Chapter- 5

Socio-Economic Profile of Chowk and Hazratganj

Urban Quarters- Traditional and Modern

5.1 Introduction: In this chapter we will discuss the socio-economic profiles

144
and morphology of Chowk , a traditional ward in the city and of Hazratganj a
modern one to find out the different trajectories traversed by two historic quarters
in the city. To the south-west of the historically significant Lachman Hill or Pir
Muhammad Hill lies the Chowk area of Lucknow (Fig.5.1). It is the core of Old
Lucknow. Today, this historic core displays a combination of unique cultural
attractions, chiefly in the form of its historic built environment and economic
activities in the form of some government offices and considerable commercial and
artisan activities associated both with the location of the area and its resident
population. 145
Chowk has a distinctive idenitity. It can be distinguished both from other
parts of the old city, and the throbbing new metropolis which stretches out from
areas developed by the British to the new colonies developed by the present day
planners.
Chowk is identified as one of the congested (inadequate facilities in the
house and inadequate infrastructure in the mohalla) rather than a "densified" area
of the city. Density is higher in Aminabad, Mashakganj, Ganeshganj, Bashiratganj
(Table 4.2) than the density in the old historic core of the Chowk area. The
conceptual distinction between congestion and density is important frorh the point
of view of policy. Compulsions of congestion in Chowk, where spatial
arrangement reflect the social structure of the Nawabi era, have implications,

144
Local traditions trace its origins back to the hero of the Ramayana - Rama built Lucknow for his
brother, Lachman, naming it Lachmanpur after him (Sharar, p.36). Lachmanpur [Sanskrit pur
means fortified town. A common ending for the name of a town (Sharar, p.239)]. was built on a
high hill overlooking the river Gomti. The hill was called Lachman Hill. Later, Shah Mina [Shah
Pir Muhammad was popularly known as Shah Mina (Sharar p.240)] a sufi saint took up his abode
on Lachman Hill and was also buried there. Because of his residence the old name of Lachman Hill
was changed to Pir Muhammad Hill. When Emperor Aurangzeb visited Lucknow, he erected a
mosque on this hill (Sharar pp.36-37).
145
Rosemary D.F. Bromley (1998), "Informal Commerce: Expansion and Exclusion in the Historic
Centre of the Latin American City", International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Vol.
XXII, No. 2, June, p. 248.
147
 LOCATION OF CHOWK

,. MEt>ICAL
I
I CoLLEG.E
I
\
\

''

\
1 MCULt-.NA
\
\ KA.LVf AVID

KASHMI~I
'
I
I
I
MOHALLA'
\

)t Tentative Location of Lachman Hill

Fig.5.I
which are much more complex, compared to the congestion in other parts of the
metropolis.
Imposing facades along primary and secondary streets, which are limited in
extension, the closed circulatory lanes within the mohallas, the low-rise densely
packed houses in the mohallas, the mixed and intense land use patterns - all these
constitute the problems of congestion, which tend to be intractable. Widening of
the roads, laying of new sewerage lines along the narrow lanes and renovating
buildings are not only expensive in terms of compensatory payments, but also
require sensitivity to the emotional and cultural needs of the local people as well as
146
the need to conserve historical, cultural styles. Therefore tackling the problem of
congestion and urban renewal in Chowk, i.e., the old city demands more than the
usual level of expertise.
A primary survey at the household and commercial level has therefore been
conducted in Chowk, to find the roots of congestion and its many dimensions,
which is relevant from the perspective of policy formulation.
The main objective of this survey was to document the socio-economic
attributes of the residents of the Chowk area and also to assess the quality of the
living space and facilities shared both by members of households and by
households sharing a space. The sample of 150 households was selected in such a
fashion so as to ensure that the main communities of the area, viz., Hindus and
Muslims were fairly represented. _

5.2 Morphology of Chowk

Before analysing the socio-economic profile of Chowk, it is essential to
know about the physical character of the area. Chowk has had a considerable size
of Hindu and Muslim population, long before the days of Emperor Akbar (1556-
1605). It was, however, during Akbar's reign that Lucknow made progress and its
population grew. In 1590, when Emperor Akbar divided the whole of India into
twelve provinces, Lucknow was selected as the seat of the Subedar or Governor of
Awadh. At that time, Shaikh Abdur Rahim, a noble man ofBijnaur (U.P.), went to

146
Ratna Naidu (1990), "Old Cities, New Predicaments: A Study of Hyderabad", Sage
Publications, New Delhi, p.14.
148
Delhi to seek his fortune. Eventually, he became an official in the imperial service
and was granted land in Lucknow. In Lucknow, he took up his residence on
Lachman or Shah Pir Muhammad Hill. He had a small fort built on an eminence
close to Lachman Hill, which came to be known as Machchhi Bhavan. 147 Before
the construction of the Machchhi Bhavan, the important landmarks of Chowk,
were the Gale Darwaza and the Tomb of Shah Mina, a celebrated Muslim mystic
settled in Lucknow about 1450. 148
The successive pattern of Lucknow's physical growth can be traced back
only since Akbar's rule. The city extended southwards from the Machchhi Bhavan
fort, through the Chowk and out of the city in a south-westerly direction, passing
through Alamnagar. 149 The successive growth of the area is shown in Fig. S.II.
During the reign of Akbar, the Hindu mohallas and Tolas which were in
existence, were the Bajpai, Katari, Sandhi, Banjari and Ahiri To/as. Towards the
end of Akbar's reign the deputy of Subedar Jawahar Khan, Qaji Mahmud Bilgrami
built Mahmudnagar and Shahganj adjacent to the south part of the Chowk market
place, He had a gate erected between these mohallas, which was known as the
Akbari Gate. 150
Thereafter the growth of the city continued southwards with the initial
nucleus at Machchhi Bhavan and the Chowk. The administrative function
performed from the Machchhi Bhavan served as the important attracting force for
the concentration of population and became the functional nucleus. The river
Gomti in the north acted as the physical barrier for concentric growth and shaped
the city into a semi-circular form.
During the reign of Burhan-ul-Mulk (1722-1739) several new quarters
came into being in and around Chowk, as people began to construct houses for
permanent residence. Most were sites of the camps of his Mughal army
commanders-Saiyyid Hussain Katra, Abu Turab Khan Katra, Khudayar Khan

147
Sharar, Op.cit., see pp.37-38.
148
Rosie Llewellyn Jones (1992), "A Fatal Friendship -The Nawabs, the British, and the City of
Lucknow", Oxford University Press, Delhi, p.8
149
Ibid, p.84.
150
Sharar, Op. cit., p.38.
149
 EVOLUTION OF THE CHOWK AREA OF L UCKNOW

{A)
Before Akbar

During Burhan-ul mulk

(1722- 1739)

(E)

* Afte r 1797

I. Goo. ~A"ZI.
~- ......_~~., DA!li-IA14
~ 8.M.A ....,.,..llo"AA
-411U"" ~'ZA
6 .SIII.S.C "'AH"-
b~. c;~y

7 IIUSo'( II'~&A I>'ll>HQ.

8t:.llorA WWI""".JIAAA
'f 'J"Nfl,. MMb11>
10 II.Af.S """'H 21L

Fig. 5.11
Katra, Katra Bizan Beg, Katra Wafa Beg Khan, Katra Muhammad Ali Khan, Maha
151
Narain Park, Mali Khan, Caravanserai and Ismailganj.
In 1775, with Asaf-ud-Daula's accession, the town of Lucknow acquired
great splendour. To the west of Machchhi Bhawan on the Banks of river Gomti,
Asaf-ud-Daula built Daulat Khana as a residence for himself, the Rumi Darwaza
and his incomparable Imambara. He also set up kiosks in Charbagh and Aishbagh
and erected stables at Yahiyaganj and in its neighbourhood. Wazir Ganj was also
established as the residence of Asaf-ud-Daula's son Wazir Ali Khan. 152
At the end of Asaf-ud-Daula's reign the concentration of population in the
area of Chowk and its surroundings became dense, and development started taking
place towards the peripheral zones. Chowk and a dozen of other major markets
formed the core of the royal quarter of the city. People, who had .settled in
Faizabad in Shuja-ud-Daula's (1754-1775) time left and moved to Lucknow.
People from Delhi also came to Lucknow and stayed there permanently. There was
such a large increase in population that several new quarters were established. For
example -there were Amani Ganj, Fateh Ganj, Rakab Ganj, Nakhas, Daulat Ganj,
Begam Ganj, Nawab Ganj, the Khan Sarna Enclosure, Tikait Ganj, Tikait Rai's
Bazaar, Tirmani Ganj, Tikri or Tikli, Hussain-ud-Din Khan Cantonment,
Hasanganj, Baoli, Bhavani Ganj, Balak Ganj and Kashmiri Mohalla. Other
quarters were the Surat Singh Enclosure, Tahsin Ganj, Khuda Ganj, Nagariya,
153
Ambar Ganj, Mahbub Ganj, the Tup Gate, Khayali Ganj and Jhaulal Bridge.
The administrative and military elite were concentrated in and around the
royal quarter, including the Machchi Bhavan fort. The nobility on the other hand,
built their _own residential palaces and created mohallas with their own mosques
154
and bazaars.
The mohallas were compact and private and preserved the community
spirit and integration of the neighbourhood. Several mohallas had gates that were
kept closed at night for security reasons. The streets were neither broad nor

151
Sharar, Ibid, p.42.
152
Sharar, Ibid. pp.47-48.
153
Sharar, Ibid. p.48.
154
Veena Talwar Oldenburg (1989), "The Making of Colonial Lucknow: 1856-1877", Oxford
University Press, Delhi, p.14.
150
 straight. They were narrow and meandering and often had blind curves and
encroachments that made traffic move very slowly. 155 Lucknow's growth was
arrested when the British annexed the territory of Oudh in 1856 and exiled the last
Nawab Wajid Ali Shah to Calcutta, and a year later from the full-scale mutiny and
156
rebellion against the new rulers.
After the revolt of 1857, the needs of the new masters grafted a different
built environment onto the city. A hybrid city was created that was both peculiar to
and typical of the colonial era. The first phase of restructuring of the old city was
therefore done by the British, in accordance to their need.
The most ambitious colonel Robert Napier of the Bengal Engineers was
appointed to reshape the city in 1858. The master plan prepared by him greatly
changed the face of Nawabi Lucknow by opening broad streets. The concepts
behind the new streets, was not only to widen them for quicker troop movement,
but to built them from one end of the city to the other so that there would be an
157
uncircuitous exit from the maze ofthe old city. The direction and dimensions of
the military roads were conspicuously unsuited to both the proportions of the
mohallas and the river-oriented logic of the vast spread of the city. The older main
streets ran in an east-west direction, from the densely populated neighbourhoods in
the west to the low lying, flood-prone east side where there were scattered
orchards, groves, and the main Karbala (Shiite burial ground), several smaller
burial grounds, and suburban homes of the nobility. Victoria! Street (Fig.5.Ill), to
take only one example of a military road, had a deliberate north-south orientation,
it emanated from the Machchi Bhavan fort and cut a swath through the old city,
dissecting mohallas and ending at a bridge on the Ghazi-ud-Din Hyder Canal at the
southern edge of the city. 158 As a result, the organic unity of several mohallas were
destroyed and their organisation disrupted. This was because the "streets served
principally as areas where people milled, mingled and socialised, where itinerant
hawkers lined the curbs, where goods and services were bought and sold, and
where traffic, which chiefly comprised pedestrians or beasts of burden, was slow

155
Ibid., See pp.38-40.
156
1bid., See pp.9 & 19
157
Ibid., See p.39
158
_ Oldenburg, pp.40-44
151
STREET PATTERN I~ LUCKNOW BEFORE AND AFTER 1857

LUCKNOW lN 1856

LUCK.l'\10\V IN 1858

Fig S. J1[
moving and yielded to those who were standing and transacting business. The
street was a public space with social and recreational functions. In Lucknow the
custom was often to go to the street not to get anywhere, the street itself was a
159
destination and an event".
The nawabi Machchi Bhavan fort, which had a commanding view of the
two bridges and the densely built native city, was converted into the principal post
in the City. A six hundred-yard wide esplanade in the most heavily populated and
built-up area of the city around the Machchi Bhavan was also proposed by Robert
Napier in the master plan. But ultimately a hundred-yard reduction ofthe proposed
esplanade to five hundred yards was implemented in order to avoid cutting into the
Chowk. Though there is no evidence of any citizen being consulted, these
modifications were probably achieved by local pressure because the Chowk was
the heart of the commercial world of the old city. 160
The imambara was seen as a "strong building", and was fortified to
command the approach to the city from the north and to shelter an entire regiment.
The take-over of the Jama Masjid by the British had far more damaging effects on
the city as a whole and on the Muslim community in particular. The corollary to
the decision to appropriate the mosque was the plan to extend the esplanade well
beyond the main post, which destroyed several mohallas that formed the core of
the city. 161
While some mohallas tended to wither away, new and uniform rows of
shops were built along the edges of the new arteries in an attempt to check the
decay of the old city. The small bazaars, built around twisting and often blind
alleys shaded by the height of the buildings on both sides of which people worked
and lived, bought and sold, prayed and played, were dislocated in the execution of
the grandiose and tidy schemes of a generation of military town planners. 162
The mohallas of Chowk experienced further deterioration from the flood of
immigrant population who arrived from Pakistan in 194 7 and thereafter.
Occupying any available space, they greatly increased the population density of the

159
Oldenburg, p.39.
160
Oldenburg, pp.32-33.
161
Oldenburg, p.36.
162
Oldenburg, p.41.
152
old city. Wherever conversion of residential property to business use has occurred
in Chowk, it has more commonly been in the form of small workshops operating in
homes on a "putting out" arrangement. As a result, the social links have frequently
been eroded by migration to the newer part of the city, disappearance of the elite
families which once provided leadership, the impact of twentieth century
technology and above all by the pressure of commercial activity. 163
The treasure house of historical and cultural heritage - t~e Chowk, has
faded in course of time. Yet it has retained some of its old glamour, in the changed
harmony with modem trade and culture. Today, the rhythmic sound of workers
hammering silver into thin sheets sounds like the drum of a symphony orchestra.
There is an intermingled aroma of fragrance of "itra", scented oil and delicious
sweets under preparation in the air. The market has a large number of 'Gota and
Kinari' shops, 'Saraaf Khanas' and 'Attaar' shops. Thus even today, this place is a
unique shopping arcade where gold and silver merchants, chikan workers, flower
vendors, zari-kamdani specialists and singers, dancers and musicians, are found at
the same place. 164

