Thesis For Defense

THE ROLE OF TELEVISION ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE VOTERS
PREFERENCE OF THE FILIPINO ELECTORATES: THE CASE OF BENIGNO

SIMEON NOYNOY AQUINO III
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
BACHELOR OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
UNIVERSITY OF SANTO TOMAS
FACULTY OF ARTS AND LETTERS
by:
Alfaro, Nathaniel D.
Arellano, Derick Joshua I.
Santiago, Nemei S.
4POL2
Thesis Adviser:
Assoc. Prof. Reynaldo G. Lopez, LL B.
The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 1

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents.. 2
List of Figures... 4
List of Tables........... 6
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
A. Overview... 7
a. Interplay between media and politics... 8
b. Importance of media during elections.. 9
c. Importance of Political Marketing or Political Advertising. 10
B. Background of the Study.. 11
C. Theoretical Frameworks.. 13
a. The Political Marketing Process... 13
b. The Belch Model of Cognitive Response 16
D. Conceptual Framework 18
E. Statement of the Problem. 20
F. Significance of the Study. 20
a. Significance to Political Communication as a Field...... 20
b. Significance to the Political Science as a Field .. 21
c. Significance to the Political Science Students as Researchers.. 22
d. Significance to the Campaign Strategists....... 22
G. Scope and Limitations of the Study 23
H. Definition of Terms. 24
I. Operational Definition of Terms 26
CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES AND STUDIES
A. Review of Related Literature. 28

a. Public Opinion and the Public Sphere.. 28
b. Advertising 30
c. Political Advertisements 31
d. Factors that Influence the Voting Preference of Filipinos 32
e. Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III 35
B. Review of Related Studies 42
a. Media-Politics Relations.. 42
b. Campaigns 43
c. Effects of Campaign Advertisements.. 44
d. Advertising in the Philippines...... 47
e. Dramatic Situation prompted Aquinos Campaign.. 49
CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
A. Method...... 51
B. Data 54
C. Procedure... 55
CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

I. Presentation and Interpretation of Data. 57
A. Respondents Profile.. 57
B. Exposure to television advertisements.. 59
C. Advertising Strategy 61
D. Attitude towards television advertisements 62
E. Characteristics preferred by the Filipino electorates.. 70
F. Attitude towards Aquino. 84
G. Effects of Television Advertisements to viewers... 91
II. Analysis of Data 99

CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION
A. Conclusions 107
B. Recommendations......
BIBLIOGRAPHY..
APPENDICES

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure1: The Political Marketing Process.... 13
Figure 2: The Belch Model of Cognitive Response. 16
Figure 3: Integration of Political Marketing Process and Belch Model of Cognitive
Response.. 18
Figure 4: Respondents by Age Bracket.... 57
Figure 5: Educational Attainment of Respondents.. 58
Figure 6: Frequency of Campaign spotting.. 61
Figure 7: I remember what I saw Age.. 62
Figure 8: I remember what I saw Educational attainment 63
Figure 9: I remember what I saw Job.. 63
Figure 10: I remember what I saw Residence. 64
Figure 11: TV ads influence the voters to vote who they see Age ... 65
Figure 12: TV ads influence the voters to vote who they see Educational
Attainment. 66
Figure 13: TV ads influence the voters to vote who they see Job.. 66
Figure 14: TV ads influence the voters to vote who they see Residence. 67
Figure 15: Votes changes age 68
Figure 16: Votes changed educational attainment 69
Figure 17: Votes changed job.. 69
Figure 18: Perceptions on the use of TV ads as campaign method 70
Figure 19: Crosstabulation of Respondents Age and Fights graft and corruption quality 71
Figure 20: Crosstabulation of Respondents Educational Attainment and Fights
graft and corruption quality 72
Figure 21: Crosstabulation of Respondents Job and Fights graft and corruption quality. 73
Figure 22: Crosstabulation of Respondents Age to Promote Generation of livelihood. 73
Figure 23: Crosstabulation of Respondents Educational attainment to Promote
Generation of livelihood. 74
Figure 24: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to Promote Generation of livelihood 75
Figure 25: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to finished high education.. 75
Figure 26: Crosstabulation of Respondents educ. attainment to Finished high education. 76

Figure 27: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to Finished high education. 77
Figure 28: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to membership to the opposite party 77
Figure 29: Crosstabulation of Respondents educational attainment to membership to the
opposite party. 78
Figure 30: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to membership to the opposite party.. 79
Figure 31: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to experience.. 79
Figure 32: Crosstabulation of Respondents educational attainment to experience. 80
Figure 33: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to experience.. 81
Figure 34: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to political clan . 81
Figure 35: Crosstabulation of Respodents educational attainment to political clan... 82
Figure 36: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to political clan.. 83
Figure 37: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to persuasion of tv ads.. 92
Figure 38: Crosstabulation of Respondents educational attainment to
persuasion of tv ads... 92
Figure 39: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to who they wanted to vote.. 93
Figure 40: Crosstabulation of Respondents educ. attainment to who they wanted to vote. 95
Figure 41: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to who they wanted to vote 95
Figure 42: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to whom they actually voted for 96
Figure 43: Crosstabulation of Respondents educational attainment to whom they
actually voted for. 96
Figure 44: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to whom they actually voted for. 97
Figure 45: Figure 45: Crosstabulation of Initial Candidate Preference and Final
Candidate Preference with the Question After you have watched
TV ads, did it affect your voting preference?.. 98

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 - Number of Registered Voters by Region: 2004, 2007 and 2010...
Table 2: Do you have TV at home .. 59
Table 3: When do you usually watch TV.... 59
Table 4: Reason for watching TV For past time.. 60
Table 5: Reason for watching TV For news 60
Table 6: Reason for watching TV To widen knowledge. 60
Table 7: Reason for watching TV for Entertainment purposes.. 60
Table 8: Reason for watching TV for Showbiz Chismis. 60
Table 9 : Artists Endorsements.. 84
Table 10: Athlete Endorsements 84
Table 11 : Church Endorsements and Age relationship 85
Table 12: Leader Endorsement and Age Relationship.. 85
Table 13: Educational Attainment and Leader Endorsement Relationship.. 85
Table 14: Educational Attainment and Church Endorsement Relationship. 86
Table 15: Job and Familial endorsements relationship. 86
Table 16: Job and Church endorsements relationship.. 87
Table 17: Job and Leader endorsements relationship.. 87
Table 18: Crosstabulation between degree of education, job and age to
Pinoy Noynoy Rap 89
Table 19: Age and Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap Crosstabulation 89
Table 20: Age and Daang Matuwid Crosstabulation 90
Table 21: Job and Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap Crosstabulation 90
Table 22: Job and Daang Matuwid Crosstabulation. 90
Table 23: Educational Attainment and Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap
Crosstabulation.. 91
Table 24: Educational Attainment and Daang Matuwid Crosstabulation 91

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
In a democracy, political communication serves as a crucial building block of a society
for the citizen to feel connected with the state and must, therefore, perform the role of an
activator that would allow feedback from the society and encourage participation (Lilleker,
2006). A democratic state can only be called as such through the institutionalization of free, fair,
and regular elections that do not debar anyone from participating and some would compete for
representation within the political system or as an executive official. During these elections the
campaign period is extremely vital and there are many factors that may influence the outcome
and one of which is the mass media. It is a part of a whole communication process with the
people and it is able to influence them regarding the decisions that they would take (Jamieson &
Campbell, 2001).
Political communication stems for the public sphere and possess a political purpose and
modern literature would refer to three actors that could produce political communication within
the state. First, the state and its attendant political actors with the aim of securing legitimacy
from the people, second, the non-state actors, which includes a range of organizations with
political motivations, and lastly, media outlets, they communicate about politics, influencing the
public as well as the political spheres and are often used in elections (Lilleker, 2006).
Media over the years has been naturally conceived as the primary and immediate source
of information, which could either be beneficial or critical to the audiences (Tansey & Jackson,
2008). Media can be classified according to its form: the press or the print media, broadcast
media, outdoor media, and new media.

The broadcasting environment includes radio and television. Since the advent of
television, advertisements have taken much of the bulk in political campaigning. Political
advertisements are paid placements of organizational messages in the media and its powers are
exercise on the politied on two levels (McNair, 2011). Political advertisements disseminate
information about the candidates or partys program, but political advertisements are also
designed to persuade and in persuasion as well as dissemination, the advantage clearly lies on
the politician.
Interplay between media and politics
The increasing significance of the political role of the media can be divided into four sub-
heads: information dissemination; public opinion creation; public opinion reflection; government
watchdog (Baek, 2009). Information is necessary to a politics, and the dissemination of it,
crucial. The people depend on the mass media to inform them on global and local events,
especially, if it concerns their welfare (Baek, 2009). During the campaign period it is the media
that plays a large role in the election of a certain candidate. It is through their exposure to the
public by the media that would define their place then the final poll takes place.
The media have been used to catapult personalities into public consciousness, an
opportunity that has been exploited by these personalities for political gain. Newspaper columns,
largely ghostwritten, have built up the good image of certain personalities. Radio talk shows
serve as launch pads for political career. Several television anchors have been senators and
movie actors and actresses have been elected to government positions (Ables, 2003). Although
this was the case, voters were still more wary about the candidates and of the pitfalls of politics
of personality.

The media have the capacity to build up or to tear down the images of individuals. It can
also be assumed that the press or media as an instrument of society have been invested by that
society with power that, through sheer association of exposure is likewise transferred to media
practitioners and personalities. Whatever the formula, a successful foray into politics demands
hard works in the media prior to entering the political arena (Ables, 2003).
The interconnectedness of media and political life has narrowly been bounded and thus
the amended election law has placed limits on election campaign practices of media personnel.
For one, no movie of and actor or actress running for public office may be shown during
campaign period. Radio, television and newspaper personalities are required to go on leave of
absence during the election campaign period. These provisions are intended to level the playing
field, the general aim of the revised election campaign rules (Ables, 2003). Media personalities
indeed have an advantage over others as they get exposed to public view, thus enhancing their
popularity (ex. Joseph Ejercito Estrada). Anchorperson on television, whose daily or weekly
program discuss sensational and human interest issues, likewise acquire tremendous popularity
(ex. Noli De Castro, Loren Legarda).
Importance of media during elections
Mass media has grown to be an important factor in shaping the outcome of the elections in
the Philippines and has greatly changed from before (Bionat, 1998). Information is disseminated
by the media as it attracts the attention of a large amount of voters by tuning in to radios and
television sets. It is used by the people in order to know more about a particular candidate.
According to Bionat, his study has helped see how electoral candidates conduct different acts in
order to get support from different media institutions and develop personal ties with a media

person to assure the support of that person which in turn, will be a useful tool for the candidate.
Trends created by this era include candidate priority in image, financial capabilities and
charisma; diminished party influence, mass media personalities as political authorities and the
pivotal role of mass media in the fate of campaigns. Considering all these situations, the ultimate
goal of campaigns is to win the elections.
With the increasing utilization of the mass media on all forms of communication, media-
age politics arose and refers to the domination by the mass media on political socialization,
recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication as the people
no longer feel the need to attend public meetings to obtain information from the candidates
(Tiquia & Cariaga, 2000). But it also created a degree of disconnection between the voters and
the candidate since the people may feel that they participated in the political process without any
direct contact with the system (Tiquia & Cariaga, 2000).
The trends that arose from media-age politics includes: the decline in party influence over
elections; mass media personnel becoming powerful political arbiters; marked change in the
types of candidates likely to succeed, giving primacy to looks, flair and money; and media
coverage has been the pivot around which campaigns turn (Tiquia & Cariaga, 2000).
Importance of Political Marketing or Advertising
Modern marketing practices greatly changed the landscape of campaigning and increased
voter cynicism evidenced by looking at the percentage of voters who distrust politicians due to
the fact that the voters are having a hard time of distinguishing between fact and fiction
(Newman, 1996). Citizen may grow apathetic and pull their support for the candidate if they feel
like they are being manipulated.

Although this may be the case with the voters, a candidate or a politician cannot begin to
think of campaigning without the use of marketing since what is called market orientation is
patterned after successful corporations who are customer driven (Newman, 1996).
In the 2010 Presidential Elections, thirteen candidates submitted their certificates of
candidacy and signaled the beginning of the campaign period which spurred several television
advertisements and the results of the election showed that Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino
III emerged victorious. This paper seeks to study the role of television advertisements on the
voting preference of the people on the case of Noynoy Aquino during the 2010 National
Elections.
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
In the Philippines, it is not uncommon to see an array of campaign jingles, slogans, and
advocacies of different candidates being looped through the television throughout the campaign
period. This is because political advertising has rapidly become a major communication vehicle
on all elections (Cho, 2008). Political advertising is able to increase the voters campaign
knowledge that would shape their decision on who they would want to vote.
Since the lifting of political advertisements ban in 2001, a new campaign strategy emerge
on the line, television political advertising. Resolution no. 6520 of COMELEC or the
Implementing Rules and Regulations of Fair Elections Act RA (9006) defines political
advertisements as any matter broadcasted. published, printed, or exhibited, which is intended to
draw attention of the public or a segment thereof promote or oppose, directly or indirectly, the
election of particular candidate or candidates to a public office. The 2001 senatorial elections

saw the rise of political advertisements after a 14-year ban from 1986. In the 2004 electoral
exercise, the Fair election act of 2001 was fully maximized by the candidates seeking national
office. Since then, the use of political advertisements has become inevitable.
When Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III declared his bid for presidency, it sparked a
Peoples Campaign organized by volunteer groups from all over the country to support
Noynoys candidacy. In the 2010 elections, the Liberal Party gained an abundance of support
multilaterally from various groups and the non-conventional wing was composed of several
volunteer organizations that created people power volunteers and they maximized the use of
social networking sites and keeping the use of television advertisements on a moderate level.
Evidently, hundreds of thousands or even millions of pesos have been spent on televised
political advertising in the Philippines during election period. Given the overwhelming presence
of a 30 second spot, one might presume that advertisements affect the viewers voting
preferences. Yet, it is important to note that the effects of political communications of any kind
are determined not by the content of the message alone, but by the historical context which they
appear and especially the prevalent political environment of the time (McNair, 2011).
It is due to these events during Noynoy Aquinos campaign that the researchers decided
to study about the phenomena of the use of political advertising during campaigns. And how,
despite Aquinos moderate use of political advertisements on television, he was able to win the
presidency in 2010.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS
Harrop (1990) in O'Shaughnessy and Hennebergs The Idea of Political Marketing (2002)
defined Political Marketing as a form of service marketing that focuses on the desire of the
customers where exchange is a highly important variable and occurs through the act of
elections. The process of Political Marketing (Figure 1) was used in this study to explain how the
media portrays and sell candidates in the electoral process.
Figure 1. the Political Marketing Process

(adapted from Niffeneger 1990)

The process of political marketing provides a method in order to analyze election-
campaign. The party organization or the candidate, the events and the environment tThat would
affect the development of the elections, the strategic mix as well as the electoral field which is
considered to be the market itself. The exchange between the buyer and the seller is the general
idea, which is followed, in the political marketing process, and it also defines the parameters of
the political market.
The public is to vote for a candidate who will govern in the interest of the public when
elected and the votes are considered to be the medium of payment in the political market. Voting
activity takes place in an environment that is affected by variables that are implemented by the
organization for their marketing plans that consists of strategic decisions and alternative. It is
what is defined as mix by political marketing and consists of 4Ps: Product, Promotion,
Place, and Price (O'Shaughnessy & Henneberg, 2002).
The image of the candidate is an aspect of the fundamental concept in the political market
mix, the Product. The manifest and the party image coincides with one another, the former
creates the substantial element, which will shape the latter. But the two alone cannot disregard
the significance of the last aspect. The leader image further complicates the scenario of a
probable dichotomous voter preference. This trend has been consolidated by the coverage of
media, making the leader image more mediated.
The second P which is Promotion is an inevitable part of political marketing campaign.
This mix is divided between the free promotion and paid promotion. Paid promotions
encompass all kinds of advertising tools from print to broadcast which may also include party

gimmicks such as a slogan, a color, visual design and even symbols. Publicity not bought but
received by a party is free promotion.
The goal of the party is create favorable media attention; this goal is the impetus for the
organizations public relations. Distribution strategy is a key element of the Place aspect in the
mix. It expands the campaign reach to other regions while simultaneously coordinates it. They
recruit volunteers for the campaign in order to help with events or tours by the party all over the
nation.
In order to maintain the effectiveness and the competitiveness of the market, the Price
needs to construct a development strategy. Votes can be seen as psychological purchase the
price of this purchase is a composition of national, economic and psychological hopes; these
sentiments create the notion of the Price in the mix. Candidates could either use a negative
approach which creates stress on their opponent, or positive, which could boasts the
aspirations reached. The Price component is the least tangible of the mix, yet it is still a
relevant part of the whole.
In addition to the political marketing process, the researchers have included a model by
George and Michael Belch (1993) called the model of cognitive response in advertising (see
figure 2). According to the model, the influence of the advertisement after the consumers
exposure comes from three areas: a) thoughts in relation to message contained in the
advertisement b) consideration of the environment where the advertisement is seen c) issues
concerning the execution of the advertisement itself. The mind of the consumer now establishes
numerous attitudes toward the brand and toward the advertisement itself after the three factors
Figure 3. Analytical Framework
have been combined. This in turn will now greatly impact the consumers intention to purchase.

