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Post-conflict programmes for women: lessons from the Kosovo Women's Initiative 31
Agnes Kalungu-Banda
Mainstreaming gender in conflict reduction: from challenge to opportunity 41
Jasmine Whitbread
Promoting a gender-just peace: the roles of women teachers in peacebuilding and
reconstruction 50
Jackie Kirk
T
he contributors to this collection
examine the impact of current and 1325, calling for a gender perspective to be
past wars on women and men, and on built into the policy and practice of
relations between them. They go on to argue reconstruction and peacebuilding. In a press
that peace and reconstruction processes release to mark the adoption of Resolution
need to be founded on a vision of equality 1325, the UN summarised the three key
between the sexes, if a sustainable peace is to points addressed by the resolution as
come about. Looking at war and peace follows.
through the lens of gender analysis enables First, the resolution formally recognised
us to see how gender stereotypes perpetuate that there are aspects of women's and girls'
inequality and conflict. Women are depicted experience of armed conflict which are not
as powerless victims, or as earth mothers shared by men or boys. Gender identity
promoting peace. Stereotypes of men divide affects the ways in which people are caught
them into allies (who are saviours of weak up in armed conflict, and what happens to
and powerless women and children) or them during and after it. As a result, lack of a
enemies (who are agents of violence and gender analysis of the impact of conflict has
destruction). Writers here argue that conflict led to reconstruction and peacebuilding
is justified, perpetuated, and intensified by policies which ignore the gender-specific
such powerful stereotypes, which are interests and needs of women and girls.
invoked by politicians and leaders to 'sell' Second, the resolution asserted that the key
the idea of war. Building and sustaining to peaceful and harmonious societies is
peace requires us to reject these ideas. democratic decision-making - that is, full
Instead, what is needed is a mature and equal participation in governance and
understanding of the more complex realities all decision-making in social institutions.
that such ideas conceal. Peace depends on the full and equal partici-
31 October 2000 was a landmark in the pation of women, and all other marginalised
process of building a global legal framework groups, in decision making at global,
to promote peace and security. On that date, national, and local levels. Only then will
Editorial
there be a chance of ending the economic and/or political power. Dominant images in
inequality that is so often a precursor to the media depict male fighters going to war,
armed conflict. Third, Resolution 1325 leaving 'their' women and children at home,
recognised the need to draw on the specific 'keeping the home fires burning' (Cock
skills and knowledge that arise from 1989). Soldiers are, thus, provided with an
women's positioning in society: as mothers idealised picture of a family and community
and carers in the family, as workers whose interests must be served and
positioned on unequal terms in global and protected. Women are depicted as creatures
national marketplaces, and as citizens who of innocence, purity, and fidelity, who
remain distanced from decision-making nurture, comfort, and command male
forums at all levels. protection. Paradoxically, it is this polaris-
In the following sections, each of these ation of gender roles, and idealisation of
three points is discussed in more detail. family and home, that provides male
fighters and their commanders with a moral
Acknowledging that conflict justification for waging war, often not only
fighting and killing 'enemy' men, but
is a gendered experience slaughtering and brutalising 'their' women
The first of the points recognised in and children (Brownmiller 1993).
Resolution 1325 deals with the recognition of Gender analysis of women as actors in
the differing experiences of conflict of conflict reveals a very different truth. It is a
women and men. The resolution suggests myth that women are 'angels in the house',
the need for policy makers to design and standing somehow removed from the
implement interventions to maintain and business of war, and untainted by complicity
build peace, and reconstruct post-war in it. There are many different, socially
societies, with the realities of women's, expected, roles for women to play in
girls', men's, and boys' experience of conflict supporting the war effort, supplying
in mind. provisions for fighters, and maintaining
Obviously, all who are swept up in morale. In addition, some women exercise a
armed conflict find their lives torn apart by degree of choice to join armed conflicts as
violence, but gender stereotypes suggest soldiers. This is controversial for proponents
that women and men have totally different of women's rights, since it is tempting to
experiences of this. In essence, gender believe that women are intrinsically more
stereotypes depict adult men going into likely than men to find non-violent means of
battle, in order to protect the women and conflict resolution. Could women joining an
children left in relative safety at home. But, army possibly been seen as a victory over
while women's and girls' experience of gender discrimination and stereotyping, or
conflict is indeed very different from the is the fact that women are not morally or
male experience, this is not in the way in ethically 'above' armed conflict a terrible
which the stereotypes would suggest. The truth which deserves to be mourned?
reality is that women are not distanced from The answer to this question lies in the
armed conflict, in any sense. insight that individual women possess a
Analyses of cultures in which armed range of interests: not only 'gender interests'
conflict has become the normal state of which arise from their sex, but interests
affairs - for example, in apartheid-era South which arise from their class, their
Africa - have shown that gender stereotypes nationality, their age, and so on. Gender
become heightened in militarised states, in analysis, done properly, needs to cross-cut
which different social groups are at odds analyses of race, class, religion, and other
with each other over economic resources variables, to arrive at an understanding of
the differences between particular women, A second myth that gender analysis of
as well as priorities that they may share. conflict is able to challenge is the idea that
Women can potentially play other social non-combatants - women, girls, boys, or
roles than those of wife and motherhood. elderly people - are safe in wartime,
They may decide to privilege their national, preserved by a chivalric code of ethics which
ethnic, or religious identity at particular leads men to target only enemy adult males.
moments. For example, in many national In spatial terms, the conflicts of modern
liberation struggles women have become times do not take place on battlefields far
freedom fighters, because they perceive the from human habitation, but in the streets of
goal of the struggle as the best option they cities and border towns, while fields and path-
have to pursue their interests, and those of ways to rivers are strewn with landmines.
their dependants. In her article, Julie In reality, women and children, as well as
Cupples discusses these complex aims and men, live on contemporary battlegrounds.
loyalties of women, in relation to the case of In ethical terms, armies often do not
Contra women in Nicaragua. distinguish either enemies or allies by age or
As Cupples' article reveals, this insight sex. Brutalised by fighting, soldiers coerce
of difference among women is critically civilians to 'join the war effort': children and
important for policy makers. Reconstruction elderly people, as well as young and middle-
initiatives may be based on the naive belief aged adults; and women as well as men.
that women's shared gender interests Countless women, men, girls, and boys do
are sufficient to eclipse all political and not choose to take part in armed conflict,
economic differences between them. This but are, at best, conscripted or, at worst,
causes tension between the intended project abducted. Many of them end up actually
beneficiaries, and unexpected outcomes for fighting. However, they are not often leaders
the projects. While women may wish for or decision makers. As Susan McKay docu-
peace, differences between them - which ments in her article in this issue, the roles
often result in economic and political played by women and children in conflict
inequality - present a challenge which are usually subordinate to adult male
ultimately they may be unable to overcome. 'commanders'.
In an article on the Gujarat Harmony Age, as well as gender identity, determines
Project, funded by CARE India and the people's experience in battle. Children of
Royal Netherlands Embassy and run by both sexes are commonly used as 'cannon
CARE in collaboration with partner fodder': sent across mined land to ensure
organisations, Sara Ahmed records a power- that soldiers can pass safely; or abducted,
ful and useful story of reconstruction and brainwashed, and forced to commit atrocities
bridge-building in traumarised communities which will forever distance them from
torn apart by violence. In Gujarat, conflict innocence. Both children - particularly girls
arises from the political manipulation of - and adult women are used for sexual
religious difference. The two goals of the purposes: as slaves to be raped repeatedly,
project are rehabilitation and the fostering of or 'married' to combatants, or kept, used by
social harmony. The organisations address tens or hundreds of men, and ultimately
the economic, as well as political, aspects of murdered. Being female exposes one to an
conflict, in their focus on seven areas of additional range of atrocities, since hetero-
work: livelihood restoration, social recon- sexual sex involves the possibility of pregnancy.
ciliation, habitat security, psycho-social Many women and girls become the trauma-
care, advocacy to promote social harmony, tised mothers of children conceived through
community education, and knowledge rape; and, eventually, despised outcasts from
building and documentation. their original homes and communities.
Editorial
Those who can escape often endure intentioned, they are highly likely to be
journeys of hundreds or even thousands of informed by flawed reasoning. If not, they
miles in the most extreme circumstances of may be deliberately discriminatory or
hunger, thirst, and terror. The lucky ones exploitative. The unequal allocations of
end up in relief camps and asylum centres, money, material resources, and services that
far from home and often made very result cause resentment and unrest, which
unwelcome by the host community. As the inevitably generate renewed conflict and
press release marking Resolution 1325 put it: violence.
'Members of the Council recognise that In respect of this point, the UN press
while entire communities suffer the release states that, in Resolution 1325,
consequences of armed conflict, women and 'Members ... note that although women
girls are particularly affected... .Women alsohave begun to play an important role in
constitute the majority of the world's conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peace-
refugees and internally displaced persons' building, they are still under-represented in
(UN Press Release SC/6816). The interests decision-making in regard to conflict. If
and needs of ex-combatants and refugees in women are to play an equal part in security
the post-conflict period are shaped by their and maintaining peace, they must be
gender identity, as was their experience of empowered politically and economically,
conflict. and represented adequately at all levels of
In her article in this collection, Susan decision-making, both at the pre-conflict
McKay highlights the failure of policy- stage and during hostilities, as well as at the
makers charged with providing post- point of peacekeeping, peace-building,
conflict support and rehabilitation to reconciliation and reconstruction' (ibid.).
address the needs of women and girls How does this point play out in practice?
caught up in conflicts in three African Democracy may be either participatory -
contexts: Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and that is, a system in which everyone in a
Uganda. Sexual abuse during wartime is at community has an equal say in decisions
best a stigma and at worst a reason for affecting all or parts of the community - or
complete rejection. Post-conflict support representative - that is, a system in which
must address this. Necessary measures include people elect a representative to make
counselling and support at community level decisions on their behalf. Participatory
to reduce the likelihood that returnees democracy is the goal of development
will be rejected; education, training, and projects which focus on finding solutions to
financial support so that returnees can make conflict and inequality at the community
an independent living; and medical level. Drawing on her experience of co-
treatment for the diseases and disabilities ordinating a UNHCR/Oxfam GB initiative
associated with abuse. in Kosovo, Agnes Kalungu-Banda considers
the scope for participatory democracy
Building democracy as a offered by post-conflict reconstruction
prerequisite for sustainable activities. She observes that post-conflict
reconstruction is often funded and
peace administered in ways which make such
The second major issue addressed in participation very difficult to achieve. The
Resolution 1325 is that of democracy and its result is that, all too often, interventions fail
relationship to peace. Peace needs democracy. to respond fully to the economic and social
If particular groups are marginalised from needs of women, men, and wider
decision making, the resulting decisions are communities, or to the political imperative
not owned by all. If they were well to foster peace between different factions.
Peacebuilding requires the prevention of and achieve the desired results, the
future conflict, as well as work to promote participation of women in leadership
healing in the wake of violence. Jasmine positions needs to be supported by training
Whitbread and Rosemarie McNairn offer and education.
two very different articles on conflict
reduction. Development work to support
sustainable livelihoods can be a key to Drawing on women's skills
building and sustaining peace. Whitbread and knowledge in peace
gives an account of her leadership of and reconstruction
Oxfam GB's global programme on conflict
Closely related to the latter point is the need
reduction and discusses how this work was
to draw on the skills and knowledge of all in
enriched - and rendered easier and more
peace and reconstruction, if these are to be
efficient --by taking a gender perspective.
lasting. Resolution 1325 recognised that if
McNairn focuses on an innovative develop-
societies are governed in a way which
ment initiative in Rwanda, in which former
marginalises the views and experiences of
differences are acknowledged and present
women and girls, this carries a cost:
livelihood initiatives founded on this
'[DJuring times of armed conflict and the
awareness. The approach involves financial
collapse of communities, the role of women
support to individuals and their households,
is crucial in preserving social order, and as
democratic decision making on use of the
peace educators both in their families and in
money, and training in conflict-resolution
their societies, thereby playing an important
methods.
role in fostering a culture of peace in strife-
In contrast to the focus on participatory torn communities and societies' (ibid.).
democracy taken in community-level In her article, Jackie Kirk argues for the
development work, the goal of many inter- particular role of education - and women
nationally funded reconstruction activities teachers in particular - in post-conflict
is to ensure a lasting peace through reconstruction. Building a peaceful future
promoting the participation of women and depends in part on ensuring that children -
minority groups in government. Women's both boys and girls - understand how to
role in political participation and decision resolve conflict without violence, and reject
making is still a minor one in almost all the gender stereotypes which so often are
countries, and in most of them women's role used to justify the unjustifiable.
is miniscule. Schools are often among the first
In his article, Simon Harris discusses two community organisations to start functioning
interesting initiatives in Sri Lanka which aim again in the post-conflict period. They offer
to increase the participation of women in an opportunity to ensure that the values and
high-level decision making in the wake of analysis on which society is rebuilt are true
armed conflict. In this context, the impact of to the experience of all - including women
Resolution 1325 has been felt in the sense and girls. Women teachers in particular
that former adversaries are being expected should be 'supported to be change agents in
to involve women in all aspects of their societies' (Kirk, this issue).
reconstruction and peacebuilding. However,
Harris argues that putting Resolution 1325
into action requires that it is itself 'owned' by Conclusion
Sri Lankan society; it will otherwise be Integrating a gender perspective into
perceived as an imposed condition, attached peacebuilding and reconstruction is an
to the disbursement of international aid. For essential step in the process of ensuring
the resolution to mean something locally democratic decision making at all levels of
Editorial
T
his paper explores the efforts made by
women themselves, and other actors, also had close connections to the Somoza
including donor agencies, to bring dictatorship, in the sense that family members
about reconciliation between Sandinista and were guardias (members of Somoza's
Contra women in the 1990s in Waslala, in National Guard).
Nicaragua's central northern highlands.
Waslala is in the north-east of Nicaragua, The context
about 250km from the capital, Managua, and
is part of the Autonomous Region of the The war between the US-backed Contra
North Atlantic (RAAN). Its location in force and the ruling Sandinista Front for
Nicaragua's interior and its proximity to National Liberation (FSLN) raged from the
Honduras (where many of the Contra bases early 1980s. The Sandinista Front had been
were located) meant that it was a zone of in power since 1979, when it had over-
intense conflict during the Contra war. thrown the brutal Somoza dictatorship after
My research draws on qualitative prolonged guerrilla struggle. The main aims
research conducted in Waslala in 1999 and of the revolution were to reverse the extreme
2001. The article foregrounds the experience concentration of power and wealth in the
of Contra women,1 documented via a series hands of a minority, through a process of
of in-depth and unstructured interviews. revolutionary transformation.
The research focused on seven women, all of Through the 1980s, the war seriously
whom had fought or collaborated with the compromised the Sandinistas' attempts to
Contras.2 Two were combatants, while the bring about revolutionary change in
others were collaborators. In addition, the Nicaragua. The government was forced, as
majority were wives or mothers of men who the war intensified, to divert spending from
Counter-revolutionary women
social programmes and into defence. It 2000). Although the new government
implemented an increasingly unpopular promised to promote more traditional
military draft, forcibly recruiting young men gender identities for women, and called for
to fight for the Popular Sandinista Army women to return to the home to be good
(EPS). Despite on-going US support, the wives and mothers, it also promised to end
Contras were never able to defeat the the military draft, which was of course
Sandinistas militarily. By the end of the highly appealing to women who were
decade, 30,000 Nicaraguans on both sides of mothers. Many had lost sons and daughters
the conflict had been killed, and the in the Somoza dictatorship and/or the
economy was devastated. The USA imposed Contra war, and were anxious to avoid the
a trade embargo, and this, along with recruitment of younger children into
Sandinista economic mismanagement and a fighting forces.
stark contrast between the lifestyles of many
party officials and the difficult living 'Economic stabilisation' and social
conditions of the majority of the population, unrest
undermined support for the FSLN. People Within months of the Sandinista electoral
were tired of the military draft, food defeat, the Chamorro government began
shortages, hyperinflation, and austerity. negotiating with the IMF and the World
In 1990, the Nicaraguan population Bank. This led to the formal imple-
voted for a new government: a centre-right mentation of a series of measures to
coalition, the National Opposition Union stabilise the economy, followed by a
(UNO), led by Violeta Chamorro. The new formal structural adjustment programme
government came to power on a platform of (SAP) in 1991. As a result of these
national reconciliation. Chamorro is the agreements, 300,000 State employees were
widow of the editor of the conservative laid off (Green 1995), at the same time as
daily newspaper La Prensa, Pedro Joaquin thousands of demobilised soldiers began
Chamorro, who was assassinated by the to seek alternative forms of employment.
National Guard in 1978 during the Somoza In addition, floods of cheap imports, as a
dictatorship. Like many families in Nicaragua, result of rapid trade liberalisation, led to
Chamorro's family was a politically divided the rapid demise of small businesses
one. Her four children became politically (Babb 2001). Studies have shown that
prominent in Nicaragua, but on opposing SAPs have a distinctly gendered impact,
sides; two were Sandinistas, while the other and, in Nicaragua as elsewhere, reductions
two were anti-Sandinista. In her electoral in social services and welfare provision,
campaign, Violeta Chamorro consciously and declines in formal-sector employ-
manipulated her identity as a reconciling ment, have drastically increased the
mother and widow, stressing how she had burdens of low-income women (Babb
managed to unite her family in spite of their 2001; Metoyer 2000; Renzi and Agurto
political differences. The implicit suggestion 1997).
was that her brand of maternal politics could The early 1990s were marked by
reconcile and heal the entire nation widespread unrest, caused by increasing
(Kampwirth 1996). levels of unemployment and the failure of
It is widely believed that the vote for the Chamorro government to successfully
the Chamorro government was an over- reintegrate thousands of demobilised
whelmingly female one. Many women soldiers into civilian life (Close 1999).
voted against the FSLN in the elections, in Shortly after the elections, the size of the
the hope of bringing an end to the draft and Sandinista army was drastically reduced,
the suffering associated with war (Metoyer and the Toncontin accords were signed
10
with Contra leaders, bringing about the combination of factors, including Sandinista
demobilisation and disarmament of the resistance, the slow arrival of international
Contra soldiers. In return for handing over aid, and the existence of landmines in many
their weapons, soldiers received civilian rural areas, meant that the government
clothes, US $50 each in cash, and a promise failed to keep the promises made to ex-
of land (Abu-Lughod 2000). In many ways, Contras with respect to the development
the ex-Contra combatants and supporters poles. While some areas were set aside, they
found themselves in an unenviable and were not serviced with water, electricity, or
ambiguous situation. While the Sandinistas transport; consequently many ex-Contras
had been defeated in the elections, the were forced to leave for other areas.
Contras had not won the war, nor were they
being rewarded for their anti-revolutionary
activities by either the new government or Hard times: post-conflict
the United States. life in Waslala
The situation for many ex-Contras was In the early 1990s in Waslala, a group of
one of economic desperation: many had lost women from both sides of the conflict
their land and homes. While agrarian reform became engaged in efforts to bring about
had been a significant aspect of the more sustainable peace, and put the
Sandinista programme (Abu-Lughod 2000), horrors and trauma of war behind them.
the Contras had never focused on land When I first met the group in 1999, they
reform as a goal. Despite this history, upon identified themselves as Mothers of the
demobilisation, the poor economic situation Resistance. They had formed into an
in Nicaragua led demobilised Contras organised group within a larger organi-
demand land. Their demands came into sation, called the Association of Mothers
conflict with those of owners of confiscated and Victims of War. Unlike many
land who were pushing to regain property Sandinista women, particularly middle-
after the Sandinista electoral defeat. The US class women, who had supported the
government supported the former owners revolution out of an ideological vision and
of confiscated land, and the Chamorro drive to create a better society, these
government also, in practice, prioritised women adopted counter-revolutionary
former owners in land-distribution positions not because of ideological
programmes. As far as the Contras were convictions, but because of personal
concerned, the government's policy of circumstances. Although the differences
reconciliation between them and the between the personal and the ideological
Sandinistas was somewhat contradictory. are not always so simple, most of these
The government intended, but failed, to women became counter-revolutionaries
resettle ex-Contras in 'development poles', because of the political decisions taken by
conceived of as areas with schools, health their husbands, sons, and employers.
centres, water, electricity supplies, and land
to farm. The poles were intended to be Most of the ex-Contra women in Waslala
protected by a rural police force, consisting expressed their relief at the end at the war,
of ex-Contras. but this relief was tempered by the economic
The idea of the poles was based on an difficulties they had endured since 1990.
assumption that Contras and Sandinistas One told me:
could not live together (Abu-Lughod 2000). I feel happy, because when the war finished,
Many Contras were, however, in favour of everything came to an end. All the young men
development poles, and for many it proved could live in their houses without worrying;
to be an incentive to demobilise. But a they were no longer afraid that they were going
Counter-revolutionary women 11
to be sent to the mountains. The draft came to For some women, whose partners and
an end. We were afraid of the draft, and it came sons had been combatants, the end of the
to an end. Afterwards, young men could live at war and demobilisation had brought the
home, children too. But on the other hand, as hope that they might now return home.
you knoiv, Nicaragua is really poor now. There But for many of them, it brought instead
is no money. That is life. There are many the tragic confirmation of their deaths.
economic problems. Isabel Quezada had been told that her
(Mercedes Hierro, 20 November 19993) husband had died, but she clung on to the
hope that it was a mistake, and he might
Another said:
still be alive. She took a job as a cook in
We are clear that [the situation] is better in the Kubali, a village 25 kilometres from
sense that that fear is over, all the fighting, but Waslala, where ex-Contras from that area
the situation is really difficult for us, for single were turning up to hand over weapons.
mothers. It is hard. I have a bit offamily, but I
To be sure, I went to the demobilisation in
wonder ivhat these poor mothers do to feed
Kubali. I went there with my kids to work in a
their children, when there are no jobs. The life
kitchen. I spent the four months I ivas there
we have here is very difficult.
working ivaiting to see if he came back, to find
(Norma Aguilar, 20 November 1999)
out if it was true. Then his commander told me
In addition to the general difficulties that that my husband had died, that I should stop
women have faced as a result of economic hoping that I was going to see him again. Then
structural adjustment, the promised benefits he showed me the documents that they were
of demobilisation have been elusive. carrying, I saw the name of his unit, and then I
Although Monica Aviles had been a was sure ... there were so many demobilised
combatant for four years, she missed out on soldiers therefrom that same area, so I realised
demobilisation and its benefits because she that it was true.
had just given birth, and was unable to leave (Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999)
Honduras and travel to the place in
Nicaragua where ex-Contras were being
disarmed. She said that to demobilise would Discourses of reconciliation
have meant giving away her child, as she Many ex-soldiers were unable to make the
could not have carried her children and her transition to peace-time life and continued
weapons back to Nicaragua. When she did to use violent means to press for political
return to Nicaragua, she was not even change. Some ex-Contras, as well as some
provided with transport, and had to return ex-Sandinista soldiers, re-armed to press
on foot through the mountains. The father of demands for land, training, and employ-
her children left her to go and demobilise ment. Chamorro's time in office was
after their return, and she did not see him marked by high rates of political violence
again. Monica talked about the benefits she and kidnappings, with re-armed groups
had heard about, but missed out on: operating throughout the countryside.
