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10
CLASS AND MASCULINITY
DAVID MORGAN

Students of gender tend only to see gender; class analysts tend only to see social
classes. The research questions are often crudely put as being questions of gender or
class instead of asking how gender and class interact in the lives of historically situ-
ated social groups.
Marianne Gullestad (1992, p. 62)

C
lass is one of a number of social some kind of hierarchical organization and
hierarchies or systems of social stratifi- inequalities of power. They are structured in that
cation that have represented core ele- they, to a greater or lesser extent, exist outside
ments in sociological analysis. Other systems individuals and persist over time. And they are,
include slavery and caste and feudal systems, again to varying degrees, seen as significant dis-
and these are usually seen as being distinct from tinctions in the societies in which they exist.
class relationships in that they are associated Sociological analysis, until fairly recently, has
with particular historical epochs or geographical tended to focus on class and class relationships,
areas. Class stratification is seen as the form although there may be considerable variation in
most closely associated with industrial and cap- the ways in which these terms are understood.
italist societies, although elements of other This is partly because of the influence of at least
systems may also be present. In addition, there two of the disciplines founding fathers, Marx
are hierarchies that can overlap and coexist with and Weber, and partly because of sociologys
any of these particular systems of stratification. central interest in the defining and distinctive
These can include gender, age, and generation, characteristics of modern societies.
as well as race and ethnicity; some more recent It should be noted at the outset that there is
analyses would argue for the inclusion of hier- a particularly British or European focus in this
archies based on sexualities and forms of ability chapter, although the chapter does not, as we
and disability. shall see, exclude wider considerations. This is
All these sets of differences have some fea- partly because of my own intellectual back-
tures in common. They are relational in that the ground as a British academic but also partly
various elements (working class, slave, women, because many of the key debates and modes of
black, etc.) cannot be considered apart from analysis originated in Britain, although they
other, usually opposed, elements. They refer to made use of some of the key theories from other
165
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166 STRUCTURES, INSTITUTIONS, AND PROCESSES

parts of Europe. Class has sometimes been seen Toward the latter part of the 20th century, there
as a particularly British obsession, and this in appeared to be a general impression, at least
part relates to its historical position as the first within the United Kingdom, that class analysis
industrial capitalist society, a point recog- no longer had a promising future. This was
nized by Marx and many of the early socialists. in part a consequence of a recognition of other,
However, questions of origin are here less at least equally important, social divisions, such
important in a chapter that is exploring the inter- as those of gender or race and ethnicity. Class
relationships between masculinities and class, analysis also appeared to be less relevant with
and I hope that, in the course of this discussion, the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the erosion of
some general principles may be developed that many communist societies. With a developing
may be found useful in analyzing a wide range global perspective, many of the traditional, often
of social and historical contexts. eurocentric, class divisions seemed to be less
Questions about the relationships between able to explain social inequalities and conflicts
different social hierarchies developed in the all over the world. Class increasingly has global
last part of the 20th century, and one of the more dimensions, and these do not necessarily link
heated sociological debates has revolved around easily to categories developed in other times
issues of class and gender, more specifically and under other conditions. Even within the
about whether women have been marginalized countries where class analysis had originated,
in traditional class analysis. Joan Acker (1973), there was a growing suspicion that although
in an influential article, claimed that the relative inequalities clearly persisted, the old language
invisibility of women in class analysis was a of class was inadequate when it came to under-
case of intellectual sexism; John Goldthorpe standing these inequalities. The development of
(1983) presented a vigorous defense of the terms such as underclass and social exclu-
traditional view. One important issue raised in sion seemed to bear witness to a diffuse sense
the course of this debate was whether the of unease about traditional class categories.
individual or the family should be treated Finally, there was a growing popular perception
as the unit of class analysis (Crompton, 1993; that class divisions were old-fashioned and that
Lee & Turner,1996; Morgan, 1996). the remaining remnants would be swept away in
As was so often the case when gender a fluid, increasingly open, postmodern society.
was discussed, the focus was almost wholly More recently, however, class analysis seems
on women and their marginal position within to have returned, albeit with some important
traditional class analysis. As such, the debate modifications (Devine, 1997; Savage, 2000).
could be seen as part of the wider feminist One interesting question, however, remains.
critique of conventional social science and the How far was this apparent erosionor at least
way in which, whatever the topic, women were transformationof class analysis linked to
either marginalized or stereotyped. What was shifts in the gender order and the possible ero-
not explored in the course of the debate was sion of patriarchal structures? If, as the class and
the position of men within class analysis. Yet a gender debates suggested, class had been fairly
moments thought would seem to suggest that strongly linked to themes of men and masculin-
men and masculinity were heavily implicated in ity, were there links between changes in the gen-
class analysis, where, in British iconography at der order and changes in the position of class
least, the bowler hat of the upper middle class within the analysis of social structures?