5.3 Socio-Economic Profile of Chowk

The social and economic structure of Chowk is closely related to internal
arrangement of the area, i.e. the ecological set up of Chowk. Though the rigid
social segregation, a typical characteristic of the pre-industrial city, which also
characterised the Chowk area in the early days were disturbed by the British
interference, the well-defined neighbourhoods or quarters known as "mohallai',
separated only by mere passageways for people and rickshaws are present till
today.
During the pre-British era, social segregation, the limited tmasportational
facilities, the modicum of residential mobility, and the cramped living quarters
have encouraged the development of well-defined neighbourhoods. 165 Often a

163
Samuel V. Noe (1982), "Old Lahore and Old Delhi: Variations on a Mughal theme", Ekistics,
vol.49, No.295, July-Aug., p.317.
164
Yogesh Praveen (1989), "Lucknow Monuments", Pnar Publications, p.43.
165
Gideon Sjoberg, "The Pre-Industrial City", in Victor B. Ficker and Graves Herbert S., "Social
Sciences and Urban Crisis: Introductory Readings", The Macmillan Company, New York, p.l3.
153
street or sector was occupied almost exclusively by members of a particular trade.
This is common even today. Gole Darwaza mohalla of Chowk specialises in
jewellery and Chikan products. All the other mohallas (Table 5.1) also carry on
some of their social and economic characteristics which bears testimony to the
above fact.
Table 5.1
Mohallas ofChowk and their Population(1991)
No. Mohallas Popn. No. Mohallas Popn.
1. Gol Darwaza 541 14. Phoolwali Gali 225
2. Kamla Nehru Marg 637 15. Chowdhury Tola 307
3. Chah Dalha 320 16. Khunkhunji Road 623
4. Churiwali Cali 365 17. Mirza Mandi 1021
5. Bahuran Tola 359 18. Bagh Mahanarayan 2621
6. Sarangi Tola 387 19. Bazaar Kaliji 461
7. Kalian Tola 423 20. Kuchcha Tipai Chana 142
8. Katari Tola 945 21. Sarai Male Khan 1690
9. Sandhi Tola 1819 22. Sankari Tola 371
10. Pool Gama 345 23. Darzi ki Bagia 927
11. Chowpdari Mohalla 1113 24. Pool Motilal 812
12. Sabji Mandi 423 25. Johri Mohalla 1123
13. Bagh Tola 351
..
Source: Mumctpal Corporatwn of Lucknow .

Most of the mohallas in Chowk are overcrowded and congested. Here the
distinction between the concepts of congestion and density is important. When
physical infrastructure is not commensurate with density, the inevitable
consequence is congestion. Density or clustering of activities and people takes
place to facilitate efficiency and economy in communication and transportation,
and the optimal utilisation of space. The orderly evolution of density in space,
however, requires a certain level of technology and also planning and regulation.
An absence of these may lead to congestion, a situation, which implies an
overloading of facilities. Indeed, the orderly evolution of density in space may be
retarded or facilitated depending on the type of technology, planning and
166
regulation which has guided the city structure in its initial stages.

166
Ratna Naidu, p.32.
154
 Therefore the malaise of congestion in Chowk is rooted in the historical
organisation of the area. The problem of congestion may be analysed from the
following perspectives.
First, congestion occurs due to the lack of adequate facilities within a
house. Rooms may be overcrowded either because the size of the household is
large or because the house has been partitioned to accommodate a large number of
households. Thus, the number of people who have to share civic amenities like
water, and latrine and bathroom facilities is much larger than is optimum for their
efficient use.
Second, the lack of adequate social and physical infrastructure for the
people living in a particular area can also lead to congestion. When physical
infrastructure facilities like sewerage, water and condition of roads, and social
infrastructure facilities like schools, colleges, hospitals, parks and playgrounds are
overloaded, because the demands on them are greater than they are. designed to
cater for, they function at a lower level of efficiency. Third, congestion can occur
due to lack of proper circulation space.

5.4 Dimensions of Congestion:

1. Pressure on Housing Facilities in Chowk- Chowk, like other old historic
urban cores, has very densely packed houses with hardly any open space or parks
around. This lack of lung space is usually compensated by the spacious inner
courtyards, which are an inherent feature of all houses. But with the increasing
pressure of population the inner courtyards have also started shrinking.
Chowk covers only 0.24 per cent of the total city area and accomodates
1.38 per cent of the city population, i.e. it supports a population more than five
times in comparison to its area. This is a good indication of crowding and core
orientation in Indian cities. Population in Chowk has increased from 15,348 (1961)
to 22340 (1991) thereby reflecting how the central areas are being crowded
continuously.
Table 5.2 reveals the housing density and the household size in Chowk.
Though the housing densities for the year 1961 and 1981 cannot be compared, as
the definition of the term 'house' was changed in the 1981 census, which used
155
'house' synonymously with 'household', the figures show a considerable increase
over the years. However, considering the rise in population density, one can say
that the average number of persons per house has been on the increase in every
successive decade.
Table 5.2
Population, Housing Densities and Household Size in Chowk ward (1961-91)

Occupied Persons House

Area In Housing House Households
Year Popn. Density Residential per hold
hectares density -holds per House
Houses House Size

1961 74.50* 15348 206 2636 35 6 3037 1.15 5.05

1971 --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---
1981 74.50 24373 327 3345 45 7 3945 1.18 6.18

1991 74.50 22340 300 3223 43 7 3444 1.07 6.49

* Denotes that the area was assumed accordmg to 1981 and 1991.
Note: Figures for 1971 could not be shown, as the names of the Wards were not available.
Source: District Census Handbooks, 1961, 1981, and 1991.

Table- 5.3
T ype o fF amrly
'I m. Ch ow k
Religion Single Per Cent Joint Per Cent
Hindu 38 57.58 55 65.48
Muslim 28 42.42 26 30.95
Jain 0 0.00 3 .. 3.57
Total 66 100.00 84 100.00

Religion Total Single Per Cent Joint Per Cent

Hindu 93 38 40.86 55 59.14
Muslim 54 28 51.85 26 48.15
Jain 3 0 0.00 3 100.00
Total 150 66 44.00 84 56.00
Source: Fteld Survey

The increase in the average number of persons to a house from six in 1961
to seven in 1991 reflects the increasing pressure of population on the existing stock
of housing. This increases congestion within the house. The average household
size is another measure of congestion within the house, which has increased from
five in 1961 to six in 1981 and to seven in 1991. The fairly large size of the
household is mainly due to the prevalence of a joint family system. Out of the 150

156
households surveyed 65.48 per cent had joint families among Hindus and 40 per
cent among the Muslim residents ofChowk (Table 5.3).
In order to obtain a closer understanding of the problems of congestion, the
number of rooms per household and the number of family members sharing a
house are analysed here. The frequency distribution of the number of rooms per
household shows that nearly 60 per cent of the households among the 150
households surveyed, resided in two to four rooms. Most of the households had a
maximum of four rooms (Table 5.4)

Table- 5.4
Rooms Per Household in Chowk

Number of
Rooms Per Household Percent
Households
1 Only 12 8.00
2-4 77 51.33
5-8 49 32.67
9-12 ll 7.33
13 &Above 1 0.67
Total 150 100.00
Source: Field Survey.

Along with the above fact the large household size of the areas also has to
be considered. According to the sample survey 55 per cent of the households had 5
to 8 members. (Table 5. 5)

Table- 5.5
Number ofFamily Members in Chowk

No of Households according to Family Members Total

Religion
2-4 5-8 8-10 10-13 >13 Households
Hindu 21 49 13 8 2 93
Muslim 8 32 4 5 5 54
Jain 0 l 1 0 1 3
Total 29 82 18 13 8 150
Source: Field Survey

It becomes clear from this analysis that with the increasing pressure of
population on the existing housing stock, living space has become a scarce
resource leading to overcrowded rooms and invasion of privacy. Housing facilities

157
and amenities meant for single households are now being shared by two or more
households, leading to insanitary living conditions.

2. Overload on Physical and Social Infrastructure- While every household

requires a minimum of facilities within the house for its existence, it also requires a
minimum of social and physical infrastructures outside the house. Physical
infrastructure facilities like sewerage system, water supply, tar roads and street
lighting are vital for any urban neighbourhood. Equally important are social
infrastructure facilities like schools, parks and playgrounds, post offices, shops and
police stations.
But as the axis of development has shifted to the new city, very little effort
has been made by the local administration to upgrade and increase these facilities
to meet the demands of the growing population. Some important facts about the
overload on physical infrastructures are discussed in the following pages.
In Chowk, two nalas, the Sarkata Nala and the Pata Nala are the main
sewers. These nalas carry the sewerage to the Cis-Gomti interceptor. But because
of the increase in population these two nalas have become insufficient for the
increasing volume of outflow and gets blocked frequently. A trunk sewer have
been laid by the side of the nalas and whenever the sewer gets badly choked a
t-,1pass much above the invert level is made and sullage is bye passed in the nalas.
But maintenance of the sewers is a difficult task as the residents themselves have
also broken the sewer lines at several points, for either illegal connections or for
cleaning their blocked pipes. Throwing of garbage and night soil in the manholes is
also not an uncommon practice. 167 At par with the sewerage problem is the
drinking water problem, which is in short supply throughout the city of Lucknow.
The RJTES report states that in 1993, more than 75per cent of the city suffered
from scarcity ofwater.
The circulatory system in Chowk was meant for a different era and a
different culture. In earlier times privacy of residents was the main concern and
little importance was given to the construction of roads. Therefore the streets
separating the mohallas are very narrow with barely enough space for two cars to

167
RITES report, p.64
158
pass each other. Other inner lanes into the mohalla interiors are generally
negotiable either by foot or bicycle. With the increase in population, the movement
has also tremendously increased. Minor roads and lanes, mainly meant for
pedestrian use are in a worse condition as they are increasingly being used by
scooters and cars. Slow-moving vehicles like cycles and rickshaws still ply in
Chowk, adding to the congestion. The roads are in a state of total disrepair.
Not only is the population pressure visible on the physical infrastructure,
the social infrastructure facilities are also overloaded. Though there are a large
number of schools in Chowk, most of them are primary schools and are housed in
rented buildings. Since the buildings in which they are located were not designed
to be used as classrooms, they are functionally and hygienically unfit for housing
schools. Many respondents complained that most of these privately - run primary
schools are mere business centres. This means that high schools of good repute are
inadequate for the needs of the population. It was found from the survey that other
facilities such as post offices, medical shops and dispensaries, retail shops, police
stations etc. are mostly located within walking distance of the respondents.
For the residents in the area, congestion in the physical infrastructure is a
greater source ofworry than congestion of the social infrastructure.

3. Overload on Circulation Space: - As stated earlier, the street pattern in

Chowk are unplanned, the space between the houses lending itself to the formation
of only narrow and winding streets. The structure of the mohallas determined the
width of the street. The inner lanes that traverse through the mohallas are mainly
meant for pedestrian traffic. Only the primary streets such as the Kamla Nehru
Marg, the Khunkhunji Marg, the Shah Mina Road, the Hardoi Road (State
Highway 25) are uniformly broad.
The increasing population in Chowk has brought about not just a greater
volume but also a greater variety of traffic on the roads. The narrow streets are
now being increasingly used by scooters along with the slow moving vehicles like
bicycles, rickshaws, and horse-drawn carts, which are still an important mode of
transportation. The heterogeneous traffic pattern causes congestion and slows
down the pace of the traffic.
159
 Table- 5.6
Mode of Transport Used by the residents of Chowk according to the Place of Work (1998)
Total Cycle
Walk Cycle Tempo Scooter Car Bus
Location Workers Rickshaw
No. % No. o/o No. % No. % No. o/o No. o/o No. %) No. o/o

Chowk 112 52.83 98 87.50 -- -- 1 0.89 1 0.89 12 10.71 -- -- -- --

Surrounding Areas of
Chowk
13 6.13 3 23.08 -- -- -- -- 6 46.15 3 23.08 1 7.69 -- --
Ami nab ad 24 11.32 -- -- 1 4.17 -- -- 11 45.83 12 50.00 -- -- -- --
Kaiserbagh 16 7.55 -- -- -- -- -- -- 8 50.00 6 37.50 2 12.50 -- --
Hazratganj & Narhi 18 8.49 -- -- -- -- -- -- 4 22.22 14 77.78 -- -- -- --
Charbagh 5 2.36 -- -- -- -- -- -- 3 60.00 2 40.00 -- -- -- --
Areas in the Old city 7 3.30 -- -- 1 14.29 -- -- 3 42.86 3 42.86 -- -- -- --
Areas in the New city 15 7.08 -- -- -- -- -- -- 2 13.33 8 53.33 4 26.67 1 6.67

Barabanki 1 0.94 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 1 50.00 1 50.00

Total 212 100.00 101 47.64 2 0.94 1 0.47 38 17.92 60 28.30 8 3.77 2 0.94

Source: Field Survey.

160
 Though most ofthe working population (52.83 per cent) (Table 5.6) have
their work place in Chowk and regularly cover long or short distance on foot, more
and more residents are also becoming regular commuters to other areas of the city.
Out of the total workers 47.64 per cent walk to their work place in Chowk while
another 46.22 per cent travel by tempoNikram and scooter to their work-place
(Table 5.6). The figures in the Table regarding the location of the residents'
workplace indicate the increase in traffic flow, moving in and out of Chowk.
Moreover, the combination of slow-moving and fast-moving vehicles breaks the
smooth flow of traffic, with the slow-moving vehicles retarding the efficiency of
the fast-moving ones. For the residents in Chowk, increasing noise and pollution is
a great source ofworry.

Table- 5.7
Place of Birth of the Residents of Chowk

Original Inhabitant of No. of Households Per Cent

Chowk 82 54.67
Other parts of the city outside Chowk 3 2.00
Other parts of Lucknow District 5 3.33
Other districts outside Lucknow 22 14.67
i) K.anpur 3 2.00
ii) Sultanpur 3 2.00
iii) Faizabad 3 2.00
iv) Allahabad 3 2.00
v) Hardoi 2 - 1.33
vi) Barabanki 2 1.33
vii) SitaQUT I 0.67
viii) Jaunpur I 0.67
ix) Fatehabad I 0.67
x) Farrukhabad I 0.67
xi) Garhwal I 0.67
xii) Banaras I 0.67
Outside Uttar Pradesh 9 6.00
i) Punjab 3 2.00
ii) Delhi 2 1.33
iii) West Bengal 2 1.33
iv) Haryana I 0.67
v) Bihar I 0.67
From Pakistan 29 19.33
Total 150 100.00
Source: F1eld Survey.