Figure 2. The Belch model of Cognitive Response
The Cognitive Response approach is one of the most widely used method in examining
consumers cognitive processeing of advertising responses. The thoughts created are generally
mere reflection of the recipients reactions that help shape and determine acceptance or rejection
of a message. Figure 2 depicts the three basic categories of cognitive response: product/message
thoughts, source-oriented thoughts, and advertising execution thoughts.
Products/Message Thoughts are those thoughts directed at the product or service itself, or
the claims being made in the communication. Two possible responses one can get are
counterarguments and support arguments. The former refers to the thoughts of the recipients that
are opposed to the position taken in the messae, while the latter supports or affirms the claims
made in the message.
The second category of cognitive responses is the source-oriented thoughts which are
directed at the source of communication. Source derogations or negative thoughts about the
person making the claims is one of the most important responses in this category. If a consumer

finds a particular person annoying or distrustful, this may result to a lower rate of acceptance of
the claims of the person. On the contrary, source-related thoughts are not always negative.
Receivers may react positively to the source and react favorably also known as souce bolsters.
Most advertisers hire persons to whom the audience will react favorably to carry the claims of
the message.
The third category is called ad execution thoughts which are directed towards the ads
itself. These thoughts may include reactions to ad execution factors such as the creativity of the
ad, quality of visual effects, colors, and voice tones.
In the recent years, much attention has been given on consumers reaction to
advertisements especially television commercials. Attitude towards advertisements represents
audiences favorability or unfavorability toward the ad itself. More so, consumers feelings
towards the ads are as important as attitude toward the brand in determining the effectiveness of
advertisements. It is important to note that the effectivity of advertisements still depend on
several factors such as the nature of advertisements and the processes the receiver engaged in.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Figure 3 illustrates the integration of the Political Marketing process and the Belch model
of cognitive response. The process of political marketing would be able to provide a method in
the analysis of election-campaign by identifying the factors that are vital to the elections and
establishing their relationship.
Figure 3. Integration of Political

Marketing Process and Belch
Model of Cognitive Response

Figure 3 begins with the exposure of the viewers to the television advertisement and it is
important to note the environment when the viewers are exposed to it, which is the campaign
period. The figure incorporates the political marketing process to the Belch model of cognitive
response by illustrating the effects of the marketing mix to the response of the viewers.
The cognitive response of the viewers would be towards the advertising strategy of
Aquino regarding the message of his advertisement and whether it contained an emotional or
rational appeal towards the viewers. The endorsers he employed in his campaign would also be
assessed if they are credible enough and have sufficient influence to persuade the people into
voting Aquino.
After the viewers formulated their cognitive response they would then form an attitude
towards Aquino and towards the television advertisements.
The viewers attitudes are highlighted by different factors that influence their reactions
such as the charisma emitted by Aquino that can be turned into building a rapport with the people
given that the Filipino culture is very friendly and are receptive to roaming candidates. The
ability and experience that he has accumulated from their academic and political achievements
would also affect the attitude of the viewers towards Aquino.
The viewers attitudes towards the television advertisements themselves are affected by
their age, social status, educational attainment, and Aquinos campaign theme. The voting
preference of the viewers would be affected by the television advertisements based on their
cognitive response and how they form their attitude towards Aquino and the television
advertisements.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
A. Main Problem
Do television advertisements have a significant impact in the voting preference of the
Filipino electorates in Aquinos campaign during the 2010 presidential election?
B. Sub-Problems
a) Do the demographics of respondents affect their voting preferences?
b) Do the effects of television advertisements vary according to demographics?
c) What are the main themes of Aquinos political advertisements?
d) What are the issues respondents wished to be addressed that should be reflected
through Aquinos advertisements?
C. Hypothesis / Thesis Statement
Null hypothesis: Television advertisements do not have significant impact on the voting
preference of the Filipino electorates in Aquinos campaign during the 2010
presidential elections.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
SIGNIFICANCE TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AS A FIELD
Previous studies on political communication would tend to focus on the media and its
effects on the citizens. Studies found that outside of elections, the citizens become detached from

politics and it is the media which reconnects them through the information that they disseminate.
Studies would also show that there is an increased role of the media especially with regards to
the campaign of the candidates but campaigns themselves can be classified as to good or bad
depending on their content. According to the previous studies, the frequency of advertisements
can cause the citizens to express their intent and interest in the campaign that could lead them to
vote and can allow them to make progressive votes.
However, there has always been a problem regarding the accurate measure of the abilities
of advertisements to persuade as there are only few studies that are able to demonstrate such
capability of advertisements towards their influence to voter preference.
This study would seek to extend scholastic understanding of the role of political
advertisements especially television ads in the 2010 presidential elections by examining their
impact on impact on citizens voting preferences. This study addresses the questions of the
factors that voters consider during campaign and come election time; and whether exposure to
television ads influences the citizens in choosing their leader. If advertisements lead citizens to
become more informed about candidates ideological orientations, and thus indicative of what can
they do in office, we might conclude that television advertisements has the ability to influence or
persuade voters to choose whoever they are exposed to.
SIGNIFICANCE TO POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A FIELD
Since Political Science is deeply concerned with the study of power and who gets to
wield it, then it is important to know what factors affect the decision of the people in choosing
their president. This study shall allow Political Science to explain the voting behavior of the
people and how it is affected by the subfield of political communication.

This study would allow the field of political science to differentiate between the
effectiveness of the use of political advertisements on television before and how the landscape of
campaigning is slowly being transformed to a new media-centric advertisements by analyzing
the results of the study. This study would also prove the ability of political science to identify the
patterns in voting behavior of the people despite the changing times.
SIGNIFICANCE TO THE POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDENTS AS RESEARCHERS
Furthermore, this study will be significant to Political Science students who endeavor to
research on the election process or the utilization of media in politics. Generally, Political
Science students will benefit from application of the theories use as well as gain an insight into
how methods of data gathering and analysis are used for different problems. The study will
increase the awareness of the students about national elections as well as scrutinize the campaign
strategies of political leaders. Finally, the study will boost the appreciation of the fields
interdisciplinary nature due to its focus on the field of advertising. Students of political science
will be aware of the potential collaboration between these two fields in analyzing political
phenomena.
SIGNIFICANCE TO THE CAMPAIGN STRATEGISTS
Finally, this study will benefit campaign strategists both in theory and practice. First,
campaign strategists may become conscious of how a viewers mind works when seeing a
television political advertisement. This is based on the theoretical framework used in the study
in relation to the cognitive responses by the voter. The campaign strategists may acquire ideas
with dealing with the voters through a certain medium of advertisement, in this case, television
political advertisements. Moreover, on a more macro level, campaign strategists can have better

insights on the dynamics of the variables present in an election setting. The framework used by
the researchers on Political Marketing may also provide the campaign strategists a focal lens on
how to view the electorate in relation to marketing their candidates. Also, the results of the
study may give light to practicality of using television political advertisements since the outcome
of the study will identify whether this form of political advertisement are still reliable in swaying
voter preference.
SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
This study covers all the TV political advertisements aired for the Noynoy Aquino during
the 90-day official campaign period of the 2010 Presidential elections starting from February 9,
2010 to May 8, 2010 two days before the designated Election Day.
The researchers will focus on the voting behavior of respondents towards political
advertising. In the same manner, the researchers will also look at the main themes of Aquinos
campaign as reflected in his advertisements in connection as to how the respondents see the
advertisements in line with the issues they want to be addressed. By the same token, the focus of
the study also includes contributing factors to voters preference in selecting a presidential
candidate (e.g. character, ability and experience, family background etc.). The studys focus is
rooted on a premise that broadcast media especially television advertisement is not a mere
avenue of information, but an instrumental actor in politics.
The survey will answer the problem posed by the researchers and will be conducted on a
nationwide scale and will cover 3 localities: Project 6, Quezon City, since it is the largest city in
the NCR and two of the major shopping malls can be found in Project 6 wherein different types

of people can be found. Sampaloc, Manila since it is the capital of the Philippines and
universities are near there fulfilling the need for student respondents. Lastly, in Alabang,
Muntinlupa since it is considered as a business hub.
The researchers shall use primary data coming from COMELEC and books published by
IFES. The researchers shall also use data from seminars conducted regarding the process of
campaigning in the Philippines.
Since this study covers the campaign period of 2010 and almost three years have already
gone by, the perception of the people might have changed as they would become more associated
with political advertisements they see for the upcoming elections of this year.
DEFINITION OF TERMS
2010 Presidential Election Election refers to the act of choosing the next candidate based on
intangibility, long-term vision, and a future that is promised by the politician (O
Shaughnessy & Henneberg, 2002).
Charisma pertains to the indefinable quality drawing people to another. In simple words, it is
charm just like a magic spell, oratorical skills on the other hand are the ability of a
candidate to define himself verbally and establish connection with the audience (Hofilena
& Go, 2011).
Emotional Appeal an advertising approach that appeals on the target markets emotions to
differentiate themselves from their competitors according to the feelings that they project
(Articona, 2006).

Endorsers characterized either by an influential person and/or powerful person recommending
or giving support to a candidate, promoting them before the audience (Adaza, 2010).
Filipino Electorates Filipino citizens represented by the youth sector (college students), the
urban poor, the micro business enterprises, and the academe and are registered voters on
the Commission of Elections.
Messages - are the ideas that are mediated through television advertisements from the candidates
in order to increase the connection between the voter attributes and interest to the
candidate (McClurg & Holbrook, 2009).
Popularity Adaza (2010) claims that Filipinos vote according to popularity or popular culture.
Popular culture comprises traditions, expressions, and sentiments common to the general
public that in the Philippines is the Filipino masa. Popular culture is the behavior of the
majority to consume something that sells and something that appeals to them which can
then be used to change public perception.
Rational Appeal advertisements which attempt to communicate directly to the audience in the
manner presenting their propositions through logical thinking and critical analysis of
arguments by presenting information about the candidate and their platforms (Articona,
2006).
Television Advertisements refers to political advertisements broadcasted on the television and
is a structured and composed nonpersonal communication of information and is
persuasive in nature (Arens, Schaefer, & Weigold, 2012). It is important to note that
promotions cannot be considered as advertisements if they are not paid for by the
candidates or any affiliate.

Track records the encompassing characteristics of a candidate that pertains to his ability and
experience in the political arena. These ranges from academic achievements to
professional and political achievements a candidate acquire throughout the years. In
addition to, the practice and know-how of things amplify the ability of candidates
(Adaza, 2010).
OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS
2010 Presidential Election used in this study to refer to the 90-day official campaign period of
the 2010 Presidential elections starting from February 9, 2010 to May 8, 2010.
Charisma used in its technical terms as what was defined by Hofilena & Go (2011).
Endorsers refers to celebrity or influential person hired by Aquino to promote for his
candidacy.
Emotional Appeal used to refer to the emotional aspects that can have positive effect on
consumers reactions to advertisements during campaign period.
Filipino Electorates Filipino citizens represented by the youth sector (college students), the
urban poor, the micro business enterprises, and the academe and are registered voters on
the Commission of Elections.
Messages - meant to influence a persons political beliefs, attitudes, or values. The term is used
to refer to the content used to persuade the voters to choose for a certain candidate.

Popularity refers to the manner how the Filipinos choose their candidates on how they know
them either because a candidate is well-known or because of his media-based personality.
Rational Appeal was used in its technical term as defined by Articona (2006).
Television Advertisements The term is used in the study to refer to campaign promotion
employed by candidates during the official campaign period from February 9, 2010 to
May 8, 2010.
Track Records refers to the ability and experience a candidate has achieved, the leadership he
has acquired over the years, and educational attainment and achievements.
Voting Preferences refers to the system of voting in which the voter ranks candidates in order
of preference.

CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES AND STUDIES
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES
Public Opinion and the Public Sphere
The conception of the people in society is very important in understanding how they
would be able to behave to certain events wherein the future of the country lays in the balance.
Also, the flow of thought of the people continuously changes throughout history calling for the
need to study it every time a major event occurs. According to McNair (2011), there is a different
conception on the principles of liberal democracy as it was understood from the bourgeois
critique of autocracy in early modern Europe. As political thinkers introduced the concept of
representative democracy, such as Locke and Miltion, voting rights were introduced and
democracy was rightfully excercised through participation of an informed, rational electorate.
In line with the importance of the peoples public opinion, the people felt the need to
decide the fate of their society and to have an impact on how their state can be run.
Habermas (1991) in his work The Stuctural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An
Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeous Society, that he depicted a democratic society wherein
Libertarians always heed for free moving information and the governments legitimacy thrives
on the will of the people; therefore information is necessary for the effectiveness of popular
participation. The creation of public opinion is and reflection of it is second to the dissemination
of information to the public. Originally, Habermas argues that the public sphere emerged as a
space in which private individuals came together as a public to use their own reason to discuss
the power of the state. However, changes in the public sphere materialize with the emergence of
the welfare state. Habermas argues that public opinion is no longer the result of rational debate

but the outcome of media engineering. With this, the public sphere has become a platform for
advertising and the press has become mere trade (Habermas, 1991).
Over the years, the people have been continuously developing in the public sphere and
there they are able to develop tools to effectively share their opinion. It is in this development
that the media was conceptualized and is developed to what it is today. Jamieson & Campbell
(2001), argues that the media has become a strong lobyist for its own interest and is able to
convey their interest to the different sector of the society which often leads to the discussion on
how it is able to influence the decisions of the citizens but it is often forgotten how its impact are
felt more by the political elites as they are able to realize its potential in the political arena. Aarts
& Semetko (2003) on the other hand discussed that mediated messages can be found everywhere
in the society and changed the patterns of living but found evidence that many would argue that
media divides the people into involved and uninvolved citizens due to their media choices and
the behavior of the recipients information is separated by those who are knowledgeable, the
efficacious, and the politically involved as opposed to those who are apolitical.
In a democratic society, the prevalent and most important factor to determine the
countrys democracy is its elections. Combined with the development of the public sphere and
the media,elections have become condensed consumer-product-marketing campaign
(OShaugnessy & Henneberg 2002). Selling politicians is similar to selling a product in the
market. The intangibility, long-term vision and a future created by promise are what politics
would sell. In a homogenous society, the importance of the political merchandise is greater due
to the haphazard political allegiances. Marketing replicates the conveniences of the people if
they are able to determine it. It is not a simple act of persuasion. The subjects are not a
shapeless mass. They have desires and needs that must necessarily be identified and understood

