Disgust

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"Revulsion" redirects here. For other uses, see Revulsion (disambiguation).

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Adriaen Brouwer's The Bitter Tonic, depicting a man's response of disgust to a beverage

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Disgust is an emotional response of revulsion to something considered offensive, distasteful, or

unpleasant. In The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, Charles Darwin wrote that
disgust is a sensation that refers to something revolting. Disgust is experienced primarily in relation
to the sense of taste (either perceived or imagined), and secondarily to anything which causes a
similar feeling by sense of smell, touch, or vision. Musically sensitive people may even be disgusted
by the cacophony of inharmonious sounds. Research continually has proven a relationship between
disgust and anxiety disorders such as arachnophobia, blood-injection-injury type phobias, and
contamination fear related obsessivecompulsive disorder (also known as OCD).[1]
Disgust is one of the basic emotions of Robert Plutchik's theory of emotions and has been studied
extensively by Paul Rozin. It invokes a characteristic facial expression, one of Paul Ekman's six
universal facial expressions of emotion. Unlike the emotions of fear, anger, and sadness, disgust is
associated with a decrease in heart rate.[2]

Contents
[hide]
 1Evolutionary significance

o 1.1Domains of disgust

o 1.2Gender differences

2Body language

o 2.1Children's reactions to a face showing disgust

3Cultural differences

4Neural basis

o 4.1Insula

5Disorders

o 5.1Huntington's disease

o 5.2Major depressive disorder

o 5.3Obsessive-compulsive disorder

6Animal research

7Morality

o 7.1Political orientation

o 7.2Self-disgust

8Functions

9Political and legal aspects of disgust

10The Hydra's Tale: Imagining Disgust

11See also

12References

13Bibliography

14External links

Evolutionary significance[edit]
It is believed that the emotion of disgust has evolved as a response to offensive foods that may
cause harm to the organism.[3] A common example of this is found in human beings who show
disgust reactions to mouldy milk or contaminated meat. Disgust appears to be triggered by objects
or people who possess attributes that signify disease.[4]
Self-report and behavioural studies found that disgust elicitors include:

body products (feces, urine, vomit, sexual fluids, saliva,

and mucus);

foods (spoiled foods);

animals (fleas, ticks, lice, cockroaches, worms, flies, rats, and

mice);

hygiene (visible dirt and "inappropriate" acts [e.g., using an

unsterilized surgical instrument]);

body envelope violations (blood, gore, and mutilation);

death (dead bodies and organic decay);

visible signs of infection[5]

The above-mentioned main disgust stimuli are similar to one another in the sense that they can all
potentially transmit infections, and are the most common referenced elicitors of disgust cross-
culturally.[6] Because of this, disgust is believed to have evolved as a component of a behavioral
immune system in which the body attempts to avoid disease-carrying pathogens in preference to
fighting them after they have entered the body. This behavioral immune system has been found to
make sweeping generalizations because "it is more costly to perceive a sick person as healthy than
to perceive a healthy person as sickly".[7] Researchers have found that sensitivity to disgust is
negatively correlated to aggression because feelings of disgust typically bring about a need to
withdraw[clarification needed] while aggression results in a need to approach. [8] This can be explained in terms
of each of the types of disgust. For those especially sensitive to moral disgust, they would want to be
less aggressive because they want to avoid hurting others. Those especially sensitive to pathogen
disgust might be motivated by a desire to avoid the possibility of an open wound on the victim of the
aggression; however, for those sensitive to sexual disgust, some sexual object must be present for
them to be especially avoidant of aggression.[8] Based on these findings, disgust may be used as an
emotional tool to decrease aggression in individuals. Disgust may produce
specific autonomic responses, such as reduced blood pressure, lowered heart-rate and decreased
skin conductance along with changes in respiratory behaviour.[9]
Research has also found that people who are more sensitive to disgust tend to find their own in-
group more attractive and tend to have more negative attitudes toward other groups. [10] This may be
explained by assuming that people begin to associate outsiders and foreigners with disease and
danger while simultaneously associating health, freedom from disease, and safety with people
similar to themselves. Although not a justification by any means, this could be an evolutionary
explanation for why some people feel racism. When they see others different from themselves, they
have an evolved sense of danger arising from a biological desire to avoid potential pathogens
brought on by foreigners.
A woman expressing disgust.