[The ex-combatants] received seeds, clothes, These re-armed groups became known as
food, money, shoes, kitchen utensils for women. recompas (re-armed Sandinistas) and
[...] I was there four years and I still haven't recontras (re-armed Contras). However,
had any help from anyone, and we are poor. I some re-armed groups were composed of
live on my mother's farm. I work there to meet former soldiers from both sides. In spite of
our needs. To plant beans and corn. Because we their differing political sympathies,
don't have land to farm. I am still at my mum's demobilised Contras and Sandinistas who
place. We work there. were similarly affected by the economic
(Monica Aviles, 21 November 1999) problems caused by neo-liberal policies
12
found common ground and fought We began to see how many of them were in
together as revueltos, groups made up of a pain, as we were. It is true that my husband
combination of recompas and recontras. went to war and died, but their husbands had
In contrast, others were motivated by the died in this way too. It was the same pain, and
calls for peace and reconciliation. The end of so we agreed that we had to diminish this
the war brought hopes that political hatred, and we began to work in the
differences could be put aside to prevent organisation.
further violent conflict in Nicaragua. As (Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999).
Cynthia Cockburn (2001) has argued, hatred
is the strongest survivor of war, and However, the hatred and resentment
processes of reconciliation are important for created by the war were not easily
social healing. Not long after the electoral overcome, and not all of the women were
defeat, a number of ex-Contra and ex-EPS in favour of unity and reconciliation. For
joined forces with the National Union of many, the hatred and trauma created by
Farmers and Ranchers (UNAG) to create a years of conflict could not simply be put
national coalition known as the aside. Isabel was heavily criticised by
Coordinadora Nacional Campesina (Wright other women of the Resistance for her
1995). involvement in the committee; they
accused her of being a revuelta. She even
As stated, most of my interviewees in
received death threats for her association
Waslala had lost sons or partners in the war,
with Sandinista women.
and all were economically devastated by it.
Yet, in the interests of improving economic Working together for development goals
well-being and ending the polarisation in Despite these difficulties, by 1993 the
their communities, women in Waslala from organisation had become part of a
both sides of the conflict tried to put the past National Commission of Reconciliation,
behind them and unite in their political and had managed to secure funding from
demands. Sandinista and Contra women international agencies for a number of
initially found common ground in the development projects. Many of my
difficulties both groups were encountering informants were beneficiaries of these
when trying to secure from the Institute of projects. Sandinista and Resistance women
Social Security the war pensions to which were jointly organised in a self-help
they were entitled. The procedure for housing project, known as El Progreso,
obtaining a pension was proving to be which built 26 houses for Mothers of the
extremely difficult, and many women were Resistance, and 26 houses for Sandinista
becoming entangled in bureaucratic compli- women. Unlike the development poles,
cations with the government department. El Progreso had an aim of creating a mixed
Some of them realised that their struggle to community in peaceful co-existence. The
obtain pensions would be more effective if rationale was that it would bring the two
they pressured the government jointly. communities together, as well as resolving
Joint work for reconciliation and housing needs. The barrio was
development inaugurated by President Violeta
Chamorro. Isabel Quezada stated:
The joint effort in Waslala led to the
formation of a Mothers' Committee, So when we joined our organisations, we set up
consisting of two Resistance women and a housing project. I managed to include 26
three Sandinista women. Isabel Quezada women of the Resistance as beneficiaries. In the
was part of this committee. From the same project, there were also 26 Sandinista
beginning, the committee talked of the mothers, and they all live together in the same
need for reconciliation: barrio. Then I also managed to set up a creche
Counter-revolutionary women 13
for the children of the barrio. [...] But it was I said to them, 'If we don't make up with those
difficult, because we women feel hatred towards women, and don't talk to those women, we are
the other women, because they were the wives not going to get the houses. Do you need
o / c o m p a s , and we were wives of counter- houses?' 'Yes.' 'Well then, let's drop all the
revolutionaries. But I kept talking to them. But hatred and resentment, because the war is over.
it was really hard. Once they understood .... We all lost, all our children have lost their
when I first brought them together, they didn't fathers, we have all lost sons, but you don't
want to talk to the other mothers. But not any know who killed my husband, and I don't know
more; if one of them runs out of salt, the other who killed yours. So if we are going to make
lends her some. It is nice, and the 52 women progress, let's forget it all and live in peace.'
celebrated their homes in the presence of Dona There ivas so much crying, one was crying, the
Violeta, we persuaded her to come. And she other was crying. But they are grateful to me,
thought the project was very nice. because we would never have achieved
(Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999) anything if it hadn't been for that kind of
reconciliation. We wouldn't have achieved
Despite successfully providing 52 women
anything. None of the projects that we set up
with houses, the project received little
would ever have been achieved.
support from the local government. Roads
(Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999)
through the barrio had not been provided,
so the streets filled with mud when it
rained, and the inhabitants had to tap Building peace in the next generation
illegally into the electricity supply. This reconciliation was not only a
A number of Sandinista and Resistance conscious attempt to gain resources,
women jointly created a construction co- however; women also focused on their
operative in which beneficiaries learned to children, wishing through genuine recon-
make bricks and build latrines. Subse- ciliation to prevent their growing up
quently, the organisation received funding feeling the same resentment towards
from a German agency to purchase a house others that their mothers had felt. By
in which they could run an office and hold focusing on the next generation, discourses
meetings, workshops, and courses. Once of reconciliation became powerful and
they had purchased the house, other persuasive.
initiatives followed, including a revolving We have to concentrate on our children who
credit fund, the provision of art classes for are growing up. Even with my two sons, I
street children, and training courses for mustn't tell them to hate the compas, or to
women with disabilities in beauty therapy, hate the children of the other Sandinista
floristry, bakery, and dressmaking. mothers. As a mother of the Resistance, I have
Although these achievements are my two sons and I am going to give them the
impressive, they depended upon significant example that I created. That we made up with
amounts of persuasion. The need for aid for the mothers, that mostly we are not to blame
housing and sources of employment was for the war, we weren't in agreement with our
inseparable from the issue of reconciliation. husbands going to war, and especially not our
Isabel continually had to stress the children, because our children are fragments of
importance of working together to secure our lives. If they see that we are filled ivith
funding for projects, because funding would hatred, they'll grow up with that hatred. I
be provided only if working together could say to my sons 'Don't play with the kids
was demonstrated. Emphasising women's of that other Sandinista mother, because they
identities as mothers and widows, and their are enemies of ours because they killed your
common experience as mothers who had dad.' But I don't know if her husband killed my
suffered because of the war, was a way of husband, and she doesn't knoiv if my husband
overcoming economic hardship. killed hers, these were the conflicts of wartime
14
combat. So for me the most important thing is for the assembly. We didn't realise what they
that the children of mothers and widows of the were up to, so when it came to the assembly,
Resistance and of the Sandinistas love each only those that were on the list had a say. That
other, that they play together, that they are is what they did to us. So they have taken over
never going to have this hatred which comes the organisation that I put so much effort into.
from the death of relatives, their fathers, uncles, I am the founder of the organisation, of the
mothers, because there are also mothers who Mothers' Association. It is because of me that
died in the war. they have all that, and they wouldn't give me a
(Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999) job. There are just Sandinista mothers there.
And when the aid agency comes, they tell them
that we are also beneficiaries, but it is not true.
The failure of reconciliation And I have never earned a penny. In the
However, despite the strength of the joint committee, there are only Sandinista mothers,
organisation, the power of the discourse of there is not a single mother from the
reconciliation, and its success in attracting Resistance.
funds for development projects, recon- (Isabel Quezada, 21 November 1999)
ciliation did not last. Ultimately, the
Sandinista and the Contra women once
again separated into two different organi-
Why does reconciliation
sations. This separation occurred despite between women fail?
much of the aid having been received on The work of Marie Mulholland (2001)
condition that they worked together, and the with women in Northern Ireland has
fact that many of the members of the shown that Protestant and Catholic
organisation lived together in El Progreso women have been able to collaborate
and were obliged to co-exist on a daily basis. successfully across the political divide.
While Isabel reproduced discourses of Solidarity was forged in this context in
reconciliation beautifully, as the quotations order to ensure that gender equality
cited above demonstrate, closer probing would be a central component of the peace
revealed far more conflicting responses. process and any settlement. Women
According to Isabel, the Sandinista women achieved this solidarity by emphasising
took over the house that was purchased, and their common gender identities as
the Resistance women were no longer able to mothers, wives, and widows, and their
use it. Isabel said: common experiences of discrimination
However, in the Mothers' Association, they and inequality, rather than their 'political
never even gave me a job. After I did identities' or allegiances.
everything for them, they have never given me Women in Waslala attempted to
a job. There are some women who earn $115, achieve reconciliation in a similar manner,
$120 in the association that I founded. But by focusing on their common difficulties
they haven't given me a job at all. Or in the as mothers and widows. However, in
women's co-operative, in none of the projects Waslala, reconciliation collapsed because
have I ever been considered for employment. of the impossibility in Nicaragua of
They have totally isolated me, it has become separating the gender identities of
just a Sandinista organisation. With our motherhood and widowhood from
signatures, our efforts, we achieved it all, but political allegiances. These gender
now they are the only ones there. [...] So we identities have been manipulated in
have a separate organisation once again. The Nicaragua by political forces on the Left
organisation of the Resistance is separate. And and the Right.4
that is not a good thing. They conducted In addition, friendships and solidarity
campaigns just to nominate Sandinista women between women are often difficult in
Counter-revolutionary women 15
Nicaragua, since it is a cultural context in economic model, but tended to blame the
which dominant expressions of masculinity FSLN, rather than the USA or the IMF, for all
in the form of machismo, and the prevalence of Nicaragua's current problems. This blame
of both serial polygamy and paternal easily translated into resentment towards
irresponsibility, encourage women to see individual Sandinista women.
each other as rivals and competitors for Ironically, Luz Marina was critical of her
scarce resources, rather than friends. Evelyn Sandinista neighbours at El Progreso who
Hernandez, who lived at El Progreso, seemed to making progress, such as the
described her relationship with another Sandinista woman whose garden was
woman as being 'like sisters', but in fact she overflowing with corn and yucca that she
did not have close friendships with other had planted. According to Luz Marina, this
women in the barrio. She told me one day: woman had una boca como una rdfaga de balas
'When people come from elsewhere like you, we ('a mouth like a burst of gunfire'). Memories
share friendship. But we are different, we don't of the war and political upheaval remain;
really like each other' (interview, Evelyn they seem hard, or impossible, to forget.
Hernandez, 22 May 2001). Luz Marina Castillo had extremely negative
If friendships with other women are and persistent memories of the revolution
difficult in Nicaragua, they are even more and the war. She told me she had worked as
unlikely when they are complicated by a domestic servant for one of Somoza's
political resentment. Through the war, colonels in the 1970s, and was imprisoned
women's identities as mothers became and tortured by the Sandinistas after the
entrenched in politics, and, despite moves triumph of the revolution in 1979. They
towards reconciliation between women, confiscated all her possessions, including
these identities have been strengthened money and jewellery, before she was
since 1990. Ironically, this is perhaps because released. She had never forgiven the
it has been possible to openly assume a Sandinistas for this experience.
Contra/Resistance identity only since 1990; The persistence of anti-Sandinista
it would have been too dangerous to do so sentiment was augmented also by fear of the
in the 1980s. Consequently, moving away Sandinistas, and the possibility that they
from conflict and towards peace has might return to power. Norma Aguilar, who
paradoxically further politicised gender lost her two oldest sons after they were
identities and perpetuated ideas of conflict recruited by the FSLN to fight in the EPS,
and irreconcilability of views. was fearful for the next two, who were too
More than a decade after the end of the young to have been recruited in the 1980s
war, anti-Sandinista feeling persists among but had now grown up. The Sandinistas lost
many of the Contra women, despite the the general elections in November 2001,
common experience of economic hardship but at the time of interviews earlier that year,
which cuts across women's political a Sandinista victory seemed likely. Norma
identities. Luz Marina Castillo compared the saw a possibility that military service might
difficult economic situation to an ongoing be reinstated by a Sandinista government.
war, which she called the guerra de hambre
and the guerra de medicinas, 'the hunger war'
and 'the medicine war'. She perceived these Conclusion
'wars' as a Sandinista legacy, despite It is clear that the implementation of
popular understanding of neo-liberalism in structural adjustment in a post-war
Nicaragua and the role of the IMF in country has made reconstruction and
determining the economic path that the reconciliation in Nicaragua difficult. The
country has taken. Luz Marina did not relate war is over, but violence continues to be
Nicaragua's economic situation to the manifest in daily life - what Luz Marina
16
called the 'hunger war' and the 'medicine Yet women's experience of motherhood,
war'. Although the poverty created by widowhood, and other gendered roles is
both war and structural adjustment socially constructed and historically
provided important motivations for produced. In particular, ideas of mother-
reconciliation, there is no doubt that the hood and widowhood are subject to
dynamics of structural adjustment under- constant renegotiation in times of hardship,
mined women's attempts to bring about social change, or political upheaval. The
sustainable peace and went some way to tensions between competing identities, and
account for the failure of reconciliation. the tendency for women to draw upon
The reconciliation work took place in essentialist understandings of womanhood
a political and economic context in because they are appealing, at the same time
which there are limited employment as rejecting them as excessively confining,
opportunities, on-going struggles for made reconciliation initiatives in Waslala
land, unacceptable levels of malnutrition, highly complex and contradictory. Mother-
and growing crime and delinquency. In hood, widowhood, and other gendered
the war, women lost family members and identities of women are simultaneously
livelihoods, and suffered varying degrees powerful and tenuous as a basis for
of political repression. The development reconciliation or subsequent political
initiatives created through the joint efforts action or development initiatives.
of Contra and Sandinista women have Women in Waslala could not put aside
addressed the needs of a small number of the animosity created by years of warfare
women for training, employment, and simply because they were all mothers or
housing. However, these benefits were widows. The resulting projects required
extremely limited, and my participants women to co-exist and work together as if no
felt that some of them had not been fairly differences existed between them, in the
distributed to Contra women. office, in the housing project, and in the
Discourses of reconciliation on the part co-operative. Aid was given on the
of the government and the aid agencies condition that they would live and work
appealed to many women in Nicaragua in together. But gender inequality and political
the early 1990s. They draw upon powerful polarisation intersected in a way which
cultural identities created by dominant made lasting reconciliation an impossibility.
social understandings of motherhood and The war, the revolution, and post-war
widowhood. In addition, despite different circumstances had led women to think of
interpretations and experiences of what it their gender identities as inherently bound
means to be a mother or widow, women in up with their political allegiances. The
Waslala themselves strategically drew upon failure of reconciliation was further fuelled
crude, simplistic stereotypes, since there by the difficulty experienced by Waslala
was a good reason for doing so. They women in forming friendships with other
employ a language of victimhood, based on women, because of the ways in which
Catholic images of suffering motherhood, constructions of masculinity and femininity
both to name their organisation and to seek embedded in society tend to create
funds. Gender identities - in particular, antagonisms between women. Bitterness
motherhood and its connotations of sacrifice and resentment have prevailed, because the
and nurturing - can enable women to process actually intensified political
attempt reconciliation with former 'enemies'. differences. In many ways, the wartime
Reconciliation in Waslala was built on under- identities of women in Waslala have become
standings of women's common suffering in entrenched as their identity as mothers has
war as wives and mothers, as well as women's been used to promote discourses of
ability to make and nurture peace. reconciliation.
Counter-revolutionary ivomen 17
Aid agencies and governments need to 2 The Nicaraguan Resistance was the term
think very carefully before implementing used by the Contra to refer to
initiatives for post-conflict reconciliation themselves.
which invoke solidarity and reconciliation 3 The names of all informants quoted in
among women on the basis of shared this paper are pseudonyms.
identities and experiences. These discourses 4 Discourses of motherhood were used by
present women exclusively as mothers and the Somoza dictatorship to confine
widows, ignoring their political differences. women to particular types of debate, and
In an attempt to foster peace and were also used during the Sandinista
reconciliation, aid agencies have unwittingly revolution to encourage women to
reinforced, and further polarised, separate produce more children for the
political identities. revolutionary cause (and to sacrifice
In conclusion, there was also evidence of them to it). These pro-natalist discourses
openness among women to the idea of often clashed with revolutionary notions
working in ways that would be less of women as combatants.
politically confining (Cupples 2002). While
discussion of this evidence is beyond the
scope of this paper and will be dealt with in a References
forthcoming article, there is clear evidence Abu-Lughod, D. I. (2000) 'Failed buyout:
that counter-revolutionary women are open land rights for Contra veterans in post-
to political forms of organisation, such as war Nicaragua', Latin American
working in co-operatives, that can be Perspectives, 27(3): 32-62.
considered to be legacies of the revolution. Babb, F. (2001) After Revolution: Mapping
Many of these women have experienced Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal
significant personal transformations since Nicaragua, Austin: University of Texas
the deaths of their husbands; they believe Press.
that they have been empowered though Close, D. (1999; Nicaragua: The Chamorro
their experience of political organisation. Years, Boulder: Lynne Riener.
Indeed, they express a high degree of Cockburn, C. (2001) 'The gendered
feminist awareness. They are now highly dynamics of armed conflict and political
critical of the machismo of their deceased violence', in C. O. N. Moser and F. C.
husbands and of local political leaders, and Clark (eds.) Victims, Perpetrators or
are committed to struggles for greater Actors?: Gender, Armed Conflict and
gender equality. Political Violence, London and New York:
Zed Books.
)u\ie Cupples is a lecturer in human geography at Cupples, J. (2002) 'Disrupting Discourses
the University of Canterbury in New Zealand. and (Re)formulating Identities: The
Department of Geography, University of Politics of Single Motherhood in Post-
Canterbury, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch, Revolutionary Nicaragua', unpublished
New Zealand PhD thesis, University of Canterbury.
julie. cupples@can terbury.ac.nz Kampwirth, K. (1996) 'The mother of the
Nicaraguans: Dona Violeta and the
UNO's gender agenda', Latin American
Notes Perspectives, 23(1): 67-86.
1 This contrasts with most research on Kampwirth, K. (2001) 'Women in the
gender and conflict in Nicaragua, which armed struggles in Nicaragua:
has focused on the experiences of Sandinistas and Contras compared', in
Sandinista women (although see V. Gonzalez and K. Kampwirth (eds.)
Kampwirth 2001). Radical Women in Latin America: Left and
18
Reconstructing fragile
l i v e S Z girls' social reintegration in northern
Uganda and Sierra Leone
Susan McKay
In many contemporary African wars, girls and women participate in fighting forces. Their
involvement is sometimes voluntary, but often they are coerced or abducted. In these forces, their roles
range from porters, domestics, and 'wives' of male fighters, to spies and commanders. Few girls go
through official UN processes of disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR). Their human
rights severely violated, girls face enormous challenges to physical and psycho-social recovery.
Typically, they return directly to their communities, or migrate to where friends or relatives live, or
resettle in urban areas, where they are at increased risk offorced prostitution, sexual assault, and/or
sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/'AIDS. This paper examines the experiences ofgirls who
have returned from fighting forces in the recent conflict in Sierra Leone and the continuing conflict in
northern Uganda. These experiences are compared with those of women who recalled their experiences
when they were girl participants during the Mozambican war which ended in 1992.
I
n this paper, my focus is girls. They,
together with the intersecting categories istic loyalties are more valued than notions
of orphans and disabled children, are of gender equality (McKay 1998). Thus
among the most vulnerable in post-war concerns about post-conflict construction
contexts. I analyse gendered issues of post- override interest in promoting women's
conflict reconstruction, with reference to the equal status and opportunities within a
situation of girls in northern Uganda and society. Consequently, gender relationships
Sierra Leone. In northern Uganda, war has in post-war contexts tend to reinforce
raged from 1986 to the present. The Lord's traditional patterns, rather than new roles
that girls and women may have adopted
Resistance Army (LRA) continues to abduct
during armed conflict. At community level,
children and perpetrate atrocities against the
at the level of the institutions which
Acholi people. During the war in Sierra distribute resources, and at the level of
Leone, from 1991 to 2002, widespread national policy formulation, women and
abduction of children into the Revolutionary girls are usually rendered invisible or are, at
United Front (RUF) rebel force occurred, and best, marginalised by being perceived only
girls and boys also participated in civilian as leaders and facilitators of cultural and
militias and pro-government forces. social reconstruction.
In the post-conflict period, communities
Gender and post-war play key roles in social and cultural
reconstruction reconstruction, and community support is
essential for ensuring girls' human rights
As argued by Cynthia Enloe, the end of a war and security. Unfortunately, communities
is 'crowded with gendered decisions' (Enloe typically are low on the priority lists of
1993: 261). Few, if any, of these decisions governments and donors when they are
20
planning reconstruction. Most must rely sexual relations. The presence of these 'war
upon their own meagre resources to cope babies' can worsen their situations, because
with changes wrought by war (McKay and these girl mothers and their children are
Mazurana 2004). Also, the policies and often subject to resentment, due to the
programmes of international funding agencies children's unknown paternity, or because
typically concentrate upon reconstruction of their fathers are known to be rebels
physical, political, educational, and economic (Carpenter 2000; McKay and Mazurana
infrastructures, not people's lives. While 2004). Returning is particularly difficult
rebuilding infrastructures is crucial, these when one or both of a girl's parents -
initiatives must occur in tandem with especially her mother - are dead, or her
developing community capacity, and enhancing community has been destroyed.
collective human security (Commission on Some girls are unable to reintegrate, for
Human Security 2003; McKay 2004; UN various reasons, and find themselves in an
2002). untenable situation. They may migrate to an
Because girls and women bear heavy urban setting, in hopes of escaping and
responsibilities for rebuilding social and finding a means of economic survival. Some,
cultural infrastructures and are significantly such as the so-called 'night commuters' in
affected by post-war decisions, they must be present-day northern Uganda, leave their
publicly recognised and empowered as key rural communities each evening at dusk and
actors, wherever reconstruction policies are travel to a nearby city to sleep, in hopes of
developed. Yet, asking girls and women for gaining some protection (Human Rights
their views on how post-war reconstruction Watch 2003). Few, if any, of the benefits of
should be planned and implemented is political, economic, and social
almost never a part of local, national, reconstruction trickle down to improve the
regional, or international agendas (McKay lives of these girls.
1998). Further, their specific interests are In towns, as occurs presently in northern
seldom acknowledged in peace accords, Uganda, some girl mothers live together to
even when newly created constitutions conserve scarce resources and help each
guarantee equal rights (Anderlini 2000).
other with child care (McKay et al. 2004;
A snapshot of girls' reintegration McKay and Mazurana 2004; Save the
More than a decade ago in Mozambique, Children Denmark 2003). A study of 20 girls
and more recently in Sierra Leone, children who returned from the LRA to stay at Gusco
were returning from time spent with fighting rehabilitation centre in northern Uganda
forces, especially rebel factions as they are concluded that five of the eight girl mothers
doing at present in northern Uganda. preferred living in town because they felt
Regardless of whether they reintegrate that their home community was not safe
within rural or urban communities, they enough for them, or they worried about
return with memories of terror and day- being re-abducted (Save the Children 2003).
to-day suffering (Derluyn et al. 2004).