161
 From the above discussion of the dimension of congestion it now becomes
clear that the root, of congestion is the rapid population growth both due to natural
increase and migration. Chowk being the main commercial and economic hub in
the earlier period has attracted people to settle in it. Nearness to jobs and shopping
centres and availability of goods and services of daily needs at lower prices (as the
area contained the main markets of grocery, clothes, fruits, vegetables, grain,
spices etc.) attracted migrants from different places. The mohallas remained intact
mainly for socio-economic reasons. It was disturbed greatly during the partition of
India in 1947 when the flood of Sindhi and Hindu refugees who arrived in India
settled in and around Chowk. Occupying any available space, they greatly
increased the already high population density of the Chowk area. Wherever
conversion of residential property to business use has occurred it has more
commonly been in the form of small workshops operating in homes. Not only the
refugees from Pakistan (Table 5. 7) people from the adjoining districts of Lucknow
also came and settled in Chowk. As a matter of fact, migration continues till today
into the old areas from the surrounding villages.

Table 5.8
Age of the House and Years of Stay.

Ae:e of the House Years of Stay in the House

Years Number of Number of
Percent Percent
Households Households
Less than 25 17 11.33 35 23.33
25-40 44 29.33 48 32.00
41-60 37 24.67 35 23.33
61- 100 32 21.33 24 16.00
101-200 10 6.67 4 2.67
More than 200 10 6.67 4 2.67
Total 150 100.00 150 100.00
Source: Field Survey.

Due to the supply of small housing units in the substandard structures (as
most of them are very old-Table 5. 8) as well as the availability of jobs and other
facilities, the incoming population is mainly of the lower income groups. As

162
housing is not productive, but consumptive, it does not produce high rents. 168 In
Chowk as the houses are very old and substandard, the rents in many houses are
surprisingly low (Table-5:9) and have not been revised for many years. Migrants
find their place in these houses.

Table- 5.9
Rent Structure in Chowk
Number of Tenant
Rent Paid in Rupees Per-cent
Households
Below 50 7 22.58
50- 100 8 25.81
100-500 12 38.71
500- 1000 3 9.68
More than 1000 1 3.22
Total 31 100.00
Source: - Field Survey.

5.5 General Characteristics of the Population of Chowk

The life style is slow going and the residents display traditional attitudes,
values and behaviour. Much importance is given to maintaining social ties, taking
common decision and performing jointly religious sites and rituals. 169 The area has
retained much of its pre-industrial form and function, as urban renewal is not
economically or socially viable. In the following paragraphs, some pre-industrial
features of the Chowk area have been brought out.
In Chowk kinship and the ability to perpetuate one's lineage are
accorded marked prestige. Children, especially sons are highly valued.
Marriage, a pre-requisite to adult status is entered upon at an early age
(Table-S .1 0) and is arranged between families rather than by individuals.
From the-table it is clear that females were married off earlier than males.
Among married females, 23.10 per cent were below 30 years whereas for the
married males it was 15.12 percent. Dependency ratio is also quite high in
Chowk.

168
Bernd Hanun (1983), "The Coming Crisis of Urban Society", Ekistics, 301 July/August, p. 278.
169
Anjana P. Desai, Sonal V. Shah and Shyamali K. Shah (1982), "Preindustrial elements in the
industrial city of Ahmedabad", Ekistics, 295, July-August, p.321
163
 Table- 5.10
Marital Status of the Population of Chowk According to Age & Sex (1998)

Age Groups
Per Cent
0-5 6-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80+ Total
Unmarried
T 77 220 ll9 66 29 6 1 0 0 0 0 518 48.41
M 40 122 64 43 22 5 1 0 0 0 0 297 27.76
F 37 98 55 23 7 1 0 0 0 0 0 221 20.65
Married
T 0 0 2 28 69 135 141 75 47 11 2 510 47.66
M 0 0 0 10 29 61 77 42 29 9 1 258 24.11
F 0 0 2 18 40 74 64 32 18 2 1 251 23.46
Widow
T 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 9 15 10 2 41 3.83
M 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 1 1 8 0.75
F 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 7 13 9 1 33 3.08
Separated
T 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0.19
M 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
F 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0.19
Total Population
T 77 220 121 94 98 143 147 83 62 21 4 1070 100.00
M 40 122 64 53 51 66 80 44 31 10 2 563 52.62
F 37 98 57 41 47 77 67 39 31 11 2 507 47.38
Source: - Fte1d Survey

Table- 5.11
Occupational Structure of the Population of Chowk (1961 - 1991)

1961 1991
Categories
Workers Per Cent Workers Per Cent
I Cultivators 0 0 7 0.03
II Agricultural Labourers 4 0.03 35 0.16
ill&IV 5 0.03 37 0.16
V (a) 136 0.89 103 0.46
v (b) 759 4.95 640 2.86
VI Construction 54 0.35 78 0.35
VII Trade & Commerce 1477 9.62 2578 11.55
VIII Transport, Storage & Communication 203 1.32 268 1.20
IX Other Services 1457 9.49 2039 9.13
Non-Workers 11253 73.32 16555 74.10
Note III Livestock, Forestry, Fishing, Hunting and Plantation Orchards & allied Activites.
IV Mining and Quarrying.
V. (a). Manufacturing, Processing, Servicing and Repairs in Households Industries.
V. (b) Manufacturing, Processing, Servicing and Repairs in other than Households Industries.

The children and youth are subordinate to parents and other adults. This
combined with early marriage inhibits the development of a 'youth culture'. On the

164
 other hand older persons hold considerable power and prestige, a fact contributing
170
to the slow pace of change.
Residents lead a simple and traditional life. Although many residents are
engaged in family business or caste-wise occupations, they are also engaged in
other economic activities. Before presenting the survey data, it will be useful to
take a look at the census data on the changes in occupational structure.
In 1961 as well as in 1991 as the Table 5.11 shows, the working population
of Chowk formed only a little above 30 percent of the total population. The
proportion of non-workers (74.10 percent) was a little higher than the overall
average of 73. 18 percent for the entire city of Lucknow. Persons with little skill
and educational qualification are engaged in trade and commerce which is the only
category to register an increase over the period i.e., from 9. 62 percent in 1961 to
11.55 percent in 1991. Workers engaged in transport, storage and communication,
and other services also increased over the period. But the increase in these sectors
was not very marked as the growth of population was much faster than the
availability of jobs.
Table- 5.12
Occupational Categories of the Population of Chowk (1998)
(A)
Business Service p
Conununities A Total
(a) (b) (c) (d> (e) Total Govt. Pvt.
Hindwi 18 16 59 13 9 115 28 25 2 7 177
per cent 6.10 5.42 20.00 4.41 3.05 38.98 9.49 8.47 0.68 2.37 60.00
Muslims 14 3 30 10 0 57 21 5 6 19 108
percent 4.75 1.02 10.17 3.39 0.00 19.32 7.12 1.69 2.03 6.44 36.61
Jains 2 2 5 0 0 9 I 0 0 0 10
_11er cent 0.68 0.68 1.69 0.00 0.00 3.05 0.34 0.00 0.00 0.00 3.39
Total 34 21 94 23 9 181 50 30 8 26 295
Per cent 11.53 7.12 31.86 7.80 3.05 61.36 16.95 10.17 2.71 8.81 100.00

(B)
Business Service p
Conununities A
(a) _(b) (c) (d) (e) Total Govt. Pvt.
Hindus 18 16 59 13 9 115 28 25 2 7
per cent 52.94 76.19 62.77 56.5:l 100 63.54 56.00 83.33 25.00 26.92
Muslims 14 3 30 10 0 57 21 5 6 19
~rcent 41.18 14.29 31.91 43.48 0.00 31 !') 42.00 16.67 75.00 73.08
Jains 2 2 5 0 0 9 I 0 0 0
_11er cent 5.88 9.52 5.32 0.00 0.00 5.0 2.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Total 34 21 94 23 9 181 50 30 8 26
Per cent 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Note: P =Professional & A= Artisans & Other Unorgaru.zed Skilled Workers.
(a) Chikan Shop & Manufacturing (b) Jewellers (c) Medium Business (d) Petty Business (e) Big Business
Source: - Field Survey

1 eon s~oberg, 0p. ctt.,

170
. ad p. 17
165
 Since the occupations are rather broadly classified in the census, the figures
in Table 5.11 give only a rough idea of the occupational structure in Chowk. The
household survey gives a much clear picture of the working population of Chowk.
Being the old commercial centre of Lucknow with high accessibility it is natural
that most of the residents are engaged in different types of business activity. As
many as 45 types of business persons having their own business was identified
during the survey. According to the perceived income and prestige attributed to
each kind of business, the different categories were clubbed into small, medium
and big business. (See Appendix I) Table 5.12 shows the proportionate distribution
of workers into different broad categories according to the communities. Among a
sample of295 workers {27.58 per cent ofthe total population (1070)} and 61 per
cent ofthe adult population (20-24 to 80+ age group) only 3.05 per cent have big
business such as showroom of dress materials, handicraft exporters, saw mills,
eveready torch factory etc. 32 per cent are engaged in medium business like money
lending, hoteVdhaba, shoe shops, general stores, sweet shops, chemist shop,
property dealing etc. From Table 5.12 it becomes clear that business activity in
Chowk, particularly big business is performed by the Hindus (39 per cent). Only
20 percent Muslims according to the survey are engaged in different sort of
business activities. Muslims are engaged in. traditional occupations like zari-
jardozi embroidery, chikan embroidery etc. Only 16.95 per cent of the working
population according to the survey are engaged in government services. 16 per cent
of the Hindus and 19 per cent of the Muslims are engaged in government services.
In the private service category the proportion of Hindus (8.47 per cent) is higher
because of their predominance is daily wage and contract labour.
The above analysis of the occupational structure of the people of Chowk
makes it clear that majority ofthe population is from the low-income strata, i.e. 38
per cent of the households surveyed earned less than 5000/- Rs. income per month,
(Table 5.13) 28 per cent earned between 5000-7000 Rs. and 20 per cent between
7-10 thousand. Out of the 150 households only 20 houses had income above
10,000 rupees per month.

166
 Table- 5.13
Total Household Income

Rupees per Month Number of Households Per cent

Less than 1,000 10 6.67
1,000 - 3,000 19 12.67
3,000 - 5,000 28 18.67
5,000 - 7,000 42 28.00
7,000- 10,000 31 20.67
10,000- 15,000 8 5.33
15,000 - 20,000 7 4.67
More than 20,000 5 3.33
Total 150 100.00
Source: Fte1d Survey.

Another notable feature that emerges from the survey is that more than 60
percent (Table 5.14) of the persons employed lived in Chowk. Among them 12
percent of the working population, worked at home. The majority of these workers
were engaged in different kinds of medium and small businesses. Out of 40 percent
workers engaged in these two categories, 28 percent lived in Chowk. Aminabad
the nearest important commercial centre is the working place for 10 percent of the
workers. The table shows that only 6 percent of the working population work in
new areas of the city like Aliganj, Indiranagar, Niralanagar and so on. The
concentration of maximum number of working population in Chowk further
increases the congestion problem discussed earlier.
As most of the working population is engaged in small and medium kind of
business activities in Chowk, one can reasonably deduce that the level of education
among the literate is low. On the whole the proportion of literate (74.48 per cent) is
higher than the average proportion of (60.35 per cent) persons for the entire city.
Illiteracy is comparatively high among the female adult population, with 7
per cent illiterate as against 3 per cent among the male adult population. Table 5.15
shows that the education levels am 1g women are also very low. Nearly 60 percent

167
 Table- 5.14
Location of Work Place of the Population of Chowk (1998)
(A)
Areas in old Areas in New
At Am ina Kaiser- Hazrat- Outside
Occupational Categories Chowk City outside City outside
Home -bad bagh ganj Lucknow
Chowk Chowk
(a) Chikan Shop & 3 21 10 0 0 0 0 0
Manufacturing
0
/o 8.33 13.46 34.48 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
I(b) Jewellers 1 20 0 0 0 0 0 0
0
/o 2.78 12.82 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
lr c) Medium Business 15 52 9 2 2 3 10 1
0
/o 41.67 33.33 31.03 10.53 14.29 14.29 55.56 50.00
Ifd) Petty Business 10 6 0 2 0 1 4 0
0
/o 27.78 3.85 0.00 10.53 0.00 4.76 22.22 0.00
Ife) Big Business 3 4 0 0 0 0 2 0
0
/o 8.33 2.56 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 11.11 0.00
Govt Service 0 14 5 8 12 8 2 1
0
/o 0.00 8.97 17.24 42.11 85.71 38.10 11.11 50.00
Private Service 0 13 4 4 0 9 0 0
0
/o 0.00 8.33 13.79 21.05 0.00 42.86 0.00 0.00
Professional 0 4 1 3 0 0 0 0
0
/o 0.00 2.56 3.45 15.79 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Artisan (A) 4 22 0 0 0 0 0 0
0
/o 11.11 14.10 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Total 36 156 29 19 14 21 18 2
0
/o 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

(B) Per centae:e out ofthe Total Workers

Areas in old Areas in New
Occupational At Am ina Kaiser- Hazrat Outside
Chowk City outside City outside Total
Categories Home -bad bagh -ganj Lucknow
Chowk Chowk
(a) Chikan
Shop & 3 21 10 0 0 0 0 0 34
Manufacturina
0
/o 1.02 7.12 3.39 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 11.53
b) Jewellers 1 20 0 0 0 0 0 0 21
0
/o 0.34 6.78 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 7.12
(c) Medium
15 52 9 2 2 3 10 1 94
Business
0
/o 5.08 17.63 3.05 0.68 0.68 1.02 3.39 0.34 31.86
(d) Petty
10 6 0 2 0 1 4 0 23
Business
0
/o 3.39 2.03 0.00 0.68 0.00 0.34 1.36 0.00 7.80
[{e) Big Business 3 4 0 0 0 0 2 0 9
0
/o 1.02 1.36 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.68 0.00 3.05
Govt. Service 0 14 5 8 12 8 2 1 50
0
/o 0.00 4.75 1.69 2.71 4.07 2.71 0.68 0.34 16.95
Private Service 0 13 4 4 0 9 0 0 30
0
/o 0.00 4.41 1.36 1.36 0.00 3.05 0.00 0.00 10.17
Professional 0 4 1 3 0 0 0 0 8
0
/o 0.00 1.36 0.34 1.02 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.71
Artisan (A) 4 22 0 0 0 0 0 0 26
0
/o 1.36 7.46 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 8.81
Total 36 156 29 19 14 21 18 2 295
0
/o -12.20 52.88 9.83 6.44 4.75 7.12 6.10 0.68 100.00
Note: A- Artisans & Other Unorgaruzed Skilled Workers
Source: -Field Survey