hangs between the cloth cap of the working man In this chapter, I shall enquire what it was
and the top hat of the traditional upper class. about class, and class analysis, that seemed to
Was it simply an accident that led to men being encourage a particularly strong identification
presented as the key class actors, or were the with men and masculinities. However, this iden-
connections between class and masculinity tification was implied rather than explicit, latent
closer than might first have been suspected? rather than manifest. Part of the story is the way
About the same time as the gender and class in which questions about the gendering of class
debate, there was another loosely associated were avoided or remained invisible for so long.
debate concerning the centrality (or otherwise) I shall present a fairly closely integrated and rel-
of class analysis (Devine, 1997; Lee & Turner, atively stable model closely linking the two and
1996; Pakulski & Waters, 1996; Savage, 2000). contrast this with a more fluid and open set of
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Class and Masculinity 167

connections that may be said to be characteristic and inequalities. A kind of more or less explicit
of late modern times. Before this, however, I Weberian analysis would seem to be at the heart
shall need to consider what is meant by class of much empirical class analysis. This entails
and some differences in emphasis and approach looking at the unequal distribution of life chan-
within class analysis. ces in so far as these deal with the ownership
or nonownership of different forms of prop-
erty and different levels of income. Weberians
DEFINITIONS AND DISTINCTIONS would argue that such a mode of analysis is
more inclusive than a more strictly Marxist
Picture a first-year sociology class in, say, the analysis in that Marxist class and class action
1980s or even later. The topic for discussion is remains a potentiality within Webers categories,
what we mean by class. Is it income? But what although not the only one.
about the rock star or a sports personality who Within class analysis, there are a range of
may, at his peak, be earning more than the prime qualifications and distinctions, some of which
minister? Is it occupation? If so, on what basis have a particular relevance when it comes to
do we say that one occupation ranks higher than considering the relationships between mas-
another? Perhaps it is education. But does this culinity and class:
not depend on income and occupation? Then,
especially if the discussion is taking place in a Objective and subjective understandings of
British university, someone will raise questions class. This is the distinction between the cate-
of accent and how a person talks, arguing that gories that are established in class analysis and
you can place individuals as soon as they open the way in which class is actually understood
their mouth. and experienced by individuals or, indeed,
Much of the discussion, you conclude, whether the term class has any meaning at all.
revolves around particularly British obsessions Class in itself and class for itself. This well-
known distinction, deriving from Marxist
to do with relatively fine distinctions, snobbery,
analysis, contrasts class as a category, a mode
Oxbridge, and the old school tie. The concern of distinguishing and classifying people and
seems to be more at the individual level, about class as the basis for some form of collective
how to place that individual in relation to action. This entails the development of some
another, rather than more abstract concerns form of class consciousness, an awareness of
about social structure. When British social crit- some shared fate, and collective experiences,
ics refer to outmoded class distinctions, it is together with some understanding of the possi-
usually these distinctions, which are manifested bilities of challenging or even changing the
at the interpersonal level, that are being refer- class system.
red to rather than wider structural differences Bipolar models of class and more complex
hierarchical models. This may refer to soci-
associated with a capitalist society. But a little
ological accounts or social actors own per-
reflection on these debates might suggest that ceptions of the class structure. Bipolar
it is important to distinguish the particular his- models may be more or less simple descrip-
torical experiences of any one particular society tions (mental-manual) or imply some degree of
from understandings of class in a more general, class antagonism (bourgeoisie-proletariat) or
structural sense. fall somewhere in between (them-us). The
In this chapter, I am less concerned with the more complex models see the class structure as
differences between different theoretical tradi- a sort of ladder with three or more levels.
tionsnotably the Marxist and the Weberian Class and status. Although, strictly speaking,
and more concerned with some of the more this takes us beyond class analysis, it is impor-
common features of and issues within class tant, as several popular and social-scientific
understandings of class contain elements of
analysis. Thus there will be general agreement
both. Roughly speaking, class in this instance
that we are dealing with inequalities that are the refers to the unequal distribution of life chances;
products of social structure rather than the pres- status refers to the social distribution of honor
ence or absence of individual attributes, such as or prestige. It could be argued that the popular
intelligence, physical strength, and so on. There and widely used distinction between upper,
is also a general agreement that in talking about middle, and working contains elements of both
class, we are talking about economic divisions class and status.