Taking a further look into hygiene, disgust was the strongest predictor of negative attitudes toward
obese individuals. A disgust reaction to obese individuals was also connected with views of moral
values.[11]
Domains of disgust[edit]
See also: Evolution of morality
Tybur, et al., outlines three domains of disgust: pathogen disgust, which "motivates the avoidance of
infectious microorganisms"; sexual disgust, "which motivates the avoidance of [dangerous] sexual
partners and behaviors"; and moral disgust, which motivates people to avoid breaking social norms.
Disgust may have an important role in certain forms of morality.[12]
Pathogen disgust arises from a desire to survive and, ultimately, a fear of death. He compares it to a
"behavioral immune system" that is the 'first line of defense' against potentially deadly agents such
as dead bodies, rotting food, and vomit.[13]
Sexual disgust arises from a desire to avoid "biologically costly mates" and a consideration of the
consequences of certain reproductive choices. The two primary considerations are intrinsic quality
(e.g., body symmetry, facial attractiveness, etc.) and genetic compatibility (e.g., avoidance
of inbreeding such as the incest taboo).[14]
Moral disgust "pertains to social transgressions" and includes behaviors such as lying, theft, murder,
and rape. Unlike the other two domains, moral disgust "motivates avoidance of social relationships
with norm-violating individuals" because those relationships threaten group cohesion. [15]
Gender differences[edit]
Women generally report greater disgust than men, especially regarding sexual disgust or turn-offs
which have been argued to be consistent with women being more selective regarding sex for
evolutionary reasons.[16]
Sensitivity to disgust rises during pregnancy, along with levels of the hormone progesterone.
Scientists have conjectured that pregnancy requires the mother to "dial down" her immune system
so that the developing embryo won't be attacked. To protect the mother, this lowered immune system
is then compensated by a heightened sense of disgust. [17]
Because disgust is an emotion with physical responses to undesirable or dirty situations, studies
have proven there are cardiovascular and respiratory changes while experiencing the emotion of
disgust.[18]
As mentioned earlier, women experience disgust more prominently than men. This is reflected in a
study about dental phobia. A dental phobia comes from experiencing disgust when thinking about
the dentist and all that entails. 4.6 percent of women compared to 2.7 percent of men find the dentist
disgusting.[19]
Body language[edit]
In a series of significant studies by Paul Ekman in the 1970s, it was discovered that facial
expressions of emotion are not culturally determined, but universal across human cultures and thus
likely to be biological in origin.[20] The facial expression of disgust was found to be one of these facial
expressions. This characteristic facial expression includes slightly narrowed brows, a curled upper
lip, wrinkling of the nose and visible protrusions of the tongue, although different elicitors may
produce different forms of this expression.[21] It was found that the facial expression of disgust is
readily recognizable across cultures.[22] This facial expression is also produced in blind individuals
and is correctly interpreted by individuals born deaf. [4] This evidence indicates an innate biological
basis for the expression and recognition of disgust. The recognition of disgust is also important
among species as it has been found that when an individual sees a conspecific looking disgusted
after tasting a particular food, he or she automatically infers that the food is bad and should not be
eaten.[3] This evidence suggests that disgust is experienced and recognized almost universally and
strongly implicates its evolutionary significance.
Facial feedback has also been implicated in the expression of disgust. That is, the making of the
facial expression of disgust leads to an increased feeling of disgust. This can occur if the person just
wrinkles one's nose without awareness that they are making a disgust expression. [23]
The mirror-neuron matching system found in monkeys and humans is a proposed explanation for
such recognition, and shows that our internal representation of actions is triggered during the
observation of anothers actions.[24] It has been demonstrated that a similar mechanism may apply to
emotions. Seeing someone else's facial emotional expressions triggers the neural activity that would
relate to our own experience of the same emotion. [25] This points to the universality, as well as
survival value of the emotion of disgust.
Children's reactions to a face showing disgust[edit]
At a very young age, children are able to identify different, basic facial emotions. If a parent makes a
negative face and a positive emotional face toward two different toys, a child as young as five
months would avoid the toy associated with a negative face. Young children tend to associate a face
showing disgust with anger instead of being able to identify the difference. Adults, however, are able
to make the distinction. The age of understanding seems to be around ten years old. [26]

