.

: 25. 08. 2016.

330
 , . LXV (2016) . 331353
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 331353
: 342.533:329(497.11)1889/1892

. *

,

. *

,

1889. 1892. **

:
1888. .
1889. 1892.

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. , (18681891), 2008, 356357.

352
 1889. 1892.

Miroslav D. Pei
Boica B. Mladenovi

FUNCTIONING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM IN THE

KINGDOM OF SERBIA FROM 1889 TO 1892

Summary

The constitutional reform of 1888 had a strong impact on Serbias

political and constitutional life. The multiannual struggle of the Peoples
Radical Party culminated in passing of the constitution by the principle of
majority. The position of the Radical Party was changed from the ground as it
came to power and made its own cadre consisting of young intellectuals. The
analysis of the overall work of the radical government from 1889 to 1892
indicates that the radicals on the one hand made great effort to introduce the
constitution into the political life of Serbia, and on the other to limit the rulers
power. However, it should not be forgotten that the parliamentary regime on
which so many radicals insisted was gradually turning into a totalitarian one
party system. The parliamentary system that enabled the absolute power of the
Radical Party in all state institutions was shortlived. King Alexander had an
immense wish to bring an end, as soon as possible, to all new things introduced
by the parliamentary system, which is why he was constantly fighting with the
political parties and very frequently insisted on a coup.
Keywords: parliamentarism, Radical Party, election law, Liberal Party,
Jovan Risti.

: 25. 01. 2016.

: 08. 07. 2016.

353
 , . LXV (2016) . 355384
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 355384
: 94(497.11:497.6)1875/1903:327(450:497)

(18751903)**

:


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alberto.becherelli@uniroma1.it
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.


(Emilio Visconti Venosta),8

( ), ,

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(...).

50
AUSSME, G33, b. 10, fasc. 104, Notizie militari dalla Serbia. Stralcio di un
rapporto del Maggiore Velini, gennaio 1880. (. 107)
1879. (Note
sulla delimitazione della Serbia. Rapporto del Maggiore Velini di Stato Maggiore, 5
aprile 1880). . A. Biagini,
Momenti di storia balcanica (18781914). Aspetti militari, Roma 1981, 3335.

372

(18751903)

().
,
, . Nischu
(sic!) ().
. , , ,
. ,
().51

, ,

:
, , 1881.

y.52
, 1878. ,
.53

. 6. 1882.
, ,
,
.
(Union Gnral de
Bountoh),
.54
,
, ,
,

(Pasquale Stanislao Mancini).
,

51
Ibidem.
52
Ibidem, Forze militari della Serbia, R. Legazione a Belgrado, 1 maggio 1881
ibidem, fasc. 109, Sunto storico dellordinamento militare, 31 gennaio 1883.
53
Ibidem, fasc. 106, Fucile di fanteria, 1881.
54
DDI, Seconda Serie, 18701896, vol. XIV, docc. 548 620.
. G. Castellan, Storia dei Balcani, XIVXX secolo, Lecce 2004,
378. . M. Vojvodi, La Serbie et
la France. Les relations conomiques de 1896 1906, La Serbie et la France: une
alliance atypique. Relations politiques, conomiques et culturelles 18701940, D.T.
Batakovi (dir.), Belgrade 2010, 147165.

373


.
, ,
,
,
,
,
,
.55

, ,

(,
, ) ,

(Alessandro Zanini), ,
.

, .56

,
1882.
.57
(Carlo Terzaghi), ,
,

.58 ,

1883. .59
:
,
1885. , ,
,
.

55
DDI, Seconda Serie, 18701896, vol. XVXVI, doc. 274.
56
Ibidem, doc. 702.
57
AUSSME, G33, b. 10, fasc. 104, Serbia militare, Revue Militaire, aprile 1882.
58
Ibidem, Forze militari della Serbia, R. Legazione a Belgrado, 1 maggio 1881.
59
Ibidem, fasc. 109, La nuova legge militare in Serbia, 28 aprile 1883.

374

(18751903)

1885.

.60
1883.
,
, .61
, ,
, ,
,
, .


.
: , ,
. , 22. .
1884. , ,
.
1885. ,
,
,
.62

status quo ante .

,

.63 ,

.
, ,

60
. M. Lascaris, Greece and Serbia during the War
of 1885, The Slavonic and East European Review 11, 31 (1932) 8899.
61
. C. Jelavich, Tsarist Russia and Balkan nationalism, 193197.
62
Ibidem, 205236. 1885. . A.
Tamborra, La crisi balcanica del 18851886 e lItalia, Rassegna storica del
Risorgimento 55, 3 (1968) 371396.
63
DDI, Seconda Serie, 18701896, vol. XIX, doc. 113.

375


.
, .
, ,
I ( ) ,
,
.64

1885. .

.

.
, in primus ,
, , ,

.
, ,
,
, , .
, ,
,
, , .65
,
.
, status quo ante

.
,

.66
, , .
1885.


,
64
Ibidem, doc. 101.
65
Ibidem, doc. 113.
66
Ibidem, docc. 138 171.

376

(18751903)

.

( ).
:
, ,
,
. (

) : status
quo
.67
, 1885. ,
,
.68 , ,
, ,
.

.69
14. ,
,
.
, ,
,
. , ,
,
67
Ibidem, docc. 205 217. , ,
,
,
.


.
:
. Ibidem, doc. 34.
68
. E. Barbarich, La guerra
serbobulgara nel 1885. Le operazioni nei Kodza Balkan (TrnVraptcheSlivnitza
Pirot), Torino 1894 id., Considerazioni sulla guerra serbobulgara nel 1885.
Operazioni per linvestimento ed assedio di Viddino, Roma 1898 A. Biagini, Momenti
di storia balcanica, 89104.
69
DDI, Seconda Serie, 18701896, vol. XIX, docc. 225 229.

377


. , ,
,
. ,

, 17.
23.
. , ,
,
. , , ,
14. ,
, , .
,
.

,
,
.
, .



,
, .70
9.

,
, (Alberto
Cerruti), (
).71 ,

70
.
, 1885. . Ibidem, docc.
244, 269, 272 274.
71

3. 1886.
5. 1886.
Ibidem, docc. 306, 331 361. ,

,
, ,

378

(18751903)

,
.
.

. , ,
,


. , , , ,

: ,
,

.72
,
,
.
,
,
,
.
,
.73
1887. ,
,
.

. ,
,
,

.74 ,
.75

1884. .
(Carlo Alberto Gerbaix de Sonnaz)
. Ibidem, vol. XX, doc. 193
72
. A. Biagini, Momenti di storia balcanica, 89103.
73
DDI, Seconda Serie, 18701896, vol. XX, doc. 561.
74
Ibidem.
75
Ibidem, doc. 246.
379


,
, ,
, .76 ,
, 1887. , :

[]
, ,
,
,
.77

, ,
.78

2. 1889. ,
6.
. , ,
: ,
.
1893. , ,
(1897.

),79 1869. ,
1889. .80 ,
, .
, ,
27. 1901. ,
,

76
Ibidem, vol. XXI, doc. 314.
77
Ibidem.
78
Ibidem.
79
AUSSME, G33, b. 11, fasc. 112, Forze militari della Serbia, Comandante dell
Esercito attivo, addetto militare a Vienna colonnello Nava, luglio 1898.
80
Ibidem, Stato politico della Serbia, addetto militare a Vienna colonnello Nava, luglio 1897.

380

(18751903)

(Cesare Delmastro).81 ,
,

.
,
,

.82
1903.
, .83

, ,
,
.

, ,
.
,
, .84
, ,

,
.
,
.
81
Ibidem, fasc. 113, addetto militare R. Ambasciata dItalia a Vienna, n. 174, al
Comandante in 2 del Corpo di Stato Maggiore, Notizie sullesercito serbo, il tenente
colonnello addetto militare, Vienna 17 giugno 1901.
: , , , , .
, , ,
,
. Ibidem, addetto militare R. Ambasciata dItalia a
Vienna, n. 228, al Comandante in 2 del Corpo di Stato Maggiore Roma, Notizie
sullesercito serbo, laddetto militare tenente colonnello, Vienna 17 dicembre 1901.
82
V. Dedijer, The Road to Sarajevo, 84.
83
Vid. W. S. Vucinich, Serbia between East and West. The events of 19031908,
Stanford 1954.
84
AUSSME, G33, Corrispondenza Ministero Guerra e Marina 1903, Comando del
Corpo di Stato Maggiore, Reparto Operazioni, Ufficio Coloniale, Promemoria n. 8,
Questione macedone e albanese, V. Trombi, 17 agosto 1903.

381


1903. ,
, ,
,85

. ,
, ,
.
, 19081909,
,
, , .

,
. , ,

.
,

(19081912), ,
.

,


. 1903. 1914.

:
,
.

85
, ,
,
. Ibidem, b. 11, fasc. 114, addetto
militare in Romania, n. 4, a Capo di Stato Maggiore dellEsercito, Roma, Questioni
politicomilitari in Serbia, capitano Zampolli, Sinaia 7 luglio 1906.

382

(18751903)

Alberto Becherelli

SERBIAN RISE IN THE BALKANS ACCORDING TO NOTES OF

ITALIAN DIPLOMATS AND MILITARY PERSONNEL (18751903)

Summary

The paper focuses on the political and military history of Serbia from
the Bosnian Uprising of 1875 to the assassination of Aleksandar Obrenovi in
1903 according to Italian diplomats and military personnel. From the last
decades of the 19th century, the Balkans became a region of particular political
interest for Italy. The primary interest of the young Italian government was
to maintain friendly relations with the Great Powers in order to fortify its
position in the international arena and to participate with other European
countries in the division of spheres of influence. At the same time, Italy was
for the Balkan political lites a model and an example for their national
unification. In this period, due to its contradictory role for the unification of
the Yugoslav area, Serbia began to be considered the Piedmont of the
Balkans, a definition that the Italian consuls in Belgrade used since the period
of Cavour. Italian diplomats and officers in the main capital cities of Europe
followed the political life in Serbia and the military rising of the country: its
intervention in support of the Bosnian Uprising of 187576 that saw a
remarkable participation of Italian volunteers the incessant reorganization of
the Serbian military forces the Serbian defeat in the SerboBulgarian War of
1885 the Serbian political events on the eve of the assassination of the last
monarch of the Obrenovi Dynasty. Some Italian diplomats and officers were
directly involved in the Serbian political and military events, such as Luigi
Joannini Ceva di S. Michele, Consul in Belgrade in 1877 Major Attilio Velini
in 1879 as a member of the international commission for the delimitation of
the new borders of Serbia after the annexation of Ni, Vranje and Pirot
established at the Congress of Berlin or Lieutenant Colonel Alberto Cerruti,
military attach in Vienna and president of the international military
commission for the armistice between Serbia and Bulgaria in December 1885.
All of them were witnesses of the Serbian political and military rising in the
Balkans and of its struggle against the supranational empires. Through their
reports sent to the Italian government and General Staff in Rome, it is possible
to analyze the political, military and territorial issues that troubled the Balkans

383


at the end of the 19th century and to understand the interest of the Italian
foreign policy towards the region.
Keywords: Eastern Question, Serbia, military rise, Italian diplomats and
military personnel.

: 30. 04. 2016.

: 18. 09. 2016.

384
 , . LXV (2016) . 385402
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 385402
: 94(497):327(4)1912

1912. **

:
,
.
, ,
, .
: , , ,
, , , ,
, .

( ,
, ), 8. 17. 1912. ,
,
.

1912. 1913. ,
.

,
*
biljana.stojic@iib.ac.rs
**
,
(18041918):
(. . 177031).

385


, . ,

, ,
.
, 1912.

.

.


.1
,
. ,
, ,
.2
, 1909.

, 1911.
.

. 3
( 1911. )
.

,

.
,

1
: , VI/1,
1983,183.
2
L. Albertini, The Origins of the War of 1914, I, Oxford University Press 1952, 364365.
3
I 1887. 1908,
, .
,
.

.

386
 1912.

,
, 1914. .4



.
,

. ,

.5

.6

.
1910.
,
.
,

.

.7
,
, , 13. 1912.
.

.8 ,

4
Les Archives diplomatiques du Ministre des Affaires trangres (AMAE), Nouvelle
srie 18961918 (NS), susrie Bulgarie, doss. 9, 150152, Sofia, le 12 janvier 1914.
5
. , , 1962, 143.
6
. . , 19141917. , 1994, 35.
7
S. Sazonov, Les annes fatales. Souvenirs des ncien Ministre des ffaires trangres
de Russie (19101916), Paris 1927, 5859.
8
(), . , 33,
29. 1912.,
, 31. /13. 1912
(), , . 14924/56,
.

387


.

.
,
,
.
,
,
.

,

.
. ,


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.


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.
9
Documents diplomatiques franais (18711914) (DDF), 3e srie, (19111914), t. II,
Paris 1931, 225, Belgrade, le 19 mars 1912, 229230.

.
,
.
.
, je,
, .
,
, .
,
,
(AMAE, NS, Turquie, doss. 243, 4445, Belgrade, le 6 novembre 1912 M.
Bogitshevich, Causes of the War: an examination into the causes of the European War,
with special reference to Russia and Serbia, London 1929, 29).

388
 1912.

,
.

. ,
1912.
.10 ,

,
, .

,
,
, .
1. ,
,
.
,
.
status quo
,
.11 ,
.12

. 17. ,


.
,
, 1912.

,
.13
,

,
10
AMAE, NS, Turquie, doss. 230, 169171, Belgrade, le 16 avril 1912.
11
DDF, 3e srie, II, 284, Paris, le 1er avril 1912, 285.
12
DDF, 3e srie, II, 297, Sofia, le 3 avril 1912, 304307.
13
AMAE, NS, suserie Turquie, doss. 230, 175177, Sofia, le 17 avril 1912.

389


. ,
16.
. ,

,
.

, ,
,
. ,
.14
,
.
15.

, .
,
.

,
,
. ,

,
. ,


.15 , ,
,
.16

14
AMAE, NS, Turquie, doss. 230, 264265, Vienne, le 16 mai 1912 R. Poincar,
Au service de la FranceNeufe annes de souvenirs. Balkan en feu: 1912, t. II, Paris
1926, 3132.
15
AMAE, Fonds nominatifs (FN), Jules Cambon (J.Cambon), doss. 49, 5859,
Berlin, le 18 juillet 1912.
16
AMAE, FN, J. Cambon, doss. 49, 5859, Berlin, le 18 juillet 1912 . C. Thaden,
Russia and the Balkan Alliance of 1912, Pennsylvania State University 1965, 133.