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168 STRUCTURES, INSTITUTIONS, AND PROCESSES

Class as based on individuals and class as individual or collective class actors. But we
based on families or households. This is a dis- may also see men involved in the central dis-
tinction with particular relevance for a gen- courses about class power. Many of the key
dered analysis of class (Curtis, 1986). Much theorists of class have been men, and it is rea-
class analysis takes individuals as the units and sonable to suppose that their location in gender
then aggregates them. However, several sociol-
hierarchies is as important in shaping, if not
ogists have argued that the family or the house-
hold should be the unit of analysis, although in determining, their worldviews as their loca-
the matter becomes complex once one moves tions within a class system. Of course, in real-
away from assuming that the class position of ity, this distinction becomes a little blurred,
a household is determined by the class of the as discourses and practices are always closely
main (male) breadwinner (Morgan, 1996). related. Put another way, modes of understand-
One final distinction deals with the historical ing and researching class may reflect gendered
location of the idea of class. The Communist perspectives just as the class practices them-
Manifesto famously begins with the words selves will also be gendered.
the history of all hitherto existing society We may see these issues below the surface
is the history of class struggles (McLellan,
of the gender-class debate already mentioned.
1988, p. 21). Much of its actual focus, how-
ever, is on classes under capitalism. Socio-
Goldthorpes (1983) defense of the conven-
logical analysis has tended, explicitly or tional view of class claimed that he was repre-
implicitly, to limit the idea of class to capi- senting the world as it was rather than the world
talism and postcapitalism. Thus there is a dis- as we might like it to be. If that world be male
tinction between an almost timeless notion of dominated or patriarchal, then, to simplify con-
class divisions, popularly outlined in terms of siderably, that is how we should represent it.
the haves and the have nots, and one that is Up to a point, Goldthorpes argument was
much more historically situated and identified correct in its generality, if not in its particul-
with modernity. arities. In everyday as well as in social science
discourse there does seem to be something
What I have presented here is a highly particularly masculine about the idea of class.
simplified version of some complex debates. And class practices, although much more open
Their relevance for the exploration of the rela- to variation, might seem to reflect these dis-
tionships between class and masculinity will, courses, at least for much of what we describe
I hope, emerge in the subsequent discussion. as modern times. Put simply, class is gendered,
One final set of issues remains for clarification. and men have assumed, or have been allocated,
In common with much current discussion, the role of class agents.
reflected elsewhere in this volume, I shall hence- How has this identification, albeit often sub-
forth write of masculinities rather than mas- merged, between men and class come about?
culinity, although I recognize that there are There are several overlapping reasons.
some difficult issues associated with this move. If we return to the key elements in the
Within this framework, as will appear later, the (broadly Weberian) model of class, we find
idea of hegemonic masculinity is important. strong connections between property, occupa-
These ideas are discussed at greater length else- tion, and masculinities. In the case of property,
where in this volume. we find, historically, strong identifications
between ownership of different kinds of prop-
erty, family and family name, and inheritance
THE MASCULINITIES OF CLASS and the male line. In the case of occupation, the
connections are perhaps less strong, although it
There is one further distinction that should be can be argued that most occupational titles have
made before continuing with the analysis. We strong masculine connotations. Some occupa-
may see, as has already been suggested, men as tional titles (e.g., policeman) are explicitly gen-
holders of class power. Thus men will be found dered, and popular speech still talks of sending
disproportionately located in the highest levels for a man to come round and repair the central
of political, economic, educational, and cul- heating or the dishwasher. Other titles have
tural organizations. In this respect, we may see strong historical and symbolic associations with
men as centrally involved in class practices, as prized masculine characteristics such as physical
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strength or group solidarity, coal mining and modern cultures, right up to the present day
steel working, for example. Even less physical (e.g., for Warin, Solomon, Lewis, & Landford,
occupations, clerical workers for example, or 1999; also, Hobson, 2002). It can be argued, in
bank clerks, initially were associated with fact, that the idea of the provider is a major ele-
respectable men until these occupations ment in the construction of masculine identity;
became feminized (Lockwood, 1958). The same it is a moral as well as an economic category.
is true for a whole range of professions, and Hence the devastating personal effects of unem-
many of these occupational boundaries were ployment that have been documented by many
often fiercely defended against the incursions researchers over many years.
of women through the practices of trade unions In a somewhat more abstract vein, we may
and professional associations (Walby, 1986). We consider the contribution of the ideological
can say, therefore, that occupational titles and construction, which sees men, in contrast to
occupational boundaries were policed by the women, as effective actors. This is partly
practices of men and that, insofar as occupation because the public sphere, as outlined earlier, is
became a key indicator of social class, the iden- not simply different from the private sphere but
tification of masculinities and class can be seen is also seen as being, in many ways, more sig-
as having deep historical roots. The same is also nificant than the private sphere. The elevation of
true in terms of property, the other basis of class the economy and the spheres of war and politics
distinctions, where the links between property, are accompanied by the downgrading of the
class, and masculinity were often given legal domestic. Thus public statues celebrate warriors
underpinnings. This is not to say that women did and statesmen, and the large-scale heroic canvas
not have occupations or property but that male is given greater significance than the miniature
property and male occupations became the more or the still life. On the one side there is risk and
dominant. danger, the possibilities for heroic achievement
Another set of distinctions reinforced the or spectacular downfalls; on the other side there
masculine character of class: those between the is the routine and the everyday (see Morgan,
public and the private. Conventionally, the ter- 2003). The very word actor (which has been
rain of class and class struggle is located in the taken over into sociological analysis) still has
public sphere, the sphere of employment, where some masculine connotations. Wherever the
the deployment of wealth and property and pol- action is, it is not in the home. Action and
itics is easily seen. The public sphere was also actor merge with active, which in its turn con-
the sphere dominated by men as they engaged trasts with passive.