Cultural differences[edit]
Because disgust is partially a result of social conditioning, there are differences among different
cultures in the objects of disgust. Americans "are more likely to link feelings of disgust to actions that
limit a persons rights or degrade a persons dignity" while Japanese people "are more likely to link
feelings of disgust to actions that frustrate their integration into the social world". [27]
Another contrasting example is with mothers from the Manchu ethnic group, who used to show
affection for their children by performing fellatio on their male babies since it was not considered a
sexual act, while the Manchu regarded public kissing with revulsion, which was considered sexual. [28]
[29][30][31][32]

Disgust is one of the basic emotions recognizable across multiple cultures and is a response to
something revolting typically involving taste or sight. Though different cultures find different things
disgusting, the reaction to the grotesque things remains the same throughout each culture; people
and their emotional reactions in the realm of disgust remain the same. [33]

Neural basis[edit]
The scientific attempts to map specific emotions onto underlying neural substrates dates back to the
first half of the 20th century. However, it was not until the mid-1990s when it was recognized that six
basic emotions, including disgust, were each related to a specific neural structure and therefore
considered to be a part of the clinical neurosciences.[25] Functional MRI experiments have revealed
that the anterior insula in the brain is particularly active when experiencing disgust, when being
exposed to offensive tastes, and when viewing facial expressions of disgust. [34] The research has
supported that there are independent neural systems in the brain, each handling a specific basic
emotion.[3] Specifically, f-MRI studies have provided evidence for the activation of the insula in
disgust recognition, as well as visceral changes in disgust reactions such as the feeling of nausea.
[3]
The importance of disgust recognition and the visceral reaction of "feeling disgusted" is evident
when considering the survival of organisms, and the evolutionary benefit of avoiding contamination. [3]
Insula[edit]

The insula of the left side, exposed by removing the opercula. From Henry Vandyke Carter - Henry Gray (1918)
Anatomy of the Human Body Bartleby.com: Gray's Anatomy, Plate 731