390
 1912.

,
.
, , ,
,
.17
, 9.
.
1912. .
.

, ,
.

,
.

, . ,
,
,
. ,

, .
,

,
.
,
,

.18 ,


.

,
.
,
17
M. Palologue, Au Quai dOrsay la veille de la tourmente. Journal 19131914
(1er Janvier 28 Juin 1914), Paris 1947, 67.
18
R. Poincar, Les Balkans en feu, II, 114117.
391


1911.
.
, 1904.

.
,
.
, ,
.

,
.
,
.
,
,
.
.

. ,
,
.
, ,
.19

.
,
.

, .

.
. ,

19
M. Palologue, nav. delo, 8687.

392
 1912.

,
, .20


. ,
,
6.
.

,
,
.
, , ,
. ,
1911.
. ,
, ,
, .
,
, .21
1911.
,
.
, 14.
.
.22

, .
,
. ,

20
().
18781917. , (1900
1913), II, (14 o 1912 .), 1940 ., 489,
II, 17/4 1912 ., 2935.
21
. , 1914. 1915. ,
() LI, 4 ( 1937) 289294 . ,
19031914, 1965, 561562.
22
E. Ch. Helmreich, The diplomacy of the Balkan Wars 19121913, Oxford University
Press 1938, 6062.

393


, .


. ,
.
,

.
,
,
. ,
, ,

.23
, , ,
, ,
.24


, .
,
.
,
1912.
.
.

,
,
.25
,

. ,
23
British Documents on the Origins of the War 18981914 (BD), vol. IX, part II, (ed.
by G. P. Gooch and H.Temperley), London, 1934, 48, Belgrade, October 19, 1912,
3940.
24
E. Ch. Helmreich, nav.delo, 6062.
25
AMAE, FN, J. Cambon, doss. 49, 5357, Berlin, le 30 juin 1912.

394
 1912.

.26



15. .27
,

, .

. ,
1912. ,
.28


,
.29
Die Groe Politik der europischen Kabinette
18711914 sterreichUngarns Aussenpolitik
2426.
.
8.

,
.
,
,
.
Zeitung von Kln
26
, VI/1, 188.
27
. , XX , 1936,
354.
. ,
,
, (.
, 18451926, II, 1990,162).
28
GP. Ferraioli, Politica e diplomazia in Italia tra XIX e XX secolo. Vita di Antonino
di San Guiliano (18521914), Rubbitteno Editore 2007, 543544.
29
A. Becherelli, Serbia and the Balkan Wars in the Reports of the Italian Military
Attach in Belgrade, u: SerbianItalian relations: History and Modern Times, S. Rudi,
A. Biagini (editors in chief), Belgrade 2015, 65101.

395


.
, 30,
, , ,
,
status quo .31
1912. ,
, Le Temps
,
.32
, ,


, 1904.
. ,
.

.
,

. , ,
.


.
30
DDF, 3e srie, III, 83, Berlin, le 8 juin 1912, 103104.
,

,
. , ,
,
.
1903. 1905. .
,
(D. D. Tredvej, Soko i
orao: Crna Gora i AustroUgarska 19081914, Podgorica 2005, 118119).
31
, XXVIII, 12 (16/29. 1912) 951954
: La visite du roi de Bulgarie
Berlin, Le Temps (le 7 juin 1912) 2.
32
E. Ch. Helmreich, nav. delo, 68.

396
 1912.

, ,
. ,

, , ,

.

.33

13.
. ,


.34
,
.35
,

, ,
.36 ,

33
DDF, 3e srie, III, 97, Pra, le 13 juin 1912, 120121.
34
. . , 19031908, 1938, 74.
35
50, 180
.
.

, . ,
,

,
.
,

(BD, IX/II, 461, Sofia, January 6, 1913, 360368 , Great
Britain (GB), MF 205, 52, Annual Report, 1912, Belgrade, June 6, 1913).
36
(), . . , . 80, . 1, . . 123125,
, 8/21. 1912 . .
, , 75.

397


,
,
.37
,
,
. ,
, ,
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.38
.
,
1912.

. ,
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.39


.40 ,
.

1912. .

,

.
.

.
,

. ,
37
, . . , . 80, . 43, . . 518
( 1912), , XXIX, 6 (16/29. 1912) 459462.
38
AMAE, NS, Turquie, doss. 248, 168174, Londres, le 4 dcembre 1912.
39
AMAE, NS, Turquie, doss. 248, 181, SaintPtersbourg, le 4 dcembre 1912.
40
Ministre des affaires trangres, Documents diplomatiques. Les vnements de la pninsule
balkaniques. Laction de la Roumanie (septembre 1912aot 1913), Bucarest 1913.

398
 1912.

. ,

,
, .

,

,
.41

2012. ,
.42
15.

status quo
. ,
,
,
.43 , 6.
, ,

.
,
, ,
.44
,

.
, ,

41
G. Zbuchea, Romnia i rzboaiele balcanice 19121913, pagini de istorie sudest
european, Bucareti 1999, 68 I. Bulei, Brve histoire de la Roumanie, (trans. Ileana
Cantuniari), Bucarest, 2006, 130 B. Stoji, French diplomacy toward Romania during
the Balkan Wars (19121913) ( ).
42
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents on the Origins of World War One The Balkan Wars
19121913, III, (ed. by S. Kuneralp and G.Tokay), Istanbul 2012.
43
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 27a, Paris le 29 mai Isto, 27b,
Constantinople le 30 mai Isto, 27c, Vienne, le 31 mai 1912, 4648.
44
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 28d, Belgrade, le 6 juin 1912, 51.

399


, ,
. ,
,
1911. , ,
. ,
, ,
.45
,
.

1912.

. ,
,
, ,
.46

,
27. .


.
,

.47


. 1912.

.

.48

,
. ,
45
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 28c, Constantinople, le 5 juin 1912, 5051.
46
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 44, Sofia, le 2 juillet 1912, 63.
47
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 43, SaintPtersbourg, le 27 juin 1912, 62.
48
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 54, Berlin, le 15 aot 1912, 68.

400
 1912.

,

, .
XIX , ,
. 1910.
,
,
.
,
.49
,

.

.
, ,
:

,
.
,
,
.50
,
, ,
.51
, 22.
100.000
, 70 .

, (30. )
.
.
,
.
49
E. J. Ericksn, Defeat in Detail. The Ottoman Army in the Balkans 19121913,
London 2003, 5153.
50
, 1912. , IX
( 1925) 2960.
51
Ottoman Diplomatic Documents, I, 7980, Berlin, le 17 sptembre 1912, 8081.
401


Biljana Stoji

GREAT POWERS KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE CREATION OF THE

BALKAN ALLIANCE IN 1912

Summary

The creation of the Balkan Alliance in March 1912 is considered by

Serbian and other Balkan historiographies one of the most important events in the
history of the Balkan Peninsula. In order to jointly confront the common enemy,
the Balkan states (Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Montenegro) found a way to
overcome numerous differences among themselves for the first time in their
modern history. The creation of the alliance led to the great victories in the First
Balkan War. In this paper we explored the Great Powers involvement in the
creation of the Balkan Alliance. Russias role in this event was well understood
and analysed in historiography, while the participation of other powers remained
unclear. Documents from Serbian and foreign archives, as well as published
diplomatic correspondence, enabled us to clarify the involvement of all Great
Powers in the process of creation of the Balkan League. The earlier opinion that
besides Russia none of the other Great Powers was familiar with the existence
of the Alliance is inaccurate. As late as the summer of 1912 all of the Great
Powers were informed from different sources about this important political and
military development in the Balkans. Despite that, they chose to wait and not
take any action against the Alliance. On the one hand the Entente powers
supported Russia and believed that it exerted control over the allies and the
Balkan affairs in general. On the other hand the Triple Alliance was convinced
that the Balkan states were incapable of working in partnership and that the
Ottoman Empire had enough strength to defeat them. Fortunately for the Balkan
states and their national interests, the war operations proved them wrong.
Keywords: Balkan Alliance, First Balkan War, Great Powers, Milovan
Milovanovi, Nikola Pai, Nicholas Hartwig, Leon Descos, Sergey Sazonov,
Raymond Poincar.

: 29. 04. 2016.

: 25. 08. 2016.

402
 , . LXV (2016) . 403424
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 403424
UDC: 330:323(412)192

Giuseppe MOTTA
University Sapienza
Rome
Italy

THE ECONOMY OF NATIONS.

SOME REFLECTIONS ABOUT THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC
STATE POLICIES IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Abstract: The article focuses on the main aspects of economic policies in

Eastern Europe after the Peace Treaty of Versailles, when the whole region witnessed
the collapse of the old multinational empires and their replacement with national states
that were theoretically built according to the principle of national selfdetermination,
though they were in many cases as ethnically mixed as the old empires. As a matter of
fact, the new frontiers did not perfectly correspond to the ethnic divisions among the
different communities that in some cases coexisted for many centuries. Also under the
economic point of view, the new settlement did not reflect the economic dynamics
that had characterized the region until that moment and this problem became a further
hurdle for the future economic development of Europe, as pointed out during the
negotiations by British advisor J. M. Keynes. The approach of the new governments,
which were all destined to adopt nationalism as the ideological clue for their political
and economic structures, represented an additional obstacle for the difficult postwar
reconstruction and played an important role in the post1929 framework. The result was
a rapid decline of the newly established states towards authoritarianism and the descent
of the international scenario into a bloody European Civil War.
Keywords: nationalization, nationalism, agrarian reforms, economic space,
SouthEastern Europe.

Introduction

The outbreak of the First World War was a turning point for the
European historical evolution: the collapse of the old empires accompanied

*
giuseppe.motta@uniroma1.it

403
Giuseppe Motta

the birth of the first international organization, the League of Nations, and a
general reform of the geopolitical map of the continent. The conflict created the
opportunity to make a decisive step towards the completion of different
national designs that had been developed during the previous century and
decreed the definitive success of the selfdetermination principle. The latter
was supported by the fourteen points Wilson drafted in 1917, but also surely
with a different and less substantial extent, by the revolution that Lenin and
the Bolsheviks led in Russia, aiming to export it as far as to Central Europe.1
The conference of Versailles and the postwar treaties (Versailles, Saint
Germain, Neuilly sur Seine, Trianon and Sevres) sanctioned the birth of a new
framework made up of national states: the Baltic countries (Latvia, Lithuania
and Estonia) and Finland, after obtaining their independence with the treaty of
BrestLitovsk and through the difficult phase of the Russian civil war, were
soon followed by Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, the Kingdom of
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia from 1929), which were to be added
to the existing Bulgaria, Greece and Romania. These states resulted from the
combination of different elements: the principle of national selfdetermination,
international alliances and balances, the distinction between winner and
vanquished powers... Since the very beginning, the fragility of this recipe
proved the contradictions of the new settlement, which was strongly criticized
also by British consultant John M. Keynes because of the lack of a solid
perspective for postwar economic development.
With the peace treaties, the young nineteenthcentury nations obtained
the final acknowledgement of their independence and reached a period of maturity,
even if this term was not as appropriate as many could think. As a matter of fact,
the new settlement soon proved to be weak and fragile and its contradictions
deeply marked the evolution of Europe during the short twentieth century
(Hobsbawm). The creation of the national states actually meant the beginning of
further tensions and hostilities among the former oppressed nations once allied
against Habsburg and German militarism. These problems were partially caused
by the adoption of the nationstate formula, which implied the acquisition inside
the same frontiers of all the national territories and people that were an integral part
of the same nation, because of certain precise historical, linguistic and ethnic
1
On the economic and political reality of Habsburg territories before the war, F. Fejt,
Requiem pour un empire defunt: histoire de la destruction de lAutricheHongrie, Lieu
Commun, Paris 1988 A. Tonybee, Nationality and the War, Det 1915 J. R. Lampe
M. R. Jackson, Balkan Economic History, 15501950: From Imperial Borderlands to
Developing Nations, Indiana University Press, Bloomington 1982 D. F. Good, The
Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire. 17501914, Berkeley 1984.

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 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

rights, inaugurating a phase of hysteria (R. Conquest) and Pandemonium (P.

Moynihan). The new entities, anyway, proved to be not less multinational than the
empires they had replaced on the geopolitical map and this problem strengthened
the relation between state and nation, as the latter risked remaining an unanimated
body without the force of the former. As a consequence, the states had to quickly
find an internal cohesion and identified themselves exclusively with their nations.
As Gellner pointed out in his studies, agricultural societies generated classes and
groups which needed a definite cultural expression, which was represented by
nationalism, and the nationalist doctrines consequently pervaded all the different
aspects of political, economic and social life.

The Role of the State

and the Shaping of a New Economic Framework

Faithful to its ideological commitments, the national state assumed an

active role of social emancipation through special policies, and a certain social
attitude, which consisted, for example, of the building of accommodations and
services, and of other measures aiming to comply with its citizens needs and to
make the state and nation converge and rest upon each other. The state also
intervened in the fields of public education, bureaucracy, justice (constitutions
and codes) and this process proved to be essential in Andersons analysis of the
formation of those imagined communities called nations (Anderson).2 Public

2
According to Andersons analysis, the different national communities began to perceive
themselves as nations only thanks to mass communications and the information system that
the states developed with their authorities, and a massive perception of the state structure itself.
For Anderson, the perfect example of the emptiness of national ideas were the tombs of the
Unknown Soldier, which described the immortal fascination of nationalism and its appeal on
the communities educated on the myth and religion of a nation. B. Anderson, Imagined
communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, Verso, London New York
1991, 9 ff. For a complete account of the problems that nationalism produced in CentralEastern
Europe, especially during the interwar period, and on the ideological contradictions of the
European scenario, see R. Conquest, Reflections on a Ravaged Century, New York 1999 D.
P. Moynihan, Pandaemonium. Ethnicity in International Politics, New York 1993 E. J.
Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 19141991, London 1994. On
the situation of CentralEastern Europe and the nationality problems of this area, J. Rotschild,
East Central Europe between Two World Wars, Seattle London 1983 F. Sugar & I. J. Lederer,
Nationalism in Eastern Europe, Seattle London 1994 H. SetonWatson, Le democrazie
impossibili. LEuropa orientale tra le due guerre mondiali, Soveria Mannelli 1992 M.
Waldenberg, Le questioni nazionali nellEuropa centroorientale, Milano 1994.