Many fare poorly, and face dismal futures. Mozambique: the context
The residue of past hardships is evidenced twelve years after war
in fragile bodies and minds, which exper-
ience persistent pain from injuries, physical An overview of the present-day situation in
deformities, and diseases such as malaria, Mozambique provides an example of the
tuberculosis, and parasites (McKay and realities of social reconstruction in a country
Mazurana 2004). where the war (from 1976 to 1992) ended
Girls often return from a fighting force more than a decade ago. Today, people
with children born as a result of forced struggle to survive against odds that are
Reconstructing fragile lives 21
abducted into forces as a major entry route load a gun. Many girls - particularly the
(McKay and Mazurana 2004). older ones - participate as fighters who loot,
commit atrocities, and kill. They are first-aid
Girls' entry into forces workers, spies, and porters; they train
Each conflict has its unique and complicated fighters, hold command positions, serve in
history, and the uses and roles of girls within intelligence and communications functions,
fighting forces in any country also have and act as messengers. When a force attacks
distinct patterns. Depending upon the or loots, girls may be sent to sweep mine-
context, girls enter fighting forces through fields or serve in forward ranks. In some
recruitment, joining, abduction, being born countries, girls are suicide bombers. Because
of mothers who are in a force, or because of their many possible roles and their value
they leave home to escape abuse (McKay in supporting the functioning of a force,
and Mazurana 2004). In Africa, the girls may be the last to be released, even
predominant - although not exclusive - when disarmament and demobilisation are
pattern has been for girls to be abducted or underway.
coerced into forces, either being taken from
their homes and communities, or being Girls' experiences
forcibly recruited in a school setting (McKay Like boys, girls endure great hardships,
and Mazurana 2004). deprivation of adequate food, shelter, health
Whether girls freely choose to join a care, and education. In wars such as those in
fighting force is a contested point, since northern Uganda and Sierra Leone, large
joining may appear to be voluntary in some numbers of girls became ill, or disabled,
cases; but it may in reality be their only hope and/or died. They travelled long distances
for survival. For example, Paez (2002) found and often slept in the bush. Girl mothers
that girls in Colombia joined the armed carried babies on their backs during battles,
conflict there to flee or find an alternative to with babies sometimes drugged to keep
maltreatment, sexual abuse, overwork, or them sedated.
domestic violence at home. In Eritrea, Almost universally, these girls were
although many girls and women wanted to brutally subjected to forced sexual relations,
be liberation fighters, some joined because sometimes by many perpetrators within a
they wanted to escape arranged marriages, single day. In Sierra Leone, girls had the
or get out of bad marriages (Barth 2002). letters 'RUF' tattooed on their bodies, often
across their breasts. Some were given contra-
Girls' roles ceptives in the bush that were obtained
Girls play differing roles, according to their during raids on medical clinics. Girls resorted
age and the length of time they spend in a to self-induced abortions, using herbs or
force. Fighting forces depend upon girls and other methods, and many died during
women to provide essential services such as pregnancy or childbirth because of lack of
carrying water, food production, finding care or difficult circumstances. Depending
food, cooking, and washing clothes. Contrary on the context, pregnancy could potentially
to the widespread portrayal of girls give a girl a measure of protection from
exclusively as 'wives' of captor husbands gender-based violence - for example, from
and sexual slaves, this is not the only role her captor 'husband'. Conversely, pregnancy
that girls play. Many play multi-faceted might increase girls' vulnerability to gender-
roles: some girls in Sierra Leone who were based violence, for instance when abortions
forced to be 'wives' of commanders were forced, or pregnant girls' foetuses were
eventually gained authority within a force. cut from their bodies.
It seems that the majority, except for very Some girls escape a fighting force before
young girls, are trained in how to cock and the war ends, as occurred in Sierra Leone,
Reconstructing fragile lives 23
and currently in northern Uganda. Isatu, a The low rate for girls' participation in
six-year-old deaf girl, is an example of a DDR reflects not only the denial of their
Sierra Leonean girl who escaped from the participation in war, but also the fact that the
RUF. When her mother was away on a visit structure and process of DDR favours boys
in a nearby town, Isatu was abducted from and men. The set-up of DDR in centrally
her home in Kono. She remained in the RUF located sites discouraged girls' enrolment
for three years. Her role was to take care of because of its public nature, the insecurity
younger children and run errands for breast- and violence that existed at DDR sites, and
feeding mothers. One day, she travelled with the lack of medical and hygienic facilities
her captors to a market across the border in (McKay and Mazurana 2004). Moreover, in
Guinea, where she hid and escaped. Later, the early phases of DDR, girls could not
when she was walking along a road by produce weapons to prove that they were
herself, crying, a Sierra Leonean woman combatants, because boys and men claimed
stopped to assist her. Isatu went to this the weapons to make themselves eligible
woman's home in Makeni, lives there now, for DDR benefits. Later, in Sierra Leone,
and attends a school for hearing-impaired group demobilisation became possible, with
children. Isatu's father is dead, and she has a group presenting one weapon between
not seen her mother since she was abducted them. After this, more girls participated,
(Sierra Leone, interview, 6 June 2002). although the number still remained small.
Disarmament and demobilisation
Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reinte- Reintegrating girls: five
gration Programmes (DDR) are intended to examples
demobilise soldiers, remove guns from
circulation, and enable ex-combatants to The success of girls' reintegration is linked to
return to civilian life. In Mozambique, as in factors such as whether they entered a force
other places, DDR has been overwhelmingly voluntarily or were abducted, how long they
aimed at boys and men, who are perceived participated, the military roles they played,
to be the key actors within a force. In this and the manner of their return (McKay and
respect, DDR programmes reflect funding Mazurana 2004). To illustrate the day-to-day
priorities informed by conventional views of difficulties that confront girls in reinte-
gender roles, which understand war as grating in war-torn northern Uganda and
armed conflict between males. In Sierra Leone post-war Sierra Leone, I include five case
also, relatively few girls were demobilised examples here.
under DDR programmes because of a
gender-discriminatory framework which Nighty and Marie: girl mothers in
saw girls and women only as 'sex slaves', northern Uganda
'wives', and 'camp followers'; they were In 1996, Nighty, then 12, was abducted on
therefore not viewed as appropriate reci- her way to school. She was taken to Sudan
pients of DDR benefits, such as skills training and given to an LRA commander to be his
or schooling (McKay and Mazurana 2004). 23rd wife. The commander subsequently
A total of 6,052 boys and men - 92 per cent died. After this, Nighty escaped with three
of the total - participated in Sierra Leone's other child mothers, who were all wives of
DDR, in contrast to only 506 girls and the same commander. When she returned to
women. Most girls in Sierra Leone did not her community, she found that both her
know that DDR existed. The majority went parents were dead, so a brother provided
directly back to their communities, a move housing for herself and her child. Because
referred to as 'spontaneous reintegration'; or many formerly abducted children in
they were taken in by friends, relatives, or northern Uganda are re-abducted by the
helpful adults. LRA, she feared for her security. Also, she
24
was called names by community members. Her daily routine follows a pattern.
She then decided to move to Gulu to live When she awakens, she takes care of her
with an aunt. Unable to return to school, she seven-year-old twin sons. Then she picks
acquired business skills and started a small potato leaves from her garden, which she
business (Save the Children 2003). sells at the market. She uses this income to
Marie, a 17-year-old school girl, looks as buy food for her children. If one of her
if she is aged around 14. Slight, bright and children is ill, she uses the money for
ambitious, she was captured by LRA forces medical assistance. Zainab's other source of
at the private girls' school that she attended. support is a paid sexual relationship with
She said that in the fighting force she was one regular partner. She says that she gets
'very cruel', but she had no choice. When she her partner to use a condom in an effort to
returned home, people sang and danced in prevent infection from sexually transmitted
celebration. Religious leaders came to her diseases, including HIV/AIDS. She wants to
house and told her, 'Don't think backwards, enrol in a training course to acquire
only forwards''. Marie described how the clan marketable skills, but she cannot find a
leader had told her that she was '...a useful sponsor (Sierra Leone, interview, 17 October
girl, and I should set an example...and keep 2003).
praying for those in the bush. They believed in Fatmata, a heavy-set girl who looks
me.' In her village, only two children of 27 depressed, was abducted into the RUF.
abducted returned; the rest remained in the Now, living in Kambia Town, she says that
LRA, or died. Consequently, some parents she is provoked by people in the surrounding
dislike Marie and say, 'You are back, but where community from the time she gets up in the
is mine?'. Now in school, Marie leaves her morning, as is her seven-year-old daughter
daughter Grace in her village with her step- Agnes. She reports that Agnes runs to her in
mother. She doesn't like to go home, because tears, saying, 'Mama, that person told me I'm a
she fears re-abduction by rebels who are rebel'. Fatmata wants her daughter to be able
active near her village, so when she visits to go to school, but she cannot find financial
Grace, she sleeps in the bush. Her Christian assistance. Fatmata is a sex worker, but fears
beliefs are important in reconciling her past sexually transmitted diseases. If she is ill and
life in the LRA and her current attempts to has money, she goes to the hospital for
try to forgive her abductors and the rebels treatment; otherwise, she uses native herbs
who took her father and killed her mother. (Sierra Leone, interview, 17 October 2003).
Her goals are to finish her education, get a
When Rose returned to her village in
job, and help her family financially. She does
western Sierra Leone, her parents welcomed
not want to marry (northern Uganda,
her and cooked biscuits and sweets for her.
interview, 25 November 2001).
She carried her daughter, Aisha, whom she
Zainab, Fatmata, and Rose: girl mothers was breast-feeding. People in the com-
in Sierra Leone munity were happy to see her and
Born in Kambia in western Sierra Leone, performed a ceremony because she had
Zainab returned from the RUF with twin come home alive. However, some com-
boys. Their father was killed in the bush. A munity members provoked her. Rose went
lively and quick-witted girl with an to the paramount chief, who ordered the
infectious smile, Zainab was given little town crier to announce that the provocation
assistance by family, friends, or humani- should stop. The message carried by the
tarian organisations. Her mother died town crier to the community was that Rose
during the war. With the exception of her had not wished to join the rebels in the bush,
23-year-old brother, with whom she lives, but had been captured. The provocation
her family ignores her, because she did not then ended. When Aisha was weaned, Rose
return with a husband or money. married. She is the second wife of a man who
Reconstructing fragile lives 25
has little income and is unable to pay for girls are considered 'spoiled goods' and
Aisha's schooling. Rose reports that she has targeted for sexual assault by male members
'pain in her bones' and headaches from of the community. Sometimes, they are
walking so much, and from the beatings she forced by their families to marry the
received in the RUF. She uses traditional perpetrators. Community members are usually
medicine, because she has no money to pay too uncomfortable to acknowledge the
for health care at the local clinic. Rose issues suggested by the return of these girls.
occasionally talks about her experiences to In addition, community members them-
friends who were in the bush with her. They selves are affected by the conflict, and
converse quietly, because they don't want struggling with memories of painful
others to know what they did in the RUF. experiences and losses. In many cases, they
Rose wants to enrol in skills training, but has were the victims of the children who return.
nobody to care for Aisha; the skills-training
programme does not provide a creche Responses of girls themselves
(Sierra Leone, interview, 19 October 2003). In northern Uganda and Sierra Leone,
girls have returned to poverty-stricken
conditions, in communities whose infra-
When girls return structure has been destroyed. Often, one or
Girls usually find their way home without both of their parents and siblings are dead.
formal assistance, and slip back into their Marie's reluctance to return to her village,
homes and communities. Concerning these and the nightly migration of large numbers
girls, a researcher who has studied children's of northern Ugandan children seeking
reintegration in Sierra Leonean society has protection, illustrate the ever-present fears
observed that: '...a lot of their strategy is of re-abduction, even when girls are no
secrecy. They slink back home and don't longer (or never were) in a fighting force
want anyone to know what happened to (Women's Commission 2001).
them...they look at various strategies for Girls learned how to survive during the
reintegration, and the best strategy for them conflict. On reintegration, their survival
is just to go back to their village and mechanisms can hinder their reintegration.
downplay what happened to them. They Girls who were in a fighting force for a long
initially go back to their own family, and if time may deviate seriously from the norm in
that works out, they stay there. But often it terms of their behaviour: they may be
doesn't work out, and they go someplace aggressive and quarrelsome, use offensive
else' (Susan Shepler, interview, 5 April language, abuse drugs, smoke, and kill and
2002). eat other people's animals (McKay and
In essence, girls can remain hidden Mazurana 2004). Because they usually are
because they easily blend into community not the girls that their parents remember,
life and are silent because they want to fit in. they may be treated as outcasts (Women's
But in the case of girl mothers, the presence Commission 2001,2002). Also, to reintegrate
of their children makes it impossible to deny successfully, they may have to renounce
their bush experiences and the ways in feelings of independence and power gained
which their behaviour has violated com- in conflict, although this varies by gender,
munity norms; for example, the fact that age, status and roles within a force, and the
they have had under-age and unmarried nature of the force itself (McConnan and
sexual relations. Uppard 2001).Girls may have little
knowledge of the traditional gender roles
Responses of parents and the community that the community expects of them, and
Parents often react with fear, thinking that must learn them if they are to fit in. If girls
their daughters will kill them. Often these are required to assume roles which are
26
unfamiliar or unacceptable to them, they not offer child care, as in the case of Rose,
might opt to leave the community. cited above. In any case, school fees may be
For some girls, another factor in opting to beyond girls' means. Other inhibiting
leave a community after an effort to reinte- factors are that the girls may be the heads of
grate is relationships. Girls who find their their households, or required by their
parents dead and nobody else to take families to spend long hours doing domestic
responsibility for them might find that work.
leaving is their best option. Some girls find
that the relationships they formed during Health care
the conflict are stronger than those with their In northern Uganda and Sierra Leone, health
family or community, especially when problems of the girls who participated in the
communities do not readily accept them CIDA/Rights and Democracy study
back. Some leave to return to people with (McKay and Mazurana 2004) ranged from
whom they formed relationships while in diseases, including malaria, tuberculosis,
the fighting force, including captor 'husbands'. and cholera; through diarrhoea, parasitic
infections, and infections related to
malnutrition; to war-related injuries. These
Psychological, social, and ranged from severe disabilities, including
cultural reintegration: key loss of sight or hearing, and amputation of
issues limbs, to scars or burns from torture or
injuries inflicted during battle. Girls suffered
To further elucidate girls' situations, in this from headaches, stomach aches, generalised
section I identify some key aspects which pain, and genital injuries and infections. On
need to be prioritised in reconstruction return, most are reported by health
programmes, to promote girls' post-war professionals to be infected with sexually
well being. transmitted diseases, although systematic
testing for STDs is not carried out. Because
Schooling and skills training they suffer from so many war-related
Girls returning from a fighting force may not injuries, including those caused by
want to marry. As stated earlier, some girls pregnancy and childbirth in the bush, and
opt to live together for reasons of practicality gender-specific violence, they require
and mutual support. While they may plan to reproductive-health services. However, few
marry later, they need to make independent girls receive the health services that they
livelihoods. Some establish micro-enter- desperately need, because no care facilities
prises, and others resume their schooling or exist, or they cannot afford to pay (McKay
learn a trade. However, many girls - because and Mazurana 2004). Therefore, a real
they have children, or poor health or danger is present of continued transmission
disabilities, and lack opportunities - are of STDs, including HIV/AIDS, because of a
unable to find ways to earn income. lack of testing and treatment.
Prostitution or begging may then become
the only viable options for survival. Psycho-social effects
Often, girls' first priority is to attend Many of the effects of conflict which need to
school, and/or to gain economic skills to be addressed during reintegration are 'soft',
sustain them and their children. This was in the sense of being psychological, social,
true of all the five girls whose cases I and cultural, and therefore less obvious
described earlier. However, a widespread than physical injury or disease, or economic
problem is that pregnant girls, and girls with desperation. They must, however, be
children, are often prevented from attending addressed if girls are to heal and gain a sense
school, and skills-training programmes may of agency and control over their own lives,
Reconstructing fragile lives 27
within their families and communities. For They also can be used to impose 'rules' of
example, girls may need support in re- community behaviour, or to convey advice
establishing relationships with parents, and encourage girls - for example, when the
families, and communities. Also, they may town crier in Rose's village carried the
think that they have no choices and that no paramount chief's message to the com-
help exists for them. munity that she was not to be provoked.
A key psycho-social issue facing many Another example is when rituals are used to
girls is shame. This stems from girls' forbid the community to utter words such as
perceptions of having violated cultural 'rebel wife' or 'rebel baby'. Safe rituals which
taboos, ranging from having under-age and respect girls' human rights can facilitate
unmarried sex, to serving as combatants, healing for girls, and for the communities
and committing atrocities. They face that failed to protect them from harm
negative attitudes from community members (McKay and Mazurana 2004).
because they are no longer virgins. This
judgment is amplified because of traditional Increasing girls' agency
gender norms. For many, their shame is Girls must gain a sense of agency and control
compounded by the tattoos, carvings, and over their lives, if they and their children are
scars on their bodies, which are a constant to survive and thrive. As illustrated in the
reminder of life during the conflict. Girls five cases in this article, girls formerly
with scars and tattoos who would benefit involved in fighting forces want to be useful,
from their removal may not know how to get to go to school, or learn skills for a trade.
help. They want to acquire basic literacy and
numerical skills so that they can support
themselves, and they need other services,
Reconstructing girls' fragile perhaps including start-up finance for
lives income generation.
In Sierra Leone, some girls with DDR
Rituals of welcome benefits participated in skills training,
In northern Uganda and Sierra Leone, when although most did not. Girls passing
children return, rituals may welcome them through rehabilitation programmes in
back into the community, as occurred with northern Uganda also benefited from such
Rose and Aisha. Rituals may be traditional programmes. In both northern Uganda and
ceremonies, religious practices, such as the Sierra Leone, some NGOs have developed
prayers and talk offered to Marie by initiatives to raise girls' skills levels, or get
religious leaders, or a combination of these. them into school. For example, FAWE
Cleansing rituals drive out dead spirits, (Forum for African Women Educationalists)
protect the community from contamination, has branches throughout Africa. In Sierra
and call upon ancestors for assistance. Some Leone, FAWE promotes girls' education and
rituals are the same for boys and girls, such training, and includes pregnant girls and
as stepping on an egg or slaughtering a goat mothers with babies in its programmes.
in northern Uganda. Others are specific to Access to primary health care is another
one sex. In tandem with these rituals, girls important way to empower girls. Unless
must know that they are forgiven and that they and their children attain a minimal level
they are supported. One way is through of physical and psychological health, and in
community affirmations that they are useful particular receive treatment for the sexually
children. transmitted diseases that are endemic
Rituals can serve important functions among groups of reintegrating girls, it will
in facilitating psycho-social reintegration, remain hard for them to cope and function
healing, and reconciliation with families. well in society.
28
girls, and armed conflict, women and peace- District, Uganda, Kampala, Uganda:
building, and feminist issues in peace Isis-WICCE.
psychology. McConnan, I. and S. Uppard (2001)
Address: Women's Studies, PO 4297, UniversityChildren, Not Soldiers, London: Save the
of Wyoming, Laramie, Wyoming, USA. Children.
Email: McKay@uzvyo.edu McKay, S. (1998) 'The psychology
of societal reconstruction and peace:
Acknowledgement A gendered perspective', in L.A.
Lorentzen and J. Turpin (eds.) The
This paper was originally prepared for a Women and War Reader, New York: New
conference sponsored by the Mershon York University Press.
Center on Post-Conflict Reconstruction in McKay, S. (2004, March) 'A Feminist
Africa, held at Ohio State University, Perspective of Women, Human Security,
Columbus, Ohio, 16-17 April 2003. It has and Peacebuilding', unpublished
been condensed and modified in part. manuscript submitted to the Project on
Conflict and Human Security,
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Women (UNIFEM).
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Human Security Now, New York: Human Development: An Agenda for the
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E. De Temmerman (2004) 'Post- (UNDP).
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861-3. 'Let us Dream', Germany: Terre des
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Human Rights Watch (2003, July) War-related Sexual Violence in Sierra Leone,
Abducted and Abused: Renewed Conflict in Boston: Physicians for Human Rights.
Northern Uganda, 15, (12A), New York: Save the Children Denmark (2003,
Human Rights Watch. November) A Study of the Views,
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Girls in Gulu, Northern Uganda, Gulu, Women's Commission for Refugee Women
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backgrounder/arms/mines-moz/
31
Post-conflict programmes
f o r W o m e n : lessons from the
Kosovo Women's Initiative
Agnes Kalungu-Banda
This paper considers the relationship between the concept of participation in development and the
concept of sustainable development in the aftermath of a war. For sustainable development to take place
after a period of armed conflict, the intended beneficiaries of a reconstruction programme must be
supported to take charge of the process, and hence own the results.
F
ollowing the 1999 peace agreement
that ended the war in Kosovo, a great the second goal, the donors required the
deal of money was granted for money to be spent within one year. This
reconstruction, by foreign governments and paper argues that such pressure to spend
international non-government institutions. money creates challenges for both the
Among the funds allocated for rehabilitation programmes and the organisations contracted
was a US government grant of US$ by donors to oversee their implementation.
10,000,000 to a programme called the In the case of KWI, Oxfam GB was
Kosovo Women's Initiative (KWI). The contracted by UNHCR to play this role in
inspiration for KWI was the Bosnia two areas: Pristina and Gjilan. This article
Women's Initiative (BWI), which was focuses on the projects in Gjilan. It argues
developed in late 1996 under the leadership that the donor's imposition of a time-limit on
of UNHCR and in consultation with Bosnian the expenditure of funds, and differences of
women's associations. Since the creation of opinion concerning participation by
BWI, three similar women's initiatives beneficiaries and stakeholders (in this case,
under UNHCR direction have been Oxfam GB and UNHCR), had a negative
developed: the Rwanda Women's Initiative impact on the sustainability of the projects
(1997), the Kosovo Women's Initiative implemented through KWI in Gjilan.
(Baines 1999), and the Afghanistan Women's Ultimately, projects which aim to support
Initiative (2000). gender equality need to be treated as long-
The main aims of KWI were to promote term initiatives which involve potential
the recovery of traumatised women, and to beneficiaries at all stages of the project cycle.
redress gender equalities within Kosovo via
programmes aiming to support the
sustainable reconstruction of society.