The insula (or insular cortex), is the main neural structure involved in the emotion of disgust.[3][25]
[35]
The insula has been shown by several studies to be the main neural correlate of the feeling of
disgust both in humans and in macaque monkeys. The insula is activated by unpleasant tastes,
smells, and the visual recognition of disgust in conspecific organisms.[3]
The anterior insula is an olfactory and gustatory center that controls visceral sensations and the
related autonomic responses.[3] It also receives visual information from the anterior portion of the
ventral superior temporal cortex, where cells have been found to respond to the sight of faces. [36]
The posterior insula is characterized by connections with auditory, somatosensory,
and premotor areas, and is not related to the olfactory or gustatory modalities.[3]
The fact that the insula is necessary for our ability to feel and recognize the emotion of disgust is
further supported by neuropsychological studies. Both Calder (2000) and Adolphs (2003) showed
that lesions on the anterior insula lead to deficits in the experience of disgust and recognizing facial
expressions of disgust in others.[35][37] The patients also reported having reduced sensations of disgust
themselves. Furthermore, electrical stimulation of the anterior insula conducted during neurosurgery
triggered nausea, the feeling of wanting to throw up and uneasiness in the stomach. Finally,
electrically stimulating the anterior insula through implanted electrodes produced sensations in the
throat and mouth that were "difficult to stand".[3] These findings demonstrate the role of the insula in
transforming unpleasant sensory input into physiological reactions, and the associated feeling of
disgust.[3]
In a study by Stark & colleagues (2007), sixty-six participants took part in an event-related fMRI
analysis. 50 pictures were presented for four seconds and participants rated each picture on the
dimensions disgust and fear. The results indicated that both fear and disgust stimulus categories
resulted in activations in the occipital cortex, prefrontal cortex and in the amygdala. [38] However,
insula activation was only significantly correlated with ratings of disgust, pointing to a specific role of
this brain structure in the processing of disgust. In another intensive fMRI study by Wicker &
colleagues (2003), disgust reactions to visual and olfactory stimuli were compared. The study
consisted of four runs and in the visual runs participants viewed movies of individuals smelling the
contents of a glass (conditions: disgusting, pleasant, or neutral) and expressing the facial
expressions of the respective emotions.[3] In the olfactory runs, the same participants inhaled
disgusting or pleasant odorants. It was found that the anterior insula was activated in both the
observation of disgusted facial expressions (visual condition) and during the emotion of disgust
evoked by unpleasant odors (olfactory condition).[3] These findings demonstrate that observing
someone else's facial expression of disgust seems to automatically retrieve a neural representation
of disgust.[3] Furthermore, they emphasize the role of the insula in feelings of disgust across the
senses.
One particular neuropsychological study focused on patient NK who was diagnosed with a left
hemisphere infarction involving the insula, internal capsule, putamen and globus pallidus. NKs
neural damage included the insula and putamen and it was found that NKs overall response to
disgust-inducing stimuli was significantly lower than that of controls.[35] The patient showed a
reduction in disgust-response on eight categories including food, animals, body products, envelope
violation and death.[35] Moreover, NK incorrectly categorized disgust facial expressions as anger. The
results of this study support the idea that NK suffered damage to a system involved in recognizing
social signals of disgust, due to a damaged insula caused by neurodegeneration. [35]

Disorders[edit]
Huntington's disease[edit]
Many patients suffering from Huntington's disease, a genetically transmitted progressive
neurodegenerative disease, are unable to recognize expressions of disgust in others and also don't
show reactions of disgust to foul odors or tastes.[39] The inability to recognize expressions of disgust
appears in carriers of the Huntington gene before other symptoms appear.[40] People with
Huntington's disease are impaired at recognition of anger and fear, and experience a notably severe
problem with disgust recognition.[41]
Major depressive disorder[edit]
Patients suffering from major depression have been found to display greater brain activation to facial
expressions of disgust.[42]
Obsessive-compulsive disorder[edit]
The emotion of disgust may have an important role in understanding the neurobiology of obsessive-
compulsive disorder (OCD), particularly in those with contamination preoccupations. [43] In a study by
Shapira & colleagues (2003), eight OCD subjects with contamination preoccupations and eight
healthy volunteers viewed pictures from the International Affective Picture System during f-MRI
scans. OCD subjects showed significantly greater neural responses to disgust-invoking images,
specifically in the right insula.[44] Furthermore, Sprengelmeyer (1997) found that the brain activation
associated with disgust included the insula and part of the gustatory cortex that processes
unpleasant tastes and smells. OCD subjects and healthy volunteers showed activation patterns in
response to disgust pictures that differed significantly at the right insula. In contrast, the two groups
were similar in their response to threat-inducing pictures, with no significant group differences at any
site.[45]