405
Giuseppe Motta

education, in particular, was a primary tool to forge the nations in the spirit of the
state and to cement internal cohesion.
The draft of the new frontiers, however, deeply conditioned not only
the political framework of CentralEastern Europe, but also the economic one.
While the Habsburg Empire had consolidated a whole economic space centred
in Vienna and Budapest and addressed towards Central Europe, after the war,
this region was divided into different national states which erected solid
boundaries among them. As many authors pointed out, the two sections of the
Monarchy were economically complementary and assured the cooperation
between the SouthEastern and the NorthWestern regions this connection had
positive effects on the flow of raw materials, the cost of living and the market
of surpluses produced in each region. In contrast, the division of this historical
economic space exposed each section to isolation and to all dislocations of
shortage and overproduction.3
This problem was connected with the role that Germany and Austria
had played in CentralEastern Europe for many centuries and it was clearly
understood by John M. Keynes, who participated in the peace negotiations and
polemically criticized them as they did not take into consideration the
perspective of the future economic reconstruction. Keynes underlined the
economic solidarity and unity of the AustroHungarian Empire, which had
balanced the resources of many different regions and had given them access to
the world markets. All CentralEastern Europe developed its economy
especially thanks to German capital, and its replacement within a short period
was not possible without a consequential decrease in production and stability
in economic terms. Substantially, Keynes thought that, considering the menace
posed by the Soviet Union in the East and the problems of the vanquished
powers in Central Europe (Germany, Austria, Hungary), Eastern Europe was
destined to remain isolated and lacked a solid economic perspective.
The accumulating force of many negative factors, such as those
depending on the effects of the previous war (physical destruction, wastage,
diseases, disrupted transportation, paralysed industry and low agricultural
production) was emphasized and further aggravated by the artificial restrictions
to transport and trade that each of the new nations immediately created after the
division of the old empires. The new frontiers broke up the social and economic
schemes of the past and created delicate and intricate problems which were

3
The former economic solidarity was completely broken and there began within each
country an acute struggle for existence within the confines of its own frontiers. The
American Relief Administration on CzechoSlovakia, Report of the American Relief
Administration, New York Prague, 1921, 3
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 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

not suited for settlement by hard and fast rules laid down from a distance, but
could only be solved by the patient common effort of peoples concerned.4 It
meant that also the interethnic relationships were affected by these changes,
as well as individual rights of those populations that lived close to the frontiers
or resided outside their mother country.
The economic sphere of minority rights was preserved thanks to some
general stipulations, as those established by the treaties of Versailles (art. 297),
Saint Germain (art. 249), and Trianon (art. 232), in order to safeguard the
properties of German, Austrian and Hungarian citizens, or the second section
of the 1919 minority treaties, which contained a whole chapter of stipulations
concerning economic conditions.5 These regulations were considered necessary
as one of the main features of the national states was the deep connection
between a state and the economic development of its titular nation. These states
were interpreted as a starting point for the revaluation of their people, who
were minorities in the former empires (AustriaHungary, Ottoman Empire,
Russia and German Reich) and did not enjoy a primary position on the social
scale. As a consequence, the conquest of power and independence had to
represent the beginning of a new glorious period in which the nations were
rightly entitled to lead the economic development of their states and occupy the
places that foreign oppression had denied them for many centuries.
Conforming to this view, the states decided to play an outstanding role in the
economic reorganization of their resources and in the conversion of foreign
capital into national. When it was not possible, almost everywhere, they
managed to replace the capital of Germans and Hungarians with that of the
Allies of the time, especially France and Great Britain.
As A. HeadlamMorley stressed in a very interesting work about
interwar constitutions, the latter recognized the fact that one of the chief
functions of a state was to secure the social wellbeing of citizens and industrial
prosperity of the nation. Industry, but also agriculture, had to be organized as
a collective whole for the good of the community and not of the individual.6
4
C. A. Macartney, National States and National Minorities, Oxford 1934, 401.
5
The minority treaties contained a second section concerning economic clauses, and
were also necessary to protect the freedom of transit and equitable treatment of
commerce in other nations. The problem was that care had to be taken to preserve the
rights of persons in separated territories who were previously included in schemes of
social and state insurance like those in force in Germany. H. W. Temperley, History
of the Peace Conference, Vol. 5, Economic Reconstruction and Protection of
Minorities, London 1921, 5760, 102.
6
The most characteristic feature of the new constitutions is the recognition that one of
the chief functions of a state was to secure the social wellbeing of citizens and industrial

407
Giuseppe Motta

During the first years after the conflict, all CentralEastern European
states elaborated complex economic reforms which assured the authorities a
central role in shaping economic plans and strategies following the needs of the
nation. With policies that were more or less effective in each state, this aim led
to the disruption of old traditional commercial and economic connections with
Vienna and Budapest and to the start of new national enterprises. Industrial
companies and banks were taken over by the state and assigned to
autochthonous capitalists or foreign societies, especially those of the allied
countries such as France, which was the most interested power in Eastern
Europes political and economic development.
As the economic reality of Eastern Europe was deeply characterized by
agriculture, the redistribution of the lands represented the first step of this
process of rebalancing the economic and social situation of these territories.
The incorporation of the agrarian reforms into the constitutional texts and the
fact that these reforms were planned in the same context by the constituent
assemblies implied a strict relation between the consolidation of a national
state and the adjustment of economic balance in national terms. All states
announced ambitious reforms to apply the concepts of democracy and social
justice and, intentionally or incidentally, these laws were specially addressed
towards the minorities. Furthermore, in countries with large proportions of
peasants (from 34% of Czechoslovakia to 78% of Romania and 80% of
Bulgaria) the agrarian reform was also a tool to quiet down socialist tendencies
and to reach a compromise with the major labor forces.
The impact of these reforms on the national minorities was a logical
consequence of their scope and goals, since the redistribution of lands could be
handled only by depriving landlords of their extended properties. But the class
of landlords was mainly composed of the historical ruling nationalities, who
were the first to resent the effects of the postwar policies. It is not surprising,
therefore, that many times the war of independence appeared as conflicts to
gain the land, as many times a clear ethnic distinction marched all together
with the division among different social classes.
The conquest of power and end of the old order, thus, meant not only
a political change, but a complex reform of socioeconomic dynamics,

prosperity of the nation. Industry had to be organized as a collective whole for the good
of the community and not of the individual. A. HeadlamMorley, The New Democratic
Constitutions of Europe. A Comparative Study of PostWar European Constitutions with
Special Reference to Germany, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Finland, The Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats & Slovenes and the Baltic States, Oxford London 1928, 264. See also, A.
Giannini, Le costituzioni dei paesi dellEuropa orientale, Roma 1936.

408
 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

perceived as the result of many centuries of oppression, discriminations and,

conforming to a Marxist interpretation of nationalism, colonial exploitation.
The fate of many regions was subsequently destined to be affected by this
general redefinition of frontiers between states, people, political elites, business
communities and social classes. In an agricultural context, the most immediate
battleground for this historical revenge was naturally the structure of estates
and immovable properties, and the regions belonging to former multinational
empires were destined to be the most seriously affected by this process.
In Yugoslavia and Romania, very radical reforms were passed immediately
after the war, between 1919 and 1921, when the land was confiscated, then
distributed or nationalized. Belgrade and its Minister for the Agrarian Reform
aimed to replace the old Muslim beys with Slavic elements, encouraging the
colonization of the new territories by new settlers, who were most of all Serbs, but
not only: it was not surprising, thus, that the Muslim element in Bosnia complained
to be victim of complete impoverishment.7 In Southern Serbia (especially in
Macedonia and Kosovo), a legal decision assigned to peasants full rights to the
land they had worked according to the iftlik system, in the name of foreign
landlords.8 In 1919 it was decided that all peasants should keep their land, while the
state promised to compensate the owners. Meanwhile, the new owners were to pay
the old ones a yearly rent amounting to the old hak. But the state did not settle the
dispute with the former landlords, and many times the new landholders did not
pay any rent, as often happened in Dalmatia, where peasants were permitted to
occupy the lands without paying the due compensation to the former Italian owners,
causing diplomatic protests of Italy.9
7
After the collapse of the AustroHungarian Monarchy, property was confiscated and
the Muslim element in Bosnia suffered complete impoverishment. A. Zulfikarpai,
The Bosniak, London 1968, 1516, 90.
8
On the agrarian question in the Ottoman Balkan territories, W. W. McGrew, Land and
Revolution in Modern Greece. 18801881. The Transition in the Tenure and Exploitation
of Land from Ottoman Rule to Independence, Kent State University Press 1985 J.
Tomasevich, Peasants, Politics, and Economic Change in Yugoslavia, Stanford University
Press, Stanford 1955 An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire. 1300
1914, H. Inalcik D. Quataert (eds.), Cambridge University Press 1994 The Origin of
Backwardness in Eastern Europe, D. Chirot (ed.), University of California Press, Berkeley
and Los Angeles 1989 P. Slijepevi, Land Settlement in Yugoslav Macedonia, The
Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 9, No. 25 (June 1930) 160176.
9
As a consequence, the Italian government prepared a report asking to insert a precise
reference to the commercial value of the estate and to include some Italian representatives
in the commissions established by the agrarian reform. Promemoria on the private
properties (no. 4), Belgrade, July 1, 1921, attached to the Report on the situation of Zara,

409
Giuseppe Motta

Actually, many problems were caused by the legal implementation of

the agrarian reforms, which for example required continual renewal of the
leases and could influence compensation prices. The Italian owners of Dalmatia
were thus worried about the estimates given by Yugoslav commissions and
other regulations which, under their perspective, undermined their economic
rights: an ordinance, for instance, declared null and void all the contracts of
rural usufruct with the consequence that the settlers remained in possession of
the land without paying any rent to their foreign owners.
The same could be said for the Magyars of Vojvodina, where during the
first postwar years the lack of a trade agreement interrupted the traffic of goods
between Yugoslavia and Hungary. The question of Magyar owners in the
successor states (Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia) became one of the
weapons that Budapest used to internationalize its position against the Treaty
of Trianon, supporting a long campaign of petitions, memoranda and protests
concerning all different aspects of various minority questions. The agrarian
reforms, in particular, represented a very delicate question and were discussed
several times even during the meetings of the League of Nations Council before
the agreements of Paris (1930), which created a special international fund of
compensation, and later for example with the decision of the Permanent Court
of Justice in the Pajzs, Csky and Esterhzy case in 1936.10
The strict connection between the redistribution of land tenures and
the consolidation of national interests was proved by the scheme of
colonization that ore Krstis agrarian commission carried out in Kosovo,
trying to modify the ethnic dimension of the region, increasing the number of
Serbs and improving their economic status. If in 1928 the commission claimed
to have brought 70,000 colonists, in the following years this kind of policy was
further supported with a new law concerning the colonization of southern
regions (1931) and an orchestrated wave of confiscation of land from
Albanians in Kosovo (1935), culminating in the notorious Vasa ubrilovis
memorandum on the expulsion of Albanians (1937).11

Relazione circa la sistemazione di Zara, Belgrade, July 1, 1921. Historical Archives of the
Armys General Staff (Archivio dello Stato Maggiore dellEsercito, Aussme), F3, 325, 7.
10
In this case the Court readdressed the petitioners towards the special fund created
at Paris in 1930 to cover the indemnities due by the successor states to the Magyar
landowners. For a general analysis of the international consequences of the agrarian
reforms in different states, and especially in Romania, see G. Motta, Less than Nations.
CentralEastern European Minorities after WWI, vol. 2, Newcastle 2013, 125 ff.
11
R. Elsie, Historical Dictionary of Kosovo, Plymouth 2011, xxxvixxxvii.

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 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

The expropriations were particularly aggressive in the multiethnic

regions and were followed by the redistribution, which was obviously carried
out taking in consideration the national interests and the land hunger of many
peasants promised to receive land during the years of the conflict. This attitude
could be justified by the reasons of public security, and it could be established
that no members of minorities were allowed even to buy land within a zone of
50 kilometres from the frontier without the consent of the Ministries of War and
the Interior. A similar provision was established by the Albanian Constitution
(Art. 215), which prohibited strangers to have properties on rural lands in any
form and to have estates in places near the frontiers of the state or near the sea
they had simply the right to have the price for the sale of lands necessary for
the establishment of industries.
As it happened in Yugoslavia, also in Romania the proportions of the
land to be confiscated changed from one region to another according to the
laws promulgated for Transylvania, Banat, Criana and Maramure (July 30,
1921), for Oltenia, Muntenia, Moldova and Dobruja (July 17, 1921), and for
Bukovina (July 30, 1921). At the end of the conflict and after the Alba Iulia
declaration (December 1, 1918), on 19 and 20 July 1921 the Romanian
parliament adopted these acts which considered expropriation as a state right
for reasons of public utility. One of the regulations objectives was the pursuit
of national policies, aiming to satisfy general cultural, economic, social and
physical interests (Art. 1). These measures concerned directly the interests of
the minorities, the Russians of Bessarabia and the Magyars of Transylvania
and Banat who were generally punished as they owned the majority of the large
estates and particularly when they left their placed of residence after 1
December 1918 in those regions the limits were generally inferior to the ones
imposed to the Old Reign.12
Similar policies were enacted also in Bulgaria, where the authorities
sought to settle refugees from Thrace and Macedonia in the parts where land
was expropriated, mostly to the residual former Turkish nobles. On 26 June
1919, King Boris III issued a decree under which the Muslim community
moved on to a new, more inhibiting stage. The Statute on Spiritual Organization
and Administration of Muslims in the Kingdom of Bulgaria granted extensive
powers to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Public Worship to intervene into
the Muslim communitys religious matters: the Ministry had not only the
discretion to confirm or reject the appointment of the elected mufti, but could
also interfere in the management of property of Muslim religious entities
12
The provisions especially affected the Magyars and those declared absent. H. L.
Roberts, Rumania: Political Problems of an Agrarian State, New Haven 1951.