in employment or class and political action. Finally we need to emphasize the distinction
Women might be seen as backstage or behind- between production and reproduction, which
the-scenes workers in class struggles, their own some writers see to as a key to understanding
class position reflecting that of their husbands the masculinization of class. OBrien (1981), in
(Porter, 1983). In some cases they provided very particular, recognized the contribution to class
obvious and significant support, but this was analysis made by Marx and Engels, but she also
usually defined as support, secondary to the demonstrated how the Marxist tradition tended
main action. Only rarely, in the public imagina- to focus on labor and production and played
tion, did women appear as class actors in their down reproduction. Indeed, it could be argued
own right. that, within Marxism, reproduction tended to be
Drawing together the two last points, we seen in more metaphorical terms (stressing the
have the development of the idea of the bread- reproduction of class relationships) rather than
winner and the family wage. Conventionally, as something to do with gendered relationships
or so it emerged from the early 19th century, the (OBrien, 1981).
head of the household was a man, and he con- It can also be argued that class contributed to
stituted the main or sole provider for his wife both a unified sense of masculinity and more
and children. It was on this basis that claims diffused, perhaps more conflictual, models of
were made in terms of the family wage. In masculinities. On the one hand, we have the
practice, the reality was much more compli- identification of men, all men, with the public
cated, but the idea of the man as provider sphere, the sphere of production, which con-
remains remarkable persistent in a wide range of tained those areas in society where the action
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was. Many men, whatever the amount or source said that the class struggle was represented in
of their income, could identify with the provider terms of these contrasting versions.
role and the sense of moral responsibility that Within the writings on men and masculini-
this implied. But at the same time, class experi- ties, class and gender converge in the concept of
ences and practices pointed to different ways of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995). The
being men, different ways of being constituted main argument here is that the recognition of a
as effective social actors. These differences diversity of masculinities should not obscure the
(which will be explored in more detail later) fact that in a particular social formation, certain
could be polarized between them and us or masculinities are more dominant, more valued,
become embodied in a range of finer dis- or more persuasive than others. In part, these
tinctions, such as those between mental and refer to characteristics that have little directly to
manual, skilled and unskilled, or even do with class, such as heterosexuality or respon-
workers in different departments or offices. sibility. But in part, they also have strong con-
Other masculine themes that might be woven nections with class. A good example of this is
into class analysis are notions of collective soli- the idea of rationality. However defined (and
darity (traditionally associated with the working this is clearly a complex, multistranded con-
class) and individual achievement and risk tak- cept), rationality is associated with the practices
ing, associated with the classic bourgeoisie, or of men and, increasingly, with the public life
the middle classes. Yet again, we can contrast a and with those most visibly or actively involved
sense of masculinity that derives from having in public life. It is associated with the abstract
authority or control over others and the solidar- logic of the market, the dominant principles
ities of the shop floor or the coal face. of bureaucratic organization, and the general
Representations of class struggle and class conduct of private life. The idea of rationality
differences traditionally drew from masculine is an ideological theme that brings together
imagery. Although the rhetoric might refer to both class and gender, forming a core feature
working people, the representations of the of modern hegemonic masculinity.
working class frequently included masculine
symbols (such as the hammer or clenched fists)
and emphasized collective solidarity. At the very THE CLASS OF MASCULINITY
least, such representations of solidarity dis-
solved gender differences in a large class iden- One of the earliest books in the recent flood
tity and frequently went further than this to of texts on men and masculinities specifically
convey collective, embodied masculinity. The placed class and class differences at the centre
language was the language of struggle, of class of its analysis (Tolson, 1977). To a large extent,
war and conflict. Representations of the opposi- Tolson takes it for granted that class provides a
tion also deployed masculine, if negatively major framework within which masculine expe-
valued, images of wealth and luxury. riences and contradictions may be explored.