Animal research[edit]
With respect to studies using rats, prior research of signs of a conditioned disgust response have
been experimentally verified by Grill and Norgren (1978) who developed a systematic test to
assess palatability. The Taste Reactivity (TR) test has thus become a standard tool in measuring
disgust response.[46] When given a stimulus intraorally which had been previously paired with
a nausea-inducing substance, rats will show conditioned disgust reactions. "Gaping" in rats is the
most dominant conditioned disgust reaction and the muscles used in this response mimic those
used in species capable of vomiting.[47] Recent studies have shown that treatments that
reduced serotonin availability or that activate the endocannabinoid system can interfere with the
expression of a conditioned disgust reaction in rats. These researchers showed that as nausea
produced conditioned disgust reactions, by administering the rats with an antinausea treatment they
could prevent toxin-induced conditioned disgust reactions. Furthermore, in looking at the different
disgust and vomiting reactions between rats and shrews the authors showed that these reactions
(particularly vomiting) play a crucial role in the associative processes that govern food selection
across species.[48]
In discussing specific neural locations of disgust, research has shown that forebrain mechanisms are
necessary for rats to acquire conditioned disgust for a specific emetic (vomit-inducing) substance
(such as lithium chloride).[49] Other studies have shown that lesions to the area postrema[50] and the
parabrachial nucleus of the pons[51] but not the nucleus of the solitary tract[51] prevented conditioned
disgust. Moreover, lesions of the dorsal and medial raphe nuclei (depleting forebrain serotonin)
prevented the establishment of lithium chloride-induced conditioned disgust. [52]

Morality[edit]
Although disgust was first thought to be a motivation for humans to only physical contaminants, it
has since been expanded to apply to moral and social moral contaminants as well. The similarities
between these types of disgust can especially be seen in the way people react to the contaminants.
For example, if someone stumbles upon a pool of vomit, he/she will do whatever possible to put as
much distance between himself/herself and the vomit as possible, which can include pinching the
nose, closing the eyes, or running away. Similarly, when a group experiences someone who cheats,
murders, or rapes another member of the group, its reaction is to shun or expel that person from the
group.[53]
Jones & Fitness (2008)[53] coined the term "moral hypervigilance" to describe the phenomenon that
individuals who are prone to physical disgust will also be prone to moral disgust. The link between
physical disgust and moral disgust can be seen in the United States where criminals are often
referred to as "slime" or "scum" and criminal activity as "stinking" or being "fishy". Furthermore,
people often try to block out the stimuli of morally repulsive images in much the same way that they
would block out the stimuli of a physically repulsive image. When people see an image of rape or
murder, they often turn their heads away to inhibit the incoming visual stimuli from the photograph
just like they would if they saw a decomposing body.
Moral judgments can be traditionally defined or thought of as directed by standards such as
impartiality and respect towards others for their well-being. From more recent theoretical and
empirical information, it can be suggested that morality may be guided by basic affective
processes. Jonathan Haidt proposed that ones instant judgments about morality are experienced as
a "flash of intuition" and that these affective perceptions operate rapidly, associatively, and outside
of consciousness.[54] From this, moral intuitions are believed to be stimulated prior to conscious moral
cognitions which correlates with having a greater influence on moral judgments. [54]
Research suggests that the experience of disgust can alter moral judgments. Many studies have
focused on the average change in behavior across participants, with some studies indicating disgust
stimuli intensifies the severity of moral judgments.[55] However, additional studies have found the
reverse effect,[56] and recent studies have suggested that the average effect of disgust on moral
judgments is small or absent.[57][58] Potentially reconciling these effects, a study recently indicated that
the direction and size of the effect of disgust stimuli on moral judgment is dependent on an
individual's sensitivity to disgust.[59]
The effect also seems to be limited to a certain aspect of morality. Horberg et al. found that disgust
plays a role in the development and intensification of moral judgments of purity in particular.[60] In
other words, the feeling of disgust is often associated with a feeling that some image of what is pure
has been violated. For example, a vegetarian might feel disgust after seeing another person eating
meat because he/she has a view of vegetarianism as the pure state-of-being. When this state-of-
being is violated, the vegetarian feels disgust. Furthermore, disgust appears to be uniquely
associated with purity judgments, not with what is just/unjust or what is harmful/caregiving, while
other emotions such as fear, anger, and sadness are "unrelated to moral judgments of purity". [61]
Some other research suggests that an individuals level of disgust sensitivity is due to their particular
experience of disgust.[54] Ones disgust sensitivity can be either high or low. The higher ones disgust
sensitivity is, the greater the tendency to make stricter moral judgments. [54] Disgust sensitivity can
also relate to various aspects of moral values, which can have a negative or positive impact. For
example, Disgust sensitivity is associated with moral hypervigilance, which means people who have
higher disgust sensitivity are more likely to think that other people who are suspects of a crime are
more guilty. They also associate them as being morally evil and criminal, thus endorsing them to
harsher punishment in the setting of a court.
Disgust is also theorized as an evaluative emotion that can control moral behavior.[54] When one
experiences disgust, this emotion might signal that certain behaviors, objects, or people are to be
avoided in order to preserve their purity. Research has established that when the idea or concept of
cleanliness is made salient then people make less severe moral judgments of others. [54] From this
particular finding, it can be suggested that this reduces the experience of disgust and the ensuing
threat of psychological impurity diminishes the apparent severity of moral transgressions. [62]
Political orientation[edit]
In one study, people of differing political persuasions were shown disgusting images in a brain
scanner. In conservatives, the basal ganglia and amygdala and several other regions showed
increased activity, while in liberals other regions of the brain increased in activity. Both groups
reported similar conscious reactions to the images. The difference in activity pattern was large: the
reaction to a single image could predict a person's political leanings with 95% accuracy.[63]
Self-disgust[edit]
Although limited research has been done on self-disgust, one study found that self-disgust and
severity of moral judgments were negatively correlated.[64] This is in contrast to findings related to
disgust, which typically results in harsher judgments of transgressions. This implies that disgust
directed towards the self functions very differently from disgust directed towards other people or
objects.[64] Self-disgust "may reflect a pervasive condition of self-loathing that makes it difficult to
assign deserving punishment to others".[64] In other words, those who feel self-disgust cannot easily
condemn others to punishment because they feel that they may also be deserving of punishment.