411
Giuseppe Motta

(vakuf). Any final decision over the property of the vakuf belonged or had to
be approved by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Public Worship (Art. 168).
Religious boards could not purchase, sell or mortgage property, and they
could not construct, trade in, or exchange property without the authorization
of the Ministry (Art. 171). The vakuf department of the religious board was
obliged to send its budget records to the Ministry for examination and approval
(Art. 179).
In the Balkans, anyway, the extent of these measures was considerably
more limited, owing to the conditions of properties. While large estates
characterized the former AustriaHungary, Poland and Romania, peasant
holdings were widespread in Serbia and Bulgaria. In these countries, as well
as in Greece, the process of agrarian redistribution had already been carried
out during the previous century, when the traditional structure of Ottoman land
changed as a result of independence. The Balkan Wars, as a matter of fact,
were not just conflicts for freedom but also for the occupation of Turkish lands,
as the division of the lands through the iftlik became a synonym for the
Ottoman oppression. According to this system, the land was divided in units
which were assigned to the leasers, who were mainly Muslims and could
stipulate further agreements with the land workers. This agrarian structure,
naturally, was the result of the Ottoman dominion, and in Balkan rural regions
it became the symbol of Turkish oppression, which concentrated the power
and the exploitation of land in the hands of loyal Muslim subjects.13 The first
13
In Bulgaria, after it gained independence in 1878, the overwhelmingly Turkish nobles
estates were redistributed among peasant smallholdings. Additional reforms were
implemented in 192023 and a maximum ownership of 30 hectares was fixed.
Stambolijski immediately introduced drastic economic reforms: he abolished the
merchants trade monopoly on grain, broke up large landholdings, enacted an obligatory
labor law and made secondary schooling compulsory. The fact that the land was already
in the hands of small owners made the reforms less radical than in other places. In fact,
after 1878 the Turkish estates were redistributed among peasant smallholdings. Factors
influencing the early reforms or reform movements following World War I were the
general and increasing poverty of the peasantry, the democratization of countries where
peasants dominated the population, the threat of Bolshevism, the defeat of Germany and
AustriaHungary, and demands of war veterans. Expropriation and redistribution of land
previously owned by the defeated, foreign nobility (German, Hungarian, and Moslem)
was easiest since the interests of these former landlords were no longer represented in the
national governments. S. Thompson Agrarian Reform in Eastern Europe Following
World War I: Motives and Outcomes, American Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol.
75, No. 3 (Aug. 1993) 840844. A. L. Kosinski, Society Changes in the Ethnic Structure in
EastCentral Europe, 19301960, Geographical Review, Vol. 59, No. 3 (July 1969) 388402

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The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

consequence of the wars of the XIX century (the Greek War of Independence,
Serbian revolts, rebellions preceding the Congress of Berlin of 1878) was thus
the abolition of this system and the expropriation of lands through some
reforms that did not entirely cancel but greatly reduced the influence of Muslim
landlords an important exception was BosniaHerzegovina, where land
property was not reformed after 1878 but only after 1918. In Serbia and
Bulgaria, on the contrary, the land reforms already produced their effects
modifying the traditional Ottoman structure. As a consequence, after 1919 the
changes were less important and did not show a particular Muslim question,
even if the postwar period meant the final completion of a reforming process
which in the past had greatly affected Muslim landlords and the iftlik system.
But the more or less radical extent of different agrarian reforms did
not substantially affect the general socioeconomic framework, which was still
precarious and fragile, as shown by the wellknown Alexander Gerschenkrons
analysis of backwardness and development.14 The RussoAmerican economist
considered the Russian and Bulgarian cases just the most outstanding example
to be studied in order to understand the reasons for economic backwardness,
which could not concern only natural resources and political conditions, but
depended on a range of aspects relating to the attitudes towards consumption,
saving and investment, or the banking system, i.e. on the whole of socio
economic features that were only partially conditioned by shorttime policies
(with the exception of totalitarian state economies, like that of the Soviet Union
that Gerschenkron widely analysed). On the contrary, the success of an
economic model relied on a sum of longterm factors affecting the economic
as well as the political framework.
Under this perspective, the Balkan reality presented many particular
features, which were partially similar to those of other Eastern European states
and to many countries in the rest of the world.15 First of all, the desire for
independence and the influence of European values and modernization

H. Jorgensen, The InterWar Land Reforms in Estonia, Finland and Bulgaria: A

Comparative Study, Scandinavian Economic History Review, vol. 54, issue 1 (2006)
The Human Rights of Muslims in Bulgaria in Law and Politics since 1878, Bulgarian
Helsinki Committee, Sofia 2003 V. Alton Moody, Agrarian Reform before PostWar
European Constituent Assemblies, Agricultural History, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr. 1933).
14
A. Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective, A Book of
Essays, Cambridge 1962.
15
When explaining the differences between Western and Eastern Europe, Daniel Chirot
finely argued that it is not the backwardness that has to be considered exceptional, but
on the contrary the economic growth of the West represented something unique.
Consequently, it would be more normal to study the Western models and not the

413
Giuseppe Motta

processes was the result of a complex historical process that waited for several
centuries in the Balkans and was accelerated only in the last decades, with the
final decline of the Ottoman Empire. When discussing the rapid process leading
to the creation of the Balkan national states, Charles and Barbara Jelavich have
underlined the strict connection between the influence of Europe and the
simultaneous strengthening of the different national identities, which left an
indelible legacy for the future of the Balkan states, a sort of primordial
imprint, as stressed by Maria Todorova.16
In addition to these considerations, it also has to be stressed that the
social structure of the Balkan area inevitably resented the longlasting Ottoman
rule, which created a region where ethnic, cultural and religious differences
corresponded to different socioeconomic models, and to different written and
unwritten laws and habits with a collective dimension, coherently with the
Ottoman tradition of the Millet system. For many centuries, every religious
community experienced a sort of selfgovernment, especially in the cultural
field, but this sort of autonomy deeply conditioned also the economic aspects
of everyday life and the whole society. The Tanzimat reforms that the Sultan
carried out, unsuccessfully, during the XIX century did not substantially change
the situation in the early XX century either, as the Ottoman Empire was still
based on an obsolete combination of religious regulations, old legal institutions
inherited from the past, such as capitulations, and new radical attempts of
modernization that led to the Young Turks revolution in 1908.17
According to Wayne Vucinichs reflections, the Ottoman social
structure was pyramidal: it had a large rural basis composed of peasants with
or without an estate a very subtle strip of industrial labor force an even more
subtle circle of the intelligentsia and urban middleclass a summit formed by
bureaucracy and churches. While the social unit was represented by a sort of

Eastern European ones. D. Chirot, Causes and Consequences of Backwardness, The

Origins of Backwardness in Eastern Europe. Economics & Politics from the Middle
Ages until the Early Twentieth Century, D. Chirot (ed.), London 1989, 5.
16 Cfr. C. Jelavich B. Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan National States,

18041920, University of Washington Press, Seattle 1977. Balkan Identities: Nation

and Memory, M. Todorova (ed.), New York 2004.
17
The Ottoman Empire had a quite obsolete structure and did not yet develop those
policies and measures that began to be common in Western Europe, keeping intact
some legal extravagancies such as capitulations, which were finally abrogated only
in 1914. G. Young, Corps de Droit Ottoman, 7. vols., 1906 D. Glidewell Nadolski,
Ottoman and Secular Civil Law, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 8,
No. 4 (Oct. 1977) 517543.

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The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

enlarged family, the ByzantineOttoman administrative system diverged from

the Western one owing to a different conception of state and a different
approach towards the relationships between authorities and individuals. On the
one side, after the Middle Ages, Europe affirmed the idea necessary to establish
some limits to the exercise of power and national sovereignty on the other, an
analogous process of secularization was not initiated in the Balkans where all
the social institutions, including religious hierarchies, were always managed
in an autocratic manner.18
As a consequence, at the beginning of the XX century the Western part
of the Balkans created a solid relation with Europe this connection was
facilitated by the presence of Catholic communities, for example in Croatia
and Dalmatia while in the rest of the peninsula a strong Byzantine heritage
created an Easternmodelled balkanism in regions where a consolidated
patriarchal regime was present in the social dynamics of zadruga, in the clan
system or in the family associations (pleme, plemena, fise in Albania).19
The Ottoman Empire was an enormous and intricate whole of social sub
systems among which Islam played an overwhelming role, while feudalism
largely represented one of the socioeconomic pillars. But the Ottoman feudalism
was not ruled by the same laws as the ancient Western one, it was a synthesis of
Arabian, Persian and Byzantine elements whose application to the Balkan reality
finally generated a sphere of Turkish or loyal dignitaries, collaborationist landlords,
persons connected to the Islamic bureaucracy (such as some Greek families who
represented a sort of aristocracy) and military functionaries. The majority of the
population, anyway, was represented by peasants and the national Balkan
revival, as a consequence, did not arrive from the cities, but from the villages:
In Ottoman days only the village nourished sentiments of manly
vigour and true patriotism. It perpetuated national oral tradition and
remembrances of medieval independence and glory. By living in compact
settlements, with their own social organization, the peasants were able to resist
the penetration of alien cultures and to preserve their ethnic individuality... The
dominant Ottoman Turkish society and the numerous subsocieties that
functioned within the encompassing system of social relations preserved their
distinctive characters and yet influenced each other. The long period of
coexistence and intermingling has given the Turks and their erstwhile subjects

18
D. Tomai, The Structure of Balkan Society, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.
52, No. 2 (Sep. 1946) 132140.
19
J. Cviji, The Zones of Civilization of the Balkan Peninsula, Geographical Review,
Vol. 5, No. 6 (June 1918) 470482.

415
Giuseppe Motta

many common characteristics and a similar outlook on life. The Ottoman

Empire vanished, but its influences survive.20
An inquiry that British diplomacy promoted through different
consulates during the years of the Balkan Wars showed that from the civil and
social point of view this conflict was producing a considerable change,
especially regarding the relationships among the different confessional and
ethnic groups. The result of this study proved that only in recent years the
hostility between Turks and other communities increased and the Balkan Wars
were essential in influencing the sentiments of many populations and their
desire to secede from the Turkish domination. 21
After the First World War, the social structure prevailing in these
territories was no more compatible with the new idea of state, which implied
a full legal equality among citizens and needed a complex work of unification
and homogenization in order to convert the former subjects into modern
citizens. Naturally this process is too complex to be performed in a short time
but needs time to modify social and mental structures that are deeply rooted in
history and that have been gradually accompanied and replaced by state laws
and regulations. In order to accomplish such a reform, states need time,
resources and a solid power of coercion and in many cases the Balkan states
did not fully possess these elements. Following the Western models meant that
the state had to rapidly carry out a political and economic process of
conversion, starting from the adoption of codes and constitutions developed
in Europe since the Age of Enlightenment, without experiencing the same
success in the territories under Turkish influence.
It has been justly stated that the economic backwardness of Eastern
Europe was not a direct consequence of Ottoman rule (Lampe, Adanir) but is
the result of a complex interaction of geographic, political and cultural forces.22

20
Wayne S. Vucinich, The Nature of Balkan Society under Ottoman Rule, Slavic
Review, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Dec. 1962) 597616.
21
The most interesting results of this inquiry were recorded in the social context: according
to the British reports, the treatment of strangers was always generally good and tolerant, but
the war deeply modified this situation, consolidating those groups who wished to abandon
the Turkish rule. From Mosul, for example, English consuls sent this comment: There is
no doubt that the Christians universally rejoiced at the overthrow of Turkey, while the
Moslems were for the most part indifferent. In this perspective, the First World War could
be seen as the final stage of a path that the Porte had started some centuries before. G. W.
Swanson, A Note on the Ottoman SocioEconomic Structure and Its Response to the Balkan
War of 1912, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan. 1978) 116126.
22
F. Adanir, Tradition and Rural Change in Southeastern Europe during Ottoman
Rule, The Origins of Backwardness, D. Chirot (ed.), 131 ff.

416
 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

On the other hand, it could also be said that the centuries of Ottoman
domination did not contribute to produce a solid social force that could take the
new course after the achievement of national independence. The inner
problems of the Balkan reality did not help national states to face the challenges
that the new reality was proposing them after World War I: political stability
depended on rapid economic development, and both were conditioned by the
rise of a solid political, economic and social elite but the creation of such a
group of functionaries and private economic agents could not simply be the
result of national independence after centuries of foreign oppression. The
adoption of strong economic nationalism, on the contrary, did not help to
achieve these targets and only produced a perverted mixture between national
and personal interests, as Ivo Banac tried to demonstrate recalling the
experience of minister Milan Stojadinovi, who managed his properties almost
as a former Turkish feudal landlord.23

Conclusions. A New Economy with New Frontiers.

The drafting of new frontiers deeply affected the economic balances of

CentralEastern Europe. The building of new states implied many changes, first
of all in the definition of the economic and trade relationships of the area. Towns
and districts once connected with Budapest and Vienna, or with the ports of Trieste
and Fiume, were cut off from the established routes and the same principle
characterized small villages and the countryside, which had to find a new local
economic benchmark. These regions often had an agricultural background that
marked the daily life of their inhabitants, that is to say of the peasants who were
strictly bound to the land. Rural classes were particularly influenced by the
location of markets held in cities and towns, which conditioned the organization
and the entire life of smaller villages.
The partition of the old economic space had outstanding consequences on
the development of postwar states, since the old unity was replaced by a gamut
of nationalist policies which took parallel patterns that were met with difficulty.
If in the past railways transported the resources from their place of origin to the
industrial centers, after the war, these localities were often cut off from each other.
This effect was particularly felt in those regions of the Balkans where as Georges
Prvlakis underlined in his Les Balkans, cultures et gopolitique (1994) a
mountain pass separated not only two valleys but two different worlds, and where
economic efficiency did not correspond to ethnic distinctions.
23
I. Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics, Ithaca
1984, 320.
417
Giuseppe Motta

Generally, international commerce encountered many hurdles: tariffs

and taxes when the goods had to pass frontiers, and the lack of adequate
infrastructures and skilled entrepreneurs inside the states that wished to develop
their national industry. Many times, the lives of the cities and the surrounding
villages were strictly interdependent and when the frontiers cut this link, they
inevitably jeopardized the regular development of local economies,
diminishing the commerce and the exchange of commodities. In many cases
the adoption of the ethnic criteria to determine the new frontier was in contrast
with reasons of economic stability and with the need of preserving the
economic life of the regions through an efficient system of railways, roads and
other infrastructures such as hydrographic basins, which connected the places
where the resources were extracted or produced to the industrial structures,
where they were worked and exploited.
The creation of a boundary in places connected for a long time strongly
conditioned the postwar situation and further changed not only the habits, but also
the customs, prices and tariffs of these rural markets. The adoption of new private
law codes made these changes effective and influenced not only the economic
interchanges and relationships, but also the structure of the land and of the villages
which had to be integrated into new systems of law, accepting new solutions and
regulations (trespassing, family and succession law, land registries, tributes and
taxes). The problem was more complicated in some regions of the Balkans, where
the land structure was still conditioned by the Ottoman heritage or by local
dynamics. A report commissioned by the League of Nations, for example,
underlined that in Albania the situation was extremely complex:
In the mountains of the north the land is owned jointly by families, the
pastures being the joint property of the tribes. The whole is regulated by the
laws and traditions of the tribes. Large feudal estates are to be found above all
in the centre (Tirana, Elbasan, Berat), and especially in the fertile district
Mousakja, which, if rendered healthy and well cultivated, could supply the
whole of Albania with cereals.24

24
A. Calms, The Economic and Financial Situation of Albania, Annex to the Report
presented to the Council by the Financial Committee of the Provisional Economic and
Financial Committee on its Eighth Session, Geneva, September 1922, 10. Another example
of these reforms which has been studied and analysed in anthropological and political terms
is the maso chiuso (closed estate) system used by Tyrol peasants passed under Italy, who
had to abandon the traditional indivisibility of the land and adopt the Italian succession rule
with the partition among the heirs. J. W. Cole E. R. Wolf, La frontiera nascosta. Ecologia
e etnicit fra Trentino e Sudtirolo, Roma 1993 Fonti delle norme giuridiche e studi sul
Maso Chiuso nel Trentino AltoAdige, C. Graf (a cura di), Trento 1987.