32
the Development Studies Centre in Dublin, women's initiatives, and to encourage and
Ireland. Although my research topic had empower women in making decisions on
already been approved by my supervisor, I circumstances that affect their lives. Some of
decided to change it to one that would give the specific objectives were to provide
me the opportunity to assess whether my support to six women's organisations that
impressions of the KWI programme had a pre-dated the conflict, to support 12 newly
basis in fact. I would undertake a formal case formed organisations and facilitate their
study of KWI in Gjilan, focusing on the development, and to facilitate and
importance of beneficiaries' participation in encourage the development of women's
the project cycle. My Oxfam manager groups in at least 40 villages. Gjilan had a
allowed me to collect data for my research total number of 57 villages, 41 Albanian and
while I was working in Kosovo. I used a 12 Serbian, and four mixed villages. Oxfam
combination of methods to collect data, received proposals from the local women's
including document review, focus-group organisations, describing how they would
discussions, semi-structured interviews, facilitate the implementation of KWI
and participant observation. projects aimed at enabling women to
In the next section, I share some of the participate in decision making and demo-
key findings of my research into the cratic processes and improving the
participation of women identified by donors livelihoods of vulnerable women and men in
as potential beneficiaries in the project cycle, the communities. Further it was expected
that discussions would be held with the
and the impact that lack of real participation
communities on gender roles and relations,
has had on the sustainability of the projects
and support would be given to activities that
that were being implemented through KWI
aimed to balance the existing inequalities.
in Gjilan.
Although the programme-planning
stage is the foundation for the sustainability
Principal lessons from the of all development interventions, and
study therefore calls for the participation of all
stakeholders in decision-making, I found
Balancing donors' priorities with those
that in the quest to utilise the US$ 10,000,000
of 'beneficiaries'
within a short period of time, KWI failed
A sum of US$ 10,000,000 was granted to
to ensure the participation of potential
assist women affected by the crisis, and
beneficiaries. There was a clash between the
particularly survivors of the war-related
need to use the funds quickly, thus meeting
sexual/gender-based violence and trauma,
the requirements of KWI, and the need to
to re-establish sustainable coping mech-
ensure that potential beneficiaries were
anisms for their livelihoods. It was the
involved fully in the process of identifying
responsibility of UNHCR to disburse the
and analysing the problems to be addressed
money to the intended beneficiaries. The
in the project, and planning suitable
international organisations contracted by
activities.
UNHCR to implement the KWI programme
submitted project proposals, explaining Participation in planning and
how they intended to implement it in their implementation
Area of Responsibility. (UNHCR had I convened 25 focus-group discussion, of
divided the whole of Kosovo into four Areas which 22 were with Albanian women and
of Responsibilities, according to geograph- three with Serbian women, to find out the
ical contexts.) Oxfam's project proposal, extent of their knowledge of KWI, their
dated February 2000, stated that Oxfam's participation in the project cycle of KWI,
aim in Gjilan and Pristina was to support their views about issues concerning women
Post-conflict programmes for women 35
and whether or not these were being was willing to go and work with the Serbian
addressed, and views about the project's women's groups. Despite knowing the
contribution to the process of facilitating Serbian language very well, they were not
sustainable development for the project prepared to speak Serbian at all.
beneficiaries. Each focus-group discussion According to the Oxfam staff who were
was attended by between 10 and 15 people. present at the inception of KWI, and
None of the potential project bene- representatives of local women's organi-
ficiaries who took part in my focus-group sations in Pristina, there was an urgent need
discussions reported being involved in the to spend the funds earmarked for KWI, and
planning process of the KWI programmes. it was decided to constitute a small working
Interviews held with Oxfam staff res- group to conduct a programme analysis,
ponsible for KWI confirmed this lack of outline the programme framework, identify
participation. Prior to the establishment of the programme objectives, draw up an
KWI in August 1999, the women's groups implementation strategy, and propose
that had been in existence at the time in criteria for the selection of beneficiaries.
Kosovo were consulted. However, there The small working group mostly consisted
were only two women's groups in existence of international staff working with UNHCR,
in Gjilan: Legjenda and Apoteoza. The co- and other international organisations.
ordinators of Legjenda participated in the The fact that the BWI in Bosnia was the
initial discussions held by UNHCR about inspiration for donors wanting to form and
the launch of the KWI programme. Oxfam fund the KWI in Kosovo suggests that KWI's
and other international organisations also programme was based on an existing
participated in this initial discussion. Most blueprint, without making an assessment of
of the women's groups that I talked to the Kosovo situation. When I asked members
during my research were formed after the of the Albanian and Serbian women's
inception of KWI, for example Vlera, Liria, groups in Gjilan whether or not the KWI
and Glas Moravke. projects were addressing the problems that
Soon after the initial KWI discussions were affecting them, most of the bene-
had begun, the process of the programme ficiaries, in both the Albanian and Serbian
design encountered difficulties, due to groups, replied that the projects were not
increasing tension between ethnic groups. adequately addressing their needs. The
Gathering people together within a closed problems identified by Serbian women were
space, two months after the war, and unemployment, stress, isolation, poverty,
expecting fruitful dialogue, was described and restricted freedom of movement. They
by the Oxfam staff as being too ambitious attributed all these problems to the effects
and demonstrating a lack of understanding of the war. Most had been working in the
of the situation. One of the Oxfam staff 19 factories that were functional in Gjilan
interviewed remarked: 'This is December before the war. One Serbian woman
2000, and I am sure you have seen for yourself lamented, 'Nobody is employed, except for a few
that the tension between the ethnic groups is still female teachers and health workers'.
quite high. So, can you imagine how it was two The problems identified by Albanian
months after the war? In my view, efforts to women were low levels of education,
initiate any dialogue immediately after the war unemployment, general lack of information
were ... set to fail.' I could indeed imagine on topics such as health, legal rights, and
those tensions, because I was in Kosovo women's rights, lack of support for girls to
about ten months after the end of the war, proceed to high school, lack of support for
and the tensions between the different ethnic widows, and violence against women.
groups were still high. For instance, none of Unlike the Serbian women, who saw their
the Albanian staff whom I was managing problems as linked solely to the war, the
36
explore how to facilitate the beneficiaries' could buy the materials needed to make
participation in problem analysis, pro- garments for their families. Although the
gramme identification, and planning. women were happy with skills they were
Oxfam does make a commitment to involve learning, they realised that such skills were
communities in planning work which affects limited in value. For instance, from the class
them, but in Oxfam too emergency of 33 in the first intake in Llashtice village,
programming is by definition planned and only two had gained employment as tailors
implemented more swiftly than work in in some private business. One woman who
stable peaceful contexts. had been on the sewing course had this to
If participation had been interpreted as a say about it:
process through which the potential project / am happy that I can get out of the house and
beneficiaries were to play an active role in socialise with other women, which zvas not the
making decisions and shaping the activities case before and during the war. Meeting with
of the KWI, participation in the initial other women is helping me get over the trauma
discussion would not have been limited to of the war. My only concern is that I do not
the women's groups, but would have know what I will do after I complete the course.
involved women in the wider community. The six months' period for training is not
enough for us to acquire enough skills,
The impact of the KWI especially since the machines and materials are
not enough for everybody. In addition, many
programme
women in most of the areas in Gjilan are being
Livelihoods taught how to sew, but nobody is being
Despite this lack of participation in employed, because the textile factories were
planning, some women from both the damaged during the war and have not started
Albanian and Serbian women's groups were operating again.
of the view that the project activities
supported through KWI funds had helped One might ask why the women were taking
them to come together and thereby break the the sewing course, if they were not going to
isolation that they had suffered during and be able to use the skills to earn money. Due to
after the war. However, the women to whom the limited education of most of the
I talked were not sure whether or not the Albanian women, it was hoped that the
projects were helping them to create diploma certificates obtained at the end of
sustainable livelihoods or strategies for the course would help them to get jobs once
addressing gender inequalities. the textile factories were reopened. But none
For example, during one of the focus- of the UNMTK officials in Gjilan, or the women
group discussions held with the women themselves, had any information about
beneficiaries of a KWI-funded sewing when the textile factories were likely to re-open.
course that was being implemented by Liria, Similarly, women taking English and
an Albanian women's group, I learned that computer courses were hoping to get jobs
the goal of the project was to train 450 with UNMIK or another international NGO,
women in nine villages. The expectation, as such skills were said to be among the
according to the project document, was that qualifications that were required for
400 of the 450 women would, at the end of employment in these institutions. Again the
the course, be able to sew garments for their hopes of employment were not based on any
families. This expectation raised a lot of factual information about, for instance, the
questions in my mind, because there were no number of local staff who were to be
other activities, active or planned, to enable employed, or the duration of the INGOs'
the women to generate income so that they operations in the area.
38
Disagreement over goals: sustainable courses any more. They don't understand that
livelihoods or recovery from trauma? Albanian women in the last ten years were not
There were different views in UNHCR, given opportunities to go to school or to work,
Oxfam, and women's groups about the main and now they expect us to think about income-
goals of programme activities. At a meeting generating activities. During those ten years
that I attended at which project proposals the Serbian women had all jobs, and now all
were reviewed, UNHCR rejected a knitting the donors want to give them the support.
project proposed for the Serbian women's Such mistrust and conflict could have been
groups, on the grounds that other similar avoided if all stakeholders had participated
groups had failed to market their items, in making the decisions on the imple-
due to restrictions on their freedom of mentation of the programme. As observed
movement. One Oxfam staff member, by Pretty et al. (1995), when all the
reacting to this decision, argued: stakeholders participate in decision making,
It is not fair for you to base your decision only this marks the adoption of collective
on the marketing aspect of the project. I have responsibilities for outcomes.
had the opportunity to interact with some of
the women who are involved in the knitting
projects, and of course, while they wish their
Conclusion and
items could be sold, they do not think the recommendations
projects are a failure. Through the knitting For long-term sustainable peace and
projects, the women have been given an reconstruction projects, we need to plan well
opportunity to come together in one place away and ensure the participation of all the
from their homes. They see this as a way of stakeholders in decision making. Allocating
breaking the isolation and a way of supporting such an enormous sum of money to KWI, to
each other after the trauma of the war. be spent within a short period of time, was
One of the UNHCR staff responded: not the right approach to facilitating a
We do not want to use our money for projects
sustainable peace and reconstruction process
that we know have failed in the past. If you
for the women in Kosovo. According to
want us to fund more knitting projects, find
some of the leaders of the local women's
the market first.
groups and representatives of international
organisations, including Oxfam, KWI was
(personal experience, Kosovo July 2000).
throwing money at groups that could not
While UNHCR emphasised projects that use it, and expecting results on sustainable
would help women to earn money, Oxfam livelihoods and challenges to gender
and the women's organisations were more inequality in an impossibly short time. It
concerned with giving the women an would have made more sense if less money
opportunity to come together to share their had been given in the beginning. There is no
experiences during and after war. If it was logic in spending excessive money in the
the knitting projects that would give them first year of a major initiative such as KWI,
this opportunity, then the women were when the groups on which the initiative
ready to take this up - despite the fact that depends are just starting to get organised.
there was no market for the knitted items. The KWI initiative was not informed by
One Albanian member of Oxfam's staff an in-depth analysis of the situation in
lamented: Kosovo after the war. Rather, it was based on
/ don't understand UNHCR. Whom did they the success of a similar initiative in Bosnia,
come to help? All the project proposals for which was conceived and implemented in a
Albanians have been rejected, because they do very different context. If an in-depth analysis
not want to support sewing and computer of women's economic, social, and political
40
Mainstreaming gender in
conflict reduction:
from challenge to opportunity
Jasmine Whitbread
This paper draws on the author's experience of leading the work ofOxfam GB on conflict reduction and
attempting to mainstream a commitment to gender equality into it. It highlights the difficulties faced
and reflects on what did and did not work along the way. Finally, the author draws out some wider
lessons about leading gender mainstreaming in development work. While gender mainstreaming in
development programmes is widely seen as a challenge to be overcome, it can in fact be an opportunity
to increase impact dramatically, or to achieve breakthroughs in situation analysis and programme
design.
'Getting clear on what we should be doing on objectives is that 'Men and women will
conflict reduction is hard enough, leave alone enjoy equal rights'. Oxfam is attempting to
adding gender to the mix!' achieve this objective by integrating a
'How is gender relevant to this work? Hmm...I gender perspective into all its work, to
suppose there are some women's peace ensure that everything that it does supports
groups...' the attainment of equality between the sexes.
'It's the men who are in charge of these issues We refer to this aspect of our programming
in our communities - that's the traditional role as 'gender mainstreaming'.
we play.'
(Personal communications from staff of
Oxfam GB and partner organisations in
Gender inequality and
West Africa, 2001) conflict-reduction work in
West Africa
I
n 1997, Oxfam GB adopted as its mission
statement 'to work with others to As Regional Director in West Africa from
overcome poverty and suffering'. To 1999 to 2002,1 was responsible for leading
achieve this mission of change, it began to the realignment of Oxfam GB's programme
organise its work around a conceptual in the region to meet the Strategic Change
framework of 'strategic change objectives' Objectives. Early on, I decided that we
(SCOs). One of these SCOs states that 'Fewer needed a focused plan to ensure that gender
people will suffer personal or communal issues were properly mainstreamed into the
violence, forced displacement, or armed programme. In a fairly amateurish way (I am
conflict'. We refer to the work that we do to not a gender expert), I got this plan written
further this aim as 'conflict reduction'. and subsequently agreed. Although the plan
Another of Oxfam's strategic change was supported by a budget, for a number of
42
dealing with gender issues. We did not have in conflict-reduction programming. The
the capacity to offer them training, because second complication is the sensitive nature
the regional gender adviser was not yet in of conflict-reduction work. Where staff are
place, and although advisers did come from already managing a lot of risks by engaging
the head office in the UK, we needed a in conversations about conflict, in contexts
sustained approach which was sensitive to where challenging power can be a life-and-
the context. Also, we had not been able to death issue, the idea of simultaneously
identify a strong gender-oriented partner addressing gender inequality (another, very
organisation with whom to engage on personal, challenge to power) can be truly
conflict reduction. By contrast, on trade- daunting.
related issues, we had a gender and trade With these two additional factors com-
specialist leading our work and we worked pounding the challenge of mainstreaming
in alliance with UNIFEM, among others, gender in conflict-reduction work, it is easy
which played an important role in high-
to understand why development organi-
lighting gender concerns in our joint
sations can get stuck. But this should never
campaigning. Another reason for difficulty
be an acceptable excuse for not tackling the
was that conflict reduction was the least
issue. Any conflict-reduction work that does
well-resourced and well-led area of pro-
not consider gender issues will most likely
gramming for Oxfam in West Africa.
reinforce existing problems and power
Everything is harder in this context,
including gender mainstreaming. The final imbalances between women and men,
reason was the fact that (in my opinion) thereby undermining any chance of real
Oxfam was trying to do too much, which development for the whole community,
made it impossible for staff to focus properly including women and girls. However, from
on this particular area of our programme. another perspective, the issue of gender
There were hard choices to be made about stereotyping on the one hand, and sensitivity
what to do and not to do. to power issues on the other, can perhaps be
seen to provide an exciting opportunity - if
These reasons could explain the difficulties the one is used as an entry point for the other.
in mainstreaming gender in any area of
programming. But I think there are two Our programme in Mali had begun to do
further complications specific to conflict- this. Oxfam began to listen to the analysis of
reduction work. One is the conventional women and men across communities in
assumptions associated with conflict: staff conflict, using discussions of the traditional
either perceive women in their traditional roles played by men and women to explore
maternal role, which is often conflated with sensitive issues about grazing rights,
the role of peacemakers, and they therefore retribution, and security, and questioning
prioritise support for women's peace those roles in the process. An unforeseen
groups; and/or they perceive women as and welcome change in people's lives (in
victims, who therefore need to have services addition to the better management of
provided for them. While these responses conflict) has been the increased political
are both valid, they are unlikely, on their voice of women, who now stand for election
own, to lead to a genuine assessment of - and because they feel empowered to. This
challenge to - unequal power relations programming evolved over years. The
between men and women, and the pressure question was: how could we learn from this,
on men to conform to the traditional and encourage pro-active programme
masculine role of fighters. Nor are they design to use the issue of gender equality as
likely to lead to an understanding of how a way into responding to entrenched and
gender issues play out in conflict itself, and difficult problems?
44
neutral humanitarian actor, the safety of suffering, working with others became
whose staff should be respected by all imperative. Change of this magnitude could
parties in the conflict. For example, if Oxfam be achieved only by working with a wide
calls for arms not to be supplied to a range of other actors. Nowhere is this truer
particular government in a conflict, that than in the area of conflict reduction, which
government might conclude that we have has always been a small part of Oxfam's
taken sides and are no longer playing the global programme, with relatively few
role of an impartial humanitarian actor. This Oxfam staff experienced in this area of work.
may expose our staff to the risk of attack, or Oxfam needs to work with and draw on the
lead to Oxfam being asked to leave the experience and expertise of a wide range of
country. actors specialising in conflict reduction,
ranging from multilateral agencies and the
The risk to the security of staff and UN, to governments and NGOs.
partners
The closer an organisation comes to The risk of being unable to demonstrate
addressing what it perceives to be the causes the impact of work on conflict reduction
of a conflict or the means by which violence All Oxfam's activities should have a
is perpetrated, the more likely its staff are to demonstrable positive impact on the lives of
face security risks, as those who hold the poor people. Programme design should
power begin to feel threatened or exposed. make clear what changes in policies,
For example, if Oxfam or its partner practices, ideas, and beliefs we seek to bring
organisations do research which uncovers about. Progress should then be reported
the networks of powerful organisations and clearly and critically, to enable future
people who are benefiting from a war learning and programme development.
economy, staff may be threatened or Proposals that are clear only about the
attacked. inputs (for example, funding for meetings to
be held) and outputs (for example, the
The risk of acting on a superficial number of people trained) will not be
understanding approved.
Conflicts are usually inherently complex.
Without a substantial history of engagement Having identified the risks perceived by
with affected communities, it is all too easy Oxfam staff in conflict-reduction work, I
to miss important nuances in the analysis of then went on to assign explicit responsibility
a conflict situation and to draw incomplete for managing these risks. The eight Regional
or wrong conclusions. This could lead, Directors managing Oxfam's international
for example, to encouraging co-operation programme were requested to oversee
between two factions in a conflict and personally the design and management of
inadvertently excluding a third faction. conflict-reduction programmes in their
The organisation might be perceived as regions. They would be accountable for
interfering in the conflict, and thus being ensuring that the risks were identified and
party to it. For example, purchasing arms actively managed. Although they could
from fighters with the intention of delegate management responsibility, Regional
destroying them can be seen simply as Directors were asked to take a closer
purchasing arms! personal interest in this work than they
might in some other, less risky, areas of
The risk of attempting to work beyond programming. Accountability was to be
our competencies monitored through normal performance
When in 1997 Oxfam changed its mission management in the management-reporting
from 'relieving' to 'overcoming' poverty and line. This first initiative, that of active risk
46
and good practice from the experience of building. In all the internal documentation
both Oxfam and other agencies with on conflict work that I had seen to date,
expertise in this field. We will compare gender was rarely or minimally mentioned.
findings with the conclusions in the Strategic People sent me emails from all around the
Framework and confirm Oxfam's areas of world, either to applaud the explicit
comparative advantage. We want to make references to gender issues, or to complain
this a learning journey for staff and partners that we had overdone it!
engaged in conflict-reduction work, so that Another important step was to use a
lessons start being put into practice even as gender and diversity 'lens' in working with
the review takes place. staff on the Global Framework. By this, I
mean that we consciously adopted a gender
Mainstreaming gender into perspective to look at the composition and
the dynamics of the wider reference group,
Oxfam's global conflict- and the smaller group that participated in
reduction programme the global meeting. I believe that striving for
In my work as the global lead on conflict a process that was balanced in terms of
reduction, I consciously decided to try to gender (and other aspects of social diversity)
mainstream gender from the start. Indeed, I contributed significantly to encouraging
expected to be held accountable for doing so, mutual respect among people with differing
given that Oxfam had prioritised gender views, and achieving a shared vision for our
mainstreaming. I knew from my West Africa work.
experience that it would not be easy. Rather However, the final text of the global
than seeing gender analysis as a way into the framework is not as strong on gender as it
problematic issues raised by our role in could be, despite the input of gender
conflict-reduction work, most staff saw specialists. All the basics are there, but we
gender as an additional complication. failed to make a breakthrough in terms of
I asked a gender specialist to help me to identifying what really could make a big
ensure that gender issues were put at the difference in the impact of our work, in
centre of our Global Framework. Getting terms of challenging the power imbalance
gender into a document is not the same as and gender roles in armed conflict.
mainstreaming, but it's a start! It is good for One reason was the way in which we
clarity and accountability, and - if nothing dealt with gender in the global meeting. I did
else it will raise debate and visibility. not ensure that the (very able) adviser was
Working with a gender adviser and digging sufficiently briefed, which in turn was a
out the background documents on gender result of not having a dedicated gender
dimensions of conflict in international adviser on the team from the beginning
agreements also had the added benefit of (instead, I had taken advice from wherever I
pointing me to external sources on this could get it). The session started too far back,
subject, beyond the internal confines of the explaining the basics of gender analysis to a
debate about Oxfam's own work in this area. room full of people, many of whom have
It was interesting to see the responses been personally committed to gender
from staff as they read the early drafts of the equality-work for many years, and who
global framework and noticed references to grapple with the practicalities of main-
women, men, girls, and boys, to CEDAW streaming gender every day of their working
(the Commission on the Elimination of all lives. They were eager to share experiences
Forms of Discrimination Against Women), and think of ways forward, but not keen to
and to the UN Security Council Resolution hear about the theory behind gender
1325 on women in conflict and peace- mainstreaming. We also failed to keep a
48
climate, and competence for staff through- Finally, valuing experience, and learning
out the organisation to feel empowered and from it, is vital, both for the individual and
accountable for interpreting the overall his or her immediate colleagues, but also for
programme direction in their day-to-day sharing with the wider organisation and for
work, including mainstreaming gender. documenting lessons for the future. As I
The role of the gender adviser is also discovered when I inherited my global lead
critical. This person's first responsibility role, lessons learned years ago about gender
should be to provide advice and coach the mainstreaming in Oxfam were being re-
leader, so that authoritative advice permeates learned all over again. I would certainly
the whole project. It is important to resource have benefited from exposure to the
this function properly; the old adage that considered views of staff who had already
you get out what you put in remains true. invested time in considering the issues. The
Making do with the scrapings of various purpose of writing this article was to reflect
advisers' time is not going to produce a high- on what I have learned from my experience,
quality result. and to share the learning with people who
It is crucial to keep plans realistic and face similar challenges. I encourage others in
well resourced. This means making hard Oxfam and in other organisations to value,
choices about what not to do. Over- reflect on, and learn from their own
ambitious plans will mean that staff are experiences. Ultimately, this will enable us
over-stretched, and that new or more to make more of a difference in the lives of
difficult issues (like gender and conflict women, men, girls, and boys who are living
reduction) are not properly addressed. in poverty and, in this case, threatened by
conflict.