in order to define a product; this key to the marketing tasks. Hence, the defining character of
marketing is customer-centered. Customers are interactive and not passive, The essence of
marketing is reciprocity. The task of marketing is to interpret the customer, know the values
they have and desires they cannot fully voice out. This is in contrast to a simplistic view of
observance and acting in accordance to the observation (O Shaughnessy & Henneberg, 2002).
OShaugnessy & Henneberg (2002) quoting Harrop (1990) states that, political marketing as
essentially a form of services marketing: marketing a party consists of projecting belief in its
ability to govern (and political party as service organizations). Political Marketing must not be
confused with propaganda. On one hand, political marketing focuses on the desires of the
customers, exchange is a vital concept, what is being exchanged has vital importance or value.
Propagandas, on the other hand, tend to be pedagogic. Marketing is not simply advertising.
Marketing goes beyond the image and issue, it becomes a strategy (O Shaughnessy &
Henneberg, 2002).
Advertising
Arens, Schaefer, & Weigold (2012) defined advertising as the structured and composed
nonpersonal communication of information, usually paid for and usually persuasive in nature,
about producers by identified sponsors through various media (Arens, Schaefer, & Weigold,
2012). It is a highly structured form of communication that is employed with verbal and non
verbal elements to fill specific time and space formats by the sponsor. It is directed towards
groups of people rather than individuals who can then be considered as consumers. It is
important to note that if the promotion of a product is unpaid for then it cannot be considered as
advertising (O'Guinn, Allen, & Semenik, 1998). Any attempt to persuade is considered as

advertising even when the statement of the product is informational; its essence is still to
persuade the person into liking a product.
According to Ong (2000), advertisements are incorporated in campaigns through various
ways and a great number heavily relies on mass media to cover their primary communication
function. There has been a tremendous increase in the number of advertising messages passed to
the public through mass media and in the Philippines; we have witnessed the addition of cable
TV and the emergence of the internet in advertising. So much is being spent on advertising that
some believe that it can guarantee success alone but it is not the case, other variables existing in
4Ps is as important as advertising.
Advertising has become synonymous to television advertising due to the fact that it has
evolved to be the best form of advertising with all the benefits of sights and sounds (O'Guinn,
Allen, & Semenik, 1998). For advertisers, the television presents two extraordinary
opportunities: First, it allows outstanding creative expression of a brands value and it can easily
be disseminated to millions of consumers.
Political Advertisements
There is a perceived success of advertising which led to the hypothesis that such
strategies of persuasion is applicable to the political process and it was Rosser Reeves who
pioneered the view of the ability of commercial to sell politicians as they do products (McNair,
2011). Although there are significant ways where political advertising differs from commercial
advertising, the common strategies can be frequently applied to politicians and political
candidates must frequently offer themselves as different brands of the same product. Some view
political advertising as distinctively modern but the use of media to sell politicians is not a recent

phenomenon as the use of pamphlets, posters, and public events were utilized in campaigning
(McNair, 2011). With the invention of the radio and the television, political advertisements
ceased to be an interpersonal communication between a politician and the citizens but became
mass communication about politics.
McNair (2011) classified political advertisements into four namely: Talking Head that is
designed to focus on an issue and allow the candidate to convey an image impression that he can
handle the issues and most importantly, his job; while the Negative type is designed to convey
important ideas about candidates and avoid overly personalizing a campaign but focus to project
a big idea about a candidate. Cinema-Verite are those that depict the candidates in real life
setting interacting with people and is often used in informal settings such as meet-the-people and
walk-abouts and is often scripted even if its aim is to give an impression of spontaneity and
informality. Neutral Reporter type is a format where the viewer is presented with a series of
apparently factual statements about a candidate and then invited to make a judgment and while
neutrality is absent from such advertisements the speaker adopts the narrative conventions which
signify neutrality and objectivity.
Factors that influence the voting preference of Filipinos:
Hofilena & Go (2011) indicated the following factors that a candidate must possess in
order to win an election:
According to Adaza (2010), character is probably the most important quality of a
candidate to win voters. This pertains to the combination of mental, emotional, ethical values and
attitudes of the person that defines him as a man and a leader. It is that quality that impresses
individuals impelling them to admire and follow as their leader. Generally, a man of character is

a champion of human values: principled, honest, respectful, fair and just, and devoted to serving
the people.
A study conducted by the Ateneo de Manila Institute of Philippine Culture (2005)
surveyed about what comes into the mind when the world leader mentioned, in the Philippine
context. They classified the responses into four aspects of leaders: 1.) character and traits of the
person 2.) Leadership style 3.) Government or large organization position 4.) Set of traits social
valued-added or lack of it. They also included the participants reference to the metaphors often
used by the leader to describe aspects. Some examples of the metaphors used are the parental
metaphor (creating an image of parenthood to the subordinates, a notion of guidance and
provider and keeps the good of the children in mind, impartiality, creator of harmony) though
this notion is set in opposition against the leader as a boss or manager (having a vision and
mission and assuming responsibilities in decision-making and rule-setting.); hierarchical
leadership (leader is co-equal with subordinates, an image of a friend, someone approachable);
educational qualification of leaders (attainment of some significant academic degree) though
some say that education is unimportant and a leader with good character and apt experience is
enough; Moral uprightness of leaders (a good role model, trustworthy and true to his word, law-
abiding, responsible) (Institute of Philippine Culture Ateneo de Manila University, 2005).
The legitimacy of this leader draws up from the most basic assumption of governance,
the consent of the governed. But a leader elected is not necessarily legitimate but could only
be accepted as legal due to the formality of election or even appointment. The loss of
legitimacy of a leader goes into two levels: accused of corruption, misdeed and illegal
proceedings or on a more legal level, through an impeachment, expiration of term and extra-

constitutional means such as people power (Institute of Philippine Culture Ateneo de Manila
University, 2005)..
Charisma pertains to the indefinable quality drawing people to another. In simple words,
it is charm just like a magic spell, oratorical skills on the other hand are the ability of a candidate
to define himself verbally and establish connection with the audience (Hofilena & Go, 2011).
Ability and Experience, these ranges from academic achievements to professional and political
achievements a candidate acquire throughout the years. In addition to, the practice and know-
how of things amplify the ability of candidates (Adaza, 2010).
Vision refers to the platform of the candidates, dictating their immediate and remote goals
for the country. Most of the time, candidates expresses their vision in generalities rather than in
specific terms (Gloria & Fonbuena, 2004).
Filipinos are friendly people, very receptive to visitors especially politician and movie
stars. In the course of the campaign, a close range hand shaking encounter between the people
and he candidates may indicate rapport between them (Adaza, 2010). Rapport with the people is
also an indicator of how warm the candidate is to the people.
Adaza (2010) claims that the electorates vote for the candidates based on popular culture
which is used by political actors to increase their appeal. Popular culture comprises traditions,
expressions, and sentiments common to the general public that in the Philippines is the Filipino
masa. Popular culture is the behavior of the majority to consume something that sells and
something that appeals to them which can then be used to change public perception.

In the Philippines of ninety million Filipinos, the class origin of a candidate is of strategic
importance. This is due to the disturbing class division among population eighty million belong
to the poor and lower classes while ten million belong to the upper class (Hofilena & Go, 2011).
In a presidential election, an established political party is a strategic component. In the
Philippines today, three of the political parties with the national networks with committed
membership are the Nacionalista Party (NP), the Liberal Party (LP), and the Pwersa ng Masang
Pilipino (PMP) (Adaza, 2010).
Another factor is personality projection which refers to a candidate being saleable;
meaning he should be easy on the eyes and capable of being believed in what he says. He must
be an attractive commodity (Adaza, 2010).
To be a viable candidate for President, Adaza (2010) estimated that one must have
campaign funds skirting Five Billion (P5, 000,000,000.00). Campaign funds may include cash
sponsorships and donations, party machinery, and personal gains. In the same manner, endorsers
also take the plight of one of the most used strategies in campaign come election period.
Endorsers maybe characterized either by an influential person and/or powerful person
recommending or giving support to a candidate, promoting them before the audience.
Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III
On February 8, 1960, Benigno Ninoy S. Aquino Jr. and Corazon Cory Cojuangco
Aquino gave birth to their only son among the four daughters they have, Benigno Simeon
Noynoy Cojuangco Aquino III, whose fate will be determined by the undertakings of both his
parents. Noynoys parents both hailed from the elite clans owning enormous hectares of land in
the Philippines. But his parents became more prominent in the arena of politics rather than

economics. His father, Ninoy, was a former Senator and the light of hope by the suffering
mass during the Martial Law era, for he was the most prominent opponent of the despot. On
August 21, 1983, the most pivotal episode of that era happened. Shortly after arriving in the
Philippines from his exile in the United States, Ninoy was assassinated. The Filipino people
attributed the crime to the tyrant, inciting outrage throughout the nation. The people chose
Noynoys mother, Cory Aquino, to lead them into the last stand against the era. This last stand
happened in February of 1986 when thousands of people gathered at Epifanio Delos Santos
Avenue and would be known worldwide as the People Power Revolution. Immediately after
the despot stepped down, Cory Aquino was declared as the President under a Revolutionary
government, then into a de facto government until 1992 (Castriciones, 2011).
The prominence of Noynoys parents gave him an easy admittance into politics. His first
job as a public official was being the Representative of the 2nd District of Tarlac for the Lower
House of Congress. He was re-elected twice, ending his tenure as a Congressman in 2007. He
served in multiple committees and became Deputy Speaker for almost two years. Despite
allegations of being an indifferent lawmaker (he did not pass any major legislation), he was
elected as a Senator during the 2007 Elections with help from his mother, the former President
Cory Aquino and his sister Kristina Bernadette Kris Aquino, a famous celebrity (Castriciones,
2011). During the 2007 Senatorial Elections, Noynoy Aquino ran under the Genuine Opposition
(GO) party coalitions whose main platforms focuses on alleviation of poverty and the fight
against corruption while Team Unity (TU) focuses on economic development and sustainability.
Despite these focal points, candidates chose to suggest personal qualities more than the platforms
of their respective party coalitions; Noynoy Aquino belongs to this category (Tabunda, Fonbuena
& Rufo, 2008).

The death of Noynoys mother in August of 2009 prompted the people to look to Noynoy
as the one who will continue the legacy of his parents. A decisive event took place in Club
Filipino when the Liberal Party standard-bearer Sen. Mar Roxas decided that he would sacrifice
his bid on the Presidential race to give way for Noynoy Aquino. Noynoy went on a retreat in
Zamboanga City to contemplate the serious demand from him, to run as President of the country.
At the end of the 40-day mourning period for Noynoys mother in September 9, 2009, Noynoy
officially declared his acceptance from the demand of running for the highest Executive position,
the Presidency (Villacorta, 2011).
Noynoys declaration sparked a kind of campaign labeled as The Peoples Campaign,
but before explaining the characteristic and function of the Peoples Campaign it is necessary
to trace its origin. Campaigns are subdivided into two eras: organizational politics and media-age
politics era. On one hand, organizational politics is simply party politics. The ways voters are
contacted are through the party such as recruitment, mobilization, and shaping preferences. This
era is characterized by patronage influence and, due to hierarchys management style of
command and control, more often is, militaristic. The party reaches the voters directly or
personally like rallies, parades, also through party pamphlets and broadsheets owned and
controlled by the party (Tiquia & Cariaga, 2000).
According to Ables (2003), he described media-age politics as the domination by the
mass media in the political socialization (recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation)
and political communication of the voters. Unlike the organizational or party politics,
information is obtained by the people through the mass media and not by through the party itself.
Voters of this era now feel more disconnected to the party than before due to the peoples belief
that they have already participated in a more indirect manner. This era has created a more

candidate-centered approach to elections where the organization is now prioritizing the image of
the candidate rather than the party itself. Television viewers prefer a more intimate and
conversational approach of communication information. With newer technology a latest
innovations in campaign equipment, this era is further solidified (Ables, 2003).
Trends created by this era include candidate priority in image, financial capabilities and
charisma; diminished party influence, mass media personalities as political authorities and the
pivotal role of mass media in the fate of campaigns. Considering all these situations, the ultimate
goal of campaigns is to win the elections (Ables, 2003).
Tiquia & Cariaga (2000) gave five components of campaign strategy namely:
determination of voters to approach, message creation to be communicated, and procurement of
resources, activity timing and tactics. Campaign strategists tend to oversimplify elections when
they assume that it is a race between knowledge and experience on one hand, and sincerity and
concern for the poor in the latter. But between the two, the former was what the primary criterion
for the voting masses were (Gloria & Fonbuena, 2004). Political advertisements have become a
large part for politicians to have a successful career in their chosen field as it helps as to whom
would the voters vote for by turning the awareness of the voters into actual votes which is highly
important for the candidates (Tabunda, Fonbuena, & Rugo, 2008).
The Peoples Campaign was organized by volunteer groups from all over the country in
support of the Noynoy candidacy. In September 21, Mar Roxas announced his bid for Vice-
Presidency, becoming Noynoys running mate (Villacorta, 2011).
The Noy-Mar machinery was built with two arms, the Liberal Party itself (conventionals)
and the volunteer groups (non-conventionals). During the first parts of the campaign, the two

wings experienced difficulties in coordination due to numerous volunteer groups proliferating.
This problem was later addressed resulting to the division of campaign efforts. The Liberal Party
is one of the first prominent political parties in the Philippines. In fact, the Noy-Mar tandem
echoed the Partys pillars. Noynoys father was the Liberal Party Secretary-General during the
martial law era while Mars father and grandfather were former Party presidents. The Liberal
Party garnered an abundance of support multilaterally from various groups and blocs as well as
those from the provinces. The non-conventional wing was composed of several volunteer
organizations that convened and created the People Power Volunteers. These various groups
played a significant role in the regional campaign efforts of the party (Villacorta, 2011).
During the campaign period, the Liberal Party maximized the use of the media,
particularly the New Media composed of a more interactive type of media such as social
networking sites, blogs and podcasts. The Internet also played a crucial role in the campaign
period. This New Media alongside the usual T.V ads and radio ads paved the desired outcome
of the elections (Villacorta, 2011).
The joint session of the Congress that convened on June 9, 2010 proclaimed Noynoy as
President-elect and Jejomar Binay, former Makati mayor, as Vice-President-elect. On June 30,
2010 at the Independence Grandstand in Rizal Park, Aquino took his oath of office and gave his
inaugural address, making him the 15th President of the Republic of the Philippines and the
appointment of Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III has led majority of Filipinos to turn their
outlooks positively towards their personal lives and the situation of the country (Villacorta,
2011).