418
 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

All the changes that national states prefigured aiming to accomplish a

general economic and social transformation were burdened by a whole of
complex factors, which could not be managed simply counting on the work of
local untrained elites, dismantling the old schemes that were present for
example in AustriaHungary and building a new reality along national lines.
As Berend and Rnki successfully showed in their work about the
economic development of East Central Europe, the explosion of nationalist
passions, as well as the reaction against international proletariat movements,
paved the way for the development of economic nationalism. Forgetting the
classical economic doctrine of laissez faire, states sponsored the growth of
their economy imposing monopolies, adopting protectionist policies, managing
their currencies to ensure stable conditions and building infrastructures to
define a new web of roads and communications inside their national borders.
They developed many stateowned sectors, especially in the industrial field,
in transportation and communication systems, they nationalized their resources
and acquired important proportions of capital in industries and stock holdings
they promoted the development of banks with social and national aims.25
Romania represented the perfect sample of this economic nationalism.
The country experienced such policies since the end of XIX century and
strengthened them after WWI, with the definition of the prin noi inine
(through ourselves alone) constitutional policy. This strategy aimed to make
Romnia Mare not only a political entity but also an economic one,
transforming the country using all the resources that were offered by the new
25
As I. T. Berend G. Rnki, perfectly showed in their Economic Development in
EastCentral Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries, New York 1974. I. T. Berend G.
Rnki, Lo sviluppo economico nellEuropa centroorientale nel XIX e XX secolo,
Bologna 1978, 241 The Economic History of Eastern Europe, 1919I975. Vol. I:
Economic Structure and Performance between the Two Wars. Vol. II: Interwar Policy,
the War and Reconstruction, M. C. Kaser (ed. by), Clarendon P., Oxford 1985 F. W.
Moore, Economic Demography of Eastern and Southern Europe, Geneva 1945 I.
Svennilson, Growth and Stagnation in the European Economy, Geneva 1954. For the
study of the state role in interwar economy, G. Rnki, The Role of the State in the
Economy in the interwar Period Hungary, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, Papers in
East European Economics, n. 29 (1973) N. Spulber, The State and Economic
Development in Eastern Europe, New York 1966 Z. P. Pryor, Czechoslovak Economic
Development in the Interwar Period, A History of the Czechoslovak Republic, V.
Mamatey R. Luza (ed. by), Princeton 1975 A. Teichova, An Economic Background
to Munich International Business and Czechoslovakia 19181938, Cambridge 1974
D. H. Aldcroft S. Morewood, Economic Change in Eastern Europe since 1918,
Edward Elgar publishing, Aldershot 1995.

419
Giuseppe Motta

frontiers. The Minister of Economy, Vintila Bratianu, openly expressed this

program in many works which emphasized the role that the natural and human
resources of the country could and should have, converting Romania into an
economically complete state and preparing the people for the florid future
that the new economic energies could promote.26
This ambitious policy combined the nationalization of important
economic factors, such as mines and oil wells, and the adoption of precise rules
to support national enterprises: the obligation of engaging determined
percentages of Romanian employees inside the industries the creation in 1923
of the National Society for Industrial Credit to give privileged loans to
Romanian citizens and companies taxations and state credits to banks the
imposition of a multitude of controls and direct interference of the state in
private economic activity the creation of a Romanian responsible for every
firm which was owned by a minority member the act for the utilization of
Romanian staff in enterprises (1934) according to which at least 50% of the
auditors and the boards and committees were to be Romanian.
But it was not a pure Romanian question: the taxation systems for
many years continued to impose different and higher rates in the new regions,
especially in those of the former Habsburg Empire, where also the exchange
of currencies was generally punitive. Many problems were created by the fact
that these zones had never been part of their new states and had to integrate
their economy inside the new structures it was the case of Transylvania, where
Romanian economic activity began to concur with German and Magyar ones
only during the second half of the XIX century, or of Vojvodina and Slovenia.
26
Azi n Romnia Mare el devine o entitate nu numai politic, care prin participarea
ntregului sau neam are viitorul sau asigurat, dar i economic, cuprinznd n hotarele
acestui stat hinterlandul direct influenat de gurile Dunrii. Astfel Romnia va fi mine
un stat economicete complet, prin folosirea ntregului neam la propairea lui
economic, prin bogiile naturale deosebite pe care teritoriile dobndite le aduc n
ara exclusiv agricol de pn ieri, prin transformarea munilor din hotar n rezervor
viitor de energie economic de tot felul, dar mai cu seam fiindc cuprinde n statul
stpnitor al gurilor Dunarii toate regiunile bogate dintre Nistru si Tisa care au
scurgerea lor normal c tre aceste guri. Vintila Bratianu despre Economia naional
a Romniei Mari, Democraia (45 mai 1919) M. Drecin, Noi prin noi variant a
doctrinei liberale prin noi nine, Anuarul Institutului de Istorie ClujNapoca,
XXXV (1996) 241246 I. Saizu, Politica economic a Romniei ntre 1922 i 1928,
Bucureti, 1981 L. Bathory, The Coal and IronandSteel Industries in the National
States of Central Europe and the Autochthonous and Foreign Banking Capital (1919
1929), Nouvelles tudes dhistoire, publies loccasion du XVII Congrs
international des sciences historiques, Madrid 1990, 242247.

420
 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

In order to modify this reality, all the states increased public properties,
especially in those strategic areas where it was important to replace foreign
capital (for example in former Habsburg Slovakia and Slovenia), and this
strategy was limited only by the lack of capital and by the economic weakness
of those states. Naturally, this background could not be inverted in only a few
years and so the national policies of the interwar period showed the
counterproductive effect of dampened productivity. In many cases,
redistribution led to fragmentation and, the initial agrarian reforms were
mitigated in the following years, when the poor results of agricultural
production obliged the authorities to rethink these measures.
Since 1919, Eastern European states appeared to have made up their
minds about the future of their economy, ignoring the suggestions of John
Maynard Keynes, who wondered about the fundamental economic factors in the
future relations of Central and Eastern Europe. After the partition of the former
economic space, he saw no possible means of repairing this loss of productivity
within any reasonable period of time except through the agency of German
enterprise and organization. Keynes prediction came true only during the thirties,
after the big crisis in 1929 shocked the global economy and spilled over also to
CentralEastern Europe. On the contrary, the new states attempted to find a
solution to Keynes doubts with strong economic nationalism, which abandoned
the classic laissezfaire to make the state become the principal actor of the
economic play. As a matter of fact, national tendencies in the economy grew
during the interwar period, especially after the crisis of 1929, but their effects
were not as optimistic as their authors expected.
Lampe and Jackson argued that the fact that the war had interrupted the
growth of exports from the Balkans did not necessarily mean an
insurmountable obstacle for economic development, but actually represented
a big problem in countries where a strong internal market was lacking.27 With
a downturn in international commerce that followed the 1929 bankruptcy they
once again had to resort to their historical economic benchmark, that is to say
Germany. During the thirties, many governments started to flirt with Berlin,
and subsequently Danubian and Balkan regions were newly attracted under
the German influence. This rapprochement had terrible consequences for the
states which gradually pushed themselves at the bottom of a tunnel. The trade
agreement with Hungary in 1931, in this sense, represented the cornerstone of
the following pacts that were concluded with Yugoslavia, (1934), Romania
27
J. R. Lampe M. R. Jackson, Balkan economic history, 15501950: from imperial
borderlands to developing Nations, Indiana University Press, Bloomington 1982, 155
ff. and also 329 ff.

421
Giuseppe Motta

(1935), and with other states, reaching its peak with the Pactul petrolului (Oil
pact) with Romania in 1940.28
The downturn in international commerce accompanied the worsening
of international relationships, which were definitely conditioned by the division
between revisionist and antirevisionist states. The international instability and
the decline of international institutions, on the other side, reflected the gradual
shift that many states experienced towards a less democratic and more
nationalist reality. The economic crisis of 1929 accelerated this movement and
paved the way for the rise of totalitarian nationalisms which combined anti
Semitism with the revision of the Versailles status quo. The expectations for
rapid economic development (which meant a considerable government
investment in technical and information services and not a simple redistribution
of land) were almost totally exhausted by the crisis and by an international
context in which states were more or less compelled to concentrate on foreign
policy and military buildups, leaving agriculture to stagnate.
The success of Hitler anticipated the final decline of the League of
Nations, which lost all its prestige after the selfwithdrawal of Germany, the
wars in Spain and Ethiopia and the failure of all the attempts made to solve
these questions. Within a few years the castle crumbled and created the
ground for the Second World War, a new tragic experience that had its roots in
the democratic instability of the national states, in the economic crisis, and in
the fragility of international institutions. On the international and internal level,
the economy showed that nations raised among them a curtain, an
insurmountable wall which prevented them to organize a solid defence against
the real enemies coming from their recent past. Serving the nation with too
much zeal, this accelerated the descent of Eastern Europe towards
authoritarianism, proposing once again the same ethnic rivalries and historical
revenges that the First World War unfortunately and unconsciously contributed
to exacerbate. The excesses of nationalism thus finally produced the effect that

28
In 1934 the German government made public the socalled Neuer plan which put into
the hands of the state the control of foreign trade and international financial traffic. G.
Rnki, Economy and Foreign Policy. The Struggle of the Great Powers for Hegemony
in the Danube Valley, 19191939, Boulder, New York 1983, 135147 the advance of
German capital in Eastern Europe was a much discussed matter which attracted the
attention of many economists, for example the economic and political writer and
journalist of the Financial Times, Paul Einzig. P. Einzig, Bloodless Invasion. German
economic penetration into Danubian states and the Balkans, Duckworth 1938 E.
Jackh, The German Drive in the Balkans, International Affairs, Vol. 18, No. 6 (Nov
Dec. 1939) 763783.

422
 The Economy of Nations. Some Reflections about the Impact of Economic State Policies ...

Berend called the failure of economic nationalism and substantially

contributed to the extension of German influence in Eastern Europe and to a
second human and economic catastrophe.29

29
I. T. Berend, The Failure of Economic Nationalism: Central and Eastern Europe
before World War II, Revue conomique, Vol. 51, No. 2, De lEurope davantguerre
lEurope daujourdhui: Regards sur lEurope de 1939 (Mar. 2000), 315322.

423
Giuseppe Motta

,

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1929. .

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: 30. 04. 2016.

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424
 , . LXV (2016) . 425451
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 425451
: 374/376(497.113)1918/1941

*
e eoa
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eoa

AO EE OJO
E A EA AA (19181941)

: a e a oeoo eao ao
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1

*
bralic@fb.bg.ac.rs
1
U odgovor na adresu delegacije Drave SHS, regent Aleksandar je 1.decembra 1918.
proglasio ujedinjenje Srbije sa zemljama nezavisne Drave SHS u jedinstveno
Kraljevstvo Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (B. Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 19181978,
Beograd 1981, 28). 15. 1920.
, , je 3. 1929.
(. ,
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2
Uiniti akademska znanja dostupnim onima kojima za to ne treba druge obrazovne,
ili bilo kakve vie kvalifikacije osim ljubavi prema znanju i oseanja njegove vrednosti,
ini sutinu smisla univerzitetskih ekstenzi u svim zemljama gde su se one pojavile,
R. Bulatovi, Univerzitet za sve: o uticaju engleske univerzitetske ekstenze na sline
oblike obrazovanja odraslih kod nas do drugog svetskog rata, Beograd 1980, 113.
3
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odbljesak francuskog narodnog univerziteta i njemake visoke narodne
kole (B. Samolovev, H. Muradbegovi, Opta andragogija, Sarajevo 1979, 69).
4
, ,
, 5. 1935. .
(=), ,
66, (=): 66
17/35.
5

na irenje socijalnohumanistikih i prirodnonaunih znanja
(Samolovev, Muradbegovi, Opta andragogija, 69).
6
B. Samolovev, Obrazovanje odraslih u prolosti i danas, Zagreb 1963, 118.

427


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428
 (19181941)

1934.





99 710 352 4

332 152 151 5

110 117 40 2

137 99 11 27

207 106 21 10

467 158 125 23

145 60 10 7

216 41 39 5

178 81 40 19

4 297 14 1
1851
1896 803 103
(1821?)9
:
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. o oe aeaa eo
oa oae eoe oj je a aea ao
ea oeo ae aee ae ae ae aoe
Ma eo.10 T e ao a je a oj aoe o 4.953
oeea oo oa, je aaja oj oeea ao aa a
jea aoa aa:
1. a eao je oaaa e aaa 593 oeea (11,97%
o oja oeea),
2. a aao je 438 oeea (8,84%),
3. a oao 110 (2,22%),
4. a o 80 (1,62%),
5. a o 22 oeea (0,44%).

a jea oe e aoa aa oaaa e

aaa o 1.243 oeea, o je o 25,09% o oja
oeea oo oa. o je ao o 188.075 aa
oo oa, a o oa je 63.047 (a 33,52%) oaao aa a
jea aoa aa:
1. ea oeea 24.815 aa (13,19% o oja),
2. aa 26.958 (14,33%),
3. oa 5.601 (2,98%),
4. 4.297 (2,28%),
5. 1.376 (0,73%).