Promoting a gender-just
p e a c e : the roles of women teachers
in peacebuilding and reconstruction
Jackie Kirk
Schools - however temporary and improvised they may be - are often among the first community
organisations to start functioning after a crisis. It is important that they set a high standard in
encouraging the active participation of women in reconstruction and peacebuilding after conflict. This
article examines the potential of women teachers for significant participation in building a gender-just
peace, and the challenges that exist for women to fulfil this potential. Drawing on examplesfroma
number of different contexts, especially Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and south Sudan, it discusses women
teachers' personal and professional development. It identifies some of the challenges faced by women in
becoming teachers, and strategies to support women teachers to become agents of change in their
societies.
A
t any time and in any context,
women teachers are critical actors in drawing on examples from a number of
education processes. In conflict and different contexts, especially Afghanistan,
post-conflict contexts, they have the potential Ethiopia and south Sudan, I discuss women
to make a significant contribution to the teachers' personal and professional develop-
long-term processes of peacebuilding and ment, and how this can contribute to the
reconstruction. The roles of women in transformation of social systems. I then
schools are often defined in terms of their identify some the challenges to be faced by
'natural' affinities with young children, and women in becoming a teacher in the first
their innate love of teaching and their ability place, and the challenges of imagining and
to do it. However, this article argues for a enacting the role of change agent. The paper
recognition of women teachers' potential to ends with some examples of initiatives that
act as agents of change for a gender-just are being taken to recruit, retain, and
peace. If women can experience personal support women teachers, and makes some
and professional development through recommendations for further action.
being teachers, they can be empowered as
key agents of structural and societal
transformation that is built on principles of
Women teachers and gender
gender equality. equality in education
I begin with an overview of policy In the context of the internationally agreed
perspectives on women teachers, in the Education for All (EFA) targets and the
context of Education for All and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),
Promoting a gender-just peace 51
women teachers are the subjects of important strategy for improving girls'
considerable attention by policy makers.1 access to education. Women teachers can be
They are considered critical for improving powerful role models for girl students, and
gender equality in education, primarily in can encourage, counsel, and help girls to
terms of increasing girls' enrolment and complete their studies. Increasing the
retention in school. The UNESCO EFA numbers of women teachers may also mean
monitoring report (UNESCO 2003) indicates that girls in school are safer, and less
that across the world girls' enrolments rise vulnerable to sexual harassment and abuse
relative to boys' as the proportion of female from male students and teachers.
teachers increases. If the increased presence of women
As a means of increasing gender equality teachers in schools does create improve-
in enrolment, increasing the numbers of ments in the educational opportunities and
women teachers has proved to be an experiences for girls, this is a highly
effective strategy. In sub-Saharan African significant step in transformation for
countries in which there are roughly equal gender-just peace; it has huge implications
numbers of male and female teachers, there for the empowerment of future generations
is more or less equality in enrolment of boys of women. However, women's access to
and girls. However, in countries where only employment as school teachers is also a
around 20 per cent of teachers are female, gender-equality issue in its own right. As a
enrolment of girls is much lower. The key institution of the community in which it
countries with the lowest proportions of is located, the school acts as a model to the
women teachers are generally the countries wider communities, and therefore ensuring
in which overall enrolment is low, and women's participation in schools is
gender-determined disparities are widest. important. If women are appointed to
Bangladesh is an example of a country respected positions as teachers, and if they
where deliberate policy measures have been are seen to be playing active roles in schools,
taken to increase the recruitment of women then a positive impact may be expected on
teachers, especially in remote and rural the individual women teachers themselves
areas, and this has had a positive impact on and on the students in the school (and
girls' enrolment. especially the girls), but also on the
In contexts where the education systems community as a whole. The education
have been devastated by conflict, and where system is also one of the State's most
girls' enrolment and retention in schools has important institutions, and women should
suffered because of family displacement, have opportunities for active and equal
poverty, lack of accessible schools, and other participation in leadership and decision-
conflict-related reasons, the lack of women making roles, as do men. This point is
teachers is often an added disincentive for particularly important in contexts of conflict,
girls to attend school. In Afghanistan, there as schools - however temporary and
are some villages and some families who improvised they may be - are often among
will allow their daughters to be taught by the first community organisations to start
male teachers. However, in many, girls' functioning after a crisis. It is important that
access to education depends very much on they set a high standard for gender equality
the presence of a female teacher, teaching an in staffing and encourage the active
all girls' class in a nearby home. In south participation of women.
Sudan, and in refugee camps in Pakistan,
Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Ethiopia, there are
particular initiatives designed to increase
the numbers of women teachers as an
52
very happy that I am teaching, and whenever which they are positioned in societies and
they see me they give me respect and say how communities, women experience, interpret,
much I know.' Another, a young woman of and enact peacebuilding differently. Women
only 18, who is teaching a class in her home also have perceptions of curricula and
village in the afternoons while attending teaching and learning processes that are
secondary school herself in the mornings, different from those of men, and different
said: 'I'm proud to be a teacher, for myself, and demands to make of learning opportunities.
also in the village - they know I teach without Educational reconstruction and transform-
pay, and I get respect for it.' A third woman ation are critical in post-conflict contexts,
explained that, as an outsider who married requiring the complementary contributions
into the village, becoming a teacher has been of both men and women. As the classroom is
for her a way of settling into the village. such an important site of transformation for
Through teaching, she has gained the trust peace, the work of women teachers is an
and respect of the local people: 'For example, important component of peace processes.
when there are parties and ceremonies, I go, and if In a programme document of the Sudan
everyone is sitting on the floor, then they bring Basic Education Programme,3 the following
me a mattress - and everyone, young and old, reasons are given for 'Why We Need Female
calls me "Teacher".' Teachers':
Female teachers are making an
Education and important contribution to the future of
transformation for peace southern Sudan.
Women have important knowledge,
In post-conflict contexts, schools are the ideas, and experiences to share with
places in which new curricula will be taught children.
that are oriented towards peace, living
together, and active citizenship in a A democratic education system needs to
democratic society. Children need to learn strive for gender equality at all levels.
new information, skills, and attitudes which Education for a peaceful future has to
will protect them through the difficult include women's perspectives as well as
transformation towards peace, encourage men's.
them to assert their rights, and enable them However, the reality is that in south Sudan,
to participate actively in development and as in many conflict and post-conflict
reconstruction processes. New teaching and contexts, there are considerable barriers to
learning materials are required to do this. women's entry to the teaching profession.
Transformation of classroom processes, and There are also reasons why women teachers
teaching methods in particular, can mean are not able to fulfil their potential as change
that schools are places for healing processes agents. Governments, agencies, and NGOs
to take place, encouraging war-affected are working to develop and implement
children to feel part of a community and to particular strategies to overcome some of
play an active role in creating brighter these barriers, and to encourage more
futures. Transformation within the education women to become teachers. It is more
sector can be a critical force for broader challenging, however, to address the
societal change. limitations that constrain women once they
As teachers, women have important are within the system.
roles to play in all these processes; they have
perspectives and experiences to share with
their students which may differ from those
of men. Because of the different ways in
54
Recruiting and retaining Here, only about 6 per cent of all teachers are
women teachers after women. In the regions of Upper Nile and
Bahr El Ghazal, the figures are as low as 2 per
conflict cent and 5 per cent respectively. Girls'
Many of the agencies and organisations enrolment in education, although rising,
involved in educational provision in remains at approximately 11 per cent of the
emergency and post-conflict situations are total (Secretariat of Education 2004). For
aware of the need to recruit more women girls especially, completing primary school
teachers. The International Network on is a challenge in itself, in a context in which
Emergency Education (INEE), for example, conflict-related poverty means that families
includes women-teacher recruitment as an often need their daughters to marry early, in
important gender-equity strategy. The order for them to obtain bride-price. There
following section examines some of the are very few secondary schools for girls in
obstacles to women's entry into the teaching south Sudan; in the regions mentioned
profession. above, there is not a single one. Any girls
who complete their primary schooling in
Barriers to women's employment as these regions and who have the resources
teachers (and also the resourcefulness) to continue
As part of the interplay between cause and their schooling have to travel to other
effect, low enrolment of girls in schools regions to find secondary schools.
means the creation of only very small pools The rudimentary - or even half-destroyed
of young women who are adequately - school buildings, with inadequate toilet
qualified to become teachers. In Ethiopia, for and washing facilities, are a contributing
example, where the International Rescue factor in the low levels of girls' enrolment
Committee has helped the Kunama and and the recruitment and retention of women
Tigrigna refugee community from Eritrea to teachers. In south Sudan, almost half of
set up a school in their camp, the Kunama existing schools do not have access to water,
population as a whole suffers from low and only 30 per cent have latrines
literacy rates. This is a result of the very (UNICEF/Africa Educational Trust, 2002).
inadequate provision of teachers in their Especially during menstruation, such environ-
region of origin in Eritrea. For women, ments are particularly hostile to girls - and
education levels are particularly low: very to women teachers - and can be a cause of
few of the refugee women have completed absenteeism and eventual drop-out.
primary school, let alone entered secondary It is clear that with so few girls completing
school. This means that recruiting female their education, identifying potential
teachers for the school is very difficult. The women teachers in south Sudan is a
women who are teaching have fewer years challenge. Concessions are made to permit
of schooling than the male teachers, and are the recruitment of women with lower levels
therefore understandably less confident of education, especially in the Community
about their teaching abilities. The women Girls' Schools which are currently being
teach the lower grades in the school, and the established in communities where the
split-shift system means that the female general desire for education is strong, but
students in Grades 3 and above do not have there is no formal school. In these schools,
direct contact with these women. priority is given to finding women from the
In south Sudan, few women have the community to teach, even if they have only
command of English required for teaching,4 Grade 5 or 6 education themselves.
and this is an additional barrier, on top of Although these women may have well-
their generally very low levels of education. developed understandings of the local
Promoting a gender-just peace 55
children, and of their needs, experiences, In particular, when women are engaged in
and aspirations, they also need and want as in-service 'phased training', which involves
much training and follow-up support as annual residential training sessions during
possible. the school holidays, the full three-year
Even if there are well-qualified women training is often interrupted, and many
who could potentially become teachers, the women do not complete the full cycle.
need to earn an income is often a significant In some other contexts, there may also be
barrier. In contexts where teachers are cultural barriers to women leaving the home
unpaid volunteers, or they rely on and working in the public realm, and
occasional payments from school fees therefore potentially being in contact with
collected, or on incentives provided by unknown men. This is particularly the case
NGOs for training or other activities, many in rural areas of Afghanistan, although in
women simply cannot afford to become Kabul it is quite acceptable for most women
teachers. This is particularly the case in to travel around the city, especially if
conflict-affected communities where women accompanied by other women or known
are heading households, and their families men, and to teach in girls' schools, or in
are dependent on their economic activity. mixed primary schools. In other countries
Women's time is dedicated to activities such as Haiti, however, where there are few
which will generate at least a small but job opportunities for men, it may be
regular income, such as selling food and considered as men's right to take what
other produce in the local market. They positions are available, and therefore
usually have to balance their income- women are not encouraged to become
generating activities with other household teachers in schools.
and child-care responsibilities, which can Women teachers may also be discour-
leave them exhausted and with little time for aged by a hostile male-dominated school
any volunteer work such as teaching. Men, management and administration which
on the other hand, tend to have fewer exclude women teachers from decision-
household responsibilities; they are there- making processes and marginalise them to
fore more easily able to combine teaching for perform menial tasks, such as tea-making
part of the day with income-generating and cleaning. It is also problematic that
activities - such as farming or working as women teachers may be assigned additional
casual labour - for the remainder of the day. responsibilities for girls' well-being, without
the necessary recognition or workload
Models of teacher training reflect male adjustment. The only female teacher in a
experiences. This fact, and the relative ease secondary school in south Sudan was absent
which with men can travel and leave their from class for several days in July 2004. She
home base, serve to perpetuate the low had had to travel to the hospital in the
enrolment of women. Extended periods of nearest town with a girl student who had
residential training, away from family and fallen sick. She lives in the school, very close
community, are not easy for women. In to the girls' dormitories, and is responsible
addition to their responsibilities for for the pastoral care of all the girls. Although
provisioning and caring for their families, the school authorities are very appreciative
pregnancy and childbearing are also of her work, while she was away her lessons
challenges in a context such as south Sudan, were not being taught, and the other girls in
where the birth rate is high. With families of the school were missing her presence.
five or more children being common, it
becomes difficult for women to enter and Strategies for recruitment and retention
remain in the teaching profession, because of The following section describes some of the
regular cycles of pregnancies and childbirth. strategies which may increase recruitment
56
and retention of women teachers. In post- and basic education programmes, offered
conflict contexts, windows of opportunity specifically to women. The aim is to prepare
may open for quite radical changes to be them either for further pre-service training,
made in the content and processes of or directly for employment in the classroom.
education. These may include a rethinking In male-dominated, refugee-camp schools
of what children need to learn in schools, in Guinea and Liberia, the International
and how and by whom this should be Rescue Committee is implementing an
taught. Donor interventions in refugee innovative programme to develop female
camps and in communities can try to ensure classroom assistants. In this programme,
that education promotes gender equality, local women who do not have the formal
and they can provide funding, as well as qualifications to become teachers are hired
technical assistance, to develop programmes as classroom assistants to work on specific
to bring women into teaching. At the same tasks in the classroom with the teacher. They
time, however, the post-conflict context have a particular responsibility to support
may also mean that there are complex the girls in the schools and to protect them
barriers against women entrants. These from sexual exploitation. However, these
include conflict-related poverty, low levels women also have the opportunity to
of female education, increased economic complete their own schooling, to take other
responsibilities in situations where trad- training courses, and eventually become
itional coping mechanisms have broken teachers themselves. In this way, it is hoped
down, and fragmented systems and that the gender balance of the teaching force
infrastructures which do not allow for easy will shift to include more women, and that
mobilisation and communication. classrooms will become safer places for girls.
One of the most obvious strategies is to In the long term, working to increase
reduce the entry requirements for female girls' enrolment in schools, and to ensure
candidates for teacher training. This means that their learning experiences are as positive
that women who have not necessarily and as empowering as possible, should lead
completed their own education, but none- to more young women going into teaching.
theless have basic literacy skills and a grasp In south Sudan, there are concurrent
of pedagogy, can become primary-school initiatives to provide additional financial
teachers. This strategy may be very effective, support to women entering the first cohorts
but it has serious implications for the quality of a new pre-service teacher-training
and quantity of training that is needed by programme, and to provide support to girls
potential women teachers. It may also mean in secondary schools. Linked to the direct
that confidence levels plummet among the financial support to girls in secondary
women who are teaching already, if they feel education (a school-fee subsidy) is a future
that they do not necessarily meet the programme component, being designed to
standards required to be a teacher. For encourage girls to visit local primary schools
example, women nominated as teachers by and engage in activities with young children
the Kunama refugee community, who have there, in order to inspire the younger girls to
not completed their own education, felt complete their primary education and show
particularly uncertain of their own skills and them that possibilities exist for secondary
worth as teachers. When asked in an studies. Such activities may also encourage
interview what motivated her to be a secondary-school leavers to think about
teacher, one of them stated simply, 7 wanted becoming teachers (SoE/ SBEP Gender
Team, 2004).
to share my little knowledge with the students'.
Other strategies to address women's At present, there is little formal
limited formal qualifications and language evaluation from which to adequately assess
skills include accelerated English programmes the long-term impact and effectiveness of
Promoting a gender-just peace 57
such strategies. Programme and project transformations of societies, and the ways in
reporting and evaluation generally do not go which they can do this may be quite
beyond trying to assess immediate impacts, different. The very transformations of
using quantitative measures. Qualitative teaching and learning processes, curricula,
studies, such as the Healing Classrooms and materials discussed above should also
Initiative, would provide more insights into serve to promote and develop teachers' own
the actual lived experiences of women who sense of agency for change. Women who
become teachers, and into their perceptions may traditionally not have played such an
of their roles as regards peacebuilding and active role in the public domain, and whose
societal transformation. These insights roles have been defined as 'reproductive',
should then inform more gender-aware may, however, require more encouragement
programme development, especially teacher to think about themselves as agents of
education and teacher support. transformation. Teacher-education curricula
and processes need to shift from apparently
gender-neutral technical training, to be
Moving ahead: women
grounded in women's as well as men's
teachers as agents of change experiences and perspectives, and to
for a gender-just peace promote an empowering personal and
Education has a critical role to play in peace- professional development. It is this personal
building and reconstruction processes, and and professional empowerment of teachers
these processes should be informed by a that can be a driving force for the multi-
concern for gender equality in its broadest levelled transformation of the education
sense. For this reason, we need to encourage system described above. Agencies and
women to be teachers right now, and organisations involved in teacher training
support them as important agents of change. need to continue to develop - and fully
This is in addition to working on a longer- evaluate - their practical measures and
term strategy of promoting girls' education, strategies to increase recruitment of women
out of which more women teachers will teachers. At the same time, however, they
emerge. A general imperative to recognise should be considering this task from the
women's roles in peacebuilding is issued in perspective of social transformation, rather
the UN Security Resolution 1325,5 and than thinking of it purely in terms of
reinforced by the recent Agreed Conclusions increased girls' education. Improved girls'
of the recent United Nations Commission on education should lead to greater partici-
the Status of Women (March 2004).6 In pation of women in peacebuilding activities
conflict and post-conflict contexts especially, in the future. However, women teachers can
achieving gender equality in and through be encouraged and supported as partici-
education implies promoting equal oppor- pants in such processes right now.
tunities for women to participate as teachers
in peacebuilding processes and activities Moving beyond stereotypes
that take place in schools. It is important to move beyond ideas that
women are all necessarily natural nurturers
Women teachers as change agents and carers who enjoy working with children.
Women should be given as much Such notions may on the one hand
encouragement as possible to consider their encourage women to become teachers, but
potential role in the broader processes of they are also limiting, stereotyped discourses
peacebuilding and reconstruction, and in which may do little to empower women
promoting gender equality in their societies. once they are in the profession. It would be
Both women and men have important roles equally wrong to assume that all women
to play as teachers in the structural teachers are natural peacemakers and
58
peacebuilders. Quite apart from the within the education sector and within
gendered prescriptiveness of such discourses, society as a whole.
they fail to acknowledge the many First, additional training or workshops
competing priorities of women in conflict specific to women teachers should be
and post-conflict situations. Their own considered, not as 'remedial' strategies for
survival and well-being and that of their women, but as opportunities for them to
family take precedence, and women work with confidence with other women, to
teachers who are coping with the multiple consider gender issues from their own
pressures of school work, household tasks, experiences, and to develop their capacity
child-care responsibilities and also perhaps for leadership roles in schools and in
other income-generating activities may not communities.
have the time or the energy to think beyond Second, support should be provided for
the practical and immediate aspects of the women teachers to form associations,
lessons that they give. For example, on my through which isolated women might have
visit to a new, large secondary school in an opportunity to meet with colleagues and
south Sudan in July 2004,1 found that the share experiences, concerns, and ideas.
single woman teacher on the staff was so Assigning women to schools in pairs may
preoccupied with other tasks that she was help to avoid isolation and provide mutual
attending school only for the specific lessons support. Collaboration with local women's
she had to give. This is a common situation. organisations and groups may be another
In such situations, it is hard for women to means of support for women in schools.
conceptualise their role as anything beyond Third, in reconstruction processes, when
a technical deliverer of lessons, and very ministries or departments of education are
difficult for them to be engaged in the school able to certify (or re-certify) teachers and to
community and in the administration and register them at certain levels on an official
management decisions and activities that payroll, specific attention needs to be given
take place outside the individual lessons. to ensuring fair treatment for women
teachers who may be formally less well
Strategies to support women as change qualified than men, but who have accrued
agents significant teaching experience and skills.
In order to develop women teachers'
To summarise, the agency of women in
potential as change agents in their societies,
schools to contribute to a more gender-just
numerous strategies and considerations for
peace should be recognised and promoted.
international agencies, organisations, and
Women's roles in promoting the multi-level
governments emerge from research and
transformations taking place within the
programming experience:
education sector are as important as their
Gender training for all teachers needs to roles in promoting fundamental changes in
address their own experiences as men the society as a whole. The strategies
and women, and their own different suggested above, if carefully monitored,
potentials and limitations in broader evaluated, and constantly adjusted according
processes of societal transformation to the shifting realities of particular contexts,
towards achieving a gender-just peace. may contribute to achieving a more
Although it is important to provide substantial and substantive participation
inexperienced teachers with the from women in peacebuilding processes.
practical skills and techniques, there
also needs to be a greater emphasis in
teacher training on empowering
teachers as agents of transformation
Promoting a gender-just peace 59
Jackie Kirk is a Research Fellow at the UNESCO 5 For further information on Security
Centre at the University of Ulster, and a Council Resolution 1325, see
Research Associate with the McGill Centre for www.peacewomen.org/un/sc/1325.html
Research and Teaching on Women (MCRTW). 6 For further information on the United
Postal address: MCRTW, 3487 PEEL STREET, Nations Commission on the Status of
2nd floor, Montreal, Quebec, H3A 1W.7 Women, March 2004, see
Email: Jackie.kirk@mail.tncgill.ca www.peacewomen.org/un/ecosoc/
CSW/CSW2004.html
Notes
1 Education for All (EFA) target 5:
References
'Eliminating gender disparities in Secretariat of Education (SoE) New Sudan
primary and secondary education by (2004) 'The Education Sector Plan of
2005, and achieving gender equality in South Sudan, Nuba Mtns and Southern
education by 2015'.Millennium Blue Nile: Strategic Plan For The Pre-
Development Goal (MDG) 3: 'Promote Interim and Interim Periods (July
gender equality and empower women'. 2004-December 2010)', Nairobi: SoE.
Target: 'Eliminate gender disparity in Secretariat of Education and Sudan Basic
primary and secondary education, Education Program Gender Team (July
preferably by 2005, and to all levels of 2004) 'Gender Equity Support Program
education no later than 2015'. Manual: Pilot Draft', internal
2 Data quoted from interviews with programme document.
women teachers in Afghanistan and UNESCO (2003) The Leap to Equality. EFA
Ethiopia were collected during field- Global Monitoring Report, Paris:
based assessments in 2004 for the UNESCO.
Healing Classrooms Initiative of the UNICEF/Africa Educational Trust (2002)
International Rescue Committee (IRC). School Baseline Assessment Report:
For further details, contact Rebecca Southern Sudan, Nairobi: UNICEF / AET.
Winthrop, Education Technical Advisor,
International Rescue Committee. Email:
rebeccaw@theirc.org
3 Internal document, Gender Equity
Support Program of the Sudan Basic
Education Programme and the
Secretariat of Education, 2004.
4 Although mother-tongue instruction is
used in grades 1-3, English is the
medium of instruction in upper-primary
and secondary schools in south Sudan.
Teacher training is conducted in English,
and teaching materials are published in
English. Women whose own education
was in Arabic or who studied in English
but have not practised it since their own
school days are not able to become
teachers without first up-grading their
English skills.