Although it is not exactly a new concept to the Filipinos for the newly appointed
president to promise a new society, it often fails due to institutional inefficiencies, military
defiance, and any political shenanigans. Aquino is left with the task to overcome these
disappointments and live up to the reputation of his father and learn from the experiences of his
mother. He claimed during his campaigns that he should deliver good governance in accordance
to a peaceful and stable environment that is conducive to economic growth and would allow
social transformation. Questions are raised whether he would be able to fulfill these promises
and as one author claims, we will witness a measure of necessary instability. Instability shall
occur since in order to establish good governance there shall be several attempts in order to
destabilize business and politics but is at the same time Necessary because the Aquino legacy
and the future of the country is at stake. Addressing the Mindanao conflict, demonstrating
leadership, forging partnerships, and revitalizing institutions are among the four major challenges
that Aquino has to face (Ortuoste, nd.).
Luckily, the government is working on an overarching framework that would address the
needs of Mindanaoans and it places good governance, effective delivery of basic services,
sustainable development, and security-sector reform as its pillars. On the other hand, the
government still has to develop a well coordinated political, developmental, Legislative, and
public relations strategy on Mindanao. These issues along with others would require decisive and
focused leadership and his virtue would be questioned along with his competence. He has
already been criticized as a member of the senate and faced additional criticism on the way he
has faced the hostage crisis in Manila. Aquino may prove to be a quick study since despite
lapses; the investigative committee completed its task on time. Major projects such as the anti-
corruption effort, prosecuting tax evaders, creating a justice commission to investigate the

Arroyo administrations excesses, and putting the Mindanao negotiation panel together were
undertaken within his first hundred days in office. And more importantly he has reassigned top
military officials from the Arroyo administration and stated that the countrys democratic
institutions must be respected by the military over personality (Ortuoste, nd).
Institutional inefficiencies and organizational malaise are the third set of challenges that
Aquino must face. The internal revenue and customs bureau have been especially energetic in
pursuing tax evaders and smugglers. The results have been splendid but the real question is
whether how long these efforts would be continued with such enthusiasm. Without legal, social,
and institutional foundations, transparency and good governance will not be maintained and will
e quickly forgotten. In order to establish these foundations Aquino would have to overcome the
challenge of balancing disparate groups of supporters in the legislature, in local government, and
in civil society. In order for Aquino to establish partnerships with the different sectors the most
talented of the younger generation of legislators may act as the catalysts of reforms especially
among career and traditional politicians and scions of political dynasties. Reform on the local
level would help sustain public approval and it would be better if Aquino would accomplish this
without resorting to pay-offs or ignoring their excesses. If the government is able to link top-
down initiatives with bottom-up efforts then it would be possible for Aquino to plant roots of
reform at the local level. If the Aquino administration would be able to destabilize traditional
practices and introduce progressive thinking to lay the foundations for revitalized institutions and
a more effective bureaucracy then the short term instability will bring the Philippines what the
citizens desired: long-term stability based on good governance, openness, and a fully functional
democracy (Ortuoste, nd).

REVIEW OF RELATED STUDIES
Media-Politics Relations
The relationship between the media, politics, and its influence to the public opinion
especially when it matters the most, during elections, are studied by scholars in order to
understand the extent of influence that the media holds and how it exercises its will over the
people. It is important since it is usually high ranking officials who seek the help of the media
and it shall affect the future of the state.
In order to study this relationship, researchers observe cases that would exemplify the
intensifying role of media in politics. Many researchers would refer to the case of the 2004 U.S.
Presidential elections where political advertisements held a vital role for the Republican and
Democrat Party to secure positions. In a study conducted by Malhotra & Krosnick (2007), they
found out that news broadcasted by the media is followed closely by the citizens especially when
elections are imminent and pay attention on selected issues such as in the 2004 U.S. elections
where the candidates with campaigns against terrorism was supported with more enthusiasm than
campaigns on the development of their own economy. But then Weisberg & Christenson (2007)
claimed in their study that during the 2004 U.S. Presidential elections, George W. Bush was not
seen as a highly competent candidate and John Kerry did not prove to be that strong as a
competitor for the position, however, events helped George W. Bush to be re-elected especially
due to his campaign against terrorism which was strongly supported by the Americans and he
was seen as a stronger leader than his father and Bob Dole.
Moreover, in the study of Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (2008) states that the influence of
medias direct effects on politics generally looks at how media might influence who makes

political decisions through the selection of political personnel; how media affects political styles
and procedures, therefore how it influences political actors behaviour. The impact of media on
the agenda of a political actor depends on the place, issues, political agendas, media agendas, and
time the political actor is situated.
Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein (2004) look at the potential of televised political
advertising in bringing a more attentive, more informed and more participatory citizenry in their
study. Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee as quoted by Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein, explained
that, "The democratic citizen is expected to be interested and... to be well informed about
political affairs. He is supposed to know what the issues are, what their history is, what the
relevant facts are, what alternatives are proposed, what the party stands for, what the likely
consequences are. By such standards the voter falls short" (Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein,
2004). In the American context, scholars proved that Americans tend to be detached in terms of
politics and political information. They became inattentive to most political things, care little,
know less, and only participate in politics when necessary. In other words, Americans fail to
meet the demands of democratic theory. Still, despite the Americans anemic political behavior,
democracy still endure. One reason scholars see is the availability of information for the people
as supplied by the elites through election campaigns.
Campaigns
Campaigns are vehicles for the transmission of political information. Campaigns are
classified into good or bad depending on the content of information it supply (Freedman, Franz,
& Goldstein, 2004). Speeches, debates, and policy papers are seen as valuable sources of
information likely to enlihten people. On the contrary, the role of campaign advertising is viewed

as a self-serving tool to mislead the audience. In a parallel sense, Zhao and Chaffee referred
political ads as the most deceptive, misleading, unfair and untruthful of all advertising
(Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein, 2004).
In a campaigning politicians ideal world, they would wish that their political
advertisements run 24/7 on a broadcast station and in all forms of media. Beginning in the 20 th
century, when televisions proved to be the greatest political ad placements, the Air Wars
ensued (Abramson, Aldrich, & Rohde 2005). Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein (2004) view
campaign ads as very rich informational source where advertising conveys information
efficiently and comprehensively. Exposure to advertising can help citizens to learn about the
candidates and the issue they raised.
Effects of Campaign Advertisements
In the study conducted by Huber & Arceneaux (2007), they explore the effects on what
campaign advertisements have on the viewers. Aside from the evidence showing that political
messages improve voter knowledge and interest in campaigns, also called the information
hypothesis of Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein (2004), only few studies has been able to
demonstrate that advertisements persuade individuals to change their minds though political
advertisements are intended to influence voters preferencesof candidates.
Huber & Arceneaux (2007) found out that first, advertising engages citizens in the
campaign through the use of emotional imagery and language that induces viewers to care about
the outcome of election, engagement hypothesis in Freedman, Franz, & Goldsteins term.
Frequent airing of advertisements will like cause the citizen to express their intent and interest in
the campaign that will lead them to vote. Evidence also showed that campaigns mobilize voters

and disseminate information that allows voters to make enlightened choices. The key point
according to McClurg & Holbrook (2009) is that campaign messages are used to help increase
the connection between pre-existing voter attributes and interest and a candidate. Moreover,
campaigns in television advertisements were found to enhance viewers knowledge on candiate
and reinforce citizens partisan predispositions. The content of campaign commercials, Huber &
Arceneaux added, are far more likely simply to persuade viewers, it often make references to
issues promoted or deserted by certain candidates. Lastly, campaign advertisements appear to
have substantial persuasive effects. Paid advertisements desolately emerged as propaganda that
are successful in causing citizens to shift their preferences towards the sponsoring candidate.
In conclusion, advertising for Huber & Arceneaux (2007), does a little to inform, next to
nothing to mobilize, anda great deal to persuade potential voters. There is little evidence that
televison advertising either mobilizes or inform citizens, instead, advertising is persuasive.
Election campaigns shall always have the potential capacity for civic engagement and
political persuasion and studies show that campaign effects are neither large or minimal but
would sometimes be large enough to be politically important which makes election campaigns as
significant sites for communicating politcs and parties (Sanders, 2009).
Persuasion simply means the ability of a message to influence a persons political beliefs,
attitudes, or values. The earliest research on political persuasion suggested that the influence of
political messages was substantial and direct, like a hypodermic needle. When people received
campaign communications, their candidate preferences rarely changed. Rather, these messages
either activated individuals, turning undecided voters to be supporters of candidates in line with
their political beliefs, or reinforced voters initial candidate preferences.

In the study by Franz and Ridout (2007) pointed out the reasons why persuasive media
effects are difficult to measure. The first of which is the lack of good measures of individual-
level variation in exposure to political messages (Zaller, 1996) meaning if one has good measure
of political messages disseminated, one cannot assume that everyone has been exposed to the
same number of messages. Second, there is difficulty in finding a environment in which there is
an imbalanced flow of communications (Zaller, 1996) a situation where one candidate has
relatively more message flow than the other. In this sense, persuasion can be detected because
political messages will not simply cancel each other out. Lastly, not all individuals are equally
likely to receive or accept political messages.
In the American context, two of the most important fators influencing the reception or
acceptance of a political message are partisanship and political knowledge (Franz & Ridout,
2007). Partisan politics as dependent on the strength of the candidate strongly affects the citizens
through political advertisements in either positive or negative way. On the other hand, political
knowledge can both increase oneability to understand and be influenced by a political message,
yet it can also increase ones ability to resist that message.
In a parallel study done by McClurg & Holbrook (2009), they postulated if campaign
effects depend on what campaigns communicate to voters, those voters who are most directly
exposed to that information should be more strongly influenced by it than those who are
relatively unexposed. In this sense Freedman, Franz, & Goldstein proposes the differential
effects hypothesis, suggesting that these effects will be greatest among those who need the
information the most. This is assumed that those wwho know least obviously have the most to
learn (2004).

Specifically, voters in battleground states - where campaign information is plentiful - will
behave differently than voters in nonbattleground states. Strictly speaking, voters in
nonbattleground states are experiencing the presidential campaign much differently than voters
in battleground states. First, they have less exposure to the specific messages that the campaigns
use to influence voting behavior. Second, the extent of their receive campaign information is
heavily mediated. Mediated campaigns is more ambiguous in what the information implies for
voters. In short, voting behavior is jointly produced by a combination of predispositions and
campaign context rather than each type of factor separately (McClurg & Holbrook, 2009).
According to Cohen, Tsfati, & Sheafer (2008), political behavior is shaped not only by
what other people actually think but also what they perceive others think. Their study indicates
that the perceptions of the people on the ideologies of the candidates play an important role in
determining the general public opinion. It demonstrates that in at least some of the influence that
media practices towards the citizens are indirectly operated through the perception of power.
Advertising in the Philippines
In 1960, Rosser Reeves introduced the concept of Unique Selling Proposition (USP) in
his book Reality in Advertising. According Reeves, Each advertisement must make a
proposition to the consumer that the competition could not or does not offer and must be strong
enough that it can move mass millions (Articona, 2006).
Unique Selling Proposition has evolved to two different propositions; the Rational
Selling Proposition which refers to advertisements that presents their selling propositions that
stimulates logical thinking and critical intellectual analysis resulting to ad and brand distinction,
retention and recall, while the other is the emotional selling proposition which is defined as an

approach that conveys ideas to appeal on the target markets emotions and brands differentiate
themselves according to feelings and values they provide among consumers which often creates
immensely loyal customers (Articona, 2006).
In a study conducted by Articona in 2006 regarding the use of Emotional Selling
Proposition and Rational Selling Proposition on advertisements released by McDonalds, Globe,
and PLDT, he concluded that advertisements employing the Emotional Selling Proposition
resulted to a more persuasive method and predisposed the audiences to choose that product.
Over the years, technological innovations have been made left and right and in line with
the continuous development of television, forms of advertisements have advanced as well. In
order to bring the peoples disposition closer to the brand, the media incorporates graphic design
animation to its advertisements. According to the study by Basa (2010), she found out that
incorporating graphic design animation brings favorable influence towards the brand. The
advertisements are found attractive, entertaining, and enjoyable to watch which makes the people
want to by the brand.
Salandanan (2010) conducted a parallel study regarding the Audience Receptions of 2010
Presidential Election advertisements of Sen. Manny Villar. He indicated that the opinions of the
people are dependent on their demographics. The results shows that for college students, political
candidates focus more on their image rather than the issues that they are fighting for which
would leave minimal impact to their opinion. The urban poor otherwise claimed that they are
fully aware that these advertisements are often heavily editted and scripted. They also agree that
the advertisements are image-based and they have their choice whether to believe the
advertisements or not. Furthermore, the qualities thst they look for a presidential candidate are

divided between having an impressive track record of achievements and being God-fearing to
avoid temptations. For the business sector, they are aware that the faces of the advertisements
have shifted from selling their platforms to selling their image , as it allows the candidate around
the whole country. On the other hand, it is saddening to see that the production of political
advertisements have become purely entertainment (Salandanan, 2010).
Dramatic Situation prompted Aquinos campaign
According to Abinales (2010), an event occurred in the Philippines in August 2009 when
the Philippines icon of democracy died. The death of Corazon Aquino brought back thousands
of people onto the streets but not People Power as a peaceful way of removing an incumbent
president, but rather an outcry of thanks for bringing back democracy. The role of mass media in
post-EDSA, was seen as a focus of an agenda setter (Lim, 2008).
Agenda-setting has been a long conceptual foundation on communication research
particularly on mass media effects. It has two defining feature, priming and framing. The former
which emphasize a particular issue that could increase recall among audiences, while the latter
refers to the power of media to shape the reactions of audiences by obscuring parts of a news
story (Lim, 2008). Moreover, Celdran (2005), as what was quoted by Lim (2008), claimed that
Philippines have been relying heavily on the power of media.
Weeks after Aquinos burial, public eyes rechanneled to the upcoming May 2010
elections. Senator Manny Villar was then the leading contender for the presidential seat as
revealed by Pulse Asia (Lim, 2008). But the public, wanting for a bigger change in governance,
clamor for Corazon Aquinos son, Senator Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III to run for
President. This had forced Manuel Roxas to withdraw his candidacy and decided to run as the

formers tandem. Noynoy Aquino, being the standard bearer of the opposition, promised that he
would work hard to restore the democratic political system that was undermined in Arroyo
administration.
Moreover, Abinales (2011) added that Noynoy Aquino has proved to champion the
masses as four out of ten Filipinos chose him over the other candidates. Noynoy Aquino assumed
office with the hopes of ending corruption. Noynoy Aquino also adopted a number of measures
designed to enhance public trust. He banned the use of sirens by all government officials, to
prevent the abuse of power brought by it. The president also promised to go after tax evaders.
These measures the president adhered all boils down to his slogan that the masses are his boss.
Philippine politics has shown a pattern manifesting Latin American-style populist/neo-
populist regime whose power usually rest from urban classes. (De Castro, 2007). De Castro
(2007) concluded that charisma and general popularity, backed by a strong political party are
some of the main ingredients for Presidential candidates to win in the Philippines.

CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
METHOD
This study incorporated the qualitative and quantitative methods in political science. The
focus of qualitative method is on detailed, text-based answers that are often historical or include
personal reflection from participants in political institutions, events, and processes (Vromen,
2010). This is often characterized by thick description and analysis rather than broad, numerical
generalizations. Qualitative methods include case studies, in-depth interviews, text analysis, and
historical analysis (Vromen, 2010). On the other hand, quantitative method is based on the idea
that social phenomena can be quantified, measured and expressed numerically. The data about a
social phenomenon is expressed in numeric terms that can be analyzed using statistical methods
(Quantitative Research Methods). Quantitative method enables the researchers to describe social
phenomena and processes not directly observable (John, 2010). Quantitative methods include
statistics, survey research, and content analysis (Vromen, 2010). In this study, quantitative
methods will be used to determine the relationship between television advertisements and voting
preference of the electorates in the campaign of Aquino through empirical analysis.
The research design that will be devised in this study will be the case study, a type of
research design widely used in social sciences (Burnham P. , Lutz, Grant, & Layton-Henry,
2008) that focuses on a single case, and studying it intensively. A case study would be because it
enables researchers to focus on a single, individual, group, community, event, policy area or
institution, and study it in depth, over an extended period of time (Burnham P. , Lutz, Grant, &
Layton-Henry, 2008). The case study design has more of a qualitative study since it generates a
wealth of data relating to one specific case. One important characteristics of a case study design

is that data on a wide range of variables can be collected on a single case thus a relatively
complete account of phenomenon can be achieved. This enables the researchers to argue about
the relationship between and among variables and present explanations to events and processes.
A case study is functional because the researchers would be able to gain an in-depth
understanding of the subject particularly, the role of television advertisements in the campaign of
the President-elect Benigno Simeon Noynoy Aquino III.
According to McNair (2011) there are three ways in assessing the effects of political
advertisements on attitudes, behavior and voting pattern of the electorates. The first is to ask
people how they responded to specific messages perceived from advertisements, and then collate
their responses into statistically significant aggregates, usually in the form of public opinion
polls. Second is by observing voting behavior, relating this to the communication strategies of
the contestants in a political campaign. Third is through an analysis of documents and previous
studies that will enrich and/or refute the findings gathered quantitatively (McNair, 2011).
This study will use survey questionnaire and analysis of documents as methods of data
collection.
A survey attempts to obtain accurate information about a population by obtaining a
representative sample of that population and using the information from the sample to make
generalizations about the whole population (Burnham P. , Lutz, Grant, & Layton-Henry, 2008). A
survey is different from an opinion poll because the latter are only snapshot surveys concerned to
measure the opinions of the electorate at a given specified time. Opinion polls are used to run-up
or predict which political party or presidential candidate will win the election (Burnham P. , Lutz,
Grant, & Layton-Henry, 2008).