168
of the females in Chowk have studied till the intermediate (class XII) level. This
figure also includes those not having any formal education. Nearly 9 per cent have
not been admitted to any school and 7 percent are illiterate. Only 26 per cent of the
female population have studied beyond the intermediate level (class XII). Among
them 20 per cent were simple graduates. Most of the inhabitants in Chowk hold the
opinion that girls need to study till the graduation level to get a matrimonial match
of a respectable family.
Table- 5.15
Age Group-Wise Educational Level Chowk: 1998

Not Graduates
Upto H.S. Inter
Age Dllterate Infonnal admitted v V-VIII
(Xth) (XII)
to school B.A. B. Com. B.Sc. B. E. B. Tech.
Group
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
0-5 0 0 0 0 20 27 11 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
5-14 4 6 5 9 6 7 57 42 49 30 6 7 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
15-19 3 2 I 2 0 0 4 I 5 4 23 17 14 13 4 II 5 I 2 2 I 0 0 0
20-24 I 2 0 I 0 0 2 I 5 3 5 5 3 6 12 16 IS 3 4 I 2 0 2 0
25-29 0 3 0 4 I 0 2 2 I 3 4 9 3 I 9 18 20 0 3 0 I 0 I 0
30-39 3 8 7 9 0 0 2 4 2 0 8 6 5 10 8 32 16 I 2 0 I 0 0 0
40-49 4 3 6 4 I I 4 6 I 5 7 8 6 II 15 14 12 0 2 2 I 0 0 0
50-59 I 5 0 10 0 0 3 3 4 6 10 10 10 4 5 2 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0
60-69 I 2 3 5 0 0 I 5 I 7 12 6 8 I 0 0 0 0 I ' 0 0 0 0 0
70-79 I 3 0 8 0 0 0 2 0 0 3 I I 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
80+ 0 2 I . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Total 18 36 23 52 28 35 86 70 68 58 79 69 50 47 57 93 68 5 15 5 6 0 3 0

Post-Graduate
B.A. M.A. B.A. M.A. M.D.
Age M.Co M. Ph.D. M.B.A.
B.Ed. B.Ed. LLB LLB M.A. MSc B.S.
Group m Tech.
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
0-5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
5-14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
15-19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 0
20-24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 3 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 0
25-29 0 0 0 I 5 0 0 0 0 4 2 I 3 0 0 0 0 I 0 I 0 0
30-39 0 I 0 2 3 0 2 0 I 4 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 0 I 0 0 0
40-49 0 0 I 2 5 0 3 I 6 5 2 I 4 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
50-59 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
60-69 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
70-79 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
80+ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Total 0 1 1 5 20 0 5 1 8 18 4 2 n 1 0 0 2 1 4 1 1 0

Source: - Field Survey.

169
 The survey also shows that from among the 341 children of the school-
going age-group (5-14 and 15-19) (Table 5.15) 45 children (i.e. 14 per cent) do not
go to school. Among them 5. 91 per cent have never gone to school, 8. 68 per cent
are illiterate while 8.84 per cent are under-going religious education at home.
Though there are many private schools in Chowk, they are small and
congested and most of them are structurally unfit for schooling. Therefore
educational facilities in Chowk are by and large restricted to the level of primary
education. The major problem in Chowk is therefore the lack of adequate
infrastructure, which leads to a cumulative lowering of standards.

5.6 Commercial Structure of Chowk

From the description of the occupational structure of Chowk, it clearly
emerges that, trade and commerce is the most important economic activity of the
area. The survey of Chowk identifies two levels of operation in business activities.
First, is the household industry where the product is manufactured in the house by
the members of the household with or without the help of hired workers and
second is the business establishments like shops, hotels etc. for which hired
workers are employed.
The shops that have a long association with this area are mainly that of the
jewellers, florists, chikan products, bangles, perfumes, shoes and also the general
stores, the stationary marts and the chemists shop. The market structure of Gale
Darwaza has not changed much over the years. Though the jewellers' till thirty
years back dominated the area, they are now less than 150 in number. Due to the.
increased demand for chikan products, a number of shops, including those of the
jewellers' are converted to the wholesale and retail trade of chikan. The jewellers'
shops are mainly found in Gale Darwaza, Churiwali Gali (where bangle shops
were located earlier) and Khunkhunji Road. Chikan shops are widely spread. They
are most numerous around the Gale Darwaza, along Khunkhunji Road, in the
commercial market built by a private developer (ELDECO), near Akbari Gate and
also in Nakhas. Retail shops of ready-made garments are mainly found in Kamla
\

Nehru Marg. Medicine shops are found on both sides of the Shah Mina Raod in

170
front of the King George Medical College (locally known as KGMC). The narrow
lane near Akbari Gate is mainly dotted with perfume shops. These shops are more
than 200 years old and have changed few hands except within the family.
Phoolwali Gali, where the flower shops were in huge numbers now have general
stores, shops selling decorative items (for marriages and parties, shahi caps etc)
and shops preparing thin sheets of silver (i. e. sliver ki vark) by continuously
hammering them. Few flower shops are also present, reminding one of the by-gone
era. Few shops selling shahi chappals known as ''jutti" are found in the Gole
Darwaza. Restaurants and Dhabas, which are fifty years old, have mostly
developed after the partition in 1947 in the Chowk choraha.

Table 5.16
Type of Business Activity in Chowk (1998)

Type of Business
Total
Scale of Operation Wholesale Retail
No. o;o No. 0
/o No. 0
/o
Household Industry_ 6 17.5 10 62.5 16 100.00
Business Establishments 33 .)::1.29 51 60.71 84 100.00
Total 39 39.00 61 61.00 100 100.00
Source: Field Survey.

All the shops except the chikan traders are retail dealers. Table 5.16 shows
that while 39 percent are engaged in wholesale activities, 61 percent do retail
business. The predominance of retail business in Chowk suggests that customers
are largely local, though a considerable number also comes from other parts of the
city for such goods as chikan, jewellery, perfumes, which are typical of the Chowk
market. The household industry units are particularly oriented to the local market.

Table 5.17
Place of Storage of the Shops in Chowk (1998)

Place of Stora! e Total

Scale of Operation Shop Home Godown
No. Per cent No. Per cent No. Per cent No. Per cent
Household Industry 2 12.5 14 87.50 - - 16 100.00
Business Establishments 40 47.62 21 25.00 23 27.38 84 100.00
Total 42 42.00 35 35.00 23 23.00 100 100.00
Source: F1eld Survey.

171
 Table 5.17 shows the storage space used by the shops and household
industry. Most of the shops (42 percent) store their goods in the shop and 35
percent store them at home. The remaining 23 percent have a separate godown.
In Chowk, business activity has developed to such an extent that residential
areas and open spaces (e.g. The Victoria Park) have been invaded by commercial
establishments. Archways and windows are being widened or sealed up to conform
to the requirements of goods transit and storage. "Baithaks" have been transformed
171
into shops, factories, godowns and printing presses. Old buildings, which once
housed 10 to 20 families, have become modem markets, e.g. Begh Market and
Ismail Market of Chowk.
It is not only isolated houses which suffer from these unplanned and
unregulated changes. The impact on the residential localities is tremendous and
unprecedented. The new markets and shops attract customers into the deepest areas
of residential neighbourhoods, disrupting the self-contained character, the
quietness and the social intimacy of the residents. 172
The expansion of informal commerce and the gradual occupation of space
is associated with the considerable commercial and artisan activity which again is
related to the centrality ofthe area and its large residential population mainly of the
middle-income group. The expansion of the informal commerce on the streets is
associated with the growth in periodic market activity around Chowk. The density
of trader occupation in the streets around the main market place of Chowk is such
that the streets no longer function as public open space for easy vehicular or
pedestrian circulation. 173 Therefore the commercialisation of Chowk is closely tied
with overpopulation and high density.

The overall change in Chowk due to population increase can be outlined as

follows:
1. Land use changes;

171
Douglas E. Goodfriend (1982), "Shahjahanabad-Old Delhi: tradition and planned change",
Ekistics, Vol.49, No.297, Nov-Dec., p.474.
172
Ibid., p.475
173
Rosemary D.F. Bromley, Op. Cit, p.254
172
2. Conversion of shops to more profitable uses
3. Expansion of informal commerce.

Among the three, land use changes are undoubtedly the most dynamic
component of Chowk. Here the changes are effected within existing buildings,
which are not only central but also available at low rents, allowing firms to start up
without large capital outlays. Indeed, without the presence of ~uch space, the
private service sector could hardly have developed so rapidly. 174 The importance of
Hardoi Road in this respect cannot be ruled out. Continued migration from the
nearly villages and adjoining districts have created the pressure for such changes.
The increase in demand for both residential and commercial space has effected the
existing ones. Lack offormal employment opportunities has lead to the massive
expansion of the informal sector.
Based on the general findings of the study, it can be stated that, inspite of
the recent changes the life style in Chowk is still more traditional in character than
modern. The nature and scale of trading have not shown much change though it
has become much more congested. Even though kinship patterns no longer forms
the basis for mohalla organisation, the physical structure of these neighbourhoods
preserves a friendly and intimate scale. Religion is still an important part of daily
life. And perhaps more than anything else, the narrowness of the streets both
excludes penetration by large vehicles and promotes personal interaction. The
resulting environment is a familiar and comfortable one for a large majority of the
population- those who have no inclinatio~ to adopt a Western life style. 175

5. 7 Renewal Strategy of LDA and Land Prices

The congestion in Chowk has reached such a state that without significant
government intervention, the present situation cannot be changed. Chowk cannot
be the natural foci for institutional investment because the poor rental growth in

174
Ray Riley (1997), "Central Area Activities in a Post-Communist City: Lodz, Poland", Urban
Studies, Vol.34, No.3, March, p. 456
175
Samuel V. Noe (1982), "Old Lahore and Old Delhi: Variations on a Mughal theme", Ekistics,
Vol.49, No.295, July-Aug., p.312.
173
 176
Chowk restrains capital growth. The dual unregulated processes of (i)
commercial conversion of residential properties and (ii) overpopulation with
resulting further subdivision of residential space are contributing to the wide-
spread destruction of the traditional architecture, life styles and urban form of
Chowk 177The buildings in the mohallas are closely interconnected to form
'residential blocks'. Major re-development and road-widening programmes and
even marginal in-roads into the mohallas would, therefore, certainly transform the
structure of Chowk. But the roads seem lO have evolved from within one another
and therefore defy any changes. Development programmes in the inner city may
even involve considerable change in the nature of commercial activity in the area.
The Churiwali Gali along which the bangle shops were once located in large
numbers, if demolished and rebuild will definitely loose the cultural style of the
Gali. Therefore urban renewal and tackling the problem of congestion in Chowk
demands more than the usual level of expertise.

The master plan ofLucknow has declared three heritage zones namely
(a) Husainabad complex
(b) Kaiserbagh complex and
(c) La Martini ere complex, which are the treasure houses of the historical and
cultural heritage of Lucknow. According to the plan, the following controls
will apply with respect to the Heritage zones: -
No construction to be allowed within a distance of 50 metres from a monument.
(i) Only single storeyed residential buildings (max. height of 3-8 metres) to
be permitted within a distance ranging between 50 to 150 metres from the
monument.
..
(ii) Within a distance ranging between 150 to 250 metres not more than
double storeyed structures are to be permitted (maximum permi~~~~le

height 7. 6 metres). 178

176
P. McNamara (1993), "Parameters for institutional investment in inner city commercial property
markets", in Jim Beny, Stanley McGreal and Bill Deddis, "Urban Regeneration", E&FN SPON,
London, p.ll
177
. Op.cit p.474
1n
Lucknow Master Plan~ 2001, p.28.
174
 Table 5.18
Circle Rates ofDifTerent Mohallas ofChowk ward (1981-1994)
Division of Cbowk Prices per Square Feet
Ward in 1995 Mob alias 1981 1984 1987 1990 1992 1994
1. Chowk 1. Gol oarwaza 22.5 18 56 68 150 200
2. Kamla Nehru Marg 17.5 22 44 77 125 150
3. Chab Dalha 9.5 13 20 35 60 75
4. Churl Wali Gali 9.5 13 20 35 60 75
5. Baboran To1a 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
6. Sarangi To1a 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
7. Kaliyan To1a 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
8. Katari Tola 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
9. Sondhi Tola 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
10. Pool Gama 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
11. Chowk Dari Mohalla 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
12. Sabji Mandi 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
13. Bagh Tola 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
14. Phool Wali Gali 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
15. Chowdhury Tola 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
2. Bazar Kaliji Road 1. Khunkhunji Road 22.5 28 56 98 175 200
2. Mirzamandi 12.5 16 24 42 80 100
3. Bagh Mahanarayan 9.5 13 20 35 60 70
4. Bazar Kaliji 9.5 13 20 35 60 75
5. Kuchcha Tipai Chana 0 -- -- -- -- --
6. Sarai Mali Khan 12.5 16 25 30 60 75
7. Shankari Tola 0 -- -- -- -- --
8. Darzi Ki Bagia 12.5 16 25 44 80 90
3. Acharya Narendra
1. Pool Moti Lal 15 16 25 44 80 90
Vev
4. Asharfahad 1. Johri Mohalla 13.5 22 44 77 125 150
Average 12.16 17.04 28.43 48 86.74 101.74
Source: Office of the Dtstnct Magtstrate, Lucknow

The conservation policy of the Husainabad complex extends beyond the

architectural history of buildings to embrace the spaces of everyday life in Chowk.
From the initial focus on Imambara, Roomi Darwaza, Jama Masjid and other
monuments, the conservation policy has increasingly affected the traditional
activities of the historic centre. The relocation of Chowk Sabji Mandi to Dubagga
is an example in a renovation and tourism strategy. Congestion has been the
primary factor in such a decision. To regulate the traffic, one-way movement has

175
been introduced in many areas of Chowk. The entry of the tempos are banned in
certain areas. Road has been widened in Gole Darwaza chouraha in 1993
(according to the findings of the survey) after demolishing the 'burjis" for smooth
flow of traffic. But problems in acquiring land for road widening and building new
shopping complexes have resulted in slow pace of redevelopment in the area.
As the evolved balance between residential and commercial functions is lost
and population densities escalate, unplanned growth has almost finished any
possibility of addressing the problem w1th planning 179 in Chowk. Nevertheless
certain urban renewal programmes have been implemented in Chowk. To
decongest the increasing population pressure LD A has also planned a residential
complex (Kamdhenunagar) along Hardoi Road. According to the Master plan, the
first phase of it is supposed to be completed by the year 2001 and the rest by 2007.
Approximately 10 hectares of land has been provided for the construction of an
upcoming truck terminal on Hardoi Road. Moreover, a bus terminal and depot has
also been proposed on Hardoi Road to deal with the growing traffic. 180 All these
developments have become possible due to the construction of the vital by-pass
link between Hardoi Road and Kanpur Road. 181 The positive effect of the opening
up of the highway between Hardoi and Kanpur has been the reduction in the
distance between the two places. Secondly, it is hoped that improvements in
infrastructure will also reduce congestion of the densely packed old city. The
highway dependent sectors like petrol pump and service stations, restaurants and
retail activities will also be benefited from the increased flow of traffic generated
in the proximity of, if not directly through the community 182 ofChowk.
As different locations are developed according to specific plans, changes in
land use also take place. Adjacent to Chowk along the Hardoi Road few old shop
houses are available for sale, and as they are demolished they make profitable sites
for higher buildings, some for multi storey dwellings and others for office
accommodation.