60
B
etween 1983 and 2001, the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) engaged undoubtedly shape the future of Sri Lanka
in armed struggle against the Sri Lankan as a whole, it is likely to have a more
government, fighting for an independent fundamental impact on the development
Tamil homeland. This brought almost two and direction of society in the Wanni region
decades of violent conflict, internal displace- itself, as the region emerges from years of
ment, and isolation to the people of the social, political, and economic isolation from
northern Wanni area of the country. Much of the rest of the country.
this region was under continual LTTE Since the subsequent signing of a
control throughout the period of conflict. Its ceasefire agreement between the govern-
main urban centre, Kilinochchi, is now the ment and the LTTE, a fragile and halting
seat of the Tigers' administration. Although peace process has ensued. Peace talks have
these areas of the Wanni are today almost been held in abeyance for over a year, and
entirely Tamil, there was previously a the government of President Chandrika
significant Muslim community, who were Bandaranaike is struggling to maintain a
forced to migrate. Hostilities ceased in coalition of divergent interests. Despite
December 2001. successive rounds of talks under the previous
The current period could be described as United National Party (UNP) government,
one of post-conflict transition - or perhaps, which was credited with initiating the
more accurately, pre-post-conflict transition. It current peace process, there now seems an
is a critical juncture for Sri Lanka in general, absence of any consensus between the
and the Wanni in particular. Although the parties on the basis for further peace talks.
Gender, participation, and post-conflict planning in northern Sri Lanka 61
The LTTE is also experiencing a major the decision makers, managers, and
challenge to the status of the dominant administrators involved with the peace and
militant Tamil nationalist party that it has reconstruction process have generally 'no
enjoyed since the end of the 1970s. The recent practical or theoretical bases from which to
formation of a break-away faction by the help them address the complex issues that
LTTE's former commander in the East has face a transitional society emerging from
undermined the LTTE's claim to be the sole years of protracted conflict' (Harris and
representative of the Tamil cause. Lewer 2004: 29). Who defines the scope and
priorities of reconstruction and reconcil-
iation? How do women contribute to this
Transitional roles for women process of definition and participate in
The peace and reconstruction process setting the agenda?
does, however, seem to be making progress Donors expect gender issues and women's
in including women and countering the participation to be taken seriously in Sri Lanka.
assertion that they are generally absent, or There are positive examples of gender
at best under-represented, in post-conflict mainstreaming in other peace and recon-
decision-making (Johnston ed. 2001). The struction processes. One is the establishment
abundance of women in visible positions of a Gender Affairs Unit as part of the UN
of power and authority is one of the most transitional mechanisms to support the
striking images to confront the first-time integration of gender as part of the process of
visitor travelling into the LTTE-controlled institution building in post-independence
Wanni region of northern Sri Lanka. The East Timor, and another is the attempt to
Sri Lankan police who check one's passes integrate gender issues into reconstruction
at the barrier, or who issue on-the-spot in post-genocide Rwanda (El Jack et al.
fines for speeding farther along the road; 2003).
the customs officials who impassively In June 2003, the declaration that
inspect vehicles and bags for contraband; concluded the Tokyo Donors' Conference on
the soldiers carrying arms and munitions the reconstruction and development of Sri
to their positions in the jungle, or loitering Lanka linked the scale and commitment of
to chat under the shade of a tree - all are international aid and assistance directly to
invariably women. substantial progress in the peace process.
At a policy level, the need for women's The conference highlighted ten key indi-
views to be incorporated across all aspects of cators that the donor community would use
the peace process seems to have been for monitoring progress. These included the
recognised by both parties to the conflict. 'effective inclusion of gender equity and
Media images have suggested that women equality in the peacebuilding, the conflict
are prominent at a diplomatic level in the transformation and the reconstruction
peace process between the LTTE and Sri process, emphasizing an equitable repre-
Lankan government. Recent television and sentation of women in political fora and at
newspaper pictures have shown the LTTE's other decision-making levels' (Tokyo
male chief negotiator, the head of the Donors' Conference 2003).
political wing, meeting the government, In this light, should the approximately
with Norwegian third-party facilitators; US$ 4 billion in aid that has been pledged for
frequently, the only other LTTE repre- post-conflict reconstruction be viewed
sentative pictured alongside him is a woman, cynically as four billion factors motivating
one of the Tamil Tigers' senior negotiators, the parties to enhance their inclusion of
and a co-architect of their peace proposals. gender in the process? Or should this nexus
However, these images do not reveal the between international donor requirements
full picture. It has been argued that most of and progress towards gender equity be
62
democratic and receptive to the priorities of However, while the SGI can make
all segments of the populace' (SGI 2003:1). recommendations for the inclusion of
This bias in framing the Sub-Committee's gender-sensitive planning and equitable
mandate towards women's issues rather participation in the peace and reconstruction
than gender issues is significant and, as we process, there is no provision that compels
shall see, may militate against the SGI's compliance with these recommendations.
broader objectives. There is also a danger that the creation of the
The SGI's terms of reference define the SGI promotes compartmentalisation, rather
group's role as fourfold: than integration, of gender issues within the
to work towards effective inclusion of peace and reconstruction process.
a gender perspective in all aspects of One has only to look at the composition
peacemaking, peacebuilding, of the other sub-committees and secretariats
rehabilitation, and reconstruction; - the Peace Secretariat being a prime
example - where women are either absent,
to assist in identifying gender concerns,
or at best severely under-represented, to
needs, and interests so that they can be
appreciate the extent to which gender
integrated into the peace agenda,
marginalisation and exclusion have already
influencing the formation of policy
pervaded post-conflict institutions in
and administrative and legal reform in
Sri Lanka. To engage actively in politics
this transition period;
alongside male counterparts - a domain that
to assist with the building of a rights- has traditionally offered few opportunities
based peace and reconstruction and to women - requires women to possess
development agenda that is sensitive confidence and self-assuredness. Lack of
to gender issues; knowledge, skills, and confidence limits
to engage in close co-operation and their effective and meaningful participation
constant dialogue with the other Sub- in peacebuilding and post-conflict recon-
Committees and other mechanisms set struction (Pankhurst 2000: 21).
up in the peace process. (The Nevertheless, the SGI represents an
government delegation of the SGI has attempt to 'ensure the effective inclusion of
direct access to the Prime Minister's gender' (SGI 2003:1) in the peace process,
Office and other key government and this is a significant development
ministries, through regular briefing towards putting the rhetoric of gender
sessions. Their counterparts have mainstreaming into practice in a context of
similar access to the higher echelons of divergent ethno-nationalist aspirations,
theLTTE.) where neither party to the conflict is able to
In defining its key areas of interest, the SGI secure an outright military victory and
has been careful not to limit itself to where a de facto State within a State has been
'traditional' women's concerns, such as established by the separatists.
reproductive rights and health care, but The existence of the SGI owes much to
has adopted a broad mandate. This the sustained efforts of Sri Lanka's women's
includes the peace process itself; displace- movement, which argued for the formation
ment and resettlement; services and and inclusion of such an institution, rather
infrastructure; employment and liveli- than to any initial fundamental concern for
hood; political representation and gender issues within either the government
decision making; security and safety; or the LTTE. As 'Cat's Eye', a feminist
social and health issues; reconciliation; column in one of Sri Lanka's national daily
and education, training, and capacity newspapers, commented, 'the formation of
building. this committee is the result of continuous
64
lobbying by human rights and women's LTTE representatives on the SGI reflects,
groups for increased space for the first, the fact that the majority of women
participation in civil society in general and (and men) in the Wanni between the ages of
women in particular' (Cat's Eye, The Island, 18 and 40 have not had the opportunity
15 January 2003). of benefiting from higher education,
Bringing together these different particularly if they have served within the
experiences is a unique and potentially LTTE .2 Second, due to years of authoritarian
empowering opportunity to develop new control, during which views inconsistent
insights and creative solutions to the with the party line were not tolerated, the
gender-related challenges facing women Wanni region lacks a vigorous independent
and men in a post-conflict society. Yet civil society or indigenous women's
careful attention is necessary to ensure that movement.
the dynamics and relationships between the The five women representatives of the
representative parties are managed in a way LTTE on the SGI are all serving within the
that does not militate against the SGI's administrative cadres of the party, such as
achievement of this objective. the Women's Political Wing, the Media Unit,
and the Research Unit. Despite the prob-
lematic issues of militarism that female
Problems of women's recruitment presents for the role of women
participation in the SGI in society, military service does seem to have
The influence of Sri Lanka's women's had some positive benefits in helping to
groups on the development of the SGI is instil self-confidence in women who served
clear, in that all five government- as officers with the LTTE. The young women
appointed representatives on the who played an active role as combatants
committee are recognised activists and with the LTTE are now emerging as the next
academics in the women's movement. generation of leaders, entrusted with senior
However, while it is laudable that the Sri positions in the various administrative
Lankan government has recognised the institutions that are being created in the
qualifications of these women to represent Wanni.
the State on issues of gender, it is perhaps The fact that the LTTE women are all
a matter of some concern that all the drawn from the military poses a number of
members are co-opted from civil society, troubling questions. Does female partici-
and there is no actual representation from pation in decision making in the Wanni
with the government administration per se. depend entirely upon women who have
The extent to which this will affect the gained respect from male superiors in
credibility and capacity of the SGI to military service? To what extent do the other
effectively influence policy on the women in Wanni society, whose partici-
government side remains to be seen. pation is extremely limited, accept the
The contrast between the female legitimacy of LTTE women to represent the
government representatives and the five needs and views of civilians? How
female LTTE representatives sitting on the effectively can they identify with the needs
SGI is striking. While the government side is and views of those who have a totally
weighted with academic and activist different experience of the conflict - as
experience in the women's movement, the forced migrants, mothers, breadwinners, or
LTTE side comprises women with little widows? Furthermore, after years of service
formal education and years of service in the within a highly regimented, authoritarian,
military - which, by popular definition, is a and male-defined institution, in which space
'masculine' institution. The profile of the for alternative philosophies is negligible,
Gender, participation, and post-conflict planning in northern Sri Lanka 65
can LTTE women identify with aspirations still a major concern for both sides, this
to gender equality and social trans- may be some years away, particularly as
formation? women continue to comprise a sizeable
The absence of men in the SGI on both and therefore strategically important part
sides also needs to be considered. Although of the LTTE's military capabilities.
the strategy of mainstreaming gender Consideration, therefore, needs to be
within the peace process and post-conflict given to pre-demobilisation education.
reconstruction rightly focuses on women's Education could be introduced in the form of
issues and participation, it is primarily flexible learning pathways that would
men's attitudes and patriarchal institutions enable women to undertake secondary-level
that require reform, in order to achieve educational programmes and then graduate
gender equality. The inclusion of gender- to higher studies in fields such as manage-
sensitive men within the SGI (although ment, strategy planning, economics, finance,
potentially problematic in the eyes of some development, and conflict resolution.
feminists) could have been tactically Learning English and Sinhala (the majority
advantageous in strengthening the group's language of Sri Lanka), acquiring gender
efforts to influence the policies of male- awareness and community life skills, would
dominated institutions. also help to equip women, and particularly
the demobilised female cadres of the future,
to play a more active role in post-conflict
Participation, capacity, and development and peacebuilding.
education Ideally, any such strategy for learning
should aim to incorporate similar provisions
Long-term strategies need to be
for civil society and provide opportunities
developed to increase the participation of
for a shared learning environment in which
women who do not come from a military
LTTE and non-LTTE women can interact
background. Civil-society activism is
and learn from each other's experience. This
becoming manifest, with the rise of
would avoid the danger that without any
grassroots groups of women and parents,
officially agreed commitment to demobil-
protesting against and resisting LTTE
isation, such educational provisions could
recruitment (de Alwis 2004). Yet the
reality for the foreseeable future is that the serve only to reinforce the dominance of the
LTTE in civil society.
military is going to be the main
recruitment pool for administrative and Peace-related learning in civil society
political positions in the Wanni. Opportunities for peace-related learning
across the whole educational spectrum are
Pre-demobilisation education limited in the Wanni (as in the rest of Sri
In response to this, the quality of women's Lanka). As stated earlier, very few of those
participation in the political arena could tasked with making peace and recon-
be improved by developing the reservoir struction work in Sri Lanka are able to draw
of talent constituted by the armed forces, upon the support of a learned knowledge-
as part of a demobilisation strategy. The base of peace, conflict resolution, and post-
objectives would be to lay the foundation conflict recovery in their policy planning
for a process of female demobilisation, and practice.
demilitarisation, and reintegration, and One initiative seeking to develop the
the creation of a democratic society in theoretical awareness of decision makers
which women participate equally with and practitioners in the Wanni, and other
men. However, given that a peace deal has parts of Sri Lanka, is the Peace Studies
yet to be reached, and security issues are Programme / Social Scientists Association.
66
relating to the nexus between gender and peace process. However, after following
nationalism, which plays a defining role in the course, he was able to engage with
many conflicts. It also examines how men's these people on a more equal footing.
and women's experiences of conflict are The Peace Studies Programme has
differently determined; it does this through established an alumni group and will be
considerations of themes such as masculinity conducting refresher courses and longi-
and femininity, violence, religion, and the tudinal impact assessments with this group,
politics of peace (Silva and Haniffa 2002). to evaluate whether such attitudinal changes
In the context of the Wanni, this module affect practice and policy changes in the
helps students to develop critical awareness graduates' sphere of influence.
and confidence to explore many of the
gender-related issues that they are facing in Conclusion
their own lives and workplaces, as they
strive to address the challenges of peace. When practitioners and theorists write
However, as only the modules dealing with about the changes necessary to address
conflict resolution and conflict dynamics are issues of gender equity in peace and
compulsory (as specified by university post-conflict planning, they often fail
regulations), the specialist gender module is to conceptualise these issues in terms of
not necessarily an option selected by every a realistic timeframe. The integration of
student. To ensure that each student gets gender-related concerns and the equitable
at least some exposure to gender-related participation of women in peace and
issues, it was felt by the course planners post-conflict planning are, like the very
that the compulsory modules could be process of achieving a sustainable peace
redesigned, so that gender becomes a cross- itself, long-term - perhaps even multi-
cutting theme. generational - projects.
Initiatives such as the SGI and Peace
Assessing the impact of the course Studies Programme, whatever the motives
The real impact of the course can be behind their foundation, can make important
evaluated only in the long term, as contributions. They should be encouraged,
students move to influential positions in but only if their limitations are recognised,
Sri Lankan society. However, positive and their gendered contexts, dynamics,
attitudinal change among students already influences, and impacts critically appraised
seems to be taking place. During a series of in order to inform a continual process of
evaluation interviews with recent graduates, learning, development, and progress. Both
a senior military field commander experiences demonstrate that attempts to
commented that the course had improved advance the integration of gender into
his understanding of the particular peacebuilding and post-conflict planning
difficulties faced by female soldiers are fraught with complications and moral
serving in operational areas, and also the conundrums. How should local stakeholders
trauma faced by civilian women crossing respond to the conditions laid down by
army check-points. Other graduates have international donors? How can they ensure
spoken of the enhanced sense of self- that efforts to incorporate gender-awareness
confidence that the course has helped to are substantive, and not merely superficial
inculcate. One senior police officer ploys to satisfy donors? Should women in
remarked that before taking the course he the military, such as those within the LITE,
had always felt somewhat disadvantaged who are already privileged in term of male-
when researchers, diplomats, and inter- defined power, be permitted to benefit from
national NGO representatives came to educational opportunities that are inaccessible
interview him about security and the for the vast majority of other women?
68
There is a danger that the establishment Simon Harris is the founder/director of the Peace
of a structure such as the SGI, or an Studies Programme. He has worked in Sri Lanka
educational initiative such as the Peace for more than ten years and was formerly country
Studies Programme, provides the parties manager for Oxfam GB. Contact: Peace Studies
with an opportunity to satisfy donors' Programme / SSA, 425/15 Thimbirigasyaya
requirements without making any subs- Road, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka.
tantive progress towards addressing the Email: peacestudies@eureka.lk
underlying social structures or reforming
the institutions that are actually restricting
the effective integration of gender equity. Notes
Neither the authoritarian, hierarchical, and 1 For example, the US government has
militarised structure of the LTTE, nor the recently reiterated its position that
almost feudal system of patronage and until the LTTE renounces violence in
patriarchy that underpins the political word and deed, it will remain on its
structures in the rest of Sri Lankan society, list as a terrorist organisation. Such
seems capable of accommodating an proscription prevents members of the
alternative view or the sharing of power. organisation from travelling to the
Unfortunately these are precisely what the USA.
integration of gender equity into the process 2 Although the war disrupted education,
of peace and reconstruction calls for. primary and secondary-level schooling
International organisations and humani- was able to function in the Wanni
tarian agencies could be more effective in throughout the conflict, albeit often
monitoring and evaluating the progress of subjected to the constraints of
the government and LTTE parties in repeated displacements, military
achieving gender equity and inclusion, as recruitment, mobility restrictions, and
agreed at the Oslo talks. Already, organi- security concerns. Higher educational
sations such as UNICEF and Save the opportunities were available outside
Children have adopted vigorous advocacy the Wanni.
and awareness strategies, informing both 3 As in other isolated rural areas of Sri
parties of their responsibilities to uphold the Lanka, there have been few
rights of children, in line with donors' opportunities in the Wanni to obtain
conditions established at the Tokyo good-quality English-language
conference. In the case of the LTTE, this has education during the past 20 years.
involved sustained lobbying for an end to
under-age recruitment to the military. References
However, where women's rights and
responsibilities are concerned, many of the de Alwis, A. (2004) 'A rising in the east',
international agencies that are active on the Polity 1(3): 17-19.
ground are focusing exclusively on a narrow Cat's Eye (2003) 'Women and post-
range of gender issues at a grassroots level. conflict transformation', The Island, 15
What is needed is a comprehensive strategy January 2003, Colombo.
of advocacy, challenging the parties to act on El Jack, A. et al. (2003) Gender and Armed
their commitment to gender equality. This Conflict - Overview Report, Bridge
would support creative local initiatives such (Development-Gender), Institute of
as those discussed in this paper, which aim Development Studies, University of
to further the inclusion of gender issues in Sussex.
the peace and reconstruction process.
Gender, participation, and post-conflict planning in northern Sri Lanka 69
Enloe, C. (1993) The Morning After. Sexual Silva, N. and E. Haniffa (2002) 'Gender,
Politics at the End of the Cold War, Peace and Conflict Module Handbook,
Berkeley: University of California Post Graduate Diploma in Conflict
Press. Resolution and Peace Preparedness',
Harris, S. and N. Lewer (2004) 'Teaching Colombo: Peace Studies Programme /
peace and conflict resolution: an Social Scientists' Association.
experiment in Sri Lanka', Polity 1(3): Tokyo Donors Conference (2003) 'Tokyo
29-32. Declaration on Reconstruction and
Johnston, N. (ed.) (2001) Gender and Peace Development of Sri Lanka', press
Support Organisations: Opportunities and statement,
Challenges to Improve Practice, London: www.state.gov/p/sa/rls/pr/21609.htm
International Alert. (last accessed by author 14/08/04).
Pankhurst, D. (2000) Women, Gender and
Peacebuilding, Working Paper No.5,
Bradford: Centre for Conflict
Resolution, University of Bradford.
SGI (2003) Terms of Reference for the Sub-
committee on Gender Issues (SGI),
Colombo and Kilinochchi: Sri Lanka
Peace Process.
70
F
rom the Women and Armed Conflict
plank in the Beijing Platform for political - but within a particularised
Action (BPA) (United Nations 1996), context that is post-conflict.
through government commitments in the The first gender dimension is women-
June 2000 five-year BPA review, to focused activities, i.e. those that compensate
Security Council Resolution 1325 (SC for gender disparities - in rights, education,
1325) (United Nations 2000), the world has resources, and power - and thereby enable
increasingly acknowledged the impacts of women to contribute equally and fully to
conflict on women - and of women on reconstruction. The second dimension takes
conflict. Many excellent papers have a more economic approach, recognising that
addressed women's meaningful partici- gender-related impediments diminish the
pation in peace negotiations, peacekeeping, effectiveness of economic and governance
and peacemaking, resulting in significant programmes. Characterised by urgent needs
progress. This paper builds upon them, for leadership, resources, labour, and talent,
shifting the focus to women's inclusion post-conflict societies cannot afford to
and gender issues in the phases that bypass women or to ignore gender-related
follow violent conflict, humanitarian impediments and opportunities. The third
assistance, peacemaking efforts, and peace gender dimension (the most strategic) is
negotiations, namely during reconstruction. transformative, as it advocates gender-oriented
Our concern is with the gender dimensions activities to change conflict-ridden societies of
The gender dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction 71
culture of the country. This result has come prevails even after new civil laws which
about through the work of strong Afghan uphold gender equality are promulgated.
women's groups, and pressure from The consequences can be devastating. For
international bodies (including pressure example, if the spouse of a rural Namibian
from countries which cannot claim such woman dies, she usually loses access to land
impressive proportions of women in their that she farmed and becomes homeless. If
own parliaments; for example, the USA, she herself becomes ill, she may experience
where women hold only 14 per cent of violence, be abandoned by her family, and
congressional seats). On the other hand, lose her rights to property and children
women's representation in some post- (Muhato 2003). Currently in sub-Saharan
conflict parliaments is far lower. For Africa, high death rates due to AIDS are
example, it is only 8 per cent in Guatemala's making inheritance and property rights ever
lower house. more important. Women can rarely benefit
With or without quotas, it is necessary to de facto from new property laws without
strengthen women's capacity for leadership understanding their legal rights and having
if female politicians are to succeed in office. resources (including literacy, money, and
It is also necessary if voters are to support power). Post-conflict reconstruction pro-
them (and thereby eventually eliminate the grammes must develop women's legal
need for quotas). This strengthening requires literacy and access to justice.
resources to be spent on developing
women's ability to run for office, win seats, Employment without discrimination
and serve effectively. Part of serving While post-conflict reconstruction often
effectively means being able to collaborate entails new legislation forbidding gender
effectively with men, as coalition partners discrimination, employers frequently ignore
and political-party leaders. Finally but most laws if enforcement mechanisms are weak.
importantly, electing women is important This problem pervades transition economies.
not only in itself, for reasons of equity, but Allowing employers to discriminate in
because of the experience that they share favour of men reinforces gender disparities,
with women in the electorate of unequal violates women's rights, and constricts
treatment with men. For the exercise to bring women's contributions to economic growth.
about wider social transformation and an This is discussed further in the section
end to gender inequality in particular, concerned with Dimension 2 and employment.
training for women who are running for
office needs to ensure that women are The right to freedom from violence
willing and able to promote gender equality Post-conflict reconstruction often requires
when governing. protection of these rights of women and
girls, because male demobilised soldiers are
Property rights accustomed to life in a military sub-culture
Post-conflict reconstruction often involves (often involving extreme forms of abuse of
resolving disputes over property owner- women, including rape, forced 'marriages',
ship, and drafting property laws which and sexual slavery). Accustomed to the use
uphold the rights of individuals to property. of force, empowered by the possession and
Such processes must guarantee women's exercise of weapons, often searching for a
full and equal rights to own property, dejure, role in the post-conflict economy, and prone
and their ability to enjoy those rights, to alcohol consumption that is linked to
de facto. Too often, as in Namibia, Rwanda, violence against women, ex-combatants are
and Uganda, customary law, which does not frequently brutal and unfamiliar with
recognise women's rights to own property, respectful, equitable gender relations.