Media representations of industrial disputes Thus he begins a section titled Working-class
in the latter part of the 20th century frequently masculinity with these words: The paradox of
seemed to play on these understandings. On masculinity at work is most apparent within the
the one hand, we have the raised arms of the experience of manual labor (p. 58).
mass meeting; on the other, we have men in A later section within the same chapter
suits, more individualized, leaving or entering focuses on the distinctive features of middle
cars or making public statements in an abstract class masculinity. As already noted, we can see
language of rationality (Philo, 1995). Here, in two contrasting ways of doing masculinity,
contrast to the working class images, workers and these are easily recognized within certain
were presented as sheep who were easily led by constructions of social class. The one is collec-
politically motivated leaders or group pressure. tive, physical and embodied, and oppositional.
Management, on the other hand, was presented The other is individualistic, rational, and rela-
as dealing with some of the key issues in the tively disembodied. These can be broadly
national economy. However valued, both sets of described as working class and middle class
representations drew on different strands in the masculinities, respectively. Of course, more
construction of masculinities, and it could be detailed probing will reveal complexities and
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ambiguities. There are, for example, the middle models, comes to be seen as something that
class (and often embodied) solidarities of clubs, is played out in different sites that do not
sports teams, public schools, and so on. And necessarily have much to do with each other.
there are working class individualities repre- Divisions at the workplace, in terms of skills,
sented in popular social types such as Jack the pay, privileges, and so on do not necessarily
lad, the cheeky chappie and the hard man. carry over into the areas where these individuals
It is, indeed, difficult to come to terms with live their family lives or enjoy their leisure
some of the contradictions within constructions activities. Class as experience needs to be fil-
of masculinity without taking on board some tered through particular agencies, such as hous-
sense of class distinction. Masculinities are both ing, residential area, educational experience,
solidaristic and individualistic, both embodied and so on. Further, although masculinities may
and disembodied. An understanding of class and be shaped by or play a part in shaping these dif-
of historically constructed class differences ferences, this is by no means inevitable. Some
helps us to explore some of the tensions and divisions, indeed, such as the divisions between
ambiguities of masculinity. the rough and the respectable working class
Up to now, we have tended to focus on a or the fine gradations recorded by Robert
bipolar, largely oppositional model of class, Roberts (1971) in his account of The Classic
and it may be argued that this focus on struggle Slum may be as much maintained by the work of
or opposition conforms to one influential model women as by the occupational status of men.
of masculinity. However, there are other models Further, one of the key features of a class
of class and class differences that point to three system, as opposed to feudalism or a caste
or more classes. Clearly, the very notion of the system, is its relative openness and the degree
middle class implies at least three classes, of mobility, both social and geographical, which
although much sociological analysis that uses is allowed. Recognizing the possibilities of
class classifications tends to leave out the upper social and geographical mobility does open up
class, largely because the numbers involved are the possibility for more complex masculinities
assumed to be too small to influence analysis of, and their relationship to class. Here we have the
say, health or voting patterns. However, more failed masculinity of the downwardly mobile
structural analysis should include the upper class individual whose failure in class terms may be
(or power elite or any alternative term), as it is read as indications of a weakness of character,
clearly highly influential, if numerically small. which might also be gendered (lack of ambition,
Moreover, such a class is both constructed by alcoholism, etc.). Here we have the defensive
and has a major role in constructing dominant or and uneasy masculinity of the recent arrival into
hegemonic notions of masculinity to do with middle class occupations, localities, or lifestyles.
control, the exercise of power, rationality, and so This may contrast with the apparently more
on. C. Wright Mills (1959) The Power Elite, for stable masculinities of those who have managed
example, can be read as a study of masculinities. the easier passage from the middle class family,
Once we move beyond the bipolar model, a through school and university, into a middle
range of possibilities become open to us. There class occupation and a lifestyle enhanced by an
is, first, the possibility of three or more classes, appropriate marriage and the right location.
usually based on some classification of occupa- This may also contrast with the, probably dwin-
tions. Occupations are implicated, in different dling, traditional working class communities
ways, in the classifications developed by the that provide another basis for the reaffirmation
British Registrar General, Goldthorpe, and Erik of masculinities through shared experiences
Olin Wright (see, e.g., Marshall, Rose, Newby, and lifestyles. Geographical mobility (with or
& Vogler, 1989, pp. 13-62). The trouble with without social mobility) may also play its part
many of these classifications is that they do not in blurring or sharpening masculine identities.
necessarily map easily into class experiences; Community studies have explored differences
the fact that certain occupations may be grouped between the established and the outsiders
together for the purposes of analysis does not that, to some extent, cut across class divisions
necessarily mean that the individuals so grouped (Elias & Scotson, 1994).