The success of any surveys depends on the survey research instrument, or questionnaire.
The questionnaire is a critical methodological tool for the social scientist that needs to be
understandable, unambiguous, unbiased, and relevant (Burnham P. , Lutz, Grant, & Layton-
Henry, 2008). The function of a questionnaire is to translate the researchers hypotheses into a
series of questions designed to garner information to test them rigorously. The survey
questionnaire is intended to supply the study with data that is taken from the perspective of
receivers of the information. The responses to the questionnaire gives the researchers a vantage
point on how the voters were affected by the usage of broadcast media especially television
advertisements as an avenue of propagating several contributory factors to the election of a
political candidate.
The researchers analyze document and archives to contribute to the information already
gathered by the three previous methods. With this method, the researchers will input data from
the documents and archives and aim to suffice whatever information not satisfied by the previous
methods. These include documents specifically written for and during the phenomena observed
such as statements, reports, newspaper or magazine articles, and statistical findings. Archives
include paraphernalia used during the campaign particularly television advertisement.

DATA
Sample Size
To determine the sample size of this study, quota sampling will be employed in
determining the sample size of respondents. Quota sampling is one of the types of non-
probability sampling technique widely used by market research organizations but also for
academic research into voting behavior (Burnham P. , Lutz, Grant, & Layton-Henry, 2008).
For the survey, the researchers are to select 200 respondents initially coming from three
localities: Alabang, Muntinlupa, Sampaloc, Manila and Project 6, Quezon City. The 200
respondents are further categorized into three subcategories namely: according to age,
educational attainment, and job. Data collected from the methods incorporated by the researchers
may be in the form of documents, archival records, and survey questionnaires since myriad of
methods of data collections were used to explain the impact of voters perception on televised
political advertisements of candidates.
Specifically, survey questionnaires are one of the most important sources of case study
information since it reflects the idea of the people directly and indirectly knowledgeable to the
subject matter. Information gathered in these types is classified as descriptive data.
Data Treatment
Descriptive statistics is a way of treating quantitative data gathered from survey. By using
descriptive statistics, measures of central tendency, frequency distribution and charts could be
essential. Frequency tables would tally the same responses of different respondents that would
determine if their perceptions changed towards Presidential candidates through frequent televised

political advertisements exposure. Charts and graphs would give the reader a visual
representation of the data gathered. The researchers also employed cross-tabulation or what
others call contingency table to examine relationships for variables that are set up in categories.
PROCEDURE
Administering Surveys
First, identify the sampling frame. The sampling frame is the list of population that you
wish to survey. Once a sample is drawn from the population, an individual is selected from the
sample for the survey. The size of the sample is dependent on the researchers motives on how
they would want the study to run. Designing the questionnaire would be the next step. A good
questionnaire must hold the interests of the person filling it in. Its design must minimize potential
errors. Pilot testing is essential in this stage. Once the pilot test has been conducted, rechecking
and reviewing the questionnaire is pivotal for the success of the survey. Once refurbished, the
survey can now be conducted with the sample. The said survey will be self-administered. Coding
and analysis of survey responses comes next. However, quoting open-ended questions is one of
the difficulties researchers may experience, thus suggesting that all survey questions be as
precise and concise as possible to avoid the said problem.
Data processing stage entails categorization of data where impressions of respondents are
grouped according to sectors. Coding of data will be done to facilitate tabulation for analysis.
Statistical analysis of data will be made through a 4-point liker scale system where:
4 Strongly Agree
3 Slightly Agree
2 Slightly Disagree
1 The Role Disagree
Strongly of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 55
Scale
Analysis of Documents
Different libraries shall be searched thoroughly by the researchers for needed documents
and are especially relevant to the topic. Institutions shall also be visited by the researchers in
order to search for needed paraphernalia. Collected documents and archival information shall be
carefully segregated and collated by the researchers and is subjected to close analysis in order to
create useful data and shall be integrated to create general observations.

CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
Chapter four presents the perceptions of the voting preference on how they choose a
presidential candidate and what qualities or characteristics do they weigh come election time.
This chapter also answers the questions revolving the attitudes of the electorates towards the use
of political television advertisements during campaign period, and towards the political candidate
selling himself through the said medium. The first part of this chapter is the presentation and
interpretation of data.
I. Respondents Profile
The Filipino voter is defined by age and residence requirements and at present ranging to
more than fifty million in 2010 (see table 1). A general profile of Filipino voters suggests that the
voting populace is increasingly young and is coming from the marginalized sector though there
are a number of middle class voters in the Philippines. Survey respondents are categorized
according to age, educational attainment, job, and place of residence.
A. cAge
Respondents of this study consist mostly
of voters in the 23-35 age bracket and the
smallest number of respondents from the 51-78
group. The breakdown of respondents
according to age bracket is shown in figure
4.
Given the age breakdown,
respondents aging from 23-35 garnered 49.5% of the total
number of respondents, 11.5% were in the 18-22 age group or what can be

considered as the new registrants and first time voters. 25.5% belongs to the 36-50 age group,
49.5%. Only 8% were in the 51-78 age group.

Figure 4: Respondents by Age Bracket
B. Educational Attainment
Fifty two percent (52.5%) , the biggest portion of the sample study, graduated from
college and 16% reached college. 25.5% of the
sample attended high school though an
ample 1.5% only reached elementary. About
5% did not indicate their educational
attainment.
C. Job
Most of the respondents of the study are
Figure 5: Educational Attainment of Respondents
professional in their own field, having a handful 38%. Manual
laborers or those considered blue-collared job covers almost 30% of the sample size, yet almost
20% of the respondents do not have any source of income, 9% of which are student while 3.5%
are pensioned. Only 1% does not declare whether they are included in the working force or not.
D. Residence
Respondents of the study came albeit equally from three urbanized cities of the metro:
Muntinlupa, Manila, and Quezon cities.
II. Survey questions also touched on the exposure of respondents to Television
Advertisements through:
Of the 200 respondents to which the survey

Frequency Percent
was conducted, 174 or 87% answered that they Yes 174 87.0
Valid No 25 12.5
have television sets at home while 25 or 12.5% Total 199 99.5
Missing System 1 .5
The Role of Television Advertisements
Total in the Voting Preference|
200 58
100.0
responded that they do not have any television sets at home. Only the 87% who answered yes,
they have television sets at home are included in the empirical quest to derive a solution behind
the real driving force to Aquinos victorious political campaign.
Of the 174 respondents who answered that they do have television sets at home, they
were asked on how often they watched television. Table 2: Do you have TV at home?
120 or 60% responded that they do watch everyday. 34 or 17% responded that they are only able
to watch the television for 2 to 4 times a week. 19 or 9.5% answered that they are only able to do
so once every two weeks and 2 or 1% Frequency Percent
5 to 9 am 10 5.0
answered that they never watch their 10 am to 2 pm 21 10.5
3 to 5 pm 21 10.5
television sets at home. Valid
6 to 9 pm 80 40.0
whole day 43 21.5

Respondents were asked what time
Total 175 87.5
spot do they usually watch television Missing System 25 12.5
Total 200 100.0
programs and, 10 or 5% answered 5 to 9
oclock in the morning. 21 or 10.5% often watched television from 10 in the morning to 2
oclock in the afternoon. 21 or 10.5% also answered that they watch television between 3 to 5
oclock in the afternoon. 80 or 40% responded that they watch the television from 6 to 9 clock
in the evening and with 43 or 21.5% stating that they watch the television for the whole day.
Survey also shows that people usually Table 3: When do you usually watch TV?
watch television programs from six in the afternoon to nine in the evening, basically to hear
some news. Table 5: Reason Frequency

Table 4: Reason for watching TV Frequency
for watching
- For past time
TV -For news
Strongly Disagree 19
Strongly Disagree 2
Disagree 33
Disagree 15
Valid Agree 76
Valid Agree 62
Strongly Agree 35
The Role of Television Advertisements inStrongly Agree Preference| 86
the Voting 59
Total 163
Total 165
Missing System 37
Missing System 35
Total 200
Total 200
-To widen knowledge
Strongly Disagree 6
Disagree 22
- To gather showbiz news Table 7: Reason for watching TV Frequency
Valid Agree 67 for Entertainment
Valid Strongly Disagree 73
Strongly Agree 62 Strongly Disagree 15
Disagree 40
Total 157 Disagree 32
Agree 23
Missing System 43
Strongly Agree Valid Agree
18 72
Total 200
Total Strongly Agree
154 38
Missing System 46
Total 157
Total Missing 200
System 43
Total 200
The reasons why respondents watch television programs are first; they want to hear news
and the current day to day undertakings in the society (86 strongly agree points out of 165),
followed by their thirst for knowledge with 62 points out of 157, then for entertainment and to
burn time garnering with 38 and 35 points respectively. Columns under the category for showbiz
chismis got the highest strongly disagree rating with 72 points. Tables 4-8 show the frequency
tables as regards the said question.
III. Advertising Strategy

Of the 200 respondents to which the survey was conducted from which only 174 respondents
answered that they do have television sets
at home, it was asked whether they observe
any form of campaigns in between TV
programs. 83 or 41.5% responded that they do notice
form of campaign in between TV programs. 70 or
35% answered that they sometimes notice political
advertisements that air in between TV programs and 15
or 7.5% answered that they do not notice any form of
campaign while watching the television.

Figure 6: Frequency of Campaign spotting
IV. Attitude Towards TV Ads

Theoretically, the effects of television advertisements are basically to reinforce
preexisting preferences, or slightly persuade early deciders who are less interested in the
campaign and pays little attention to political news, yet results of the survey shows a number of
distinct effects of political advertisements to the voters.

1. Respondents remember candidates through frequent media exposure:
A. According to Age

The survey indicates that
from the 200 respondents of the
survey, 10 from those of ages 18-
22 years old disagreed that they
remember the candidates based
from political advertisements while
9 said that they were able to
remember the candidates based
from political advertisements. 51
from the respondents aged 23-35
agreed that political advertisements

Figure 7: I remember what I saw
helped them remember the candidates for the
election while 23 stated otherwise. 24 from ages 36-50 remembered candidates based on political
advertisements and 19 said that it did not affect them recognize the candidates. 9 of respondents
from 51-78 stated that political advertisements aided them remember the candidates but 6
believed that it was not so.
B. According to Educational Attainment

Survey findings shows that
college graduates are more
particular in remembering what
they saw and that they use this
to weigh particular candidates.
With a frequency of almost 50,
college graduate agree of the
resonating quality of television
advertisements on their voting
preferences.
Figure 8: I remember what I saw Educational Attainment
C. According to job
11 of 38 respondents who had blue-
collared jobs old disagreed that they
remember the candidates based from
political advertisements while 27
respondents overwhelmingly said that
they were able to remember the
candidates based from political
advertisements. 41 from 70
respondents who had white-collared
jobs agreed that political advertisements helped them remember the candidates for the election
while 29 stated otherwise. 18 from 28 respondents who had no jobs remembered candidates

based on political advertisements and 10 said that it did not affect them recognize the candidates.
7 of 13 students respondents stated that political advertisements aided them remember the
candidates but 6 believed that it was not so. 3 pensioners said that it helped them remember
candidates but 3 also said otherwise.
D. According to residence
27 of 44 respondents from Sampaloc, Manila agreed that they remember the
candidates based from political
advertisements while 17 respondents said that
they did not remember the candidates based Figure 9: I remember what I saw Job
from political advertisements. 28 from 56
respondents from Alabang Muntinlupa
agreed that political advertisements helped them
remember the candidates for the election while
28 stated otherwise. 41 from 56 respondents from
Project 6, Quezon City remembered
candidates based on political advertisements and 15
said that it did not affect them recognize the Figure 10: I remember what I saw - Residence
candidates.
2. Respondents wish to vote who they saw

A. Age

According to the survey, 8
from 19 respondents between the ages
18-22 answered favorably on whether
they thought of voting for who they
saw on television while 10 disagreed
that they wished to vote for the
presidential candidate upon seeing
them on television. 30 of 71
respondents aged 23-35 agreed that
they wished to vote the candidate after
seeing them on television while 41
Figure 11: TV ads influence the voters to vote respondents overwhelmingly

who they see
disagreed upon the effects of political
advertisements on who they wished to vote. 23 out of 42 respondents aged between 36 to 50
answered favorably on the effects of political advertisements on their mindset while 19
respondents disagreed. 4 of 10 respondents aged 51-78 agreed with the argument while the
remaining 6 disagreed.

It is shown in the graph that college
graduate agrees that they might vote who they see
in the television advertisements, however
college graduates also disagree with a
substantial frequency of almost 28 that they
might vote who they see. It could be infer that
college graduates are more critical than any other
group in the sample.
Figure 12: TV ads influence the voters to vote who they see
Educational Attainment
C. Job
According to the survey, 16 of 36 respondents
who had blue-collared jobs answered favorably
on whether they thought of voting for who they
saw on television while 20 disagreed that they wished to
vote for the presidential candidate upon seeing them on
television. 28 of 69 respondents who had white-collared
jobs agreed that they wished to vote the candidate after
seeing them on television while 41 respondents
overwhelmingly disagreed upon the effects of political
advertisements on who they wished to vote. 14 from 27 respondents who had no jobs answered
favorably on the effects of political advertisements on their mindset while 13 respondents

disagreed. 7 of 13 student respondents agreed with the argument while the remaining 6
disagreed. 5 of the 6 respondents who were pensioners disagreed that they wished to vote the
candidates they saw on political advertisements.
D. Residence
The survey suggests that only 14 of 43 respondents Sampaloc, Manila
favorably on whether they thought of voting for
who they saw on television while 30 disagreed
that they wished to vote for the presidential
candidate upon seeing them on television. 13 of 55

Figure 13: TV ads influence the voters to
respondents
vote who they see Job
from Alabang, Muntinlupa agreed that they
wished to vote the candidate after seeing them on
television while 42 respondents overwhelmingly
disagreed upon the effects of political
advertisements on who they wished to vote. 39 from
54 respondents who are residents of Project 6, Quezon City answered favorably on the effects of
Figure 14: TV ads influence the voters to vote who
political advertisements on their mindset
they see Residence
while 13 respondents disagreed.
3. Respondents votes changed

A. Age

11 of 19 respondents aged 18-22 agreed that their vote changed upon seeing the
political advertisements while 8 disagreed
with the argument. 37 out of 75 respondents
aged 23-35 agreed that their vote also changed but 38
disagreed upon the effects on political
advertisements on their actual votes. 25 of 43
respondents aged between 36-50 years old agreed
that their actual votes changed upon seeing political
advertisements while 18 answered otherwise. Only 3
of 15 respondents aged between 51 to 78 answered

Figure 15: Votes change - age favorably regarding the effects of political
advertisements to their actual votes but 12 answered negatively upon the argument that political
advertisements do affect the votes they cast.