The gender dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction 73
gender equality and sustainability. Yet Another issue relating to gender and
taking the time to conduct gender analysis in physical reconstruction is that women often
various contexts can reveal special face discrimination in obtaining food-for-
infrastructure-related needs. Women must work infrastructure jobs. These are a
participate in identifying and designing common feature of post-conflict develop-
infrastructure to reflect their gendered ment work, intended to provide short-term
needs, such as day-care centres and water employment, income, food, and skills. While
systems that permit them to work and their such jobs could potentially enable women to
daughters to attend school. Gender relations develop skills and experience in occupations
may create particular needs, depending on which are commonly associated with men,
social norms: for example, in Afghanistan, this is a relatively rare occurrence.
women require private roadside rest areas Water supply and sanitation are basic
for their own and their children's needs.5 In needs for all humanity. In the poorest
general, security while travelling on public countries of the world, it is almost always
roads is critical for women, who are women and girls who perform the daily task
vulnerable to sex-based crimes, but this need of water-collection over long distances.
increases in post-conflict environments, Billions of dollars of investments in roads,
where security is a major problem amidst safe water supplies, and sanitation have
armed, unemployed ex-soldiers. Liveli- not relieved females of this onerous task,
hoods in post-conflict contexts often which steals time from schooling, income-
depend on safe infrastructure. In countries generation and other work, and much-
like Cote d'lvoire, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, needed sleep and rest.
where women historically have been
Gender concerns should also apply to the
traders, insecurity impedes travel for work.
question of which companies are selected for
In addition, attention to security is necessary
public-works contracts. Project consult-
for girls travelling to schools.
ations should incorporate female inputs and
Women and men have been shown to integrate gender analysis into feasibility
prioritise the rebuilding of different types of studies. A positive example is gender-
infrastructure, due in part to their different equality training in the new Swedish-
roles in the gender division of labour and supported reform of Kosova railways
different conceptions of well-being. For management. However, the process of
example, while men often prioritise the contracting often involves corruption, and
construction of main roads, to enable them the biased selection of poorly performing
to reach cities to search for work, women companies which generate low-quality
may prefer rural roads, to give them access infrastructure. Although some studies
to markets, water, schools, health facilities, demonstrate that women's involvement
and other essential services. But post- reduces the likelihood of corruption
conflict road-building projects too rarely (particularly involvement of women in civil
solicit female and male preferences. For society, as watchdogs), female beneficiaries
example, the World Bank's Guatemala Rural rarely participate in procurement decisions
and Main Roads Project, approved in 1997, (World Bank 2001a). Most contracted
which emphasised road maintenance companies are owned, managed, and staffed
nationally and rural road construction in the by men.
post-conflict ZONAPAZ region, did not
address gender issues, although one
objective of the project was to enhance access
to social and other public services (World
Bank 1997).
The gender dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction 79
New roles and responsibilities need to be concluded that gender inequality is not
defined, and respect and collaboration must merely an issue of social justice, since it
be built between household heads and harms women's status and hampers them
members. This process contributes to from developing livelihoods, but that it also
strengthening new household structures. increases the likelihood of internal state
Some post-conflict reconstruction efforts conflict (Caprioli 2003). Constructing
to build social capital are women-focused: sustainable peace requires offering
the type of intervention on which we opportunities to all - and that means gender
focused in Dimension 1 of this framework. equality.
For example, grants from the World Bank's
Post-Conflict Fund support: (1) the Bosnian Elaine Zuckerman is President and Founder of
'Knitting Together Nations' project, which Gender Action. She has worked in post-conflict
aims to create employment opportunities for Guatemala, Namibia, Rwanda, Serbia and
displaced women in the knitwear business, Montenegro, and South Africa.
and revive and sustain traditional multi- Gender Action, 1443 S Street NW, Unit 2,
ethnic cultural ties among designers and Washington DC 20009-3819.
producers; (2) the 'Empowering Women: Email: elainez@genderaction.org
Socioeconomic Development in Post-
Conflict Tajikistan' project, which aims to Marcia Greenberg is an independent consultant,
empower women, nurture social cohesion, Adjunct Professor of Law and Gender, and
and reduce potential conflict through creating Global Change Associate at Cornell University.
employment and women's associations; (3) She has worked in post-conflict Angola,
a project in Northern Albania and Kosovo Armenia, Eritrea, Kosovo, and South Africa.
which focuses on early childhood care and PO Box 5013, St Mary's City, MD 20686.
development, but with the objectives of Email: MG273@cornell.edu
supporting social cohesion and preventing
conflict through strengthening community
The authors wish to thank Ashley Shaffer for
dynamics and enhancing the role of women
researching World Bank examples.
as mediators and representatives of non-
violent conflict resolution (World Bank
2004b). These laudable 'WID' projects Notes
constitute a minority of World Bank post-
1 Elaine Zuckerman interviewed MPV
conflict reconstruction projects. From its
residents in their homes in 2001.
1997 inception through September 2004,
only 3 per cent of the World Bank's Post- 2 Marcia Greenberg participated in a
Conflict Grants - or 5 per cent of their total Beijing +5 PrepCom meetings in
funding - targeted women as a specific Budapest and Geneva in 1999, where
group (Zuckerman and Greenberg 2004). Balkan women pressed this point.
3 Marcia Greenberg interviewed rule of
Gender inequality and preventing law programme staff in Prishtine in
violence April 2004.
Our final point draws on a recent World 4 Marcia Greenberg interviewed Sevdie
Bank study which linked gender inequality Ahmeti, founder and Executive Director
to violence (Caprioli 2003). Caprioli of the Center for Protection of Women
examined the impact of gender inequality on and Families in Prishtine, April 2004.
the likelihood of intrastate violence, through 5 Marcia Greenberg interviewed Judy
a regression analysis6 covering 1960-1997, a Benjamin following assessment of
literature survey, and an analysis of gender issues related to proposed US-
structural and cultural violence. She funded roads project in Afghanistan.
The gender dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction 81
O
xfam GB has worked in Rwanda
since 1962. In 2000, in a context of human rights.
potent conflict and communal
violence across the Great Lakes region, Rwanda: rebuilding peace
Oxfam GB (hereafter referred to as 'Oxfam')
identified reconciliation as the priority for its
and promoting
work in the country. Its strengths were an development
historical presence and grassroots acceptance In 1994, Rwanda captured the world's
in the country, and a global awareness and attention when close to one million
experience of development in post-conflict Rwandans of Tutsi origin, and those of Hutu
environments. Oxfam piloted a new approach origin branded as political moderates, were
in 2001-2 which is unique in Rwanda, in that murdered at the hands of State-sponsored
Oxfam is the only organisation aiming extremist militia, government troops, and an
explicitly to promote good governance efficiently mobilised public. The root causes
through transforming the root causes of of this conflict were a mix of dispossession
violence at community level. and division which left the majority of
The overall aim of this programme is to Rwandans powerless to participate in
contribute to building a society in which decision making, living in abject poverty,
security is assured for all of Rwanda's and manipulated by powerful elites. A series
people. Security means freedom from of conditions existed which created an
violence, poverty, inequality, exploitation, environment where hatred and tensions
and exclusion. Security ensures fair access to were politically organised and manipulated
resources and decision-making processes, to destroy a targeted population. As a result
and accountability, based on a system of of these events, more than 10 per cent of
84
Rwanda's total population was annihilated, appear that the nation is moving beyond its
solely on account of ethnic origins and/or destructive past and guaranteeing a positive
political beliefs. future for its people. As part of this process,
Since 1996, the Rwandan government a new constitution was approved through a
has aimed to create a governing structure referendum in May 2004; and presidential
based on participation and inclusiveness, and parliamentary elections were held in
and particularly in relation to development August and October 2003 respectively.
at grassroots level. The government's stated Rwanda now claims the largest proportion
goal is that this will lead to national unity (48.3 per cent) of women parliamentarians
and reconciliation. Its assumption is that anywhere in the world. Elections for
good governance, and a reduction of women's representatives on governing
poverty, will help to prevent widespread committees at district, sector, and cellule
violence from re-occurring. The National levels were held in July 2004.
Decentralization Policy includes election However, while a number of appropriate
processes which have empowered locally policies have been officially incorporated
elected leaders and community develop- into government structures, their
ment committees to represent the implementation is now a challenge to be
population 'from below'. The aim of the faced. Rwanda remains one of the poorest
National Unity and Reconciliation countries in the world, ranking 159 out of
Commission (NURC) is to ensure that 173 on the Human Development Index
reconciliation remains a priority and is (2004).1 Approximately 60 per cent of the
mainstreamed throughout government, people in Rwanda live in poverty, with
civil society, and private-sector initiatives. higher rates in rural areas, especially for
As part of this process of reconciliation, a women-headed and child-headed house-
community-based judicial process, known holds. Resources are not equitably
as Gacaca, to adjudicate the cases of more distributed and shared. Whereas nine out of
than 100,000 people accused of genocide, ten households have access to agricultural
has been piloted in several areas. Full land, the size of their holdings ranges from
implementation of the process began in an average of 0.55 hectares for the most poor
August 2004. to 1.18 ha for those relatively 'well-off.
The Rwandan Poverty Reduction Forty-five per cent of the Rwandan
Strategy Paper, produced as part of the population has insufficient food to satisfy
Highly Indebted Poor Country initiative, daily requirements.2
acknowledges national unity and recon- Gender inequality is a feature of life in
ciliation as a key objective. One of these Rwanda, as elsewhere. Social and political
strategies is a grassroots initiative, Ubudehe, factors condition women's experience of
aimed at building social capital from below, economic poverty. Rwanda ranks 135 out of
empowering communities through partici- 146 on the Gender Development Index in the
pation in local development initiatives, UNDP 2002 report. Gender divisions and
and reducing poverty at the lowest inequality based on traditional cultural
administrative level. The legacy of armed beliefs, attitudes, and practices have
conflict is being addressed through resulted in continuing and increasing
the Demobilization and Reintegration economic want, and social and political
Commission, to ensure the successful marginalisation of women. The existence of
reintegration of up to 60,000 ex-combatants, a large number of widows and female-
both from rebel and government armies. headed households has led to the practice of
With such an ambitious programme for polygamy and/or 'concubinage', which
'reinventing' the social, political, and often creates conflict within communities
economic structure of Rwanda, it would and families.
Building capacity to resolve conflict in communities 85
People were asked to rank the characteristics seized power in 1994 after the genocide.
that contributed to well-being. Most cellules There was a brief interim of peace, followed
rated peace (or a variant, for example, living by 'the infiltrators' war' (ex-FAR and
in harmony with others) as the most Interahamwe) during 1997 and 1998. The
important. Traditionally, communities have effects of that war are still felt, and some
used a number of methods to resolve conflict claim that it cost more lives in Ruhengeri
or maintain peace. The first level is that of than the genocide. There is little mention of
the family, whereby respected members of returnees in Ruhengeri, yet in Umutara they
the extended family adjudicate problems or are seen as a matter of major consequence.
disputes. Disputes among different families In Umutara, returnees from Uganda
are resolved within the nyumbakumi. were settling as early as August 1994,
Nyumbakumi literally means ten households following in the wake of the RPF. During
(although it often includes up to 20); it is the 1996-97, refugees were forcibly returned
smallest administrative unit in the cellule, from Zaire, and others came from Tanzania,
rather like a neighbourhood committee. Fees Kenya, and Burundi. Land sharing and a
are paid to the nyumbakumi, a fact which process of villagisation to accommodate the
disadvantages the poor and can create vast influx of returnees were of major
inequitable judgments. The imposition of significance to the communities, especially
fines can cause hardship, again especially Umutara. Partly in response to the housing
for the poor. If adjudication at this level fails, crisis, but also to further its longer-term
sector-level and district-level authorities are unification goals, the government in late
frequently called upon to resolve conflicts. 1996 established a National Habitat Policy
This also involves expenditure, which again which introduced villagisation. Whereas
disadvantages the poor. Courts are a last most Rwandans had previously lived in
resort, most frequently used for disputes dispersed settlements, farming the land on
about land and property. which they dwelt, they were now required
Participatory research undertaken by to settle in newly created villages, or
Oxfam shows that in the three provinces, imidugudu. Many moved from the homes
communities have a shared memory of that they had been occupying. Some lost
historical events; but there are significant their farmland to resettlement sites, and
differences between people in their recall land was often divided between former
and analysis of these events. The year 1959 owners and new arrivals. Umutara absorbed
marked for them the beginning of ethnic many of the 750,000 returnees from Uganda,
conflict. A large number of Tutsi fled the because the parkland there was the only area
provinces for Uganda in what was called the in Rwanda that could provide grazing for
'wind war', after a Hutu government took the cattle that many brought with them. In
power and widespread violence was addition, Umutara became home to 'new
inflicted on Tutsis. Examples were given of caseload' returnees from the camps in Zaire
coexistence among different ethnic groups and continues to be a destination for new
before the genocide: Tutsis who helped returnees.
Hurus during the famine times of 1943, and Gitarama province was severely affected
Hutus who helped Tutsis in 1959 (they hid by the genocide: several hundred thousand
them and took some of their goods to them people were massacred. Hostility, conflict,
where they were in exile). Most could not and mistrust between survivors and families
understand how the genocide happened. of prisoners are named as the most critical
In Ruhengeri, the commonest inter- sources of conflict in the cellules where we
pretation of the events surrounding the work. Additionally, Gitarama has a
genocide was that the Rwanda Patriotic relatively large number of people resettled
Force (RPF) started the war in 1990 and from the Congo and from Kenya.
Building capacity to resolve conflict in communities 87
The government's National Unity and that of men and boys remains unequal.
Reconciliation Policy is founded on the There are fewer opportunities for income
premise that ethnicity is no longer an issue in generation for women. Land inheritance is
Rwanda: that everyone is a Rwandan. This is generally restricted to sons, even though the
the public discourse, both nationally and in laws have changed to allow daughters to
the cellules. Communities in Umutara are inherit. The right of girls to inherit family
more open than those in Ruhengeri to property is opposed by most men; when
discuss social relations (including ethnicity) girls do inherit, they frequently sell the land,
and problems within the cellules. When because they do not trust their brothers
people were first resettled together in to allow them to continue ownership.
Umutara, the others saw those from Women's participation in njyanama meetings
Tanzania as interahamwe; those from Uganda (njyanama is the cellule decision-making
were seen as RPF who would kill everyone body comprising women and men over the
else because of the genocide. Now, people age of 18) is much lower than that of men.
insist that the cause of conflict is not Female literacy rates are markedly lower
ethnicity, but disputes between cultivators than those of men: for example, in the
and pastoralists, and differences between 10 cellules in Ruhengeri in which Oxfam
the rich and the poor. works, the average literacy rate for men is
In Gitarama, the main source of conflict is 58.5 per cent and for women, 38.5 per cent;
between survivors and the families who 53 per cent of girls and 62 per cent of boys
have men in prison. Women have not heard respectively attend school. Women's low
from their husbands in prison for a long rate of literacy is one of the reasons given by
time, and the survivor children want to communities for their low representation on
know who killed their parents. There is a governing committees.
great deal of fear about the gacaca process, as
prisoners will be released back into the
communities. There are disputes about Marianne
sharing land between new repatriates and / can't talk during the njyanama meeting
genocide survivors. Intermarriage between because of fear to be called someone who
Tutsis and Hutus, which was relatively talks in the place of a man.
common before the genocide, now causes Also I have to be submissive to authority,
great conflict. Parents will often ostracise the
because if I don't do that and I have a
offending couple and leave them without
problem, they will not receive me.
support, either socially or financially.
(Ruhengeri)
Couples sometimes prefer to live together
without marriage, because their parents
refuse to contribute to or participate in the There are a large number of female-headed
wedding. The children produced are households in all three provinces. For
considered illegitimate and also ostracised. example, in Gitarama, the average for the ten
Generally, there is little understanding cellules is 19 per cent. In Gitarama, the
of gender inequality and its social and female-headed households include those
economic impact on communities. In whose husbands are in prison, accused of
Matara, for example, men see the concept as genocide. In Gitarama especially, but also in
something being forced on them by the Ruhengeri and Umutara, the much lower
authorities; women believe it is for number of men in the community directly
intellectual women only. In spite of the affects the ability of households to survive.
impressive gains made by women on the In some instances, neighbours will refuse to
national political scene, the position of carry a woman to hospital (in the rural
women and girls in all cellules relative to ambulance system) because she does not
88
In Umutara, people were chosen for their committees overseeing the projects are
integrity and their motivation to implement composed equally of men and women; if the
the Oxfam approach and for their capacity to president of the committee is a man, the vice-
train others. Included in the selection from president must be a woman, and vice versa.
Umutara were two non-literate women. One criterion for approval is that the project
It is planned to incorporate some of the must promote gender equality in project
graduates into next year's training as planning, decision making, and manage-
trainers, alongside the professional trainersment. The project is then reviewed by a
whom Oxfam currently uses. It is hoped that gender-balanced 'oversight committee'
consisting of the Oxfam Project Manager
cellule-level trainers will conduct all of our
training in the future and be available for and Social Mobilisers, and sector- and
other organisations and communities. district-level officials (variously, Community
Development Committee chairperson,
Sector-level and district-level trained officials
are also promoting the training to their Ubudehe, Gacaca, Gender, Youth, and/or
colleagues in the government. The staff of NURC representative). The oversight
Muvumba District will be trained by TOT committee can offer advice and support, but
graduates, at the request of the Mayor. the decision of the njyanama is final, unless it
is clear that the criteria have not been met,
To further ensure sustainability, Oxfam or there is evidence of corruption or
continues to work with the old cellules, manipulation.
offering refresher courses for the previous
year's trainees, and making follow-up visits Some cellules use their money to buy
on a regular schedule. Oxfam also facilitatesgoats, which will be cared for by
meetings between old and new cellules, so nyumbakumi. The first task is to build a
lessons can be shared and connections shelter for the goats, to be shared by the
established. There will be more than 250 new nyumbakumi. With the grant, the cellule
people trained in 2004 in conflict manage- purchases tin roofing, poles, nails, and a
door. Women and men build the shed
ment, in addition to approximately 100
together. Goats for sale can be found in the
participating in refresher courses. People
same cellule, or in a neighbouring cellule.
who have heard about the programme have
Sometimes they are found in the local
specially requested to be included in the
market, in most instances a four- or five-
course: for example, a woman representing
hour walk away. From wherever the goats
demobilised soldiers, and male and female are purchased, the transaction helps the local
youth representatives of the Ndtea Unity economy. Payment to the sellers is made in
and Reconciliation Association in Gitarama full view of the community, to ensure
province. In Umutara, the head of the transparency. It was impressive to see the
provincial Batwa association has been role of women in the goat-buying process in
included. Nyendo cellule. The treasurer, who handled
all cash transactions, is a woman. The vice-
president, who played a major role in the
The impact of the project goat selection, is a woman. Finally, a check
on livelihoods person, who took details in a notebook of all
Grant projects are an important component transactions, which was then crosschecked
of the programme. Oxfam has put in place with the treasurer's accounts, is also a woman.
processes to help to ensure transparency and There has been a 100 per cent return on
equitable allocation of funds. The njyanama investment from some goats already, and the
approves projects according to agreed njyanama agrees who will receive the offspring.
criteria, in meetings facilitated by the In Cyembogo, where they had three
conflict-management trainees. Grant projects, all have been successful. Goat
92
and even eliminate, an entire community' facilitated for CARE and its partners over a
(Mander 2004:16). As a consequence, period of 20 days between February and
thousands of Muslim families moved to May 2004. During the course of the review
relief camps in urban areas, largely main- I met eight of the ten partner organisations,
tained by various Islamic committees, with both the strategic partners, most members of
support from some NGOs and the the Project Advisory Group, and the CARE
International Red Cross, which was one of project support team in Delhi and
the few organisations allowed to work there. Ahmedabad. In addition, focus-group
The communal carnage of 2002 in Gujarat, discussions were held with a range of
and its aftermath, were met largely by affected communities, both Hindus and
silence and inaction on the part of both Muslims, to discover how they were
national and international actors. The lack of rebuilding their lives and inter-community
response is in marked contrast to the relationships.
massive outpouring of national and inter- CARE has worked in India for more than
national aid for the survivors of the Kutch 50 years. It has played a significant role in
earthquake in northern Gujarat, one year responding to emergencies, mainly arising
earlier in January 2001. from natural disasters, in several parts of the
More than two years later, after numerous country. In recent disaster contexts (Kutch
international and national fact-finding earthquake 2001, Orissa super-cyclone 1999),
commissions and human-rights tribunals CARE has worked through forging multi-
have come and gone, no one has been level institutional partnerships, involving
convicted of involvement in the atrocities, the government (central and state), local
and the fight for justice continues. Hundreds NGOs, and community-based institutions.
of Muslims have been illegally detained Internationally, CARE has been involved in
under the Prevention of Terrorism Act a number of complex conflict contexts, such
(POTA) for the Godhra carnage, yet many as those in Sri Lanka and Bosnia. However,
Hindu perpetrators of the ensuing violence the vision inspiring the work in Gujarat - of
against Muslims continue to live freely. The a collaborative civil-society partnership
Supreme Court of India has recently called which works to mitigate the impact of
for the reopening of all the riot cases, and one conflict and facilitate reconciliation - is new
notorious case3 has already been transferred for CARE.
to the neighbouring state of Maharashtra for
The GHP was initiated in May 2002, with
re-trial.
financial support from the Royal Netherlands
Embassy(RNE). Its aims are to provide
The Gujarat Harmony emergency relief, rehabilitate displaced com-
Project: objectives and munities, restore livelihoods, and facilitate
social reconciliation in conflict-stricken
structure areas of Gujarat. It is a unique partnership,
The Gujarat Harmony Project (GHP) stands which brings together ten diverse develop-
out as an important example of restorative ment organisations, including eight NGOs,
justice in the face of the failure of the which are both new and seasoned organi-
retributive justice system. Equally important, sations based in Ahmedabad, the old state
it illustrates the potential role that 'outsider' capital; one trust, the Thribhuvandas
agencies - in this case, CARE as a donor Foundation, working on women's health
development agency - can play in issues through the network of dairy co-
facilitating reconciliation through civil- operative societies in rural Anand and
society partnerships. Kheda districts; and one strongly feminist
This paper draws on insights from a mid- collective - Olakh (meaning 'identity') -
term review of the GHP which I jointly in the city of Baroda, south Gujarat.