Functions[edit]
The emotion of disgust can be described to serve as an affective mechanism following occurrences
of negative social value, provoking repulsion, and desire for social distance. [65] The origin of disgust
can be defined by motivating the avoidance of offensive things, and in the context of a social
environment, it can become an instrument of social avoidance.[65] An example of disgust in action can
be found from the Bible in the book of Leviticus. Leviticus includes direct commandments
from God to avoid disgust causing individuals, which included people who were sexually immoral
and those who had leprosy.[65] Disgust is also known to have originally evolved as a response to
unpleasant food that may have been carriers of disease.[65] As an affective instrument for reducing
motivations for social interaction, disgust can be anticipated to interfere with dehumanization or the
maltreatment of persons as less than human.[65] Research was performed which conducted several
functional magnetic resonance images (fMRI) in which participants viewed images of individuals
from stigmatized groups that were associated with disgust, which were drug addicts and homeless
people.[65] What the study found was that people were not inclined in making inferences about the
mental conditions of these particular disgust inducing groups. [65] Therefore, examining images of
homeless people and drug addicts caused disgust in the response of the people who participated
with this study.[65] This study coincides with disgust following the law of contagion, which explains that
contact with disgusting material renders one disgusting. [65] Disgust can be applied towards people
and can function as maltreatment towards another human being. Disgust can exclude people from
being a part of a clique by leading to the view that they are merely less than human. An example of
this is if groups were to avoid people from outside of their own particular group. Some researchers
have distinguished between two different forms of dehumanization. The first form is the denial of
uniquely human traits, examples include: products of culture and modification. [65] The second form is
the denial of human nature, examples include: emotionality and personality.[65]Failure to attribute
distinctively human traits to a group leads to animalistic dehumanization, which defines the object
group or individual as savage, crude, and similar to animals.[65] These forms of dehumanization have
clear connections to disgust.[65] Researchers have proposed that many disgust elicitors are disgusting
because they are reminders that humans are not diverse from other creatures. [65] With the aid of
disgust, animalistic dehumanization directly reduces ones moral concerns towards excluding
members from the outer group.[65] Disgust can be a cause and consequence of dehumanization.
[65]
Animalistic dehumanization may generate feelings of disgust and revulsion.[65] Feelings of disgust,
through rousing social distance, may lead to dehumanization. Therefore, a person or group that is
generally connected with disgusting effects and seen as physically unclean may induce moral
avoidance.[65] Being deemed disgusting produces a variety of cognitive effects that result
in exclusion from the perceived inner group.[65]