After seeing the different political
advertisements during the 2010 campaign period,
Figure 16 shows that college graduates with a high
disagreeable points of 28 and 23 strongly
disagree, they did not see their votes changed
generally. They still voted for whom they taught
originally. Among the groups, it is only the college
students who disagree on the capacity of the
political television campaigning to change their voting preference.
Those who only reached high school and attended college tend to be disillusioned by the
persuasive quality of what they saw.
C. Job
Figure 17 will tell us that 22 of 41 respondents who had blue-collared jobs agreed that
their actual vote changed upon seeing the political advertisements while 19 disagreed with the
argument. 33 out of 70 respondents holding Figure 16: Votes changed educational

attainment
white-collared jobs agreed that their vote also changed but 37 disagreed upon the effects on
political advertisements on their actual votes. 14 of 27 respondents having no jobs agreed that
their actual votes changed upon seeing political advertisements while 13 answered otherwise. 9
of 13 student respondents aged answered favorably regarding the effects of political
advertisements to their actual votes but 4 did not agree upon the effects of political
advertisements towards their votes. 5 of the 6 pensioned respondents also disagreed that political
advertisements changed their vote for the presidential election.
Figure 17: Votes changed job

Respondents were also asked if they are in favor of
the use of television advertisements as a form
of contemporary
method of
campaigning.
After
tallying, the
breakdown
of the
responses is seen
below in figure 18:
The survey illustrates that 64.5% or 127 of 200 respondents were in favor
for the use of Television advertisements for the campaign of presidential candidates while 35.5%
or 70 of the total respondents were against the use of Television advertisements for the campaign
of presidential candidates.
V. What Filipinos look for in a Candidate

According to the study Changing Political Advertising Preferences: A Qualitative Study
of Campaign Ads in the 2007 Senatorial Elections, conducted by Ana Maria L Tabunda,
Executive Director of Pulse Asia, the candidates track record or accomplishments was the main
Figure 18: Perceptions on the use of TV ads as
campaign
determinant of how respondents choose the candidate they voted for. Tomethod
some participants, track
record included reputation, character, and stand on some political issues. Other factors that
influenced some participants were the opinions of family, relatives, friends, political

advertisements, and platform of candidates. Candidates popularity weighs no more bearing in
winning voter support. Similarly, results of the study showed that the personality of candidates
which includes clear vision it has for the country is the main criterion for a voter in choosing his
ideal leader.
To know what determines the vote, we asked respondents the following question, What
characteristics do you look for in a presidential candidate? This is composed of six items:
a. Lalabanan ang mga corrupt
b. Gagawa ng mga trabaho
c. Nakapagtapos ng pag-aaral
d. Kabilang sa oposisyon
e. May karanasan sa pamamahala
f. Galling sa kilalang pamilya
Responses from each category (age, educational attainment, job, residence) were cross
tabulated to the above-mentioned six items to determine the voter preference. Results were
presented as follows:
I Fights graft and corruption

A Age
From 23 respondents aged 18-22 years old, 16
considered fighting graft and corruption as an
important trait for a presidential candidate, while 7
did not consider it as an important aspect for
voting. 83 of 95 respondents aged 23-35 considered
it when voting for their president while only 12 did
not agree that it is an important trait for a
presidential candidate. 39 of 50 respondents aged 36-50 years old also considered fighting graft
and corruption as an important platform that a presidential candidate must pursue while 11

thought otherwise. 8 of 15 respondents aged 51-78 did think that eradicating corruption in the
country is the responsibility of a would-be president but 7 did not think similarly on the idea.
B Educational Attainment
The 6 respondents who did not
answer their educational attainment
considered fighting graft and corruption as
an important trait for a presidential Figure 19: Crosstabulation of Respondents Age and
Fights graft and corruption quality
candidate. 1 of 3 respondents who only
finished elementary considered it when
voting for their president but the other 2
did not agree that it is an important trait for Figure 20: Crosstabulation of Respondents
Educational Attainment and Fights graft and
a presidential candidate. 38 of 51 corruption quality
respondents who finished high school also considered fighting graft and corruption as an
important platform that a presidential candidate must pursue while 14 thought otherwise. 19 of
29 respondents who are either studying or dropped out of college did think that eradicating
corruption in the country is the responsibility of a would-be president but 9 did not agree with
the idea. 88 of 101 college graduates who answered the survey also consider it as an important
factor in voting while only 13 did not think the same.
C Job
49 of 54 respondents who held blue collar jobs considered the presidential candidates
platform against graft and corruption when voting. 65 of 74 respondents who are working in
white-collared jobs considered candidates plans regarding graft and corruption when choosing a
presidential candidate. 33 of 37 respondents who do not have a job as of the moment also

considers it when choosing a presidential
candidate. 12 of 18 student respondents
assessed the presidential candidates plans
against graft and corruption when choosing a
president. Half of the 6 respondents who are
pensioned also considers it when choosing a
president.
Figure 21: Crosstabulation of Respondents II Promote Generation of Livelihood
Job and Fights graft and corruption quality
A Age
From 23 respondents aged 18-22 years old, 18 considered
the generation of livelihood as an important platform for a
presidential candidate, while 5 did not consider it as an important
aspect for voting. 84 of 91 respondents aged 23-35 considered it
when voting for their president while only 7

Figure 22: Crosstabulation of Respondents Age to
Promote Generation of livelihood
did not agree that it is important for choosing
a presidential candidate. Overwhlemingly, 46 of 50 respondents aged 36-50 years old considered
the generation of livelihood as a very important platform that a presidential candidate must
pursue while only 4 did not agree with the idea. 11 of 15 respondents aged 51-78 thought that
stimulating the economy by generating livelihood is important when considering the next
president.

B Educational attainment
6 respondents who did not answer
their educational attainment placed
importance in livelihood generation for a
presidential candidate. 1 of 2 respondents
who only finished elementary considered it
when voting for a president but the other did not
agree that it is an important trait for a
presidential candidate. 47 of 50 respondents who finished high
school also considered the generation of Figure 23: Crosstabulation of Respondents

Educational attainment to Promote
Generation of livelihood
livelihood as an important platform that a
presidential candidate must pursue while only 3 thought otherwise. 21 of 28 respondents who are
either studying or dropped out of college did think that producing more jobs is a must for a
president but 7 did not thought the same. 91 of 100 college graduates who answered the survey
also considers job generation as an important platform to be pursued by the president but 9 did
not agree the same.
C Job

45 of 51 respondents who held blue collar jobs considered the presidential
candidates platform on the generation of
livelihood when voting. 68 of 73 respondents who
are working in white-collared jobs considered candidates
plans towards producing more available jobs when
choosing a presidential candidate. 34 of 37 respondents
who do not have a job as of the moment also considers
the producton of more available jobs as highly important
when choosing a presidential candidate. 12 of 18

Figure 24: Crosstabulation of Respondents
job to Promote Generation of livelihood student respondents assessed and considered the
presidential candidates plans on economic stimulation through livelihood generation when they
voted. Half of the 6 respondents who are pensioned also considers it when choosing a president.
III Finished high education

A Age
From 23 respondents aged 18-22 years old,
15 considered the attainment of high education for
a presidential candidate, while 8 did not consider it
as an important factor in voting. 77 of 92
respondents aged 23-35
considered
Figure it when voting foroftheir
25: Crosstabulation president while
Respondents age
to finished high education
only 15 did not agree that it is important for
choosing a presidential candidate. 35 of 48
respondents aged 36-50 years old considered finishing education as a very important quality that

a presidential candidate must pursue while 13 did not agree with the idea. 12 of 15 respondents
aged 51-78 thought that it is important for a president to be a learned person but 3 thought that it
is not as important for a leader.
B Educational attainment
5 of 7 respondents who did not answer their
educational attainment considered high educational
attainment as an important trait for a presidential
candidate. 1 of 2 respondents who only finished
elementary did not consider it when choosing a
presidential candidate. 33 of 48 respondents who
finished high school also considered high educational
attainment as a must for a presidential candidate must
pursue while 15 thought that it is not important. 22 of
28 respondents who are either studying or dropped out of college did think
that finishing high education is important for a Figure 26: Crosstabulation of Respondents
educational attainment to Finished high
president but 6 did not agree with the idea. 83 of education
101 college graduates who answered the survey also consider it as a highly important factor in
voting while only 18 did not consider it in voting for a president.
C Job

32 of 49 respondents who have blue collar jobs considered the presidential
candidates educational background when
voting. 63 of 74 respondents who are working in
white-collared jobs considered the presidential
candidates educational attainment when
choosing a president. 34 of 37 respondents who
do not have a job as of the moment also
considers it when choosing a presidential
candidate. 13 of 18 student respondents Figure 27: Crosstabulation of Respondents

job to Finished high education
value the presidential candidates finished
level of education when they voted and all of the 6 respondents who are pensioned also considers
it when choosing a president.
IV Belongs to the Opposite party

A Age
considered the party of a presidential candidate,
particularly those who side with the opposition, while
13 did not consider it as important in voting. 40 of 90
respondents aged 23-35 considered it when voting for
their president while 50 did not agree that it is important for
choosing a presidential candidate. 20 of 47 respondents aged 36-50 years old considered the
presidential candidate siding with the opposite party while 27 did not consider it in voting. 6 of

15 respondents aged 51-78 thought that it is important for a presidential candidate to be partisan
but 9 thought that it is not a basis for a good leader.
Half of the 6 respondents who did not
answer their educational attainment considered
the presidential candidates party when voting. Figure 28: Crosstabulation of Respondents
age to membership to the opposite party
The 2 respondents who only finished
elementary did not consider the candidates
party affiliation when choosing a presidential
candidate. 18 of 47 respondents who finished
high school also considered the presidential
candidates party while 29 disregarded it
when choosing a president. 8 of 28 respondents who are either
studying or dropped out of college Figure 29: Crosstabulation of Respondents

educational attainment to membership to the
considered the presidents party but 20 did opposite party
not look for the party that the candidate is affiliated with. 49 of 99 college graduates who
answered the survey considers it an important factor in voting while only 50 also disregarded it
when choosing a president.
C Job

15 of 48 respondents who held blue collar jobs did not bother to
look at the presidential candidates party affiliation
when voting. 36 of 72 respondents who are working
in white-collared jobs considered the candidates
party affiliation but the other half disregarded it
when they voted. 15 of 36 respondents who do not
have a job as of the moment also considers it when
choosing a presidential candidate but 21

respondents do not consider it when they job to membership to the opposite party
vote. 7 of 18 student respondents assessed the presidential candidates party when choosing a
president but 11 did not bother to do so. 4 of the 6 respondents who are pensioned also considers
it when choosing a president.
V Experienced Politician
A Age
considered the presidential candidates experience while
7 did not consider it as an important factor in
voting. 79 of 94 respondents aged 23-35 considered it
when voting for their president while only 15 did not
agree that it is important for voting. 33 of 47
respondents aged 36-50 years old considered experience as a very important quality that
a presidential candidate must pursue while 14 did not think that it was necessary. 8 of 15

respondents aged 51-78 thought that it is important for a president to be experienced but 7
thought that it is not as important for a leader.
The 7 respondents who did not answer their educational attainment considered the
presidential candidates experience when

Figure 31: Crosstabulation of
Respondents age to experience
voting. The 2 respondents who only finished
elementary considered the candidates previous
experiences in politcs when choosing a presidential
candidate. 36 of 49 respondents who finished high
school tended to choose a presidential candidate
who had previous experience with politcs while 13 disregarded it when

Figure 32: Crosstabulation of choosing a president. 20 of 31 respondents who
Respondents educational attainment
to experience
are either studying or dropped out of college did
consider the presidential candidates experience but 11 did not look for any previous experience
that the candidate has. 82 of 99 college graduates who answered the survey considers it an
important factor in voting while only 17 also disregarded it when choosing a president.
C Job
42 of 53 respondents who held blue collar jobs considered the presidential candidates
experience with politics when voting while 11 disregard it and does not consider it as important.
58 of 72 respondents who are working in white-collared jobs consider the candidates experience
when choosing a presidential candidate. 29 of 37 respondents who do not have a job as of the

moment also considers it when choosing a
presidential candidate. 11 of 18 student
respondents prefer the presidential candidate
with the most amount of experience when voting. 7
respondents who are pensioned also prefers more
experienced political actors when choosing a
president.
VI From a political clan

Figure 33: Crosstabulation of A
Respondents job to experience
A Age
From 23 respondents aged 18-22 years old,
9 considered the familial relations of a presidential
candidate, while 14 disregarded it in voting. 38 of 93
respondents aged 23-35 considered it when voting for
their president while 55 did not agree that it is

important for choosing a presidential candidate. Respondents age to political clan
Only 16 of 48 respondents aged 36-50 years old considered family relationships as a very
important trait for a presidential candidate while 32 did not agree with the idea. 5 of 16
respondents aged 51-78 thought that it is important for a president to be from a political dynasty
but 11 did not agree.

Of the 8 respondents who did not answer their educational attainment,
half of them considered the heritage of the
presidential candidate voting. The 2 of 3
respondents who only finished elementary
considered considered the candidates heritage
when choosing a presidential candidate. 15 of 49
respondents who finished high school also
considered the presidential candidates party while 34
disregarded it when choosing a president. 13 of

Figure 35: Crosstabulation of Respodents
30 respondents who are either studying or educational attainment to political clan
dropped out of college did consider the family where the candidate is from but 17 did not look at
the family the candidate is affiliated with. 41 of 100 college graduates who answered the survey
considers it an important factor in voting while 59 disregarded it when choosing a president.
C Job

19 of 54 respondents who held blue collar jobs considered the
presidential candidates family
heritage when voting. 28 of 73
respondents who are working in white-collared
jobs considered the candidates clan when choosing
a presidential candidate but 45 disregarded it
when voting. 14 of 37 respondents who do not
have a job as of the moment also considers it
when choosing a presidential candidate but the
majority, 23, did not consider it when they
voted. 7 of 18 student respondents looked at the presidential candidates family when
Figure 36: Crosstabulation of choosing a president and preferred those who

Respondents job to political clan
belonged to political clans. 2 respondents
who are pensioned also considers it when choosing a president but 5 of them preferred
candidates who did not belong to any political clan.