179
Douglas E. Goodfriend, Op. cit., p.475.
180
Lucknow Master Plan-2001 Revised Draft p.103-104.
181
Lucknow Master Plan, p.23
182
Pavlos S. Kanaroglou and William P. Anderson (1998), "Economic Impacts of Highway
Infrastructure Improvements", Journal of Transport Geography, Vol. 6, No.3, Sept p. 204.
176
 As a result of the remodelling effort of the development authorities the land
values in some locations in Chowk have also changed. The most obvious rise is
found in the areas adjacent to the redeveloped locations. Land price thus is higher
along the main commercial axis of Gole Darwaza, Kamla Nehru Marg and
Khunkhunji Road. This is a natural process as development always takes place
along the main streets, and not laterally from them. Table 5.18 shows the circle
rates of different mohallas of Chowk ward. From the Table it is clear that the
maximum rise in the circle rates occurred between 1990 and 1992, when the
development of the area started taking place. In other inner mohallas the rise in
land prices is because of the all round improvements, which has increased
accessibility and opportunities for maximum use. The locations under development
(along the Hardoi Road) show a rise in land prices relatively lower than in the
other areas.
The efforts of the Lucknow Development Authority (LDA) at restructuring
existing urban areas also create problems in planning. Since the efforts are
piecemeal and uncoordinated, locational development only improves the efficiency
of those individual areas where old layouts 'are replaced by more modern ones: The
inner road pattern within the particular location continues to remain a relatively
static framework. Thus unless there is comprehensive redevelopment of larger
areas, with each large area being related to the redevelopment of another large area
and indeed, to the total development of the city, these efforts may generate further
chaos in the process of reorganisation of the city. 183 The initial requirements thus
are:
a) to develop an overall strategy for the future of Chowk within a
metropolitan and regional framework.
b) to do mohalla-level surveys and then develop plans for each mohalla in
accordance with the overall strategy.
Based on an overall strategy and micro level survey, the in-between level of
zonal planning can then be successfully deployed in a co-ordinated manner.

183
Hamzah Sendut (1982), "Town Planning and Communit'J Restructuring in Malaysia", Ekistics,
Vol. 49, No. 292, January-February, p. 67.
177
5.8 Hazratganj the Modern Core
The second micro area studied within the city of Lucknow was Hazratganj
(Fig.S.IV). The character of Hazratganj is entirely different from the old city or
Chowk area discussed earlier. Hazratganj since British days, has been the posh
shopping centre ofLucknow. It is the street of the respectable, and refers to a part of a
central vista which runs from the bungalows of the senior bureauGrats of the
Secretariat (now housing the ministers) at one end, and Lucknow University and the
Isabella Tho bourn College, a prestigious women's college, at the other. On one side
of this avenue, nearly a kilometre from the Governor's house, is the General Post
Office, a stately building of white cement with a clock tower. On the other side is the
Allahabad Bank, one of the oldest buildings of this part of the city. At the' other end,
approximately less than a kilometre, one finds a multi-storied shopping-cum-
residential complex called Halwasiya Market, adjoining the State Bank of India.
Hazratganj is the name given to that stretch between the intersection facing the
Allahabad Bank and the General Post Office, and the Halwasiya Market. 184
The foundation of this modem market place was laid by nawab Amjad Ali
Shah between 1842 and 1847 (as in 1848 he became the victim of cancer and
breathed his last). 185 As the nawabi city ofLucknow formed the administrative and
cultural core of a vast, rich hinterland and the centre of its voluminous grain
trade, 186 the Awadh nawabs and the revenue farmers founded a number of gunjes
that played the key role in extending the money economy into the fringes, with a
view to the rapid expansion of the productive capacity of their territories. 187 The
Sanskrit word 'gunj' was generally confined to a grain market, though several
'gunj es' expanded into retail centres for a variety of goods. 188 Some wholesale
traders, a number of commission agents, permanent moneylenders and permanent
buildings were the least requirements. The foundation of a gunj did not itself create

184
Imtiaz Ahmed (1997), ''Through the Eye of a Street", in Violette Graff (Ed.) Lucknow: Memories of
a City", Oxford University Press, Delhi pp.274-275
185
Abdul Halim Sharar, Op.cit., p.61.
186
V.T. Oldenburg, op.cit., p.12.
187
C.A. Bayly (1983), "Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British
Expansion, 1770-1870", Cambridge University Press, London, p.98.
188
V.T. Oldenburg, Op.cit., p.13.
178
Fig. S.IV
trade. It was, however, an acknowledgement of the existence of trade in sufficient
bulk for a magnate to wish to tax and protect it. The foundation of a gun} was also
a crucial act of political economy. It asserted the founder's right to arbitrate
disputes between merchants and appoint headmen - in short to act as "little kings".
It facilitated his independent collection of revenue and his capacity to transform
agrarian wealth into commercial or military resources throughout the year without
reference to the agents of the central ruler. The flowering of ganjes represents two
stages in the history of Awadh. First, it reflected the growth of a strong central
power under the first two nawabs who founded many of the roadside ganjes.
Secondly, it went ahead during the "decentralisation" of power under Asaf-ud-
daulah, the fourth nawab, who deliberately allowed his local revenue-farmers to
engross more of the total revenue in order to fight off British pressure for enhanced
tribute. This decentralisation had the consequence of rolling outward the
boundaries of the intermediate economy, which developed, around the fixed
markets.
In the settled areas, the new ganjes, not only centralised trade, but also
stimulated it by encouraging economies of scale amongst traders and providing
more ready access to credit for peasant farmers. Ganjes, which were founded in
marginal areas, had a more significant effect. Peasant farmers rarely like to stay
overnight at a market and in eighteenth century conditions the maximum distance a
man might have been prepared to travel with a bullock load of grain was, say,
seven miles. If we take a low contemporary estimate of a population density of 200
per square mile and a radius of seven miles in all directions from a centre, then the
foundation of a single new ganj could create or improve market access for as many
as 15,000 people. Fixed markets, unlike periodic haths encouraged merchants to
store, so that both merchant and farmer would be able to predict prices more
accurately. Most of the new ganjes were in fact provided with sarais or inns,
189
where merchants could rest and store goods.
The ganjes were mostly founded in and around the well-settled old city.
The Chowk and its surrounding areas were situated on high ground and hence

189 . .
C.A. Bayly, Op.c1t., pp.99-106.
179
densely settled in comparison "to the low lying, flood prone east side where there
were scattered orchards, grooves, and the main Shiite burial ground, the Karbala,
several smaller burial grounds and suburban homes of the nobility". 190 The eastern
part was quite heavily wooded with some, museum buildings picturesquely sited
among trees as is sketched by a British artist Ozias Humphry. 191

5. 9 Phases of Growth in H auatganj

5. 9.1 Pre-Mutiny H auatganj
It was only in 1775 when the Residency in Lucknow was set up after the
court moved from Faizabad, that the area started developing. The site of Residency
complex was originally owned by the Sheikhzadas, but some time during late
1770s Claude Martin bought a considerable amount of land here, extending east to
the site of the later Chattar Manzi!, north to the bank of the Gomti and south-west
for an unspecified distance over the slope of the complex. On this. large site Martin
began buying and selling houses to members of the Resident's staff, houses which
may already have been standing or which may have been commissioned by Martin.
Till 1779, the Residency complex was rather an ad hoc arrangement of bungalows
with thatched outhouses situated between the trees on the wooden hill, as it was
never a clearly defined area given over to the British to be laid out in a formal
style. 192
By 1786, the nucleus of the Residency site was well established-an
informal mixture of thatched houses, brick built bungalows with flat roofs, Muslim
shrines, zenana buildings and a few substantial buildings for the highest company
officials.
But, it was only after Asaf-ud-daula's death in 1798, when Sadat Ali Khan
ascended the throne, that in the newer, eastern part of the city some of the greatest
Lucknow houses were built. Sadat Ali Khan was responsible for making the
eastern part of the city, the Hazratgunj, one of the most splendid streets, of

190
Oldenburg, Op.. cit., p.40.
191
R.L. Jones, Op.cit, p.93.
192
Ibid, pp.90-92.
180
Lucknow. 193 He introduced a variety of architectural styles in the buildings
constructed during his time. He abandoned the local style of architecture and
194
adopted the European innovations. On the other hand though Asaf-ud-daula was
also fond of the new style of houses, he kept up the old style of architecture and his
buildings are fine examples ofthis old architecture. 195
Navab Sadat Ali Khan, on assuming the rulership in 1798, bought a house
Farhat Baksh for fifty thousand rupees from General Martin. While living there he
196
had several houses built nearby. The famous Farhat Baksh Kothi, though
partially demolished and greatly altered after 1857, is today a part of the Central
Drug Research Ihstitute. 197 It was the 'first identifiable building erected by Martin
in Lucknow, and was fmished by 1781 ',
As stated before, Sadat Ali Khan made substantial contribution towards the
beautification of the eastern half ofLucknow. 198 It consisted of one very handsome
street, after the European fashion, above a mile in length, with bazaars striking out
at right angles, and a well-bui.lt new Chowk in the centre, with a lofty gateway at
each extremity, which presented a Grecian front on one side and a Moorish one on
the other. The houses that composed the remainder of this street, belonged to the
king, and were occupied by members of his family or officers of his household.
These were for the most part in English style, but with a strange occasional mixture
of eastern architecture. 199 Among the many buildings constructed during Sadat Ali
Khan's reign, the buildings that dotted the present Hazratganj area was the Moti
Mahal, the Khurseed Manzil, Kothi Hayat Baksh, Kothi Noor Baksh and the Lal
Barah Dari.
The beautiful palace, Moti Mahal, was built on the right-bank of the river
Gomti in fulfilment of the N awab' s desire to make a palace akin to the Sheesh
Mahal of Asafuddaula. It was called Moti Mahal because of its pearl shaped white
dome. Besides, this palace was also the residence of Nawab's wife Moti Begam.

193
Ibid., p.48.
194
Sharar, Op.cit., p.52.
195
Ibid., p.51.
196
Ibid., p.52
197
R.L. Jones, Op.cit., p.137 ..
198
Ibid., p.184.

181
Moti Mahal today houses several famous institutions like the Motilal Nehru
Memorial Society, Bharat Seva Sansthan and Shiksha Samiti, and the old Moti
200
Mahal ground is occupied by the stadium.
Facing the Moti Mahal (to the north of Hazratganj) on a high earthen
mound was the Khurseed Manzil, built by the nawab for his Begam Khurseedzadi,
under the direct supervision of Claude Martin. Nowadays Khurseed Manzil houses
201
the La Martiniere Girls College.
During Sadat Ali Khan's rule, General Claude Martin had built several
buildings following British architectural patterns. Kothi Hayat Baksh is one such
example. In pre-independence period Kothi Hayat Baksh was declared as the
official residence of the Governor of Uttar Pradesh, and acquired the popular
designation of Raj Bhawan. Thought the original architecture of Kothi Hayat
Baksh has undergone considerable change over the years, its beautiful railings and
. . 202
t h e surroundmg area presents an attractive panorama.
Another building Kothi Noor Baksh on the western corner of Hazratganj
was used by the nawab' s son Sadiq Ali Khan as his residence. The back of the
building has been demolished during 1857 where now stands the Jai Bharat Talkies
(Caiper Road). The front portion of the Kothi Noor Baksh is used as the residence
of the "Ji ladish". 203
Ghazi-ud-Din-Haidar, the next ruler (1814-1827) of Awadh had two other
houses built within the enclosure ofMoti Mahal and these were called the Mubarak
Manzil and Shah Manzil. Near Shah Manzil there was a bridge of interconnected
boats on Gomti (near the present Hanumansetu) and Mubarak Manzil lay back
from it to the east. Facing Shah Manzil on the side of the river was a park known
as Hazari Bagh where for miles there stretched pleasing, verdant pastures in which
elephants, rhinoceroses and wild beasts of prey were often made to fight each
other. On the right bank of Gomti, he had a European-style house built for one of
his wives who was a European and named it Vilayati (European) Bagh, and near it

199
Ibid., p.185.
200
Y. Praveen Op.cit., pp.69-71.
201
Ibid., pp.83-84.
202
Ibid., p.118.
203
Ibid., p.l35.
182
he constructed the edifice Qadam Rasul. He also had built near Moti Mahal a
scared Najaf, a holy mausoleum, to be a copy of Ali's burial place. When he died
204
in 1827, he was buried in this mausoleum. He also completed the partially built
palace (Chhatar Manzi!) on the right bank of Gomti near Farhat Baksh. This palace
was earlier built by the nawab Sadat Ali Khan in memory of his mother Chhatar
Kunwar. A golden "Chhatra" was also built on top of the palace. A Chhoti Chhatar
205
Manzil was also built by him.
The next king was Nasir-ud-Din-Haidar (1827-1837). Though some new
quarter like Ganeshganj and Chand Ganj were established during his reign, they
were in the neighbourhood of the old city on the fur side of the river. 206 In the
Hazratganj area, during his time, a house was constructed (probably four of five
years later after ascending the throne) between the tomb of Sad at Ali Khan and
Moti Mahal and was known as Tarunvali Kothi or the House of Stars. The
observatory was in existence until the fall of the Awadh monarchy. 207It now holds
the office of the State Bank oflndia. 208
During Muhammad Ali Shah's rule (1837-1842) although no new palaces
were added in and around Hazratganj area, he constructed the famous Husainabad
Imambara, Jama Masjid and the Satkhanda.
The next ruler Amjad Ali Shah (1842-1848) did not have the desire to
construct any building that would serve as a memorial to him, yet the most
celebrated, densely populated and richest quarters of the town today, Hazratganj is
there to perpetuate the memory of his reign. He had also built the Begam Kothi in
1844 for his second wife Maika Abed. For a long time the Begam Kothi served as
the old General Post Office. Now on its foundation stands the famous market of
Janpath. 209 After his death in 1848, he was buried inside Risaldar Mendu Khan's
containment in Hazratganj, the quarter, which he had himself established: His
Imambara, Sibtainabad, in which he is entombed, is situated at the side of the road

204
Sharar, Op.cit, pp.53-55.
205
Y. Praveen, Op.cit., p.73.
206
Sharar, Op.cit., p.56.
207
Ibid, p.56.
208 .
Y. Praveen Op.cit., p.146.
209
Ibid., pp.157-158.
183
 in the Western part of Hazratganj. It was built after his death by the eldest son and
210
successor Wajid Ali Shah.
The last Badshah of Awadh added Sikandarbagh in the eastern part of
Lucknow. It is now officially know as the "Rajkiya Vanaspati Udyan".
Sikandarabagh was established by Wajid Ali Shah for his favourite Begam
Sikandar Mahal (Umrao Begam). Within the confines of a protection wall, it
extended from the main gateway to the banks of the river. A few buildings were
also built within this garden. It was provided with a wide road in the middle, on
which three victorious and four pedestrians could move together conveniently. The
garden was kept evergreen with rich growth of a variety of flowers and fiuits. 211
Thus from the above description of the development of the eastern half of
the city including Hazratganj and its surrounding it appears that before the mutiny,
it was an open area with some beautiful buildings (Fig. 5. V), though the
development ofthis area witnessed the incessant political and economic interaction
between two distinctive cultures, native and alien.