Political and legal aspects of disgust[edit]

The emotion disgust has been noted to feature strongly in the public sphere in relation to issues and
debates, among other things, regarding anatomy, sex and bioethics. There is a range of views by
different commentators on the role, purpose and effects of disgust on public discourse.
Leon Kass, a bioethicist, has advocated that "in crucial cases...repugnance is the emotional
expression of deep wisdom, beyond reason's power fully to articulate it." in relation to bio-ethical
issues (See: Wisdom of repugnance).
Martha Nussbaum, a jurist and ethicist, explicitly rejects disgust as an appropriate guide for
legislating, arguing the "politics of disgust" is an unreliable emotional reaction with no inherent
wisdom. Furthermore, she argues this "politics of disgust" has in the past and present had the effects
of supporting bigotry in the forms of sexism, racism and antisemitism and links the emotion of
disgust to support for laws against Miscegenation and the oppressive caste system in India. In place
of this "politics of disgust", Nussbaum argues for the Harm principle from John Stuart Mill as the
proper basis for legislating. Nussbaum argues the harm principle supports the legal ideas
of consent, the Age of majority and privacy and protects citizens. She contrasts this with the "politics
of disgust" which she argues denies citizens humanity and equality before the law on no rational
grounds and cause palpable social harm. (See Martha Nussbaum, From Disgust to Humanity:
Sexual Orientation and Constitutional Law). Nussbaum published Hiding From Humanity: Disgust,
Shame, and the Law in 2004; the book examines the relationship of disgust and shame to a society's
laws. Nussbaum identifies disgust as a marker that bigoted, and often merely majoritarian, discourse
employs to "place", by diminishment and denigration, a despised minority. Removing "disgust" from
public discourse constitutes an important step in achieving humane and tolerant democracies.
Leigh Turner (2004) has argued that "reactions of disgust are often built upon prejudices that should
be challenged and rebutted." On the other hand, writers, such as Kass, find wisdom in adhering to
one's initial feelings of disgust. A number of writers on the theory of disgust find it to be the proto-
legal foundation of human law.
Disgust has also figured prominently in the work of several other philosophers. Nietzsche became
disgusted with the music and orientation of Richard Wagner, as well as other aspects of 19th century
culture and morality. Jean-Paul Sartre wrote widely about experiences involving various negative
emotions related to disgust.[66]
The Hydra's Tale: Imagining Disgust[edit]
According to the book The Hydra's Tale: Imagining Disgust by Robert Rawdon Wilson,[67] disgust may
be further subdivided into physical disgust, associated with physical or metaphorical uncleanliness,
and moral disgust, a similar feeling related to courses of action. For example; "I am disgusted by the
hurtful things that you are saying." Moral disgust should be understood as culturally determined;
physical disgust as more universally grounded. The book also discusses moral disgust as an aspect
of the representation of disgust. Wilson does this in two ways. First, he discusses representations of
disgust in literature, film and fine art. Since there are characteristic facial expressions (the clenched
nostrils, the pursed lips)as Charles Darwin, Paul Ekman, and others have shownthey may be
represented with more or less skill in any set of circumstances imaginable. There may even be
"disgust worlds" in which disgust motifs so dominate that it may seem that entire represented world
is, in itself, disgusting. Second, since people know what disgust is as a primary, or visceral, emotion
(with characteristic gestures and expressions), they may imitate it. Thus, Wilson argues that, for
example, contempt is acted out on the basis of the visceral emotion, disgust, but is not identical with
disgust. It is a "compound affect" that entails intellectual preparation, or formatting, and theatrical
techniques. Wilson argues that there are many such "intellectual" compound affectssuch as
nostalgia and outragebut that disgust is a fundamental and unmistakable example. Moral disgust,
then, is different from visceral disgust; it is more conscious and more layered in performance.
Wilson links shame and guilt to disgust (now transformed, wholly or partially, into self-disgust)
primarily as a consequence rooted in self-consciousness. Referring to a passage in Doris
Lessing's The Golden Notebook, Wilson writes that "the dance between disgust and shame takes
place. A slow choreography unfolds before the mind's-eye."[68]
Wilson examines the claims of several jurists and legal scholarssuch as William Ian Millerthat
disgust must underlie positive law. "In the absence of disgust", he observes, stating their claim, ". . .
there would be either total barbarism or a society ruled solely by force, violence and terror." The
moral-legal argument, he remarks, "leaves much out of account."[69] His own argument turns largely
upon the human capacity to learn how to control, even to suppress, strong and problematic affects
and, over time, for entire populations to abandon specific disgust responses.