10
AJ 38714/893. (28. 1940).

430
 (19181941)

oo oa oao oa e a a
aoa o o a. ae, eao
ao a (ao) ae o eaoo ao eaa,
aaa a oe ao a ooe oeea a aa a
aee je.11 a e oa oj a o ao
ae oaa a aoaa aa.
eoe ao oaa a je aoj ao o
28,87% eeo aoa, aa jao eoaj e
eao aae oa 1931. oe. jao aj a o
ee ae oeeo aoa oj o
oeoj ajeo e a aoa aee
Joaje. Taoe je o a je aa aoa a oea
oe eo aoa, :12

1. 5,54
2. 62,11
3. 28,87
4. 61,96
5. 57,46
6. 27,67
7. 70,86
8. 72,60
9. 66,04
10. 10,87
44,61

: A. ea, ,
9/1940, 163.

oe a je ao 1940.
oe, 12 ao eea eo oja a,
oo aa, ea, aa, o 96
oa eao ,
.13
11
B. Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije, 160.
12

1931. .
13
, .: Narodni univerzitet u Odacima, 1. aprila 1940, 343, br. 100.
, ,

431


1)

ao ee Mae ae ea oo a
ooa je 1919. oe, a o 1922. Maa je oaa jea o eja
Mae e. e, a oaj ao ee oea
aa AJ aao e 1930. a ao
eea ae aoe eaa e oe.14 eaj
Oe a oe a Maa oee 1931.
aao eoo ej oaaa o eao oe aoe
eo e 1. 1930. 31. 1931. o. a o 22
eaaa oaa o ea o je 5.500 oeaa, o
4.400 ea 1.100 aaa (oeo o eaa 250, o oa 200
ea). eaaa je ao 18 eaaa, 12 aaa 6 ea.15
1933. (o 16. ooa) aaa je ao oa ojoj
Maa a ea a ooee a jeo eaae o
oja oa ooaa aeeo o aoa
(eaa je o oeo ao aea o).
a, oaj ojea oe aoo ao e
aj, je e ea oe o a o oo ooe jeo
jeo eaaa ooj a 6 aa oeaa. ae, oo
ae a oa oo eea, ooo je o oje je
oa oa a ooee eaaa: Maa ae ea oja
oo aa Oe oeee Maa oee oeo
oeee aee ae ae ae aoe Oe (Oe)

, ,
materijalnim i brojnim opadanjem naeg slovenskog ivlja 100%no
obezbeenim nemakim ivljem, koji je jo k tome i organizovan svestrano. Pogotovu
je Kulturbund aktivan u ovome poslu, pri emu se mora voditi rauna i o injenici, da
se rad kulturbunda ne ograniava samo na prosvetnom, nego i na politikom polju.

, . iz naroitih obzira da se sva prepiska
dostavlja neposredno ovom univerzitetu.

nacionalne i dravne interese u Vojvodini. AJ 66 /48.
14
, 7. 1930.
17/35.
15
66 17/35.

432
 (19181941)

a aoo oeae Maa oee aea aa

aa ae aoe oja Aa Maa oee
Mao oee (eee, ooo ooee) a
oje oo aa jo jeo aea aa aa a
ea Maa oee.16
Moa o a jeo jao eaae o e oeaa
aae a oa o ae oae oe e, o
oj oje. Oo aje a je
aojae a e eao ao eea (
oe aa aoa) eo aea ooe
ooa e eo o aa, je je ao ooee a ao eaae
oao a oe o ae ae a, e oe oae a e
oe a oeeo eo eaaa e eo o e ee
a eaae oo. e je o eoeo oao oeaao
a oeo aoa, je je oaao a oj
ejaa, ee eej oe a eeo aoo a
ae, eo a oj oo eao. a o aoa
oeo je oeaa , eo aee ooea,
o je ooo ae aa a, a eaao e a Mao
ea eaaa oe e oo.17
ea eaja aa aa oee oaeo
aoo eea oj eaaa aoo eea Mae
ae ea eao e oo oa oao:

16
.
17
, ,
,

1932. (
XVII, XVIII XIX . ).

,
.
,
,
, ,
, ,
( 17/35).

,
.

433


oa eaaa
1933/34. 17
1934/35. 18
1935/36. 25
1936/37. 23
1937/38. 23
1938/39. 19
1939/40. 16
19331940. 141 ( 20 o eo)

: , , 9/1934, 25/1936, 38/1938, 45/1940.

a a ojee eoe aoe e oa o o oj

oeaa, a oo oa e oe a a e aj oj eao
e 150 300, o je e 1938. 1940. oe oao
a (250300).18
a oo oaaa aa o eaja o e
aa eoaj oa, ooo ea aaj
ae eao oe aoe:

Teaa oa eaaa
eo 37
aoaa oja 20
eaoja 9
jea ea 8
ea 74

: 19 19331938, ,
, 9/1934, 25/1936, 38/1938, 45/1940.

a oo eaja aoe oeo a a je ao

ee Mae ae ea eoao oea oa,
oe a eoao aje ooe aoo e eo eaao
oe ooo aaa aa ja eaaa, ae
18
. , 9 (1934), 25 (1936), 38 (1938), 45 (1940).
19
, 31. 1934, , 10. 1934, , 12 .
1934, , 28. 1934, , 9. 1935, , 21.
1936, 29. 1936, . 66 17/35, 66/ 1.

434
 (19181941)

oe aee oaje a e eao o a e oj eaaa

o e oea, a e o eoaa oa ao o
oaa.

2) ao ee

ao ee ooa je 1926. oe.

1940.
.20

oa oj oj aaa
eaaa a oea
1926/27. 40 5.813 145
1927/28. 62 6.256 101
1928/29. 27 2.339 87
1929/30. 36 3.729 104
1930/31. 34 5.015 148
1931/32. 6 1.230 205
1932/33. 9 2.409 268
1933/34. 6 593 99
1934/35. 40 4.680 117
1935/36. 64 9.110 142
1936/37. 84 11.320 135
1937/38. 75 12.000 160
1938/39. 50
1939/40. 40
ea 573

: , , 9/1934, 25/1936, 38/1938, 45/1940.

oa o oj oeaa eo e 1926. 1938. oe

ao ee ao 64.494 oeoa, a
483 oaa jaa eaaa, oja oaa oeo 134
aoa.
20
.

435


e e a a , aoo o eoe 1935/36. o.,

eaaa eo oaoaa oaaa ea oo
a, o e o ee ea ao ea. eoaae
ee oje e aae o a oee oj je eao
, ao eoaj eae oa eae a ooe
oo (oaao, oao, ao, oj j
a, ooeo aao, oao, eeao, .). Oo
oeo oe ao ea oaj aoaaa oae ojeaje
eoo ae eo ea oao oeaa.21
ao ee oj aaj ej eeo e
aoa eo aae eo oo aaea, o
oaeao a e ea aoaaj oaoajoj aao
, e oa oj e aj oj o oao
oaoaa a oo a o oaoae oe jo
aee, o e aoaa ea ea o j je oao
e a o eo a eaao e aj
oe. Tao e oa oj aj e (oaoaa) aa a
a e jo, o o oj aj ae ao a oe oaj.
o e ao ee ojo
eaa e aoao eo a, e e e
a a ea oaa oea a oao oeaa
oje o o aoeo oa aa aaa, e
aj ea ea aa, oja o oo aee
ooee ooe, ae a oe, jee, .
oo je ao ee eaao
oa e oo o je a oa eaaa,
oaa ao , o jaa eaaa aoea aoj
, a e aao ojeaj j a ao
eea oo aj, ao e o oa eaaa
a a ao o aoaa oja, eo,
ea, jea, eaoja, eoaja, ooja, eooja, ao,
ooja, o.22

21
17/35, 66/ 1, 66 /48.
22
, . 6. 1935,
6080/35, AJ 66 17/35, 21. 1936,
, 2528/936, 66/ 1, .

436
 (19181941)

3) ao ee oo a

aa oa eoa e 1929. 1931. oe oaj

o eao aoo eea oo a o
aaeo a a oea a ao
ee.
oeaa eaaa oj
oa
o oeo . . ea eaaa
1929. 3.200 76 23 1 24 42
1930. 3.164 105 21 21 30
1931. 2.800 117 10 10 24
192931. 9.164 95 54 1 55 96

:
, 1931.23

,
, e oj oe aa a24 o
aoooj, ao eaj,
() .25
22.
1935. 5. .
aa aoo eea oo a 1935. ao
ee je ooa ao ea aoa, eoa aa oa
ao o a e aoe ojo (oea ooo
eaa ao Oaa a aa e ao eea).
ao ao ooje aa ee a aa
aoo eea , .26
23
1931.
AJ 66 17/35.
24
,
, , 6. 1931.
25
6. 1931, AJ 38606/782.
,
38.
26
AJ 66 17/35.

437


aaa je a a a a oeo, aeo,

ao eo aee oa a ao
ojea, a oaa aoa aa jaa e.
e e e:
1. a o ea ea eje oa eaaa a ao o
e je, aoa, oja a eea,
2. a a aa aa oa eje eajee o
eo e ee a o a eeo, oaaa
oaa eeo aa aooj o,
3. a a e eee eje e aaaee eajee,
4. a a ee eje eajee a e ae oae oa
oao aa,
5. a a ae aoo eje eee eajee ea
ao jea,
6. a oa ooe oooe oj e o e ea
ooe eae a ao,
7. a oaa o e aa a ooje aoa
oe aoaa a a aoo oeae
a o oe aojaa oae,
8. a oa e, a a e, aoe oe
a aje ao a ae,
9. a ooae ea aeo, ao eo
aoo oeae a aaa ao oa
ao aoo jea.

4)

,

: aoeo je ea,
. ,
,

( ).

, .

438
 (19181941)

,
.
1930. .27
,
28 1932/33,
78 :

1) 50,
2) 17,
3) 6,
4) 5.

, ,
, , , , ,
, .
,
, ,
, , , .
,
,
.

()
,
.
,
.29
1933/34. 88 ,
8 :

27
54949/1930. .
28
, 9 (1934).
29
1930. 1936.
, , , , ,
, , . 66 17/35 66 34,
66 1.

439


. . .30
1. 9 4 3 5 21
2. 5 3 8
3. 4 10 6 20
4. . . 8 4 12
5. 2 2
6. 2 3 5 10
7. 1 4 1 6
8. 1 1
17 40 26 5 88

: , 31. 1934.31

,
:

1. 27 9
2. 26 4
3. 26 1
4. 21 1
100 15

: .

,
, , ,
. , , 19
. 15
( )
.
(1934/35)
, 218 , 9 :

30
. (. .)
31
, 31. 1934. 66
17/35 66 34.

440
 (19181941)

. . .
1. 11 13 6 10 40
2. 8 12 6 26
3. 3 10 13
4. 3 15 11 1 30
5. 7 8 4 19
6. 1 6 9 16
7. . . 8 10 8 26
8. 6 16 4 26
9. 7 5 6 4 22
54 95 46 23 218
: 1934. 1935, 9. 1935.32

() 50100 ,
( 150), ,
, , .
( 300 /)
, , , , ,
, , .
.
.
17
25 . 1934/35. .
:

. .
1. 120 50 150
2. 80 80
3. 70 70
4. 60 60 120
5. 60 60
6. 50 50
7. 50 50
8. 45 45
9. 35 35
570 110 680
: ,
9. 1935.33
32
1934. 1935, 9. 1935. 66 17/35
66 34.
33
, , 9.
1935, AJ 66 17/35.
441


,
, , (
) , ,
. ,
, ,
.
,
,
.
, ( 42 ), ,
( ,
, , , ). ,
, ,
.34
,
, 16
.

, , . 1936.
, ,
( 22 , 16), 35.

5)

ao ee o ooa je ao o je a
aa oao 30. aa 1933. oe oeo a e oaa
ea e oao jea e o
eoe ao ee. ojea aa aoo
eea, oja aoe oea ao eoae ee
jooe eo eo oe, a
eeo je a e aee e oaj ea oje aaj:
a) eaje a oa je, aoa oj ao
a eo
) jaa eaaa oa ae ooje

34
.
35

, 21. 1936. 66 1.

442
 (19181941)

) oea a oajae a
) ee oe, oe, ae eae o oe o
e oaoa oee eje
) e e eae.36

Me eeoo oaa je aje oeoa oe

aje (16) aj eaa (5). e oaa je ea
ao aea o, oja aa, a o ao
ae, oaa je, ae eoa aje, aa
aae oe, eo ee aje.37
e eee oe, aa 1934, ao ee je eoa
oa, ojea oa, a aa, ooea o Maa
oee. Me, oe o eao oe aoe e
o. Moe e a je oj eo aa, 1933/34. oe,
oao ea e eaaa jea (a 80 oaa) eee
oe oaa eaaa a 81 oao, a 1935/36. 15
eaaa a 3.750 oeaa. ooj aoj a, o jo
jeo ao eea 1938. oe,38 ao
ee o e e oe.

6) ao ee Aa

oaj oa o a aoo eea

Aa o 20. jaaa 1934. oe, je e aa aje ooee
a 6 eaaa oja oaj ee oaje (eaa e
o ae). , 1933.
,
.
, 1934, , ao
eoe oe, ao jea oo
oaoae oa ae (eae) aoo jaa ee
oe. a je eaj oa o oa, a a je oaao
48 oaa. o 57 aa aoa, 28 aoa

36
, AJ 66 NPNU 17/35.
37
.
38
14995, 9. 1938, AJ 66 NPNU 17/35.

443


oao jea, 10 aoa aa, o 7 aoa oaa eaa

5 aoa aae o aa oa aaa.39 O o
ao, oaoao je 5 aoa eaaa a eaja.
a aj oae ojeaje o ea aoa
ja eaaa oe o ao aa ja eaaa a
1935/36. o. aae ee eaa ee:
1) eoe oe eeoe, eaje ee a, . e
aoe oe.
2) oja eoo ea Aa, J Joa, e.
3) oe e e, ao Aeaa, e ea.
4) O Jaa, ae aja, o ao.
5) O e, ee Jo, ae aae oe.
6) oe eoa eaa, ae Ma, a. aae oe.
7) eee oe, ao A., e ea.
8) oeao, ae Jao, aeea. 40

o eaj ao jea oo oaoaa oa

1936. , 46 60
, ,
, 8 .
,41 ,
, .42

7) ao ee

Ooa 31. eea 1928. oe, ao ee

je eao a ao e 26. jaaa 1932. oe.
. o aa oaa eaja 1930.
oe ao je 16 ja eaaa a 3.840 oeaa (2.400
1.440 e, oeo 240 aaa o eaa), o e oe
aa o eo a jea eo ao ee.