5.9.2 Post-Mutiny Hazratganj

After the mutiny, the rebuilding of the colonial city was largely predicated
on strategic needs. Its main architects were men of military training and vision.
Therefore, large areas of the city were cleared and new sections built with military
priorities in mind. 212 Accordingly anything that came in the path of a proposed
213
road, be it a house, cemetery or mosque was summarily levelled (Fig.4.I).
Communications were an essential part of the defence establishment.
- Hence road building within the city was given top priority. The following
declaration by the Secretary to the Chief Commission in July 1859, can be cited as
an example:
"It is necessary on military grounds to pull down the greater part of the
Chutter Munzil, and the Farhad Buksh palaces and eventually it may be L.::essary

210
Sharar, Op.cit, p.61.
211
Y. Praveen, Op.cit., pp.l83-184.
212
Oldenburg, Op.cit., pp.59-60.
213
Ibid., p.34. .
184
 HAZRATGA NJ ,1\ND ITS SU RROUNDlNGS AT THE Tl ME OF MUTlNY

0 2 3
M oles

Fig.S.V
to open out the Kaiserbagh also. Mr. Wingfield does not think the southern portion
of the Kaiserbagh could be properly repaired for less than one lakh rupees and the
military authorities would also probably object to allowing so large, intricate and
defensible a mass of buildings to remain so near our fortifications." (Foreign
Consultations and Foreign Political Consultations Manuscript, 29 July 1859,
Nos.366-70). 214

As a result the marble tank between the two Chattar Manzils was buried
beneath a highway. 215 The largest Qaisarbagh courtyard was also cut through, and
by 1877 the whole of the southern wall had been demolished together with the
Chaulakhi Palace, and the other sides of the great courtyard were said to be in a
ruinous conditions. Gradually the free standing buildings were demolished, and out
of the many marble statues that adorned gardens and courtyards, the existing three
were re-erected in the Zoological Gardens. They were removed from
Qaisarbagh. 216
The main Karbala (Shiite burial ground) had been physically obliterated by
the development of civil lines (mainly a residential area for the use of the European
non-military community) and the small Karbala near the Talkatora bridge became
the chief burial ground due to the deliberate north-south orientation of the new
roads. 217
Land had been hastily app~opriated to build this sprawling, tidy European
section of the city. An eminent English journalist, who had been in Lucknow
before the siege and returned to it twenty years later, found that hundreds of acres,
once occupied by houses, have been turned into market gardens. 218
Other features borrowed from the metropolitan townscape began to accrete
in the new sections of the city. A clock tower, statuary, a shopping arcade with
expensive European merchandise, a theatre and a services club (located in the
nawabi palace, the Chattar Manzil) grew in and around Hazratgunj, the main
market for the civil lines. Several Calcutta-based European retail firms opened

214
R. L Jones, Op.cit., p.l94.
215
Y Praveen, Op.cit., p.73.
216
R. L Jones, Op.cit., p.l95, and p.210.
217
Oldenburg, Op.cit., pp.40-41 and p.56.
185
branches here, and shopping in this area was qualitatively different from that in the
gunjes of the old city. There was neither bargaining nor bartering and certainly no
219
footpath hawkers and vendors.
Hazratgunj, the fashionable new town centre, was under the direct charge
of the newly formed municipal committee and was kept clean and neat unlike the
western circle of the city where the bulk of the population resided. 220 A hundred
and twenty-three shops, which were abandoned during the rebellion in Hazratganj
were renovated and claimed as nuzul property. These shops were redone with neat
fronts of a uniform pattern. The commissioner enclosed a sketch of the fayade that
would "look neat and suitable" and this was to become a blueprint for the
appearance of city shops. In 1871, a committee circular requested that all
"shopkeepers ofHazratganj remove their present unsightly choppers (thatch roofs)
and reconstruct both according to the plan of the two recently constructed, there by
the Municipal Assistant Engineer". 221 Hazratganj was thus created as a posh
shopping centre by the British. The limits of Hazratganj in those days extended
from the Capital cinema directly facing the GPO to the Mayfair Cinema and the
Lucknow Cathedral. 222
In 1877, the old lands of Awadh were amalgamated with the Northwest
Provinces. This resulted in further subordination of Lucknow, as the office of
Chief Commissioner for Awadh was merged with that of Lieutenant Governor
based in Allahabad, to which city also moved the High Court and administration of
the province. Despite its demotion by the British, Lucknow still retained much
potential as a city of major political significance. It remained the centre of
remarkable landed power and wealth. 223 But, cmcial to the emergence ofLucknow
as the main political centre in the UP was the outcome of the struggle with
Allahabad to be the capital city. That the battle had been won defacto in

218
Oldenburg, Op.cit., pp.56-57.
219
Ibid., pp.57-58.
220
Ibid., pp.104-105.
221
Ibid., p.l20.
222
Imtiaz Ahmed, Op.cit., p.275.
223
Francis Robinson (1997), "The Re-emergence of Lucknow as a Major Political Centre, 1899-
Early 1920s" in Violette Graff (Ed.), "Lucknow: Memories of a City", Oxford University Press,
Delhi, pp.l96-197.
186
Lucknow' s favour by 1921 was in large part due to Harcourt Butter, one of the
most successful civil servants of his day. 224 Though Lucknow was declared as the
capital of the province, it was not until 193 5 that the Secretariat moved fully to
Lucknow. In 1922 Sir Harcourt Butler laid the foundation stone of the Council
House (Vidhan Sabha) at the site between Darul Shafa and Kothi Hayat Baksh
(Governor House/Raj Bhawan). 225 As a result of the decision to make Lucknow the
de-facto capital, there was a rapid and sustained growth of population (together
with a qualitative change in population) because of the greater administrative,
educational, and political role, which opened up for the city. The population
growth was the result, primarily, of the transfer of official to the city. In addition,
there was migration from rural districts of people looking for work and of
'Capitalists' from surrounding areas looking for investment opportunities in, for
example, rental property.
There was also a boost to the city's economy from increased trade, the
development of industries such as printing and the significant building boom which
the need for private housing as well as for official, educational and ancillary
buildings produced. This meant construction activity, which gave opportunities for
'contractors' as well as work for tradesmen and labourers. Construction was both
large scale and residential. Among, the largest public projects were the Council
Chamber, the Civil Secretariat, and the new buildings to transform Canning
College into Lucknow University-a project for which the taluqdars alone
contributed more than Rs.30 lakhs. There was also a new Government House, as
well as a building to house the Chief Court which was inaugurated in 1925
following--the upgrading of the Judicial Commissioner's Court. There were large
private projects, also. There were, for instance, the newspaper offices for the
Pioneer, which moved to Lucknow in 1933, and for the newly founded Congress
paper, the National Herald that started in 1938. There were, by the late 1920s,
seven Improvement Trust housing schemes, the building of official bungalows, and
two blocks of model quarters and three development schemes for lower cost

224
Ibid., p.200.
225
Y. Praveen, Op.cit., p.264.
187
housing. All indicative of the push to develop residential accommodation, even
before the major increases in population over the 1930s. 226
The centre of all these activities was Hazratganj. Due to the transfer of the
capital from Allahabad to Lucknow, a new idiom of good life was introduced in
Lucknow. The bungalows, the wide roads, the club, the fashionable-shopping
arcade became the necessities of life. Obviously this life style could only be
available to the rich and influential, primarily in the Civil Lines. Thus began the
process of dualization of life-style and economy that divides the city of the elite
from the indigenous town of the masses.
The British conquest thus represents a watershed in Indian history. It
introduced the beneficial modern practices and institutions like public health and
sanitation, roads and railways etc. These innovations profoundly altered the society
and accelerated the pace of social change. Yet these institutions and facilities
remained the prerogative of a few. Hazratganj being the new centre of all the
social, economic and political activity was turned into an island of modernity in a
sea of tradition and poverty. 227

5.9.3 Hazratganj after Independence (1947 onwards)

With the partition ofBritish India into the independent states oflndia and Pakistan
in 1947, Lucknow underwent another historic convulsion. The departure of the
British was accompanied by the large-scale migration of Punjabi, Sindhi and Sikh
refugees. This massive turnover of the population jolted the social cohesiveness
and cultural homogeneity of the city. 228 Lucknow enjoyed a reputation as a city
where peace prevailed even during the worst post-partition violence and rioting. A
very large number of Punjabi refugees came to Lucknow and eventually made it
their home. This had a most dramatic impact upon the city, including Hazratganj.
On the one hand, the influx of a refugee population, which was seen by local
inhabitants to be aggressive, boorish and unsophisticated, affected the polite forms

226
Peter Reeves ( 1997), "Lucknow Politics: 1920-47", in Violette Graff (Ed), "Lucknow, Memories
of a city" Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp.216-217.
227
See Mohammad A Qadeer (1983), "Urban Development in the Third World: Internal Dynamics
ofLahore, Pakistan", Praeger, New York, 1983, pp.72-73.
228lb"d
1 ., p.73.
188
of language, which had been a treasured heritage of Lucknow. On the other hand, it
brought about a significant shift in the makeup of the ownership of the shops in
Hazratganj, A number of shops owned by Muslims who had left for Pakistan were
given to refugees under the Evacuee's Property provision. 229
Resettlement of these migrant families became the urgent task immediately
after independence. New construction started after the stock of the evacuee
property was used up. Open spaces and gardens of the early thirties were taken up
by residential colonies like Gautampalli (formerly the Lucknow Division
Commissioner's large compound with his residence in the centre), Butler Palace
Colony, where houses were built on the vast Maharaja Mahmudabad's palace
ground which had a lake surrounded by a garden, Raj Bhawan Colony bungalows
have been built on the lush green Golf course of the government House. Gulistan
Colony-houses have been built on the spacious compound and garden of the
bungalow named "Gulistan' which had some illustrious occupants in the past. 230
The years 1947 to 1960 thus represent a critical turning point both for the
city and more specifically for the areas with advantage of early start. But the
development so far was largely uncontrolled resulting in low level of open spaces.
The green cover went down and down, from the central city.
Around 1957 the main building of the National Botanical Research Institute
was added in Hazratganj. The open spaces in Hazratganj further declined with the
establishment of Jawahar Bhavan in the early seventies by the P.W.D. To the south
of the Jawahar Bhavan complex was added the Shakti Bhavan complex between
1979-86 which housed the electricity offices, and with the construction of the
multi-storeyed India Bhavan in 1991, the entire open spaces along the Ashok Marg
was eaten away.
Thus after 1960s the face of Hazratganj changed rapidly. Around that time,
Lucknow began experiencing industrial expansion through establishment of
ancillary private industries along the highway to neighbouring Kanpur, and State-
owned scooter and other industries eastward beyond the Gomti river. The one

229
Imtiaz Ahmad, op.cit., p.278.
230
AK. Dass (1997), "Ludrnow As I Remember It", Lucknow First: Act Now, Seminar Paper, 30th
August.
189
immediate consequence was the mushrooming of new residential colonies for a
new skilled workforce. As these new migrants settled in residential colonies within
reasonable distance from Hazratganj, they now began patronising the shopping
area as a regular marketing place, and not only as a street where one came to spend
a few leisurely hours strolling or interacting with friends. Many of the old
restaurants closed down, to be replaced by grocery stores. Old exclusive stores that
so prominently displayed 'By Appointment to the Governor' converted themselves
into sales depots holding 'exhibition-cum-sale' of cheap mill-made saris at reduced
prices. A few exclusive shops were bought over by chain stores. Outside, the
growth of kiosks and pavement shops multiplied, as did the number of hawkers
and vendors. 231 this greatly transformed the face ofHazratganj.

5.10 Commercial Structure ofHazratganj

By now it is obvious that commercial activities have boomed in Lucknow
smce independence. This boom has not merely meant an arithmetical
multiplication of existing typ~s of commercial establishments, but it has also led to
the emergence of new modes of operations. Structurally as well as functionally
Lucknow' s commercial activities manifest evolutionary trends. By responding to
new demand and selectively incorporating new technologies, the traditional
commercial forms continue to predominate. For example, at the mundane level,
such practices as packaging of commodities, monetization of transactions, and
adaptation of lucrative banking and insurance practices have been readily adopted.
On the deeper structural level, there are tendencies towards formation of mutually
supporting .cliques and alliances as operational units, emergence of formal
associations as regulators of collaborative competition in the market, and
segmentation ofthe market (demand and supply) by social class. These trends are
evident in the operation of both sectors (bazaar and firm) and in their
32
interrelations?
Hazratganj, the main centre of commercial activities in Lucknow has also
undergone noticeable structural changes. Prior to independence the shopping area

231
Imtiaz Ahmad, Op.cit, p.283.
190
of Hazratganj was always sptc and span. The shops were always elegantly
maintained with no garbage strewn around. It was created as a posh shopping
centre by the British. Naturally, many of them were British companies such as
White away Laidlaw & Co. (department stores), Murrey & Co. (Grocers and
confectioners), James & Co. (Chemists), French Motor Car Co., (dealing in
American & English Cars). The Gandhi Ashram complex housed an excellent
restaurant run by an Italian owner and was called Valerios. A string band played
there in the evening and there was ball room dancing. 233 Such was the ambience of
Hazratganj in those days. People boasted that their clothes had been tailored by
Ram La/ clothiers, tailors and drapers, their wristwatches bought from Whorra
Brothers or their woollens dry cleaned by Back In a Day. 234
The departure of the British was accompanied by the partition holocaust
and the large-scale migration of Punjabi, Sindhi and Sikh refugees. This brought
about a significant shift in the makeup ofthe ownership of the shops in Hazratganj,
because a number of shops owned by Muslims who had left for Pakistan were
given to refugees under the evacuee's property previsions?35
Another change, which accompanied the influx of refugees, was a steady
increase in the number of restaurants and eating-houses. There were only a few
restaurants in Hazratganj during the British rule. After independence, due largely
to the changing clientele a number of restaurants of different types and ratings
came up in Hazratganj. The Kwality Restaurant housed in the Mayfair Cinema
building, reminiscent of its colonial past, was exclusive. Then there was the
Ranjana Restaurant, which catered mainly to the middle class and was seen as a
family place. There was also Benbows Restaurant. It had been an exclusive pastry
shop in earlier days, but with the change in Hazratganj's clientele, a section of the
pastry shops had been converted into a restaurant. Perhaps the most significant in
this sudden mushrooming of restaurants and eating-places was the establishment,
36
some years before independence, of a Coffee House of the Indian Coffee Board?