See also[edit]
Affective neuroscience

Amygdala

Aversion Therapy

Cognitive neuroscience

Contempt

Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells

Fear

Foodborne illness

Menippean satire
 Nausea

Papez Circuit

Phobia

Social neuroscience

Taboo

Vomiting

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Bibliography[edit]
Cohen, William A. and Ryan Johnson, eds. Filth: Dirt, Disgust, and
Modern Life. University of Minnesota Press, 2005.

Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of

Pollution and Taboo. Praeger, 1966.

Kelly, Daniel. Yuck! The Nature and Moral Significance of

Disgust. MIT Press, 2011.

Korsmeyer, Carolyn (2011) Savoring Disgust: The Foul and the Fair
in Aesthetics Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199842346.

McCorkle Jr., William W. Ritualizing the Disposal of the Deceased:

From Corpse to Concept. Peter Lang, 2010.

McGinn, Colin. The Meaning of Disgust. Oxford University Press,

2011.

Menninghaus, Winfried. Disgust: Theory and History of a Strong

Sensation. Tr. Howard Eiland and Joel Golb. SUNY Press, 2003

Miller, William Ian. The Anatomy of Disgust. Harvard University

Press, 1997.
 Nussbaum, Martha C. Upheavals of Thought: The Intelligence of
Emotions. Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Nussbaum, Martha C. Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame, and

the Law. Princeton University Press, 2004.

Nussbaum, Martha C. From Disgust to Humanity: Sexual

Orientation and Constitutional Law. Oxford University Press, 2010.

Rindisbacher, Hans J. A Cultural History of Disgust. KulturPoetik. 5:

1. 2005. pp. 119127.

Wilson, Robert (2007). "Disgust: A Menippean Interview". Canadian

Review of Comparative Literature. 34: 203213.

Wilson, Robert Rawdon. The Hydras Tale: Imagining

Disgust. University of Alberta Press, 2002.

External links[edit]
Look up disgust in
Wiktionary, the free
dictionary.

Wikimedia Commons has

media related to Disgust.

Nancy Sherman, a researcher investigating disgust

Jon Haidt's page about the Disgust Scale

Moral Judgment and the Social Intuitionist Model, publications by

Jonathan Haidt on disgust and its relationship with moral ideas

Hiding from Humanity: Disgust, Shame, and the Law

Shame and Group Psychotherapy

"Is repugnance wise? Visceral responses to biotechnology" Nature

Biotechnology

Purity and Pollution by Jonathan Kirkpatrick (RTF)

Paper on the economic effects of Repugnance

Anatomy of Disgust, Channel 4 program

 WhyFiles.org[dead link] Article written about a February 2009 study in
"Science" linking moral judgments with facial expressions that
indicate sensory disgust.

Disgust: A Menippean Interview

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