39
, 15. 1935, AJ 66 17/35.
40
, , 66 1.
41
,
1937, 28. 1936, AJ 66 17/35.
42

1939. .

444
 (19181941)

a aoa eaje a ao jaaa 1932. oe.

1. 1932. , . 1

.
,
.43
e ao eea a ea
ea o ojoe ( Joaje) o o eja
aoo oeaa eo e, aa, ea,
eea, ee, oj a a a e ee
ooo ae aaj a aoa a aaj
aae oao eae a ooaae eaaa,
.

8)

ao ee a e aooo ooa je 4.
eea 1935. oe, a aa ooea 7. eea.44 o je
e o oaa oeo eaj a ee ao jea a oa
ae aoo, o e oa je aao
a aa aoaa oja a eoo, ao jea. Teaj
je ajao o jaaa o aa 1936. oe.
ao e ao ee, ao je oeee
ea ea, a e oe eaj oaao aoe
a ea ea aoooo, o: Mao o,
ee, e, aa, a, aoj Moa, aj45
oo. ea eaa oee oo ooe,
ao e oo oa, a oj oaa oje ea
o je ee:

Meo oj oaa
1. aa Tooa 180
2. aa 94
43
AJ 66 /48.
44
48441, 7. 1935, 66 1.
45
. , 22. 1936, 66 1.

445


3. aa Moaa 93
4. ee 82
5. e 59
6. Ma o 40
7. aja 30
8. a 18
ea 596

: 1935. 1936, 1937.46

Oaj ao ee je oaoao oae eajee 5

ea ea, a o 109 eojaa oaa. o, o je ojea
eaaa a ao, o o oaa o aa 1936. ee ea:

Meo oj eaaa
1. aa Moaa 26
2. aja 20
3. aa 8
4. ee 6
5. a 4
6. e 2
7. aa Tooa 1
ea 67

: 1935, 1936.47

Tee eaaa e eeo ojae (26), aoae

(21), oa jee (13), oje (7) ee (3).48
,
( 400 ), .

( ).

.49
,
46
66 1, AJ 66 /48.
47
.
48
. , 18. 1936, 66 1.
49
, 20. 1937.

446
 (19181941)

. :
, ,
.50
oaaa o ooj ao aoj oj a o oa.

9) ao ee eoj Mo

Ooa je 13. 1938. o e ao

ee a ea e eooao. ee eoe eje
e aje oee a ao (o jaaa 1937. oe), ao a e a
oaoj oe eaj o a eja a 14 ea:
aa, o, aaa, , Ma, ea aa, eo,
e, a, Maeo, e, a, Jaa, o.51
ejaa oaa eaje ( 13 ea). aa
a eajea je oaao eee eee:
ao je,
aoa oj eo,
je,
a,
e,
ooe,
o aaa.52

Teaje e oaa a a eeo, a aa je

oao e 30 60 oaaa, 16 20 oa.
ea e, Maeo eo oaoa
oa eaje a eoe eoje. O eajea, o je oe
ja eaaa, a je ao a . Mo a eaaa
oao ae eeaa a aja, oeo, oo, eo
eea eoa, a aae, a a
ejaa aoo oeaa, jea o oaa eoao
aoo eea, oo oaeo aoo eea.
a aja je oao eaaa O oe aoo oeaa
O oo oe aje.53

50
.
51
AJ 66 /48.
52
, , 38 (1938).
53
.

447


a je eaj oa o, e e oaaj e
ao ee ( ) eo
e ao oao, a jea, a o ao
je, oja, eo, a, ooea. 1939. 1940. oe
aa oa o () eajea oaa o, a,
a, aa, e, o, ao o ja eaaa.54
,
. 1940. oao je 8 ja eaaa,
a e eaaa e oeo a eea
aao: ooa eja Aaaje, e
a ao, eoo eao a Ta,
, . . . aoo je
a eaaa o oeo o 200 aaa. ea ea
oao je 1940. a 248 eaaa a oa aoae
oje, jee, ooee, eoa, eooje....55

***

Oa ao ee ojo oa
ooo aa a oea, o a e e oe ooj
ooje oo. , ooje ae e oa
ao, ao eoa e 1930. 1940. oe o,
eee, o a, oj oj oojae ao
eea ee ea ojo: aeo, oo, oa
Tooa, e eee, o eej, oo, eo ee,
Oa, oaa, Mee, aae, ea, aa aaa, a,
aoo, aeo, je, ea a, eoa, aa aoa.56
aoe eee j eao o, aa
aeao, e a eao, eoao a eoj
ojoe o 30 ao eea, a e, e o
. oa eao ooo oeoaa aaja a o
o e e oj aa.

54
AJ 66 /48.
55
, 17. 1940. AJ 66 /48.
56
. ,
/
, 15. 1938, 3937 AJ 66 17/35.

448
 (19181941)

aao a eao

,
:
(1) ,
,
,
, ,
,
.
,
() , . ,
,
, ,
.
(2)

: . , ,
.

.

,
.
(3)
,
.
,
.57
. ,
, .

. , ,

57
B. Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije, 161.

449


, ,
,
.
, , ( )
,
,
( )

,
.

450
 (19181941)

elko Brali

PEOPLES UNIVERSITIES IN VOJVODINA

BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS (19181941)

Summary

The work deals with educationalcultural activity of peoples

universities in Vojvodina (19181941). They were established as secondary or
elementary school extensions. These institutions represent a relatively particular
type of peoples universities, somewhat different from others in Yugoslavia at
the time. They were especially specific for successful organization of Serbo
Croatian language winter courses for adult members of national minorities. They
were also focused, more than other similar institutions, on cultural and
educational activities in the country. There were approximately 30 peoples
universities established in Vojvodina, and they were considered one of the most
adequate adult institutions for educational work in agricultural communities.
Keywords: peoples university, Vojvodina, adult education, educational
cultural work, winter courses.

: 25. 12. 2015.

: 28. 06. 2016.

451
 , . LXV (2016) . 453463
THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 453463
UDC: 355.415.6(450):94(100)1914/1918

Roberto SCIARRONE*
Department of History, Culture and Religions
University of Rome La Sapienza
Rome
Italy

CONTRIBUTION OF ITALIAN NURSES

DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Abstract: During the First World War hospitals in the rear and elsewhere
were receiving nurses committed to providing assistance and relief to wounded soldiers
and veterans who survived terrible moments in trenches. According to some
calculations, in 1917 there were around ten thousand volunteers of the Red Cross, to
whom we must add many belonging to other associations.
During the First World War more than 7,000 volunteer nurses were present
in 204 field hospitals of the Red Cross, managing a total of 30,000 beds. Despite early
difficulties of being included in the field, the military, predominantly male volunteer
nurses in the thirties were in Ethiopia, Somalia, Abyssinia, Libya and Eritrea, as well
as during the Spanish Civil War. Later the role of aid in all the theatres of World War
II was crucial, especially on hospital ships (among which we can mention the steamers
Tuscany and Aquileia). Eighteen Red Cross nurses lost their lives in armed conflict,
including two in a concentration camp and two shot by the Wehrmacht.
Keywords: Great War, Italian Red Cross, volunteer nurses.

During the First World War the contribution of nurses in the aid of
wounded and sick persons was very important: during the twentieth century,
the experience of these women was quite exalted in literature.
The deployment of women was practiced by all armies of the warring
countries strength and courage were essential qualities of the women who had
to deal with a very difficult assignment because of the insufficiency of
*
roberto.sciarrone@uniroma1.it

453
Roberto Sciarrone

medical instruments indispensable for helping millions of men engaged in

various fronts.
The Corps of volunteer nurses, the symbol of the Great War, was founded
in 1908. In May 1915 the Red Cross organized 4,000 women for the assistance
to the wounded and for first aid the quota reached 10,000 units after the war.
The work of these brave women was often near the line of fire at the
principal fronts and trenches, within the hospitals of the cities involved in the
conflict, in the ambulances and hospital trains on the Carso, in particular in
Trentino and Isonzo but also in Macedonia, Flanders and the Ardennes.
We must add to this number the women of various religious orders,
professional nurses, volunteers of patriotic feminine associations, those of civil
preparation committees and of the society of public assistance who were
equally numerous.
The birth of the Italian Red Cross (just after the unification of Italy)
established an organism for wounded soldiers, contributing to the diffusion of
ideas of brotherhood and unity, feelings that the young Italian realm required
strongly. Also the Italian army, which was in the phase of reorganization of its
main structures, adapted itself at first by accepting the military cooperation of
the Red Cross and then the involvement of the corps of volunteers.
Italys entrance into the war (1915) mobilized thousands of soldiers,
while women were involved in the economic mobilization (with the
contribution of industry workers and women in campaigns) and in the patriotic
one (with the help of bourgeois and aristocratic women of civil assistance
committees in support of soldiers and their families).
Finally the female mobilization involved the health sector through
voluntary nurses. The theme of the assistance for wounded and sick soldiers
does not belong only to the history of the institution and its feminine
component but, as it is often underlined by the comprehensive related
historiography, it helped to promote the study of the First World War and the
role of women during the Great War.
The phenomenon of working persons in war industries during the First
World War has been treated by European historiography only since the sixties,
in conjunction with the emergence of feminist movements. Since the 1980s,
however, the idea of an emancipatory function of the war was reconsidered to
highlight the transitory and superficial character of the changes.1

1
F. Thbaud, La Grande Guerra: et della donna o trionfo della differenza sessuale?,
in: Storia delle donne in Occidente, a cura di F. Thbaud, Laterza, Roma Bari, 1992,
2627.

454
 Contribution of Italian Nurses During the First World War

In fact, in spite of the conquest of the right to vote, obtained in some

countries like Germany (1919), the United States (1920) and the United Kingdom
(1928), there was a clear involution for womens emancipation movement: with
the demobilization workers came back to home, within the domestic walls,
leaving space to the veterans. So the conflict, according to this line of study,
represented a bracket before the return to normality, that was first of all the
family unity and then the abandonment of the individual ambitions.2
Instead the mobilization of women in the health field brought about a
close comparison between men and women. Some warring states made use
primarily of the Red Cross for the assistance to the wounded people (France and
Italy), while other states were organized through nursing services administered
by armies (Australia, Canada, the United States and Britain). For example, the
Australian Army Nursing Service mobilized about 2,500 women, allocated into
hospitals in England and France, the Canadian Army Nursing Service instructed
more than 3,000 women, while the Navy Nurse Corps of the United States
enlisted 1,476 female nurses and, in addition to this number, 21,000 units of the
Army Nurse Corps. Finally England employed 23,000 operators.3
The relating studies launched after the world war in the AngloAmerican
area concerned the presence of a strong suffragist movement which directed its
mobilisation to the obtainment of political rights, especially in England.
In Italy and in France the request of suffrage in return for war service was
less widespread the Italians replied to the call with the incentive of a patriotic
sentiment, which was seen as the continuation of the tradition of Risorgimento.4
The military healthcare completed the health structure of the Italian
army formed by the Red Cross and the Sovereign Military Order of Malta.
The Italian military healthcare organized massive presence of the
voluntary female nurses, which caused different reactions among medical
officers, above all at the beginning. However, the Red Cross Nurses, assisted
in the numerous facilities of the military Health Service, were located in 443
field hospitals, as it is highlighted in the Relazione sommaria sullorganizzazione
e sul funzionamento del servizio sanitaria dallinizio della Guerra fino alla

2
See A. KesserlHarris, Out to Work, A History of WageEarning Women in the United
States, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1982.
3
See B. Scates, R. Francis, Women and The Great War, Cambridge University Press,
Melbourne 1997 L. Gavin, American Women in World War I, University Press of
Colorado, Niwot 1997.
4
Italian unification.

455
Roberto Sciarrone

presa di Gorizia (69 agosto 1916)5 drafted in 1919 and preserved in the
archives of the Historical Office Staff of the Italian Army.6
Among the field units for hospitalization of the military Health Service,
operating in various war fields, there were 223 field hospitals with about fifty
beds, 174 field hospitals with 100 beds and 46 field hospitals with 200 beds, which
were enhanced in the course of the conflict to reach the capacity of 1,000 beds.7
In addition to their hard work in the field hospitals, the Red Cross
nurses took service also in 948 hospitals of the reserve seated inside the
country, while in the Italian Red Cross the volunteers worked in two hundred
local hospitals located in the cities and in the frontline inside the sixtyfive
encamped hospitals, in the three stage hospitals, in the three surgical
ambulances and in the twentyfour trains for the transport of the wounded
soldiers, as it is reported in the report Per ricordare, 2122 Giugno 1924 and
in the checklist Data di apertura e di chiusura degli ospedali territoriali della
Croce Rossa Italiana8 at the Historical Archives of the Chamber of Deputies.9
To talk about the numbers: the female nurses in the territorial hospitals
of Military Health amounted to 3,200 units, while those who provided aid in
local hospitals of the CRI were just below 4,000 units.
The leaders of the Italian army were pleased with this fervent activity,
especially given the difficulties that the conflict brought both to soldiers on
the frontline and to civilians who remained in the cities and in the countryside
close to the war zones.
The volunteers, thanks to the extraordinary experience accumulated
during the war, projected themselves in politics through their involvement as
experts in the work of the Ministerial Commission for the nursing reform.
5
Summary report on the organization and functioning of the health service since the
beginning of the war until the sack of Gorizia (69 October 1916).
6
Archivio dellUfficio Storico dello Stato Maggiore dellEsercito Italiano (AUSSME),
[Historical Archives of the Office of the General Staff of the Italian Army], Intendenza
Generale, Direzione Sanit, Fondo B1, Diari Storici I guerra mondiale, Relazione
sommaria sullorganizzazione e sul funzionamento del servizio sanitario dallinizio
della guerra fino alla presa di Gorizia (69 agosto 1916), 1919, [Summary report on
the organization and functioning of the health service since the war until the capture
of Gorizia (69 August 1916), in 1919].
7
AUSSME, Il Servizio Sanitario dellEsercito Italiano, Mostra storico documentaria,
Stilgrafica, Roma 1987, 30.
8
Date of opening and closing of the local hospitals of the Italian Red Cross.
9
Croce Rossa Italiana (CRI), Per ricordare, 2122 Giugno 1924, Luzzatti tipografica,
Roma 1924, 1115, see also summary in Archivio Storico della Camera dei Deputati
(ASCD), Data di apertura e di chiusura degli ospedali territoriali della Croce Rossa
Italiana, Spese di guerra, F. 290, B32.
456
 Contribution of Italian Nurses During the First World War