will understand their commonalities in class Watson developed the useful term spiralist
terms. Class, once we move from bipolar to describe those who are both geographically
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and socially mobile (Watson, 1964). Such terms, a relatively tight association between
mobilities may now, increasingly, take on a class and masculinity may be characteristic of
global dimension. Whether such complexities modern or capitalist societies (for a historical
contribute to an overall eroding of hegemonic analysis, see Davidoff & Hall, 1987). Some of
masculinity or whether they open up the possi- the relevant features of these societies are rela-
bilities for a much wider range of masculine tively clear distinctions between home and
practices is a matter for further investigation. work, clear and relatively stable occupational
It might also be argued that the experience titles, the dominance of a male breadwinner
and practice of mobility itself is related to model, and the continuing importance of heavy
the construction of masculinity in opposition and manufacturing industry. With a return to
to femininity and the experiences of women. more blurred distinctions between home and
Thomson (1997), using more qualitative oral work, the decline of clear occupational titles and
historical material, argues (in the British con- jobs or careers for life, the decline of the male
text) that the generation of men born in the breadwinner model, and the growth of a service
1930s and 1940s experienced some modest economy, we may also have a weakening of the
improvements in the course of their life. This relationship between masculinity and class. This
was not the case with the women in the sample. will be explored in the next section.
For women, marriage often has a depressing
effect on social status. Thompson argues for
the importance of considering the interplays MASCULINITY AND
between family, occupation, and gender in
CLASS IN LATE MODERNITY
exploring the processes of social mobility and
the numerous, often unrecognized or unacknow-
The last three decades has seen a
ledged ways in which women assist in mens
subtle reworking of the relationship
experiences of upward mobility.
between class, masculinity and the
We may reach an interim conclusion at
individual.
this point. We have seen a two-way interaction
between class and gender, with particular refer- Mike Savage (2000, p. xi)
ence to masculinities. Masculinity remains a
relatively underexplored aspect in the examina- Probably one of the most significant influ-
tion of class practices. Yet the position that class ences on the changing relationship between
analysis plays, or at least has played, in socio- class and masculinity has been the decline of
logical analysis as a whole and the continuing the male breadwinner model in practice and,
importance of class as a social division may in although perhaps to a lesser extent, in ideol-
part derive from this close but largely unrecog- ogy. In the past, it might be argued, men were
nized masculine character of class. Conversely, more strongly classed than women because
one of the reasons why it has been found neces- they had closer associations to the key practices
sary to pluralize masculinities is that ways of and institutions that maintained class. For many
doing masculinity are always mediated through men, of course, this might be an illusion; never-
other social divisions, of which class remains one theless it might be possible for the more weakly
of the most important. The connection between classed men (perhaps because of unemploy-
class and masculinity is an intimate one. When ment, disability, or simply having a wife who
I see a middle class man, I do not see some- was the main breadwinner) to continue to derive
one who is middle class and then someone who some class identity from their more fortunate
is a man, or vice versa. I see both at the same brothers. Hence there was some partial justi-
time. The major social divisionsclass, gender, fication for the traditional practice of locating
ethnicity, age, and so onmay be likened to a household in terms of the class of its head
primary colors, which are more often seen in and for women to be allocated class posi-
their many combinations than individually. tions on the basis of their husbands or
Up to now I have suggested a relatively close fathers class position. With a weakening of
association between class and masculinity, mens attachment to the labor market and a
although the last few paragraphs have pointed strengthening of womens attachment, some
to some possible complexities. In very broad revision was clearly necessary.
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Class and Masculinity 173

As has already been noted, two analytical objective measures of class might not necessarily
strategies emerged in response to the growing translate into more subjective processes of class
involvement of married women in the labor experiences and identities. However, the presence
market and the related decline in relevance (but of cross-class households constituted one piece
not always in ideological importance) of the of a larger jigsaw that, when completed, would
male breadwinner model. The first was to state show a much more complicated relationship
clearly that the unit of class was the individual between class and gender.
rather than the household. Various consequences One relatively underexplored theme might
followed. Both men and women could be seen be mentioned. Classically, class (based on eco-
as units within the class structure, although men nomic criteria) was distinguished from status,
tended to occupy higher class positions than where issues of prestige and esteem were cen-
women. It is also likely that the issues around tral. However, as both were aspects of social
which everyday class struggles were fought stratification, it was frequently the case that the
became more various. Notions of the family distinctions became blurred. Status considera-
wage became less important and issues to tions could reinforce class distinctions (as in
do with working conditions, hours of work, cases where we get a merging of economic and
parental leave, and so on came more and more cultural capital) or could cut across them and,
to the fore. It would not be true to say that class presumably, weaken their political effective-
itself became feminized, but it could certainly ness. In the male breadwinner model, it could
be argued that it became less masculine. almost be said that class and status frequently
The other strategy was to take seriously the overlapped and, further, that the distinction
idea of the household as a unit and to explore between them was gendered. Thus men tended
the consequences of this. However, there were to be to the fore in matters of class and class
also shifts in the idea of the household as a struggle, and women were involved in maintain-
unit so that new models no longer treated the ing and reproducing everyday status distinctions
household as an undifferentiated black box through their domestic labor, their parenting,
and came to take account of differences within their organization of consumption, and their
the household. For example, an interest in general moral demeanor within the local com-
cross-class marriages (in which husbands munity. Partly as a result of the changes already
and wives were, in terms of occupation, of discussed, men come to be more involved in
different classes) developed, and the conse- status work and women in class work, and the
quences of these differences were explored in distinction between the two modes of stratifi-
a variety of ways (McCrae, 1986). Particular cation, always difficult to maintain in practice,
attention was paid, as might be expected, to becomes even less easy to maintain.