96
3. Support people who had lived through past, not by forgetting it, but rather by
the violence to return to a sense of mental understanding the reasons for transgression,
well-being and health, working at both admitting the brutal loss of humanity, and
institutional and community levels. projecting new meaning into the present
(Carnegie Council 1999). While retributive
4. Strengthen links among institutions
justice is offender-specific and (as we have
involved in work to promote social
seen in the recent riots in Gujarat) subject to
harmony.
all sorts of legal and political manoeuvres,
5. Build the institutional capacity of the restorative justice involves rebuilding
GHP partners. relations between perpetrators and victims,
6. Prepare educational material to facilitate through processes of reconciliation aimed at
learning and documentation on the GHP. transforming society. In this vision, justice is
7. Strengthen leadership (especially of seen as a set of dynamic and 'participatory
women and youth) at the community processes through which we develop the
desire and ability to live peacefully and
level, and encourage leaders to promote
productively in our community with those
the idea that social harmony is important
who have harmed us, and /or those we have
and relevant to the life of people in their
harmed' (Forget 2003:3).
communities.
However, in seeing conflict resolution as
Strategies (the principal methods agreed
offering a potential for development (CARE
upon by all partners collectively to achieve
2002), we need to understand that the
the GHP objectives) embed the fundamental principle of forgiveness underlying restorative
choices made to govern the use of minimal justice involves a social transaction between
resources, and day-to-day actions, in a social a person who forgives and a person who is
context still fraught with tension. The GHP forgiven. That is, while the person who
strategies demonstrate how 'positioning' forgives may annul the need for
(the different expertise of partners) and 'punishment', the one who is forgiven has
'perspective' (their values and ways of certain obligations to repair the past, and
working) guide project activities and provide a must acknowledge his or her personal
framework for social action (Smillie and accountability, even if it is done in an
Hailey2001:91). informal way. This comes about through
Connecting these strategies are a number self-examination and questioning, and
of core principles. Most of them are non- informal or formal social interactions with
negotiable for the partners and CARE. For the 'other', which brings a growing sense of
example, they include a commitment to empathy, understanding, and ultimately
gender sensitivity and inclusion, respect for healing. Restorative justice is inextricably
diversity and partnership, the notion of 'do- tied to the notion of a peaceful, just society. It
no-harm' (that is, do not incite further also becomes clear that restorative justice
conflict) (Do No Harm Workshop Report, needs to be supported by activities which
Ahmedabad: CARE GHP Project Team), and build people's skills, knowledge, and social
community ownership and participation, networks, and rebuild livelihoods harmed
through a collaborative and consultative by the conflict.
approach. It is not possible to consider critically all
The core theory of social change under- the activities of the various partners in the
lying the GHP is the principle of restorative GHP. However, in the next sections
justice, a term which first emerged in the I highlight a few examples which focus in
global discourse on peace, human rights, particular on the complex gender dimensions
and justice in the late 1980s. Restorative of livelihood-restoration and conflict-
justice helps a society to live with a violent transformation processes.
98
communities as to what gave us therightto come trouble for him. The woman's husband beat
and help them' (staff group discussion, her up severely, and prevented her from
February 2004). Olakh has now made a going to the Forum (ibid.).
conscious decision not to employ male staff Exposure visits to other women's and
(except for one accountant, who has been rights-based organisations, as well as
with the organisation since 1996), because workshops on conflict issues with external
it feels that including men creates facilitators, have helped to develop the
relationships centred on power, whereas leadership capacity of the community and
women staff can relate directly to the pain of the team. Although for many women the
women in affected communities. fear and pain have lessened - they are
The second constraint has come from the meeting in each other's houses, drinking
external environment: the process of water together, and sharing food - they have
crossing internal boundaries in affected still not begun to celebrate common festivals
communities has been slow, requiring together, as they previously did before the
constant interaction and support from the violence. A Muslim woman at the group
Olakh team. Olakh faced considerable discussion at the community centre in
resistance from the majority community, Maretha stated: 'We do not feel like celebrating
particularly in Maretha village, when they from the heart; earlier we used to buy new clothes
5
were searching for premises in which to at Diwali, and the tazia during Moharram was
open a community centre. One staff member kept in the faliyas [hamlets] dominated by
reported: 'We received lots of threats, then when rabari and patel families, but for the past two
a room was offered by the panchayat [village years this has not been happening' (group
council] and we went to take possession of it, we discussion at community centre, Maretha
found that someone had tied a buffalo there, a village, March 2004).
signal that we were still not welcome in the Similar sentiments were expressed at the
community. The rabari and patel community meeting at Olakh's community centre in
[dominant castes] maintained that it was all Kalyanagar slum, Baroda (March 2004):
right for us to work on development issues, but 'No one played Holfi with us this year', said
not on ekta [unity]' (group discussion with some of the young Muslim girls, referring to
staff, March 2004). However, it was the their Hindu friends, who were too scared to
angaiuadi (day-care centre) worker, a thakur come over. Part of the reason for this fear is
(upper-caste) woman fighting a land-rights the fragility of peace in Baroda, which was
case of her own, who brought dalit shattered at the end of February 2004 in a
(scheduled castes) and Muslim women stray, but fatal incident of violent stabbing,
together. 'commemorating' the second anniversary of
When a dalit woman in Maretha lost her the communal riots. This type of incident
husband recently, all the women in the illustrates the enormity of the task facing
sangathan visited her to show their support Olakh, which is one of the few NGOs in the
and solidarity; but the dalit men asked their city to address these issues at the grassroots.
wives, 'Why are you going?'(anecdote shared The alliances of power that Olakh has to
by women at a group discussion at the Olakh confront are considerable - whether it is the
community centre in Maretha, 2004). builders' lobby in Baroda, spreading rumours
Similarly when a group was being organised of demolition or impending trouble in the
to participate in the World Social Forum slums, or the power of the six patel families in
(WSF) at Mumbai (January 2004), a patel Maretha, which is derived from their close
farmer went to the home of one of the dalit relationships with political leaders.
women members, got her husband drunk, While the samaj shilpi are increasingly
and told him that he should not let his wife being recognised for their role in resolving
go to the WSF - it would only lead to more conflict at the community level, the women
Sustaining peace, re-building livelihoods 101
from the riot-affected communities still need November 2004. However, the partners
a lot of support, in terms of livelihood unanimously agree that the reconciliation
restoration and peace-building. When I work has only just begun.
asked a group of Muslim and Hindu women On the other hand, there are many who
in Kalyanagar what they would like to see in feel that, despite the scope for flexibility and
the future, one replied: 'Our world, the way it innovation provided by a range of multi-
zuas before 2002' (group meeting, March 2004).stakeholder and multi-institutional strategies,
For me, this resembles the global desire for a partnerships are organically embedded and
return to the world before the events of 9/11: cannot be 'imposed' by a donor. In the same
it summarises the universal desire for peace vein, some partners maintain that the GHP
between friends, neighbours, and nations. has lost its vitality, that it has been driven by
Over the last two years, Olakh staff have targets rather than processes, and has
realised that conflict and oppression arise become just another development programme.
from complex and dynamic relations of 'When there is conflict, then we partners are all
power, including class, gender, caste, and focused; but when there is peace (relatively
culture. At a discussion with Olakh team speaking), then we start working in a project
members, they revealed how their work is mode', explained one of the partners
closely linked to themselves: 'Working with (personal communication, April 2004). And
women is a personal journey towards then, the notion of reconciliation may
transformatory change - the pain of self- become diluted.
awareness, the contradictions between our Reckoning with the past is an ethical
"personal" and "organisational" selves, that is, challenge to which the GHP partners have
what we work on and what we are in terms of our risen well, in their work to bring
domestic spheres. This is something we all have tocommunities together. However, recon-
confront. Thus, [conflict] transformation is a ciliation is based on a social transaction
capacity-building process for all of us' between perpetrators and victims (the
(discussion with Olakh team members, person who is forgiven, and the person who
February 2004). forgives), and not simply on 'accepting' that
we have to live with the other. Underlying
this social contract is an obligation based
Looking ahead: sustaining not only on admissions of personal
peace accountability and trust invested in the
The GHP has made some impact at the local person who is forgiven, but also a
level, through the work of its partners. This commitment to finding the truth, fighting
is particularly so in Ahmedabad, where the for compensation and justice. This is beyond
eight NGOs and the two strategic partners the mandate of this project.7 Truth, as we
have had more opportunities for interaction. know, is the first casualty in any conflict, but
Yet the sum total of all these efforts is still survivors have the right to know what
small, when compared with the vast number happened, why, and who was responsible,
of development NGOs in Gujarat that refuse even if they decide to reconcile and to
to address critical issues underlying forgive. Otherwise, playing together, eating
communal conflicts. Without wider insti- together, and all the other associational
tutional support, and in the face of a State activities that partners have undertaken will
which has neither accorded justice, continue to touch only the tip of the
compensated victims, nor worked to build enormous pain with which they still have to
bridges between communities, the task come to terms.
ahead seems monumental. Sadly, RNE-
CARE support for the GHP will end in
102
Where are the Girls? Girls in Fighting Forces example, included in the collection is
in Northern Uganda, Sierra Leone and Rigoberta Menchu's anti-war letter to
Mozambique: Their Lives During and After War George W. Bush, and Barbara Lee's unique
(2004) Susan McKay and Dyan Mazurana, statement to US Congress, opposing the use
Rights and Democracy: International Centre of military force. Other contributors include
for Human Rights and Democratic Martha Nussbaum, Susan Sontag, and
Development, 1001 de Maisonneuve Blvd. Women in Black.
East, Suite 1100, Montreal, Quebec, H2L 4P9
Canada. The Aftermath: Women in Post-Conflict
www.ichrdd.ca Transformation (2001) Sheila Meintjes,
This book, underpinned by a gender- Anu Pillay and Meredeth Turshen (eds.),
analytical framework, begins by considering Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF
girls' roles during conflict and in post- / Room 400,175 Fifth Avenue, New York,
conflict situations generally, finding that NY 100010, USA.
gender-based violence normally increases http://zedbooks.co.uk
during conflict, and that in its aftermath girls
The Aftermath examines both changing and
and women are encouraged to revert to their
reinforced gender relations and women's
traditional roles, instead of advancing on
gains and losses in the process of
any gains made. This is followed by a broad
peacebuilding and reconstruction. The
analysis of the presence of girls in fighting
reality that women's lives are not necessarily
forces, finding that in 55 countries girls are
any more peaceful or free of violence in the
part of the military, or rebel forces; in 38 of
these, they are in the frontlines. In the aftermath of war is highlighted, as are
particular cases of Northern Uganda, Sierra common concerns such as identity and
Leone, and Mozambique, the authors solidarity building. The second part of the
examine the gendered experiences of girls, book analyses post-conflict situations where
including their relative absence from women have been able to challenge unequal
reintegration programmes, and the gender relations and work towards
difficulties that they experience in post- transforming their situations.
conflict phases. Aimed at donors, NGOs,
and multi-lateral organisations, the book is Gender, Peace and Conflict (2001) Inger
intended to document the problem and Skjelsbaek and Dan Smith (eds.), PRIO and
support these actors to protect girls who are Sage Publications, 6 Bonhill Street, London
in, or have served in, fighting forces. EC2A4PU,UK.
www.sagepub.com
Terror, Counter-Terror: Women Speak Out This publication is the result of a meeting of
(2003) Ammu Joseph and Kalpana Sharma, experts organised by the UN Division for the
Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF Advancement of Women (DAW), and the
/ Room 400,175 Fifth Avenue, New York, International Peace Research Institute
NY 100010, USA. (PRIO). The articles compiled here are a
http://zedbooks.co.uk combination of theory, case studies, and
In this thought-provoking collection of policy-based literature review, covering a
essays, Joseph and Sharma have collected a range of issues, including whether women
wide range of women's responses to the are inherently peaceful, and the role of
'war on terror' as it unfolds. The contri- women in decision-making. It also includes
butors are women from around the world case studies of gender and conflict from
who are opposed to the war on terror, Colombia, Yugoslavia, and Sri Lanka.
speaking directly to its protagonists. For
Resources 105
Women and Civil War: Impact, Organizations, human-rights violations committed against
and Action (2001) Krishna Kumar (ed.), women during civil wars. It addresses
Lynne Rienner Publishers, c/o EDS, women's experiences as both victims and
3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London combatants, and was the first book to
WC2E8LU,UK. examine the issue of rape and other gender-
www.rienner.com based violence in African civil wars.
Women and Civil War presents analysis
drawn from USAID's work in Bosnia, The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and
Cambodia, El Salvador, Georgia, and National Identities in Conflict (1998) Cynthia
Guatemala. It asks three questions: what is Cockburn, Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street,
the impact of conflict on gender relations, London Nl 9JF / Room 400, 175 Fifth
and how have they influenced women's Avenue, New York, NY 100010, USA.
different responsibilities; what type of http://zedbooks.co.uk
women's organisations have emerged, and Cockburn's analysis draws on action-
have they been successful; and finally what research which she conducted with three
has the been the impact of international women's organisations in conflict-ridden
assistance on these organisations? It societies, all of which engage with, and
presents a framework for such assistance, comprise, women of differing ethnic back-
and includes a final chapter on 'lessons and grounds or nationalities. The book considers
recommendations for the international the practicalities of 'transversal feminism'
community'. (feminism which allows women from
diverse backgrounds to work together while
Women, War and Peace in South Asia: Beyond retaining their 'roots', learning to acknow-
Victimhood to Agency (2001) Rita Manchanda ledge and sympathise with other women's
(ed.), Sage Publications, 6 Bonhill Street, positions, and gradually shifting into colla-
London EC2A4PU, UK. borative feminism). Some of the author's
www.sagepub.com photographs of the organisations' work are
Women, War and Peace in South Asia is an included in the book. Organisations profiled
important contribution to the literature on are the Women's Support Network in
gender and conflict, which is normally Belfast; Bat Shalom, a group of Israeli Jewish
focused on Africa, Yugoslavia, Northern and Israeli Palestinian and Arab women;
Ireland, the Middle East, and South and and Medica Women's Therapy Centre in
Central America. It seeks to challenge the Bosnia / Hercego vina.
construction of women as victims, and to
make visible their agency in conflict Arms to Tight, Arms to Protect: Women Speak
situations. Conflicts in Pakistan, India, Out About Conflict (1995) Olivia Bennett,
Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka are all Jo Bexley, and Kitty Warnock, Panos,
examined. 9 White Lion Street, London Nl 9PD, UK.
www.panos.org.uk
What Women Do in Wartime: Gender and This is a compelling collection of women's
Conflict in Africa (1998) Meredith Turshen oral testimonies of their experiences and
and Clotilde Tagiramasiya (eds.), Zed thoughts on war. It was published as a
Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9JF / means of highlighting women's individuality,
Room 400,175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY diversity, and agency, especially in the face
100010, USA. of images and constructions of conflict
What Women Do in Wartime considers conflict which erase their individual experiences.
in South Africa, Mozambique, Rwanda, Included in the book are personal stories
Chad, Namibia, Sudan, and Liberia, and the from 85 women around the world, including
106
Africa, South Asia, Latin America, and survivors are presented from around the
Eastern Europe. world. The photographs are accompanied
by extracts from the photographer's diary.
War and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War
System and Vice Versa (2001) Joshua S.
Goldstein, Cambridge University Press, The
Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, Conflict Trends
UK / 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY The African Centre for the Constructive
10011-4211, USA/Dock House, The Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa. produces the magazine Conflict Trends,
http://uk.cambridge.org/ which provides a mix of brief overviews of
Goldstein explores the gendered dynamics conflicts, and their resolutions, and more in-
of war and considers why it is pre- depth analysis. Issue 3 in 2003 focused on
dominantly men who fight, although he 'Women, Peace, and Security'.
also analyses the phenomenon of women
combatants. Gender relations, the role of Gender and Peace-building
testosterone, and gender norms of www.cfd-ch.org/English/english.html
masculinity and femininity are examined. The newsletter Gender and Peace-building
Goldstein suggests that a propensity to kill provides information and analysis on
in war is not a natural tendency for either approaches and practices for the promotion
women or men. of gender-sensitive peace-building. It is
published every three months by CFD
War's Offensive on Women: the Humanitarian (Christlicher Friedensdienst), an NGO
Challenge in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan for women's empowerment, based in
(2000) Julie A. Mertus, Kumarian Press, 14 Switzerland, as part of its work on gender
Oakwood Avenue, West Hartford, and peace, supported by the Swiss Agency
Connecticut 06119-2127, USA. for Development and Co-operation. Two
www.kpbooks.com thematic issues have been published to date.
This accessibly written publication is The first addresses the UN Security Council
intended to reach a wide audience, from Resolution 1325, and the second considers
practitioners to policy-makers and beyond. the intersection between militarisation,
It begins with an introduction to the gender, and development co-operation.
different ways women and men experience
war, followed by an analysis of the three case Security Dialogue
studies - Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan - PRIO, International Peace Research Institute,
and then it considers the legal framework Oslo, Fuglehauggata 11, NO-0260 Oslo,
that supports gender equality in conflict and Norway.
post-conflict situations; the final chapter www.prio.no/sd
offers conclusions and recommendations. Security Dialogue is a peer-reviewed
quarterly journal which encourages
Women and War (2003) Jenny Matthews, reflection on new and traditional security
Pluto Press and ActionAid, Pluto Press issues such as globalisation, nationalism,
345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA, UK ethnic conflict and civil war, information
www.plutobooks.com technology, biological and chemical
Women and War is a collection of photo- warfare, environmental security, and
graphs taken by documentary photographer human security. It provides a forum for
Jenny Matthews over the past two decades. analysis of the normative dimensions of
Images of women as soldiers, victims, and security, theoretical and practical aspects of
Resources 107
identity and identity-based conflict, gender Women, War, Peace (2002) Elisabeth Rehn
aspects of security, and Critical Security (Finland) and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,
Studies. By providing a medium for UNIFEM
interdisciplinary dialogue on theoretical www.unifem.org/index.php?f_page_pid=149
innovations in security thinking, it seeks to Also available in print.
encourage critical thinking about traditional Women, War, Peace is Volume 1 of the
policy assumptions. UNIFEM publication Progress of the World's
Women 2002. It was commissioned in
response to Security Council Resolution
1325 (2000) on women, peace, and security,
Gender Justice and Accountability in Peace to provide further study of the issues. The
Support Operations: Closing the Gaps (2004) authors, both government officials, visited
International Alert conflict areas and interviewed women about
www.international-alert.org/pdf/pubgen/ their thoughts and experiences of conflict
gender_justice_accountability_peace_opera and peace. Issues addressed include gender-
tions.pdf based violence, the role of women in peace
Available in print from Catherine Hall, keeping, and the impact of displacement.
Communications Officer
(chall@international-alert.org) Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction:
This report from International Alert argues Issues and Sources (1998) Birgitte Serensen,
the need for peace-support operations UNRISD
(PSOs) to adopt gender-sensitive approaches www.unrisd.org
and support women's rights in post-conflict This literature review of post-conflict
situations. Using international agreements reconstruction challenges the image of
as an overarching framework, the report woman as victim by focusing on women's
provides recommendations to the UN and role as actors in peacebuilding. It also
regional PSOs concerning the creation of considers changing gender relations and
gender-sensitive operations. It also suggests structural constraints in post-conflict
ways for PSOs to be accountable to the societies.
communities whom they serve, and to
eliminate violations perpetrated by the PSOs Pastoral Women as Peacemakers (2003)
themselves.
Community Based Animal Health and
Participatory Epidemiology Unit (CAPE) of
BRIDGE Cutting Edge Pack on Gender and the African Union's Interafrican Bureau for
Armed Conflict (2003) Animal Resources (AU/IBAR)
www.ids.ac.uk/bridge/reports_gend_CEP. www.eldis.org/fulltext/PastoralWomenAs
html PeacemakersApril2003.pdf
Also available in print.
This is a combined research report and
BRIDGE'S series of Cutting Edge Packs workshop report on pastoral women's role
provides comprehensive analysis and infor- in peacebuilding in Africa. It considers the
mation on particular themes, including role of women as peacebuilders, and finds
armed conflict. The pack on Gender and that their informal power in the household is
Armed Conflict includes an overview report an important resource on which to draw in
by Amani El Jack, a supporting resources peacebuilding initiatives. The findings support
collection, including summaries, and the participation of women in formal
Development and Gender In Brief, which is a structures of peacebuilding, and remind the
brief and accessible primer on the issues, reader of the importance of including rural
with case studies from Peru and Palestine. and pastoral women in these initiatives.
108
Gender Resource Guide aims to contribute pation of the West Bank and Gaza. Women
to best practice in the area of gender analysis, in Black has developed in countries such as
by providing access to a range of resources. Italy, Spain, Germany, England, Azerbaijan,
One area of specific focus is gender and Colombia, and in FR Yugoslavia, where
conflict, on which it provides summaries, women in Belgrade have stood in weekly
analysis, and links to documents, organi- vigils since 1991 to condemn war and the
sations, discussion lists, and newsletters. Serbian regime's policies of nationalist
aggression. Women in Black groups have
been formed in many cities in the United
States since September 11th 2001.
Women Waging Peace
625 Mount Auburn Street, Cambridge, MA The Women's Commission for Refugee Women
02138, USA. Tel: (617) 868-3910; Fax: (617) and Children
995-1982. 122 East 42nd Street, 12th Floor, New York,
information@womenwagingpeace.net NY 10168-1289, USA. Tel: 212-551-3088/
www.womenwagingpeace.net 212-551-3111; Fax 212-551-3180
Women Waging Peace campaigns for the info@womenscommission.org
full participation of women in formal and www.womenscommission.org
informal peace processes around the world. The Women's Commission is an expert
The inclusion of all sectors of society helps toresource and advocacy organisation which
find fresh, workable solutions to seemingly monitors the care and protection of refugee
intractable conflicts. Sustainable peace, and women and children. It speaks out on issues
therefore international security, depends on of concern to refugee and displaced women,
such innovations. children and adolescents, who rarely have
access to governments and policy makers to
Women's International League for Peace and argue for change. It also provides oppor-
Freedom (WILPF) tunities for refugee women and youth to
1, rue de Varembe, Case Postale 28, 1211 speak for themselves through briefings,
Geneva 20, Switzerland. Tel: (+4122) 919 70 80; testimony, participation in field assess-
wilpf@iprolink.ch ments, and international conferences.
www.wilpf.int.ch
WILPF is the oldest women's peace organi- Women's Initiatives for Gender Justice
sation in the world. It was founded in April Anna Paulownastraat 103, 2518 BC
1915, in The Hague, by some 1300 women The Hague, The Netherlands. Tel: +31 (0)70
from Europe and North America, from 365 2042; Fax: +31 (0)70 392 5270
countries at war against each other and from info@iccwomen.org
neutral ones, who came together in a www .iccwomen.org
Congress of Women to protest against the This caucus is a network of individuals and
war then raging in Europe. WILPF is an groups committed to strengthening advocacy
international NGO with national sections in on women's human rights and helping to
37 countries, covering all continents. develop greater capacity among women in
the use of International Criminal Court, the
Women in Black Optional Protocol to CEDAW, and other
www.womeninblack.net mechanisms that provide women with
Women in Black is not an organisation, but access to justice.
an international peace network, a means of
mobilisation, and a formula for action. Its Human Rights Watch Women's Rights Division
vigils were started in Israel in 1988 by 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor, New York, NY
women protesting against Israel's Occu- 10118-3299 USA. Tel: 1-(212) 290-4700;
110