They promoted several initiatives, including the creation of the

National Association of Italian Nurses, created to compete with labour union
for hegemony in the medical sector.
The Red Cross nurses, aware of the role played during the conflict,
wrote several testimonies in the ensuing years. These memories help us to
understand the trauma of the soldiers on the frontline. We now have to make
a short step back to the early twentieth century when the attention of politicians,
intellectuals and writers was increasingly focused on the likely (because of the
political rearming of the great European powers in those years) large
continental conflict. However those who foreshadowed exactly what would
happen in a few years and the unprecedented disaster in the history of mankind
were few.
The war was in fact conceived through perceptions and predictions
that were very far from what would have really happened. No one imagined
that the involved countries would split in two between those who looked
forward to neutrality and those who pushed for the intervention. However,
even the womens movements resented these illusions: they were divided into
two opposing points of view.
While neutral Italy since August 1914 interpreted the events of war,
activists, journalists and Italian writers observed that women in countries at war
were organizing themselves, and various reports were published in those months.
Referring to Britain, for example, the determination with which the
suffragettes supported the firm action of the government was admired.
France offered reflections about organisation, which sometimes lacked in the
operational field, while in Germany the firmness of the women encouraged to
show obedience and resistance became evident.
Finally Belgium, for the violence it experienced, provoked an
enormous sense of compassion and solidarity among all Italian journalists.10
During the ten months of neutrality, the position about the conflict of
Italian women changed appreciably with the exception of the nationalist and
interventionist ones. After the condemnation of the socialist and pacifist ones,
the disorientation of liberals, who were above all undecided, and the caution
shown by emancipationists, there was a waiting period.11
Since August 1914 the conflict became at first inevitable and then a
terrible need, which caused the repositioning of the debate between the
10
P. Baronchelli Grosson, La funzione della donna in tempo di guerra, Bemporad,
Firenze 1915, 2345.
11
S. Bartoloni, Italiane alla guerra, Lassistenza ai feriti (19151918), Marsilio
Editore, Venezia 2003, 90.

457
Roberto Sciarrone

interventionists and neutralists in favour of the first group. This was now
increasingly fuelled by different women from different areas including Paola
Baronchelli Grosson (whom we have just mentioned), Pauline Tarugi, Flavia
Steno, Teresa Labriola, Giselda Brebbia, Margherita Sarfatti and Regina
Terruzzi. For these women the conflict represented a kind of rebirth where the
devotion to the suffering and the call to duty would represent the overcoming
of selfishness and would imply the regeneration of the previous state.
These women belonged to the Italian upper classes and helped break
the binomial womenpacifism forming a European movement for the postwar
period, which suggested a different project by identifying with the
emancipation of the 19th century.
This project found in Teresa Labriola its sharpest supporter. She was
the first Italian woman to graduate from law at the University of Rome in 1894
and to obtain a professorship in philosophy of law in 1900. This intellectual
from Naples was among the first to reflect on womens participation in the
war, their role in the state, the new meaning to be assigned to the suffragists and
the feminization of society.
The jurist also promoted the usefulness of philanthropic work for big
business and for a new Italy besides, in regard to values and models of the
maternal function there was a progressive impoverishment, the power of feminine,
sweetness and tolerance was an effective remedy for the ills of society.
The conflict over this thinking, however, was taken to the extreme also
by Sofia Bisi Albinos in 1916 who: Observed that fewer patients, the
sceptical, the neutralist, the culture jammers of the war are generally women
who do not have children. Which proves that motherhood is a source of
unselfishness and sacrifice, in who is not a mother selfishness rusts the heart
and clips their wings to every feeling of generosity and selfsacrifice.12
Appeals to stand by were repeated by popular magazines like
Attivit femminile, La nostra rivista and the literary Gazette Cordelia.
Meanwhile, on 24 May 1915, many suffragists decided to replace problems
such as indulge body and soul with the war effort.
Even the paper La Donna changed its byline from Rivista
quindicinale illustrata in Bollettino illustrato dellopera femminile italiana
per la guerra by encouraging participation in health training courses.
The aid to the wounded was one of the most obvious aspects of the
mobilization, if not the most emblematic symbol of the purity of the female
which contrasted with the violence on the battlefields: Next to the armies of

12
S. Bisi Albini, Le combattenti, La nostra rivista, n. 4 (aprile 1916) 300.

458
 Contribution of Italian Nurses During the First World War

destruction and death have entered the field armies of compassion and salvation.
Women from every nation have decided to respond to the call and you are
enrolled in a single army, under one flag with a red cross on a white field.13
In those months the initiatives multiplied and began to manifest the
top concerns about the possible failure of the mobilization. During June 1915
the needs of the recalled were gradually being understood.
In addition, the news that came from the front the first cases of
frostbite, influenced the creation of committees for the processing of wool and
military clothing whose management fell exclusively upon women, as written
by Barbara Pisa in Unazienda di Stato a domicilio: la confezione di indumenti
militari durante la grande guerra.14
Born in those days were godmothers of war, i.e. groups of women
in communication with the soldiers in the trenches who sent off small objects
every day. Notice offices informed their families and sent them subsidies.
Since 1916, the mobilization and civil health went in parallel with
industrial work, and women began to be called in the factories of weapons and
ammunition as Maria Rygier wrote: Women have been militarized, both
doctors in medicine, and the thousands of workers of establishments, have to
wear the stars of the military.15
Health services consisted of the Army Military Health, the Red Cross
and the Sovereign Military Order of Malta. During the war structures increased
in their importance and faced the problem of the changed size of the army, the
duration of the conflict, the restoration of the battlefield and the recovery of the
wounded and sick.16
Since the mobilization occult organization of military health service
was modified to meet the new needs, the inspectorate of health medicallegal
body General Luigi Cadorna was entrusted with the task to supervise the
formation and operation of hospitals in the reserve.
In 1916 the health office was created as the core structure, and in
October 1917 the Office was transformed into the Directorate General of
Military Health to coordinate the best offices.

13
M. De Santa, La guerra e la donna, La nostra rivista, n. 9 (settembre 1914) 772.
14
B. Pisa, Unazienda di Stato a domicilio: la confezione di indumenti militari durante
la grande guerra, Storia Contemporanea, n. 6 (1989) 9531006 Idem, La questione
del vestiario militare fra la mobilitazione civile e strategie logistiche, in: La Grande
Guerra e il fronte interno. Studi in onore di George Mosse, A. Staderini, L. Zani, F.
Magni, Universit degli Studi di Camerino, Camerino 1998, 151206.
15
M. Rygier, La donna italiana, Unione Tipografica cooperativa, Perugia 1917, 21.
16
F. Botti, La logistica dellesercito italiano (18311981), II vol., I servizi della nascita
dellesercito italiano alla prima guerra mondiale (18611918), Aussme, Roma 1991, 760.
459
Roberto Sciarrone

Another important issue were health and hygiene on the front, serious
sources that were polluted, the corpses unburied, the strong presence of troops,
workers massed in the rear. The number of scarce doctors and paramedics
increased between 1916 and 1918, and it was soon necessary to resort to the
staff of the Red Cross.
The health service had limited means for the evacuation of the
wounded and their transportation from the front line to field hospitals. Besides,
trains were used only periodically, and coincided with the military operations.
The roads were in a poor state and the sick suffered because of being moved
too many times, while the Red Cross had to coordinate activities with health
services of the army and appointed several representatives in the area of
operation such as Colonel Guido Bassi.17
According to some observers, hospitals managed by CRI worked better
because the assistance was given to women who used modern methods but, as
we shall see, the doctors were not always well disposed towards them.18
The mobilization of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta was more
modest it implied four train hospital, a hospital from war, a regional hospital
and eight rescue places that provided aid to nearly 88,000 civilians and soldiers
according to the official report drawn up in 1919.19
The Order mackerel cared for about 150 thousand sick, but unlike CRI,
it used mostly the Daughters of Charity of St. Vincenzo de Paoli. The only
regional hospital Santa Marta located in Rome, recovered almost 5,200
sick. It was placed in Togliano and could attend for two thousand soldiers, as
detailed in Cenni sui servizi della Croce Rossa Italiana nella guerra europea
19151918 preserved in AUSSME.20
Overall, the health service army endured the ordeal and with seventy
four military establishments it reached 1,412, with an availability of more than
17
Archivio storico Croce rossa italiana, [Historical Italian Red Cross], servizio
Ispettorato nazionale infermiere volontarie [Service Inspectorate national volunteer
nurses], (ASCRI, INIIVV), N. Gigliucci, Le infermiere volontarie della Croce Rossa
Italiana in zone di guerra e di armistizio dal 1915 al 1919, Croce rossa italiana.
Giornale ufficiale del Comitato centrale (GUCC) (1922) 480481.
18
D. De Napoli, La Sanit militare in Italia durante la I Guerra mondiale, Edizioni
Apes, Roma 1992, 145.
19
Associazione dei Cavalieri italiani del Sovrano ordine militare di Malta, Relazione
sul servizio sanitario svolto durante la Campagna Nazionale 19151918, Tipografia
del Senato, Roma 1919, 620.
20
AUSSME, F. E2, Comando di Corpo di Stato Maggiore, Carteggio GM, b. 110,
Cenni sui servizi della Croce Rossa Italiana nella guerra europea 19151918, [Outline
of the services of the Italian Red Cross in the war in Europe 19151918], 7.

460
 Contribution of Italian Nurses During the First World War

300 thousand beds with 179 specialized institutes and other 56 thousand beds
available. The closure of units of the Military Health took place in December
1919, and in April 1920 the Inspectorate of Health was closed permanently.
But there were also scandals, such as the nurses found dancing with the
officers. The public opinion was angry, including the authoritative Matilde Serao
a neutralist who did not hide his discontent with the multiplication of female
activities and accused women of devoting the works of war to flirt.21
But how was the hospital train organized? It was a coach with a kitchen
table, a long table and benches on the sides, the pantry, the ice and wagons
with bunks for three hundred wounded. There was a dressing room and housing
for health personnel, individual cabins for doctors and the chaplain, train
services and the boot. The ladies in the service were not invited to attend public
places during the stops and could not go out at night.
One can understand how difficult it was to be accepted by men who
were annoyed with the invasion of the white army, from doctors to
directors, anaesthesiologists, pharmacists, nurses chaplains, from accountants
to drivers, from seedlings to all ambulance staff, which reflected the hierarchies
established over time. An example was the stance of the then President of CRI
which highlighted the frequent case of noncommissioned officers and soldiers
of the Red Cross, who refused to recognize the authority of the nurses.22
The CRI was however not the only organization that provided
assistance to the wounded during the First World War and its nurses were
joined by those of other, numerous associations.
Training courses were undertaken by committees of civil preparedness
and assistance, from womens associations, and those sponsored by relief
societies including the Golden Cross, White Cross, Green Cross and School
Samaritan. It is still hard to obtain reliable data on the total number of nurses
who were part of all these associations. Certainly the estimate prepared by
Paola Baronchelli Grosson in La Donna della Nuova Italia indicating ten
thousand units is too optimistic. It is noteworthy that there was the intervention
of French English and American Red Cross staff on the Italian soil who acted
independently from the national and military Health Inspectorate.23

21
M. Serao, Parla una donna. Diario femminile di guerra. Maggio 1915Marzo 1916,
Treves Editore, Milano 1916, 50.
22
ASCRI, INIIVV, Notificazione n. 52, Infermiere volontarie, circ. 25.5.1916, n. 603,
Ufficio di presidenza, in GUCC, 1916, P. 143.
23
See L. Camera, Porta Mazzini. Being a Narrative of Social and Military Life in the
Zone of Operations on the Italian Front, Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai 1920.

461
Roberto Sciarrone

Equally important was the work of the sisters who contributed to the
war effort in front of hospitals, taking care of the kitchen, the wardrobe and the
sick and wounded such as the Sisters of Ivrea, Holy Child, Third Order
Franciscans, Dominicans, Servants and Daughters of Charity, Daughters of
Mary the Helper and private initiatives. In the war zone nurses were located in
establishments of the Red Cross. These mobile units often followed the
movements of combat troops, and in general there was some movement to
reach the structures located between the Isonzo and the Piave, between Carnia
and Trentino but also to reach hospitals in the Ardennes, Flanders and in
Thessaloniki until 31 December 1918 there were 1,320 volunteers on the
front with about 720 in service.24
Volunteers were in the greatest risk in war zones. Over those years,
44 volunteers died, 34 died of diseases in service, others were sick or wounded
during the bombing. During the cold November of 1916 the Regulation for the
service in the war zone of the nurses was launched somewhat lagging behind
the war there were indications about leisure, visits of relatives. Discipline
was paramount for local hospitals.
In 1917 the work implied increased protection of the nurses and the
order came from the Ministry to remove the Red Cross staff more exposed to
the battlefield, and to return to normality those nurses who belonged to all
associations which provided aid to the injured. They were demobilized and in
the late spring of 1919 most of them were returned to office. If the work and
assistance on the front and in the rear altered the image that women had of
themselves, the conflict not only revolutionized the status of women or the
persistent imbalance between the two wars, but also favoured mobility,
visibility and autonomy of thousands of women. It was not irrelevant for those
times, and gave a final blow to the nineteenthcentury model, outlining a
female figure more complex than that established in the liberal age.
Moreover, it was not easy to convey the experience to the new
generations, and an inevitable gap was created between different generations
of volunteers. In 1940, on the eve of World War II, Raffaella Riva Sanseverino
tried to revitalize the link between the group formed during Fascism created
between 1908 and 1918 however, women engaged in hospitals between 1911
and 1918 remained poorly remembered. Another reason was to be excluded
from the myth of the experience of war that the historian George Mosse has
analyzed in his many studies.

24
S. Bartoloni, cit., 138.

462
 Contribution of Italian Nurses During the First World War

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36/II, , email: istorinst@iib.ac.rs

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