those households wherein the wife was of a It is likely, in fact, that the tensions between
higher social class than her husband. One might class and status have always been present and
argue that this might further lead to the weaken- that a gendered understanding of stratification,
ing of the association between class and mas- especially one that takes masculinities seriously,
culinity or serve to remind us that, in interactional might highlight some of these. Thus it can be
terms, the impact of class and the elaboration of argued that different ways of doing masculinity
class-based identities might vary according to or of being a man can themselves constitute
the different sites within which an individual status divisions. This, indeed, is one of the con-
was involved. Thus a working class man mar- sequences of thinking about hegemonic mas-
ried to a middle class women might have a culinities. One complex set of examples may be
different sense of class at home than at work, derived from considering issues of sexualities.
where some of the more traditional solidarities Studies of young men, in particular, have shown
might still be relevant. how a notion of aggressive heterosexuality may
Such conclusions, however, may be prema- be the basis of positive and negative status
ture. For one thing, the class differences within (Mac An Ghaill, 1994). However, sexual status
many cross-class households were relatively hierarchies might not necessarily correspond
small and were based on occupational criteria to conventional notions of heterosexuality or
that might not necessarily be of any relevance, homosexuality, as Lancasters (2002) study of
certainly outside the workplace. In short, the Nicaraguan men indicates that what is often
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174 STRUCTURES, INSTITUTIONS, AND PROCESSES

more important is a distinction between taking international top-level gatherings to become


the active or passive role rather than the gender aware that we are dealing with the practices
of the sexual partner. Clearly, such distinctions of men and the reproduction of hegemonic
take place within conventional class divisions, masculinities.
although they do not necessarily undermine At the lowest level, we have those with
them. relatively little economic and cultural capital
What of the alleged decline in the centrality (certainly little economic capital!) and with
of class and its possible impact on hegemonic highly uncertain life chances. Terms such as
masculinity or patriarchy? Speaking very gener- underclass or the socially excluded have been
ally, it is possible to talk about a late-modern developed to capture this group, although both
development whereby class and class divi- terms have their problems. Thus Devine (1997,
sions became less central and more complex. pp. 220-221) concludes, along with numerous
Alternatively, we may talk of a late-modern other commentators, that the idea of an under-
development in which class has become more class is flawed, although it is possible to
simplified. In terms of the first, the lines of recognize the growth of a sizable minority
argument have already been indicated. This (sometimes estimated as around 20%) of people
includes a decline in the overall salience of in poverty in both the United States and the
class (especially as related to occupation); a United Kingdom. This is, clearly, not an exclu-
growing emphasis on other social divisions; a sively masculine group, and, indeed, it is often
fragmentation of class divisions, identities, and the case that the burdens rest more heavily
the sites where class work is performed; and on women, whether as single parents or as
a blurring of the distinction between class and workers in low-paid, uncertain jobs. The domi-
status. This last reflects a context within which nant characteristics of this class become
consumption and leisure assume greater impor- magnified when seen through a global lens.
tance. We may also note organizational changes; It is doubtful whether there is a single mas-
for example, the development of flatter culinity that can be identified with the socially
hierarchical structures, which might be seen as excluded, although certain public representa-
having the consequence of a reduction of class tions are highly gendered. Thus media represen-
and status divisions at the place of work. These tations stress themes of masculine violence,
factors, in combination, might contribute to a either collective (as in rioting) or more individ-
weakening of patriarchal structures in general ualistic. Or there are themes that concern absent
but will certainly undermine the masculinity of fathers and the lack of a stable adult male role
class. However, these finer, more complex class model. Dominant themes are those to do with
and status divisions might still be important in either a failed masculinity, the lack of opportu-
exploring the varieties of masculinities present nity to live up to what is expected in terms of
in a late modern society. being a provider, or stigmatized forms of mas-
A more simplified model, however, emerges culinity. Thus Savage (2000) writes: working-
if we take the idea of life chances seriously. class work has been constructed as servile
Here we look at different combinations of work, which no longer bestows mastery or
economic and cultural capital and assess the autonomy on its incumbent (p. 153). However,
consequences of these for the life chances of even attempts to live up to hegemonic models of
individuals. Theoretically, a large number of masculinity (as in the case of asylum seekers
combinations may be possible, but in practice, who might otherwise be characterized as heroic
we may talk of three major divisions. At the individuals) also become stigmatized.