232 Mohammad A. Qadeer, Op.cit., p.l41.

233 A.K. Dass, Op.cit., p.2.
234 Imtiaz Ahmad, Op.cit., p.276.
235 Ibid., p.278.
2361bid.
191
 In the British Lucknow there was no encroachment on pavements or shop
verandahs in Hazratganj. But in the years following independence, the growth of
tiny kiosks in the verandah, which ran right across the street in front of the
impressive stores was significant. This was largely a consequence of the shift in
the clientele. As an increasing number from the middle class now flocked to
Hazratganj, no so much to shop, as to enjoy a leisurely stroll, these kiosks did brisk
business in cheap items which this new clientele could afford. Thus, in effect,
Hazratganj had within two decades after the departure of the British, become
divided into two worlds. On the one hand there were the exclusive stores, and on
the other hand, there were the Kiosks all along the verandah, where cheaper and
237
affordable items were on display.
The change was also noticed in the three bookshops of Hazratganj. The
British Book Depot and Universal Book Company had been established during the
British period and had a typical colonial ambience. They stored fiction, reference
works and books on shikar, travel, interior decoration, hobbies etc. The Universal
Book Company also kept text-books for the University and Medical College. As
the people who habitually read English fiction or books on shikar, travel and
interior decoration etc., gradually ceased frequenting Hazratganj, the type of books
kept by both book-stores changed too. Both gradually ended up becoming outlets
for text-books and stationary, first for the La Martiniere and the Loreto Convent
and subsequently for the host of Christian and other public schools, which started
coming up around Hazratganj. The third bookshop was Ram Advani. Established
after independence, Ram Advani was a specialised bookstore. Besides English
fiction, it- kept academic books on the social sciences and the humanities,
particularly anthropology and sociology. A good many senior professors of the
University used to visit the bookstore on their way home, to see or browse through
the new books that had arrived. But, as time passed, even Ram Advani had to
adjust to the change in the clientele, and took to supplying books to outside
libraries and scholars abroad. 238

237
Ibid., p.279.
238
Ibid. pp.279-280.
192
 In the British Lucknow there was no encroachment on pavements or shop
verandahs in Hazratganj. But in the years following independence, the growth of
tiny kiosks in the verandah, which ran right across the street in front of the
_impressive stores was significant. This was largely a consequence of the shift in
the clientele. As an increasing number from the middle class now flocked to
Hazratganj, no so much to shop; as to enjoy a leisurely stroll, these kiosks did brisk
business in cheap items which this new clientele could afford. Thus, in effect,
Hazratganj had within two decades after the departure of the British, become
divided into two worlds. On the one hand there were the exclusive stores, and on
the other hand, there were the Kiosks all along the verandah, where cheaper and
affordable items were on display. 237
The change was also noticed in the three bookshops of Hazratganj. The
British Book Depot and Universal Book Company had been established during the
British period and had a typical colonial ambience. They stored fiction, reference
works and books on shikar, travel, interior decoration, hobbies etc. The Universal
Book Company also kept text-books for the University and Medical College. As
the people who habitually read English fiction or books on shikar, travel and
interior decoration etc., gradually ceased frequenting Hazratganj, the type of books
kept by both book-stores changed too. Both gradually ended up becoming outlets
for text-books and stationary, first for the La Martiniere and the Loreto Convent
and subsequently for the host of Christian and other public schools, which started
coming up around Hazratganj. The third bookshop was Ram Advani. Established
after independence, Ram Advani was a specialised bookstore. Besides English
fiction, it ~ept academic books on the social sciences and the humanities,
particularly anthropology and sociology. A good many senior professors of the
University used to visit the bookstore on their way home, to see or browse through
the new books that had arrived. But, as time passed, even Ram Advani had to
adjust to the change in the clientele, and took to supplying books to outside
libraries and scholars abroad. 238

237
Ibid., p.279.
238
Ibid. pp.279-280.
192
 Over the years, the growth of kiosks and pavement shops multiplied, as did
the number of hawkers and vendors. At one end of the street came up the famous
Halwasiya market building during early fifties. Of late, the construction of Janpath
Complex, an imposing eight storied shopping centre-cum office building with 104
shops and seven office floors has come up on the site of the famous Begam Kothi,
the old post office239 in Hazratganj. The construction of Janpath as well as the
growth of small stalls selling cheap wares along the lanes has further eclipsed the
grandeur of Hazratganj.
The change in the commercial structure stated so far was also revealed
form the survey of 100 shops in Hazratganj. Most of the owners said that their
shops were 40-50 years old and have changed two to three hands (Table 5.19).
Another important fact that is revealed from the survey is that most of the owners
(47%) were migrants from Pakistan (5.20).

Table 5.19
Distribution of Shops According to their Age

Age of the Shop No. of Shoos

Less than 25 years 12
25-40 years 30
40-60 years 42
60-100 years 9
More than 100 years 7
Total 100
Source: Field Survey

Table 5.20
Distribution of Shops according to category of Owners

Category of Owners No. of Shoos

Sind hi 47
Punjabi 33
Muslim 13
Others 7
Total 100
Source: Field Survey

239
Lucknow Development Authority (1980), Journal of Institute of Town Planners. India, Special
Issue, Annual No.104, 28th Annual Town and Country Planning Seminar, Lucknow, March, 18-20.
193
 It was also noted from the survey that most of the shop owners in Janpath
market complex were Sindhi. As the complex was developed by the Lucknow
Development Authority the shops are all of equal size and generally 225 sq. feet,
as was found from the survey. Larger shops have more than one shop combined
together. Most of the shops in this market complex have exclusive chikanwares
and other dress materials along with eating joints. Along the Mahatma Gandhi
Marg the main market, many shops were reconstructed in recent years and a single
shop was found divided into three different storeys ranging from the basement
level, the ground floor and the first floor. The intensity of use on such a scale on a
particular piece of land shows that, inspite of the effort of the planning authorities
to decongest Hazratganj, by planning sub-city commercial complexes in different
parts of the city, it continues to attract people in considerable numbers. Moreover,
the increase in demand manifests itself in the construction of office-cum-shopping
complex by a city private builder, the Ansals near the famous Tulsi theatre. Along
the Ashok Marg, a few metres from the Allahabad Bank crossing, is coming up the
second Janpath market. Therefore Hazratganj continues to be the most attractive
commercial centre at the heart of Lucknow. It contains the complete spectrum of
socio-economic groupings, and performs a wide range of functions, thereby
acquiring a polysocial character, which is again directly related to its
multifunctional economic structure. 240
The pressure on Hazratganj can be noted from the fact, that the Hazratganj
intersection where the Mall Road, Ashok Marg and Vidhan Sabha Marg converge
is the busiest intersection of Lucknow and has five radials. In 1980s one of the five
radials, the Park Road which is "one way" carried a peak hour traffic of 9859
P.C.U. between 9.45 A.M. to 10.45 A.M. and 5.30. P.M. to 7.00 P.M. 241
In Hazratganj, in addition to the residential areas, there are small industries,
but above all there is major concentration of service activities. In Hazratganj area
alone the share of employees is about 51 per cent of the total employees in

240
See Richard L. Lawless & Allan M. Findlay (1981), 'Tunis' in Michael Pacione (Ed.),
"Problems and Planning in Titird World Cities", Vikas Publishing House Pvt., New Delhi, p.10l.
241
Lucknow Development Authority, Op.cit., p.6.10.
194
 242
Lucknow working in State/Central Government offices. The increasing demand
for office space in the central zone has resulted in the loss of much of the
residential accommodation. Many former dwellings have been transformed into
banks, offices of industrial firms or consultancies, and vacant lots are rapidly
occupied by new office buildings. Therefore in the Master Plan-2001, the concept
of the Bazaar streets has been introduced not only to regularise the infringement of
commercial, light industrial and office functions in the residential areas, but to
organise as well as channelise such activities so that the adequate and appropriate
circulation pattern, parking requirements could be met and services could be
augmented at the cost of uses of the changed land use. Controlled and channelised
development will ensure the safety of the desired environment required in the
adjoining residential areas. 243

The following Bazaar Streets have been proposed for the Hazratganj area: -
Proposed Depth of Commercial
S.N. Bazaar Streets
use from the Centre of the road
1.Sapru Marg 100 mts
2. Ashok Marg (Proposed Hazratganj
Central Commercial area to Rana 75 mts
Prata_Q Marg}_
3. Shahnajaf Road (Hazratganj Central
Commercial Area to Rana Pratap 60mts
Marg)
4. Ram Tirth Marg (Hazratganj Central
Commercial Area to Rana Pratap 30mts
Marg Crossing)
Source: Lucknow Master Plan, pp.61-62.

Figs.5.VI and 5.VII show that the business areas along the Ashok Marg,
Ram Tirth Marg and Shah Najaf Road have been extended considerably to meet
the increased demand.

Not only has the commercial structure of Hazratganj changed and

intensified following independence, the population has also been restructured.

242
Lucknow Master Plan-200 I, Op.c p.ll.
195
 BAZAARSTREETINHAZRATGANJ
(Shah Najaf Road, Sapru Marg, Ashok Marg)

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While natural increase of the residential population is today the most important
contributor, this was not always the case. During independence, when the city had
fewer inhabitants and a less youthful age structure, it was the direct impact of
immigration because of which the city grew. However, once these young migrants
had arrived, and they themselves had entered the family-building stage, the
importance of natural increase became accentuated. This was the case with the
entire city and Hazratganj was no exception to it.

5.11 Socio-Economic Profile of Hazratganj

From the foregoing paragraphs it follows that Hazratganj over the years has
acquired a cosmopolitan character and is the confluence of many cultures. Its
location has made people to settle here from different parts of the state as well as
the country. Among the households surveyed, 27 per cent reported their birth place
in districts outside Lucknow, 16 per cent in different parts of India and 24 per cent
were migrants from Pakistan who settled in Hazratganj after independence (Table
5.21).
Hazratganj therefore emerges to be a socio-cultural unit influenced by
religious and linguistic factors and displays a diversity of such groups. But
according to the findings, it is the language (mother tongue) which reveals more
appropriately, the nature of heterogeneous and cosmopolitan character of
Hazratganj. Table 5.22 shows the percentage of people speaking different
languages. Among all th~ groups, Hindi speaking people are more, which is natural
as Lucknow is situated in the Hindi heartland. Punjabi and Sindhi speaking people
are also quite considerable in number. 2.83 per cent are English speaking people
and are mostly Anglo-Indians and Christians. Urdu is the mother tongue of another
7.81 per cent, though they also speak in Hindi.2.38 per cent are Bengalis and 1.25
percent speak different South-Indian languages. Thus the linguistic composition of
popula~ion gives a more representative picture of Hazratganj' s differing cultural
associations.

243
Ibid., p.60.
196
 Table- 5.21
Place of Birth of the Residents of Hazratganj according to Religious
Communities

Number of Households Percent

Inhabitant of to Total
Hindu Muslim Sikh Christian Total
Hazratganj 20 8 - - 28 18.67
Outside Hazratganj 12 - - 5 17 11.33
Other parts of Lucknow district 3 1 - - 4 2.67
Other districts outside Lucknow 40 1 - - 41 27.33
Allahabad 8 - - - 8 5.33
Jaunpur 5 - - - 5 3.33
Kanpur 3 - - - 3 2.00
Faizabad 2 1 - - 3 2.00
Garhwal 3 - - - 3 2.00
Aligarh 2 - - - 2 1.33
Gazi{)ur 2 - - - 2 1.33
Agra . 2 - - - 2 1.33
Azamgarh 2 - - - 2 1.33
Jhansi 2 - - - 2 1.33
Saharanpur 1 - - - 1 0.67
Meerut 1 - - - 1 0.67
Firozabad 1 - - - 1 0.67
Mainpuri 1 - - - 1 0.67
Etah 1 - - - 1 0.67
Sitapur 1 - - - 1 0.67
Sultanpur 1 - - - 1 0.67
Etawah 1 - - - 1 0.67
Ghaziabad 1 - - - 1 0.67
Outside U. P. 20 - 4 - 24 16.00
Punjab 3 - 4 - 7 4.67
West Bengal 5 - - - 5 3.33
Bihar 4 - - - 4 2.67
Delhi 3 - - - 3 2.00
Tamilnadu 2 - - - 2 1.33
Kerala 1 - - - 1 0.67
Rajasthan 1 - - - 1 0.67
M.P 1 - - - 1 0.67
From Pakistan 35 - 1 - 36 24.00
Total 130 10 5 5 150 100.00
Source: Field Survey

Table 5.23 illustrates the age-wise distribution of people according to the

religious communities in Hazratganj. The structure of age groups for male and
female are almost similar. In the age group 60-69 a disproportionate share of:
females is noticed because of the presence of female widows in the population.
The 30-39 and 40-49 age group shows bulges on both sides. This indicates that,

197
most of the working population in Hazratganj stays near their work place, as most
of the offices and the commercial centre are located here.