VI. Attitude towards Aquino
Survey questionnaire also included questions answering to the attitude generated by the
electorates towards Aquino. Researchers have also measured how important it is to the
respondents who the endorsers are. The respondents chose from Artists, Familial, Leader and
Athlete endorsers. Researchers have found out that the least important type of endorsers is the
Athletes Endorsers, next to the Artists Endorsers. Most of the Strongly Disagree and
Disagree responses come from the 23-35 age group.
Table 9 : Artists Endorsements Table 9 shows that among the four age
Strongly
Disagree Agree
Strongly brackets, it is the 23-35 age group who are
Disagree Agree
18-22 9 10 3 0
more concern on the type of endorsements
23-35 31 23 30 8 a politician may hire. The frequency table

Age
36-50 12 18 12 4
will prove that there are more strongly
51-78 6 5 4 0
disagrees and disagrees responses than
Total 58 56 49 12
agrees and strongly agrees.
Table 10: Athlete Endorsements

Just like the responses in the Age-artist
Strongly Strongly
Disagree Agree
Disagree Agree
endorsement relationship, responses
18-22 7 13 2 0
regarding Athlete endorsements garnered
23-35 42 25 14 10
Age
36-50 18 12 9 6 more disagreeable points than agreeable.
51-78 8 5 0 2 First time voters responded 7 strongly

Total 75 55 25 18
disagree, 13 disagree and 2 for agree.
Another age group, 23-35 posed 42 strongly disagree responses with another 25 for disagree and
14 and 10 for agree and strongly agree respectively. 18 respondents belonging to 36-50 age

group answered they strongly disagree to athletes as campaign endorsers while those coming
from 51-78 group posed 8 strongly disagree responses.
Table 11 and 12 shows that majority of the respondents have approved the endorsements
of the Church and Leaders garnering 44 and 45 Strongly Agree responses respectively, coming
mostly from the age group of 23-35 yr. old group. Those who Agree mostly come from the
same age group.
Table 11 : Church Total

Endorsements and Age
relationship
Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly
Disagree Agree
18-22 6 7 5 5 23
23-35 21 20 32 22 Table9512: Leader Endorsement Total

Age
36-50 9 10 14 14 and
47 Age Relationship
51-78 2 6 4 3 Strongly15 Disagree Agree Strongly

Disagree Agree
Total 38 43 55 44 180
18-22 4 10 5 3 22
Table 13: 23-35

Leader 18
endorsements 18 31 28 95
Age
36-50 9 10 Strongly15 11 Agree46
Disagree Strongly
Disagree Agree
51-78 3 3 6 3 15
Total 34 41 57 45 178
Education
al
Attainmen
t and
Leader
Endorsem
ent
Relationsh
ip
Educational 3 2 0 3
Attainment
Elementary 1 0 1 0
Highschool 11 8 21 8
The RoleCollege 8 9
of Television Advertisements in 8the Voting
4 Preference| 85
Undergraduate
College Graduate 13 23 30 33
Total 36 42 60 48
Table 14: Educational Attainment Church endorsements
and Church Endorsement Strongly Strongly
Relationship Disagree Disagree Agree Agree
Educational 2 1 1 2
Attainment
Elementary 0 0 2 0
Highschool 13 10 14 11
College 5 11 9 5
Undergraduate
College Graduate 19 21 32 29
Total 39 43 58 47
In terms of their educational attainment, the Church and Leaders are still the most
favored responses however, it can be seen in tables 13 and 14 that there is little gap between the
number of Disagree responses and the Agree responses when it come to the Church. Most
of those who responded with Disagree came from the College Graduate group followed by
those in the College Undergraduate group. The respondents who chose to Strongly Agree and
Agree also came from the same two groups.
Table 15: Job and Familial endorsements

relationship
Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
Job Blue Collar 14 10 17 7
White Collar 15 19 24 14
None 8 9 13 6
Student 4 8 6 0
Pensioned 3 2 2 0
Total 44 48 62 27
Table 16: Job and Church endorsements

relationship

None 8 8 13 7
Student 4 8 2 4
Pensioned 1 3 1 2
Total 39 43 58 46
Table 17: Job and Leader endorsements

relationship
None 6 9 16 6
Student 3 7 5 2
Pensioned 1 1 3 2
Total 36 42 60 46
In terms of the employment of the respondents, the Familial endorsements, Church
endorsements and Leader endorsements ranked high. The Familial endorsements (Table 15)
have mixed responses, which mean that there is no huge gap between those who reacted
negatively and those who reacted positively. Responses from the White Collar job groups are
most dominant, and have reacted more positively towards familial endorsements. Those coming
from the Blue Collar job group dont significantly Agree or Disagree with that kind of
endorsement. Again, the Church and Leader endorsements (Tables 16 and 17 respectively) have
garnered most of the responses but the Church Endorsements generated more negative reactions
than the Leader endorsements. Most respondents who tend to react negatively towards the
Church come from the White Collar job group, followed by the Blue Collar job group. The

Leader endorsements have lesser negative reactions from both the White Collar and Blue Collar
groups.
The next set of data to be presented shows the campaign strategy of Noynoy Aquino
which include his campaign song or jingle and his tag lines. The table below is the responses
to the survey question Which campaign jingle was most appealing to you? with the choices
between Nakaligo ka na ba sa dagat ng basura (Manny Villars campaign song) or Noynoy
P-Noy Rap (Noynoy Aquinos campaign song). Table 18 is a cross tabulation between their
degree of education, job and the age group.
Job
Pinoy Noynoy Rap Blue Collar White Collar None Student Pensioned
Strongly Disagree Age 18-22 0 3 0 3 0
23-35 9 22 8 3 0
36-50 8 4 5 0 0
51-78 1 0 1 0 2
Total 18 29 14 6 2
Disagree Age 18-22 2 2 2 3 0
23-35 7 9 5 2 0
36-50 3 7 6 0 0
51-78 1 1 0 0 4
Total 13 19 13 5 4
Agree Age 18-22 0 0 1 5
23-35 3 10 4 0
36-50 2 8 1 0
51-78 1 1 0 0
Total 6 19 6 5
Strongly Agree Age 18-22 0 0 1 0 0
23-35 7 3 1 1 0
36-50 1 0 0 0 0
51-78 0 1 0 0 1
Total 8 4 2 1 1

Total Age 18-22 2 5 4 11 0
23-35 26 44 18 6 0
36-50 14 19 12 0 0
51-78 3 3 1 0 7
Total 45 71 35 17 7
Table 18: Crosstabulation between degree of education, job and age to

Pinoy Noynoy Rap
It can be deduced that very few Strongly Agree that the Noynoys campaign jingle is
appealing with only 7 responses coming from the 23-35 age group of Blue Collar workers,
majority of the responses have chose that they do not find the campaign jingle appealing. Those
who responded mostly come from the 23-35 age group with White collar jobs, garnering 22
responses for Strongly Disagree.
Noynoys platform mostly revolve around his taglines Kung walang Corrupt, walang
mahirap (There is no poverty, when there is no corruption) and Ang Tuwid na Daan (The
Straight Path). The Table below shows the responses of the respondents to these two main
taglines. This is according to their age, job and educational attainment.
Table 19: Age and Kung Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap Total
walang corrupt, walang
mahirap Crosstabulation Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly
Disagree Agree
18-22 3 4 9 7 23
23-35 11 14 39 28 92
Age
36-50 3 11 19 12 45
51-78 2 6 3 4 15
Total 19 35 70 51 175

Table 20: Age and Daang Matuwid Total
Daang Matuwid
Crosstabulation Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly
Disagree Agree
18-22 4 5 6 7 22
23-35 13 15 36 28 92
Age
36-50 6 5 19 17 47
51-78 3 3 2 7 15
Total 26 28 63 59 176
Both these taglines have garnered mostly positive responses from the 23-35 age group as
well as the 36-50 age group. However, the second tagline (And Daang Matuwid) have less
Table 21: Job and Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap Total
Kung walang corrupt,
walang mahirap Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
Crosstabulation Disagree
Blue Collar 8 12 15 14 49
White Collar 7 13 35 17 72
Job None 1 4 13 17 35
Student 4 4 7 3 18
Pensioned 1 3 2 1 7
Total 21 36 72 52 181
negative responses than the first tagline.

Table 22: Job and Daang Matuwid Total
Daang Matuwid
Crosstabulation Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree
Blue Collar 9 7 16 16 48
White Collar 6 14 31 22 73
Job None 5 4 12 15 36
Student 6 3 4 4 17
Pensioned 1 1 1 4 7
Total 27 29 64 61 181
In terms of their employment, most positive response come from the White Collar group,
followed by the Blue Collar group. However, the negative responses are less in the second
tagline.
Table 23: Educational Attainment Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap Total
and Kung walang corrupt,
Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly
walang mahirap Crosstabulation Disagree Agree
2 1 3 1 7
Elementary 0 1 0 1 2
Educational
Attainment Highschool 2 11 15 17 45
College
5 4 11 11 31
Undergraduate
College Graduate 12 19 45 22 98
Total 21 36 74 52 183
Table 24: Educational Daang Matuwid Total

Attainment and Daang Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly
Matuwid Crosstabulation Disagree Agree
2 0 4 0 6
Elementary 0 1 0 1 2
Educational Highschool 9 6 12 20 47
Attainment
College
4 6 10 7 27
Undergraduate
College Graduate 12 16 39 33 100

Total 27 29 65 61 182

In terms of their educational attainment, College Graduates have responded more
positively in the second tagline but the College Undergraduates have responded more positively
towards the first tagline of Noynoy Aquino. However, majority of the respondents are only
within the Agree choice and less in the Strongly Agree.

VII. Effects of Television Political Advertisements to those who have watched it.
Theoretically, television advertisements are made to persuade the audience regarding the
message it wants to convey. Findings of this survey showed that television advertisements have
the following effect on the electorates:
I. Television advertisements persuaded the voters
A. Age
According to Figure 37, 84 out of 200
respondents have said that TV advertisements
have persuaded them in general, but 98
respondents have said that TV ads did not
persuade them in any way. The majority of
answers in both yes or no came from the age
group between 22-35 years old, followed by the age group between
36-50 years old. Figure 37: Crosstabulation of

Respondents age to persuasion of
B. Job TV ads
In terms of employment of the respondents,
most of those who answered both yes or no came
from respondents with white collar jobs, followed by
those with blue collar jobs, although more from this
responded negatively. However, those who are
unemployed tend to be persuaded more by TV ads.
C. Educational Attainment
Respondents job to persuasion of tv ads
Looking now at the figure 38, the
educational background of the respondents;
under those who responded negatively to
the persuasion of TV ads the majority of which
came from college graduates, followed by those
who finished only High school, followed by those
who are still studying in college; while the 3
respondents who only graduated from Elementary
level answered no.
II. Before being exposed to

educational attainment to persuasion of tv ads any form of television
advertisements, respondents were asked who are
they opting to vote for and here are the answers
categorically:
A. Age

Figure 39 shows the relationship between the age groups and the initial candidate
preference of the voters before being exposed to TV campaign ads. Noynoy Aquino was the
preferred candidate among all age groups having a total of 85 out the 200 respondents choosing
Noynoy Aquino. The next preferred candidate is Gibo Teodoro getting 38 out of the 200
respondents, followed by Manny Villar with 32 out 200 respondents choosing him, Erap Estrada
was the least preferred candidate getting only 30 out of 200 respondents. All candidates are
preferred more in the 23-35 yr. old age group and the 36-50 yr. old age group.

age to who they wanted to vote
Figure 40 illustrated above shows the
relationship of the respondents educational
attainment to their initially preferred candidate,
before being exposed to any TV campaign ads.
Noynoy Aquino is most preferred in the High
school, College Undergraduate and College Graduate
groups. Gibo Teodoro is preferred mostly in the
College Graduate group. Manny Villar is preferred
among the High school, College Undergraduate and College Graduate

groups, only second to Noynoy Aquino.
Respondents educational attainment to
who they wanted to vote
C. Job
Figure 41 above shows the relationship between the initial preference or their preferred
candidate before being exposed to TV ads and their employment. Noynoy Aquino is most

preferred among the Blue Collar, White Collar, Unemployed and the Students with a total of 85
out of 200 respondents choosing him. Gibo Tedoro and Manny Villar comes close to each other
with Gibo having 37 out of 200 respondents and Manny Villar with 34 out of the 200
respondents. Gibo Teodoro is more popular among the respondents with White Collar jobs while
Manny Villar is more popular among the respondents with Blue Collar jobs.
Figure 41: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to who they wanted to vote
III. The last question of the survey questionnaire actually disclosed the chosen
presidential candidates of the respondents.
Figures 42, 43 and 44 will now show the respondents voting preference according to age,
job, and educational attainment.
According to age groups, Figure 42 will show the preference for Noynoy Aquino
increased to 98 from the initial 85 out of 200 respondents, still more popular among the 23-35 yr.
Old age group. Gibo Teodoro however went down to only 36 out of 200 respondents while
Manny Villar went down to only 26 out of 200 respondents actually voting for him, both
decreased in the 23-35 age group.
Figure 42: Crosstabulation of Respondents age to whom

they actually voted for
Looking at figure 43, if according to the Educational Attainment, Noynoy Aquino is still
the highest getting 99 out of the 200 respondents, the biggest part coming from the College
Graduate group followed by the High school Graduate and then the College Undergraduates. He
had initially 85 out of 200 respondents. He is followed by Gibo Teodoro with 34 out of 200
respondents, a large part coming from the College Graduates. While Manny Villar came in third
with 30 out of 200 respondents coming almost equally from the High school, College
Undergraduate and College Graduate groups.
The Role of TelevisionFigure

Advertisements in the Voting
43: Crosstabulation Preference| 97
of Respondents
educational to whom they actually voted for
In terms of the Employment, l us now refer to figure 44. etNoynoy
Aquino garnered 102 out of 200
respondents who actually voted for
him, he topped all the Employment
groups. He initially had 85 out of
200 respondents choosing him. Gibo
Teodoro garnered 35 out of 200
dropping from the 37. Manny Villar also
went down fromt the initial 34 out of 200 to
only 27. Respondents who actually voted for
Gibo
Teodoro came
mostly from
the White Collar
Group while Manny
Villar respondents came
almost equally from the
Blue Collar, White
Collar and the Unemployed. It can be inferred that respondents
Figure 44: Crosstabulation of Respondents job to whom they actually voted for
opting for Noynoy Aquino or Manny Villar are spread among the groups while Gibo Teodoro is
always strong only in a single group with only a few respondents in the other groups. Gibo is

more popular among those with White Collar Jobs and College Graduates and in the ages
between 23-35.

Moving on to the respondents behavior on the political ads of Noynoy Aquino, the
researchers have deduced the following statements from the data:
65 out of 102 respondents who did vote for Noynoy last 2010 elections have said that the
P-noy Noynoy rap was not appealing. 53 out of the 102 voters of Noynoy have agreed with
his campaign tagline, Hindi ka Nagiisa. 55 out of the 102 have said that they agree with the
tagline Hindi ako magnanakaw. In his tagline, Kayo ang aking lakas, the respondents are
split between agreeing and disagreeing with 47 out of 102 and 44 out of 102 respectively. The
tagline Kung walang Corrupt, walang Mahirap proved to be very favorable, garnering 61 out
of 102 agreeing responses. However, the tagline which was agreed by the most number of
respondents is the Daang Matuwid getting 72 out of the 102 who voted for Noynoy.
Who did you vote for last 2010?
After you have watched TV ads, did it affect your voting Erap Noynoy Gibo Manny
preference? Estrada Aquino Teodoro Villlar Other
Yes Before you watched Erap Estrada 7 5 0 2

any campaigns, Noynoy Aquino 1 30 4 4
who do you want to Gibo Teodoro 0 6 10 3
vote?
Manny Villlar 1 12 1 7
Total 9 53 15 16
No Before you watched Erap Estrada 14 0 3 0 1
any campaigns, Noynoy Aquino 0 47 1 0 0
who do you want to Gibo Teodoro 0 1 19 0 0
vote? Manny Villlar 0 1 0 15 0
Other 0 0 0 0 3
Total 14 49 23 15 4

Figure 45: Crosstabulation of Initial Candidate Preference and Final Candidate
Preference with the Question After you have watched TV ads, did it affect your voting
preference?
In Figure 45, the researchers have shown the relation of the respondents initial candidate
preference, or the respondents have seen any campaign and the final candidate preference, or
after the respondents have seen the campaign, to their decision if whether or not the tv ads have
changed their preference or further reinforce their initial candidate. We can see that most of
those who answered Yes (TV ads affected the decision), changed from their initial candidate to
Noynoy Aquino. In the table above, those whose initial candidate is Manny Villar but said
Yes, most of them went to vote Noynoy Aquino. Those who answered No commonly
remained with their initial candidate preference. Those initially preferred Noynoy Aquino and
said No still voted for Noynoy Aquino. Moreover, those who answered Yes but did not
choose another candidate to vote means that their preference for their initial candidate were
reinforced by the TV ads. Noynoy Aquino had the most number of respondents answering
Yes, yet still voting for him in the 2010 elections.
ANALYSIS OF DATA
Below are the observations by the researchers on the behavior of the respondents towards
candidates and their political campaigns.

The 23-35 age brackets are the most critical and discerning within the age group. They
are often split between agreeing and disagreeing. This is because 23-35 group are mostly not
first time voters which makes them more analytical and sensitive when it comes to election
season. They are not easily swayed by political advertisements, and if they are, they have
deliberated it enough. When it comes to employment, the white collar jobs are the same with the
age bracket. They do not easily get affected by the political advertisements; they scrutinize it
before giving in. White collar job workers are often aspiring professionals in their respective
fields. Most are probably part of the middle class which can be followed that they had ample
education. Blue collar job holders are more skeptical towards political ads and candidates.
Manual laborers are mostly minimum wage earners, their situation may have affected their
perception of candidates being aired on their televisions or heard on the radio, even read on the
newspapers. College graduates are difficult to persuade when it come to political advertisements
on TV.
The survey shows that the TV ads had the least effect on college students, while High
School, elementary and college undergraduates are more often than not, disillusioned by the TV
ads. College graduates are educated to be scrutinizing of their surroundings and their attainment
of a higher level of education makes them see the election in a different perspective, which may
not be available to those who attained primary and secondary education.
When the respondents were asked about their characteristics that a candidate should
embody, two come up on top as the most essential; first, they must fight graft and corruption in
the government and second, they must have the capability to promote livelihood for the people.
This is not surprising since these two characteristics are very reflective of the yearnings of the
Filipino electorate.