highest level, we have those with considerable Between these two extremes, there is the
amounts of cultural and economic capital and more fluid class situation characterized by
who are at the highest level of private organiza- different mixes of economic and cultural capital
tions and state bureaucracies. This is clearly a and different life chances. The middle group
minority, but also, increasingly, a global minor- (which is not the same as some theoretical
ity. For the most part, we are talking about notion of the middle class) may, for example,
men so that there are clear interactions between be ranged in terms of relative stability, and
masculinities and class and status situations. certainty of life chances, from the very stable
One only has to look at the photographs of or predictable at the top to the highly uncertain
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Class and Masculinity 175

at the bottom. It is here that the links between very particular historical events, can simply be
masculinities and class are becoming more translated to this more global framework.
various or more fluid. Although there are con- Similarly, it is doubtful whether a simple
siderable differences within this broad middle upgrading of the class struggle from the national
category, whether these differences coalesce to the global arena can be anything more than
into class differences is a little more difficult to a first approximation of what is an increas-
determine. Clearly, there are some occupations ingly complex situation. Thus Waters (1995), in
that are still shaped around strong constructions a useful survey of globalization theories, argues
of masculinity; on both sides of the Atlantic, against the strong model for the development
fire-fighters constitute one such occupational of transnational classes. There are, however, an
identity (Baigent, 2001). But whether members increasing variety of transnational class experi-
of such occupations construct themselves in ences (which also have relevance for the
terms of wider class identities remains open to constructions of masculinities). A more fruitful
question. The same might also be said of some line of analysis would seem to be to explore the
newer occupational identities, such as bounc- different interpenetrations of the global and the
ers or doormen, associated with developing local and the ways in which these shape and are
leisure industries. shaped by classed and gendered experiences.
Up to now, apart from a few passing refer- For example, Waters notes how processes of
ences, the analysis has been based largely in consumption and production mingle in global
material and theories developed in the United cities: Under globalization, migration has
Kingdom and, to a lesser extent, the United brought the third world back to the global cities
States. In terms of traditional class analysis, where its exploitation becomes ever more
there might be some justification for this, as has apparent (p. 93). Such meetings do not neces-
already been argued. However, there are good sarily undermine the close associations between
reasons to doubt whether such an analysis can masculinities and other social divisions; indeed,
be straightforwardly transplanted to countries they may well intensify it.
outside Europe and Anglophone nations. For
example, Scott (1996) argues for a variety of
capitalist classes and suggests that the variations CONCLUSION
as such the Latin model might be shaped by
familistic and kinship ties to a greater degree This chapter has argued that there has been a
than late-modern models in the West. Such relatively underexplored theme in the analy-
models of the capitalist class also deploy differ- sis of social class; namely, its association with
ent constructions of masculinity. Bertaux (1997) the construction of masculinity. Very broadly, it
argues that most studies of social mobility (the could be argued that in the early stages of indus-
kinds that have proliferated in Britain and the trial capitalism and up until the late 20th cen-
United States) tend to assume a relatively stable tury, there was a relatively strong association
political order, within which such class move- between class and class practices and mas-
ments take place. However, notions of mobility culinities. As we move close to our own times,
become much more problematic for those coun- these connections have, in some cases, perhaps
tries (such as the formerly communist nations of become more apparent, although in other cases,
Eastern Europe) that experienced revolutionary the links have become more obscure. The grow-
upheavals that challenged notions of privilege ing uncertainty in class analysis perhaps reflects
and inequalities. The gendered implications of and has an impact on what is sometimes, rather
these major transformations have not been too loosely, called the crisis of masculinity.
explored to any large extent. This is not the place to elaborate on the prob-
A further challenge emerges when we aban- lematic idea of that crisis, which is discussed
don the implicit assumption that the nation-state elsewhere in this volume. However, very simply,
is our unit of analysis and, instead, begin to we may identify a model of stable masculinity
explore flows and movements on a global scale against which any sense of crisis might be mea-
(Urry, 2000). It remains an open question as to sured. Such a model would include a relatively
whether the class models, developed from the high degree of congruence between public dis-
core writings of Marx and Weber and reflecting courses about masculinity and the public and
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176 STRUCTURES, INSTITUTIONS, AND PROCESSES

private practices of masculinity. For individual makes clear that such a program would be
men, there would be a sense of ontological secu- worthwhile.
ritya relatively stable sense of being in the
world. Even where a man may feel that he has
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