There is general disagreement to the necessity of a candidate being part of the Opposition
party. The highest number of Strongly Disagree responses came from the 23-35 age bracket
followed by the 36-50 bracket. It is apparent that political parties here in the Philippines are
weak, which means that the electorate does not affiliate itself to the party but to the members of
the party. This is popularly known as personality politics, where the party is only the
machinery by the members, especially the prominent ones. The weakness of the parties makes it
easy for members to switch parties, hence, alliances. Some candidates even belong to two
opposing parties at the same time. The age brackets that Strongly Disagrees are the brackets that
are not first time voters. This means that they have observed this trend for a longer period of
time, making them skeptical towards the membership of the candidate to the opposition party.
When it comes to the experience of the politician, it is considered to be one of the
essential characteristics a voter finds in a candidate. As what can be inferred from Figures 31, 32
and 33, all categories are in general agreement of the importance of this trait. Voters tend to
trust those who have been in the business of politics for quite some time, which has earned a
reputation and implemented commendable projects. That is why newcomers to the political
arena have a difficult time convincing people because they lack the necessary experience.
However, the Filipino electorates according to the survey are always critical of political
dynasties although some have also seen this as an advantage. There is general disagreement
coming from the categories and sub-groups. Nonetheless, there is still significant number of
those who agree, such as some respondents coming from the age bracket of 23-35 and college
graduates. There is also no sign of great opposition from the blue collar sub-group. Then again,
the white collar subgroup disagrees more than agrees.

On the question of the persuasive power of the TV ads, the respondents are almost torn
in between the choices. Although, in terms of employment, more respondents with blue collar
jobs have expressed that they are not persuaded by the television ads.
The respondents attitude towards Noynoy varied by their age with the majority of those
between 23 to 35 reacted positively towards him followed by the youngest age group of 18-22.
When considering the respondents educational attainment, the college graduates did not respond
well towards Noynoy since only half agreed towards the platforms he proposed. In terms of the
respondents employment, respondents who held white-collared jobs had the most number of
answers who reacted negatively towards Noynoy.
Quite interestingly, Noynoy and Villar scored high on respondents within all respondents
categories as they even shared majority of the respondents answers. This is in contrast with the
effects of political advertisements to Gibo who only scored high on specific categories such as
respondents with white-collared jobs and college graduates. When the answers towards the
respondents who changed votes after they initially chose prior to the campaign period, Teodoro
and Villar also shared the respondents but Noynoy received a slight edge overall.
Both Villar and Aquino are more appealing to the masses while Teodoro, gets more
support from the middle class and upper class, or those that attained higher education. Villar has
always used his alleged roots in the poor to garner support coming from the lower classes,
meanwhile, Aquino gets his support from the masses view that he comes from the lineage of
Cory and Ninoy Aquino. This is the reason why their support base is spread through multiple
strata.

CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONAND RECOMMENDATIONS
SUMMARY
In Chapter 1 of this study the researchers have introduced the background of the study,
the frameworks to be used, the statement of the problem and the significance of this study to
political communication as a field, political science as a field, to political science students as
researchers and to campaign strategists. The researchers conceptual framework is the
integration of The Belch model of Cognitive response and the Political Marketing Process. The
Political Marketing process was used to explain the whole electoral process and the Belch model
of Cognitive response would illustrate how the electorates form their impression towards the
candidates. The researchers decided to focus on the Noynoy Aquinos political advertisement
during the official 90-day campaign period for the 2010 Presidential elections. The researchers
conducted a survey that would answer the questions posited in this study, and chose three
localities from which the respondents would come from namely: Sampaloc, Manila; Project 6,
Quezon City and; Alabang, Muntinlupa.
Chapter 2 of this study reviewed related literature on public opinion, advertising, political
advertisements, the factors that influence the voting preference of the Filipinos and on Noynoy
Aquino. The related studies focused on media-politics relations, campaigns, effects of campaign
advertisements and advertising in the Philippines.
Chapter 3 outlined and defined the research methodology used in this study. This study
utilized a Qualitative-Quantitative methodology. On the Qualitative side, the researchers utilized
a the case study design which will focus on a single person, group or community that will entail
an in-depth study of the subject, in this case, Noynoy Aquino. The Quantitative side of the study
comprises of surveys and statistical analysis of the data collected.

CONCLUSION
Generally, the respondents voting behavior are leaning towards favoring the use of
political advertisements, however, some groups are more skeptical than the others such as the
blue-collar workers, those who are not first time voters and college graduates. The researchers
have deduced that there is a significant difference in the favorability of political advertisements
and its effects on voting behavior.
The researchers have enumerated some of the significant factors that affected the voting
behavior of the Filipino electorate. First of which are the age, educational attainment and job.
Electorates coming from the age range of 23-35 are more critical and discerning of candidates
and their usage of TV advertisements, the same is true for those who finished college.
Respondents with white-collar jobs are often split between choosing which candidate to vote for,
this means that there is little disparity between preference for a candidate and another.
Moreover, the candidates characteristics also prove to be a factor to alter the behavior of the
Filipino electorate. The researchers have found that candidates who put forward the fight for
corruption are most likely to get voted. This is followed by the candidates experience in the
political arena. The more experience they have, the greater the chance for being elected. This
study also reinforced the personality politics apparent in the Philippines. The researchers have
found that the affiliation of the candidate to the opposition party has little or no value at all to the
electorate.
Noynoy Aquinos recurring theme is the sense of righteousness. All his advertisements
emanate from his drive to clean the government. He puts forward an image of a moral
crusader that will redeem the government from the corrupt, the oppressive and unjust rule. All
his platforms gravitate towards the path of righteousness. The researchers have also inferred
which issues according to them, should be addressed by Noynoy Aquino and is reflected in the

political advertisements. One of which is in line with his theme of a moral government, fight
off corruption and establish a government upholding moral standards. The researchers have also
concluded that respondents want a proactive leader that will generate employment and enrich the
country by lowering the unemployment rate.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the data that has been collected and analyzed by the researchers, the following
recommendations are presented regarding its theoretical and practical uses.
If future studies are to be conducted by following researchers concerned with the
phenomenon of electoral campaigns and political advertisements, then it would be wise to adapt
with the continuous development of technology and anticipate the importance of other avenues
wherein political advertisements can be aired, most especially with the rapid rise of the internet
and social networks as important outlets of sharing information.
Further studies on political advertisements could focus more on first-time voters since
their voting behavior has not yet been molded too firmly and could still be influenced by several
factors. The study can also be conducted on a more nationwide scale which would include
localities from Visayas and Mindanao. The study on political advertisements or voting behavior
can also be done purely qualitative by relying on interviews with experts on the said field of
study.
We can recommend to campaign strategists that the electorates are not the same as they
used to be wherein television advertisements can easily sway their voting preference. Also, the
advent of social media introduces a trail that can be blazed by politicians and campaign
strategists regarding the methods on campaigning.

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APPENDICES

SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE Bilang :
Kami po ay sila Nathaniel Alfaro, Derick Arellano, at Nemei Santiago, mga 4th year Political
Science students ng University of Santo Tomas na sa ngayon ay nagsasagawa ng isang pag-aaral
ukol sa naging epekto ng television advertisements sa mga botante sa pagpili ng isang candidato
noong nakaraang 2010 halalan. Nais po sana naming maging parte kayo ng pag-aaral na ito.
Anumang sagot ay mananatiling kompidensyal at sa pagitan lamang naming mananaliksik.
Maraming salamat!
Pangalan(Opsyonal): __________________________________
Edad: ___________
Antas ng pinag-aralan: _________________________________
Trabaho: __________________
Panuto: Lagyan lamang ng tsek ang patlang ang iyong sagot.
1) May telebisyon ba kayo sa inyong mga tahanan?

____ meron
____ wala (tumalon sa bilang 8)
2) Gaano ka kadalas manood ng telebisyon?

____ araw-araw
____ dalawa hanggang apat na beses isang lingo
____ minsan kada dalawang lingo
____ hindi ako nanonood ng telebisyon
3) Anong oras ka kadalasan manood ng telebisyon?

____ alas singko hanggang alas nuebe ng umaga
____ alas diyes hanggang alas dos ng hapon
____ alas tres hanggang alas singko ng hapon
____ alas sais hanggang alas nuebe ng gabi
____ buong araw
Panuto sa susunonod na bilang: Lagyan ng tsek ang kahon ng kasagutan ayon sa kagustuhan.
1 Walang halaga
2 Medyo mahalaga
3 Mahalaga
4 Mahalagang mahalaga
4) Ano ang dahilan ng panonood mo ng telebisyon?

1 2 3 4
Pampalipas ng oras
Para sa mga balita
Para lumawak ang kaalaman
Upang makasagap ng showbiz chismis
Panlibang sa sarili
5) Sa pagitan ng mga palabas may napapansin ka bang mga uri ng pangangampanya?

____ meron
____ minsan
____ wala, hindi ko napapansin (tumalon sa bilang 8)
6) Ano ang una mong napapansin sa mga pangangampanya sa telebisyon?
1 2 3 4
Nilalaman ng isang tv ads
Mga nag-eendorso
Dalas ng pagpapalabas sa tv
Nakakaindak na tugtog
Pagkatao ng politico
7) Ano ang naramdaman mo sa mga napapanood mong pangangampanya sa telebisyon?
1 2 3 4
Natatandaan ko ang mga kasali sa
eleksyon
Nakikilala ko ang mga kandidato base sa
mga isinusulong nila
Nagbibigay dagdag kaalaman sa mga isyu
sa paligid
Nagbago ang nais kong iboto
Mas maganda pa rin ang tradisyunal na
pangangampanya
Nais kong iboto ang napapanood ko
Walang epekto sa pagboto ko
8) Kung ikaw ay boboto at pipili ng isang kandidato sa mga napanood mo, anu-ano ang
hinahanap mo sa isang mamumuno?
a) Pagkatao ng kandidato
1 2 3 4

Lalabanan ang mga corrupt
Tagapagtanggol ng karapatang pantao
Matulungin sa mga nangangailangan
May paninindigan
May takot sa diyos
b) May hangarin para sa bayan
1 2 3 4
Magsusulong ng pagbabago sa edukasyon
Gagawa ng mga trabaho
Tagapangalaga ng kalikasan
Magbibigay ng mga pabahay
c) Party machinery
1 2 3 4
Nakatapos ng pag-aaral
Nakagawa ng maraming batas
Kabilang sa oposisyon
Matagal nang nanunugkulan at subok na
Partidong kinabibilangan ng oposisyon
d) Karisma
1 2 3 4
Pogi
Sikat
Pala-ngiti
Galing sa kilalang pamilya
9) Anu-ano ang tinitimbang mo sa pagpili ng isang kandidato?
1 2 3 4
Uri ng pangangampanya
Nilalaman ng isang tv ads
Mga nag-eendorso
Dalas ng pagpapalabas sa tv
Nakakaindak na tugtog
Pagkatao ng politico

10) Pabor ka ba sa paggamit ng tv ads sa pangangampanya?
____ oo
____ hindi
11) Anong uri ng pag-eendorso ang makakaenganyo sa iyo sa pagboto?
1 2 3 4
Pag-endorso ng artista
Pag-endorso ng pamilya o kamag-anak
Pag-endorso ng simbahan
Pag-endorso ng lider
Pag-endorso ng atleta
12) Anong campaign jingle ang nakakapagpaindak sa iyo?
1 2 3 4
Nakaligo ka na ba sa dagat ng basura...
Pinoy Noynoy Rap
13) Sa mga sumusunod na tv ads, alin ang tumatak sa isip mo?
1 2 3 4
Hindi ka nag-iisa
Hindi ako magnanakaw
Kayo ang aking lakas
14) Sa mga sumusunod na campaign taglines, alin ang tumatak sa isip mo?
1 2 3 4
Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap
Galing sa mahirap, tumutulong sa
mahirap
Kung may Erap may ginhawa
Galing at talino
Daang Matuwid
15) Sa kabuuan, nahikayat ka ba ng mga napanood mong tv ads?

____ oo
____ hindi

16) Noong nakaraang pang presidensyal na eleksyon, kaninong mga kampanya ang napanood
mo?
1 2 3 4
Erap Estrada
Noynoy Aquino
Gibo Teodoro
Manny Villar
17) Kaninong kampanya ang tumatak sa isipan mo?
1 2 3 4
Erap Estrada
Noynoy Aquino
Gibo Teodoro
Manny Villar
18) Bago mo pa man mapanood o makita ang mga kampanya ng kandidato sa pagkapangulo
noong 2010, sino ang napupusuan mong iboto?
____Erap Estrada
____Noynoy Aquino
____Gibo Teodoro
____Manny Villar
____Iba pa, Si __________________________________
19) Matapos mong makapanood ng mga pangangampanya sa telebisyon, naapektuhan ba ng tv

ads ang desisyon mo sa pagboto ng isang kandidato?
____Oo
____Hindi
20) Nasaksihan mo na ang ibat ibang kampanya ng mga kandidato, sino ba ang ibinoto mo
noong nakaraang 2010 eleksyon?
____Erap Estrada
____Noynoy Aquino
____Gibo Teodoro
____Manny Villar
____Iba pa, Si __________________________________
MARAMING SALAMAT PO!

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THE ROLE OF TELEVISION ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE VOTERS

PREFERENCE OF THE FILIPINO ELECTORATES: THE CASE OF BENIGNO

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

Arellano, Derick Joshua I.

Assoc. Prof. Reynaldo G. Lopez, LL B.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 1

CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURES AND STUDIES

A. Review of Related Literature. 28

CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 2

II. Analysis of Data 99

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 3

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 4

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 5

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 6

In a democracy, political communication serves as a crucial building block of a society

media, outdoor media, and new media.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 7

Interplay between media and politics

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 8

(ex. Noli De Castro, Loren Legarda).

Importance of media during elections

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 9

goal of campaigns is to win the elections.

direct contact with the system (Tiquia & Cariaga, 2000).

Importance of Political Marketing or Advertising

like they are being manipulated.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 10

In the 2010 Presidential Elections, thirteen candidates submitted their certificates of

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

advertisements as any matter broadcasted. published, printed, or exhibited, which is intended to

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 11

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 12

media portrays and sell candidates in the electoral process.

Figure 1. the Political Marketing Process

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 13

the political market.

Place, and Price (O'Shaughnessy & Henneberg, 2002).

media, making the leader image more mediated.

The second P which is Promotion is an inevitable part of political marketing campaign.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 14

received by a party is free promotion.

relevant part of the whole.

advertisement b) consideration of the environment where the advertisement is seen c) issues

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 15

thoughts, source-oriented thoughts, and advertising execution thoughts.

made in the message.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 16

ad, quality of visual effects, colors, and voice tones.

advertisements especially television commercials. Attitude towards advertisements represents

advertisements. It is important to note that the effectivity of advertisements still depend on

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 17

establishing their relationship.

Figure 3. Integration of Political

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 18

towards Aquino and towards the television advertisements.

would also affect the attitude of the viewers towards Aquino.

The Role of Television Advertisements in the Voting Preference| 19

Do television advertisements have a significant impact in the voting preference of the

Filipino electorates in Aquinos campaign during the 2010 presidential election?

a) Do the demographics of respondents affect their voting preferences?