Table -5.22
Mother Tongue of the Residents of Hazratganj

No of Households Percent No of People

Mother Tongue Percent
Speaking
IDndi 80 53.33 457 51.76
Urdu 10 6.67 69 7.81
Punjabi 34 22.67 212 24.01
Sindhi 13 8.67 88 9.97
English 5 3.33 25 2.83
Bengali 5 3.33 21 2.38
South Indian 3 2.00 . 11 1.25
Total 150 100.00 883 -100.00
Source: Field Survey

Table-s 23
Age Group-Wise Proportion of Religious Communities in
Hazratganj

Hindus
15- 20- 25- 30- 40- 50- 60- 70-
0-5 5-14 19 24 29 39 49 59 69 79 80+ Total ;.
T 62 68 87 83 95 99 103 66 68 31 4 766 86.75
M 34 31 45 43 53 58 57 35 33 18 2 409 46.32
F 28 37 42 40 42 41 46 31 35 13 2 . 357 40.43
Muslims
T 6 14 9 10 5 8 II 2 2 I I 69 7.81
M 3 9 6 4 2 3 7 I I 0 I 37 4.19
F 3 5 3 6 3 5 4 I I I 0 32 3.62
Christians
T 3 6 0 0 0 9 I 0 4 2 0 25 2.83
M 2 5 0 0 0 4 I 0 0 I 0 13 1.47
F 1 I 0 0 0 5 0 0 4 I 0 12 1.36
Sikhs
T 1 0 5 4 3 1 9 0 0 0 0 23 2.60
M 1 0 2 4 2 0 5 0 0 0 0 14 1.59
F 0 0 3 0 1 1 4 0 0 0 0 9 1.02
Total
T 72 88 101 97 103 117 124 68 74 34 5 883 100.00
M 40 45 53 51 57 65 70 36 34 19 3 473 53.57
F 32 43 48 46 46 52 54 32 40 15 2 410 46.43
Source: F1eld Survey

This youthful age structure of Hazratganj is dependent on the functional

characteristic of the area since it plays an important role in determining the type of
as well as the capacity of the area to hold residential population. In Hazratganj the
198
non-residential use, especially of the higher order such as trade and commerce,
offices, institutions etc. and immediately unusable land restrict the residential
capacity of the ward. As a result both the population and housing density in
Hazratganj is quite low (Table 5.24).

Table- 5.24
Population, Housing Density and Household Size in Hazratganj Ward

Area Occupied Persons House-

Housing House- House-
Year (in Popn. Density Residential per holds per
Density holds hold Size
hectare) Houses House House
1961 608.50* 15788 26 3721 6 4 3903 1.05 4.04
1971 608.5 - - - - - - -- --
1981 608.5 24999 41 5244 9 5 5298 1.01 4.72
1991 608.5 25571 42 6167 10 4 6793 1.10 3.76
Assumed
Source: Census oflndia.

In recent years, however, housing density has increased . due to new

construction in the area. The household size in Hazratganj is four, in all the
decades with slight variations. The household size can be considered as an
indicator of social development. Small size usually represents better social
development. From the household survey it appeared that though a considerable
proportion (32.67 %) had 2-4 family members, most of the households (53.33 %)
had 5-8 family members (Table 5.25).

Table 5.25
Number of Family Members

No. of Households according to Family Members Total

Religion
2-4 5-8 8-10 10-13 > 13 Households
Hindu 43 68 12 5 2 130
Muslim 1 7 0 2 0 10
Christian 2 3 0 0 0 5
Sikh 3 2 0 0 0 5
Total 49 80 12 7 2 150
Source: - Fteld Survey

Few large families were also found. nature of mixed family structure of
both small and large is due to the presence of the joint family system, which
dominates the household structure (Table 5.26).
199
 Table- 5.26
Type of Family in Hazratganj
Religion Total Single Per Cent Joint Per Cent
Hindu 130 52 40.00 78 60.00
Muslim 10 4 40.00 6 60.00
Christian 5 1 20.00 4 80.00
Sikhs 5 4 80.00 1 20.00
Total 150 "61 40.67 89 59.33
Source: Field Survey

The increase m population has led to the shrinkage of space for the
households. Among the surveyed households, around 50 per cent had 2-4 rooms, 34
per cent had 5-6 rooms and 8 per cent lived in a single room (Table 5.27). From the
survey it was found that the area surrounding Maqbara Amjad Ali Shah and Meerabai
ka Poorva had households staying in single room.

Table-5.27
Rooms Per Households
Rooms Per Households Number of Hol}seholds Percent
1 Only
12 8.00
2-4 74 49.33
5-8 51 34.00
9-12 10 6.67
13 & Above 3 2.00
Total 150 100.00
Source: Field Survey

Most of the houses in Hazratganj are owner occupied. Table 5.28 shows the
number of households that live in their own houses or in rented accommodation.
As many as 73 per cent of the households are owner occupied and remaining 27
per cent are tenants.
Because of the better location and high demand the houses in Hazratganj fetch
good rent. Located in the heart of the city, Hazratganj is directly accessible to all of
the employment, educational and recreational opportunities, as well as to the variety
of goods and services that the central district of a metropolis can offer. As there is not
much of difference in the facilities available in Hazratganj, the rental value varies
depending upon the size and area of the residential units. In Balmiki Marg, Ram Tirth

200
Marg and in other few scattered areas the rent per residential unit is below 3000/-
rupees per month but in most part of Hazratganj houses command much higher rent.
In some areas like Maqbara Amjad Ali Shah and Narhi Bazaar, households spend
very little on rental housing. The quality of most of the rental accommodation is
mediocre and rent controls which continues till date have permitted rents to rise only
moderately. Rent in these houses is as low as Rs. 50/-, and varies between 50/- and
150/- rupees per month.

Table-5.28
Households living in Own & Rented Houses in Hazratganj by Community

Own House Rented House

Communities
No. of Households Percent Residents Percent
Hindus 94 85.45 3'6 90.00
Muslims 10 9.09 0 0.00
Christians 2 1.82 3 7.50
Sikhs 4 3.64 1 2.50
Total 110 100.00 40 100.00
Source: - Fteld Survey

An important feature of the population ofHazratganj is its uneven distribution

(Table 5.29). In certain mohallas in Hazratganj residential usepre dominates but in
most of the mohallas, the intensity of commercial and business space use has limited
the residential accommodation. To cater to the ever-increasing demand for office
accommodation vertical growth has taken place. It was observed from the field
survey that in case of mixed high rise buildings the apartments meant for residential
purposes, are being used for commercial purposes by locating the offices of small
business establishments, like finance companies, brokerage and training institutions.
These are mostly in buildings located along the main roads.
An analysis of the pattern of economic activities reveals the immense
concentration of commercial and service employment in Hazratganj which has led to
the congestion of the area and its absolute dominance as the economic, social and
political hub of Lucknow. Concentration of employment opportunities within a small
area reflects the persistence of the highly centralized decision making procedure

201
inherited from the colonial administration but greatly strengthened since
independence by the government and local authorities.

Table 5.29
Mohalla-wise Distribution of Population in Hazratganj Ward (1991)

Division of Hazratganj Mohall as Population

ward in 1995 (1991)
Rammohan Roy Marg 1. Lokmanya Tilak Marg 1813
2. Butler Palace Colony 1335
3. Madan Mohan Malviya Marg 444
4. Gokhle Marg 2368
5. Rai Prayag Narayan Road 647
6. Lajpat Rai Marg 2751
. 7. Wazir Hassan Road 979
8. Rammohan Roy Marg 815
9. Ashok Marg 2831
10. Rana Pratap Marg, Motimahal 965
Hazratganj !.Mahatma Gandhi Marg, (Motimaha/ Chaurahe se
2716
HazratRanj Chauraha, Allahabad bank ke saamne tak)
2. Raja Todar Mal Marg 389
3. Balmiki Marg 491
4. Maqbara Amjad Ali Shah 617
5. ShahnajafRoad 3608
6. LaPlace 478
7. Tej Bahadur Sapru Marg 816
8. Lawrence Terrace 856
9. Nawal Kishore Road 1351
10. Hazratganj Bazaar 675
11. Nawal Kishore (Halwasiya Road) 972
12. Caiper Road 857
Ramtirth Marg 1. Mirza Ka Poorva 1419
,_
2. Ramtirth Marg (Ashok Marg Chorahe se Ran a Pratap
698
Marg tak Poorvi bhaR andpaschimi bhagh)
3. Meerabai ka Poorva 1419
'Mahatma Gandhi l.Triloknath Marg (including Darulshafa) 1672
..
Source: Lucknow Muruc1pal Corporation

Before presenting the survey data, it might be useful to take a look at the
census data on the changes in occupational structure. In 1961, the working
population formed 34.4 per cent of the total population while in 1991, it was 32 per
cent (Table 5.30). Apart from the change in definition of worker from 1961 to
202
1991 the main factor responsible for this decline can be attributed to the increasing
pressure of population on a slowly moving economy. Nevertheless, trade and
commerce has registered considerable annual growth of 3. 0 I per cent while other
services grew at 1. 90 per cent per annum. Therefore the importance of Hazratganj
as the commercial hub of the city is again reinstated.

Table 5.30
Occupational Structure of the Population of Hazratganj 1961-1991

Years I II Ill& IV V (a) V(b) VI VII VIII IX Non-Workers

1961 19 3 12 33 466 3 818 484 3557 10286
(0.12) (0.02) (0.08) (0.21) (2.97) (0.02) (5.22) (3.09) (22.68) (65.60)

1991 43 53 234 lOS 1017 338 1993 595 6255 21884

(0.13) (0.16) (0.72) (0.32) (3.13) ( 1.04) (6.13) ( 1.83) (19.24) (67.30)

Note:
I Cultivators, II Agricultural Labourers, lJI Livestock, Forestry, Fishing, Hunting and Plantation, Orchards and allied
activities IV Mining & Quarrying V (a) Manufac1Uring, Processing, Servicing and Repairs in Household Industries. V (b)
Manufacturing, Processing, Servicing and Repairs in Other than Household Industries. VI Construction, VII Trade &
Commerce, VIII Transport, Storage & Communication IX Other Services

Table- 5.31
Occupational Categories of the Population of Ha:iratganj (1998)

Business Service
Communities TOTAL
Cbikan Small Medium Big Total Private Govt. Total
Hindu 10 5 73 36 124 34 74 108 232
0
/o 3.64 1.82 26.55 13.09 45.09 12.36 26.91 39.27 84.36
Muslim 2 0 7 1 10 2 4 6 16
% 0.73 0.00 2.55 0.36 3.64 0.73 1.45 2.18 5.82
Christian 0 0 0 0 0 9 10 19 19
% 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 3.27 3.64 6.91 6.91
Sikh 0 0 6 1 7 0 1 1 8
% 0.00 0.00 2.18 0.36 2.55 0.00 0.36 0.36 2.91
Total 12 5 86 38 141 45 89 134 275
0
/o 4.36 1.82 31.27 13.82 51.27 16.36 32.36 48.73 100.00
Source: - F1eld Survey.

Since the occupations are rather broadly classified in the census, the figures
in Table 5.30 give a rough idea of the occupational structure ofHazratganj. A more
detailed picture emerges from Table 5.31. Though private and government services
together account for 48.73 per cent of the working population of Hazratganj, it is
the businessmen that account for almost half of the households. This might be due
to the preferential attitude of the businessmen to reside nearer the work place. On
203
the basis ofthe information collected fifty-eight business categories were identified
(Appendix II). Finally using their perceived income and prestige attributed to each
occupational category, business was clubbed into three categories excluding the
business in chikan-works. The fact that emerges from Table 5.31 is that though
commerce dominates the employment pattern of the population of Hazratganj,
medium kind of business and government service and the two main sectors where
almost equal proportions of people are engaged.

Table-5.32
Location of Work Place of the Population of the Hazratganj

Areas in old Areas in New

Occupational At Hazrat Arnina- Kaiser Char Outside
Narhl City outside City outside Total
Categories Home ganj bad -bagh Bagh Lucknow
Hazrat2anj Hazrat2anj
ChikanShop 0 4 0 6 0 0 2 0 0 12
;. 0.00 1.43 0.00 2.15 0.00 0.00 0.72 0.00 0.00 4.36
Small Business 1 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
;. 0.36 0.72 0.72 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.82
Medium 6 34 7 11 5 10 3 10 0 86
Business
;. 2.15 12.19 2.51 3.94 1.79 3.58 1.08 3.58 0.00 31.27
Big Business 0 26 3 2 2 2 0 3 0 38
;. 0.00 9.32 1.08 0.72 0.72 0.72 0.00 1.08 0.00 13.82
Govt. Service 0 35 0 0 13 3 7 23 8 89
..
; 0.00 12.73 0.00 0.00 4.66 1.09 2.51 8.24 2.87 32.36
Private 2 21 0 0 1 4 5 11 1 45
Service
;. 0.73 7.64 0.00 0.00 0.36 1.43 1.79 4.00 0.36 16.36
Total 9 122 12 19 21 19 17 47 9 275
;. 3.27 43.73 4.30 6.81 7.53 6.91 6.09 17.09 3.23 100.00
Source: - F1eld Survey
Note:-
(l) Areas in Old City includes Go\aganj, Kundri Rakabganj, Aishbagh, Alambagh, Chowk
(2) Areas in New City includes Aliganj, Niralanagar, Kanpur Road, Indiranagar, Mahanagar, Gomtinagar, Faizabad Road,
Badshahnagar
(3) Outside Lucknow includes Delhi, Ahmedabad, Bombay, Assam, Barabanki

Further Hazratganj is the workplace of 43.73 per cent of the employed

population while Charbagh and Narhi is the workplace of 11 per cent of the
working population. Areas in the newly developed city like Aliganj, Indiranagar,
Mahanagar, Gomtinagar, Faizabad Road etc. are the workplace of 17 per cent of
the population residing in Hazratganj.

204
 In the choice of residential locations, accessibility to workplace plays a vital
role. Although the residential location depends upon many factors like
transportation costs, income, house rents, Hazratganj, is preferred because of its
central location, accessibility through better transport facilities, available
infrastructure etc. However, preference for residing near the work place is the main
factor, which is evident from the fact that more than half the population travels
only 2-3 kms to reach their workplace.

Table -5.33
Mode of Transport Used According To the Place ofWork

Total
Workplace Workers
On Foot Rickshaw Tempo Scooter Car Bus

122 20 10 33 48 11
Hazratganj (45.86) (7.5n (3.76) (12.41) (18.05) (4.1'!2_ -
12 6 2 4
Narhi (4.51) (2.26) - (0.75) _(1.50) - -
19 11 6 2
Aminabad (7.14)
- - (4.14) (2.26) (0.75) -
21 12 6 3
Kaiserbagh (7.89) - - (4.51) _(2.26) (l.ll) -
19 10 8 1
Charbagh (7.14) - - (3.76) (3.01) (0.3!fr
-
Areas in Old City 17 8 9
outside Bazratgani (6.39) - - (3.01) (3.38) - -
Areas in New City 47 16 21 6 4
outside Bazratganj (17.67) - - (6.02) (7.89) (2.2<U_ (1.50)
9 9
Barabanki
(3.38) - - - - - (3.38)
266 26 10 92 102 23 13
Total
(100.00) (CJ. 77) (3.76) .(34.5~ _Q8.3~ _(8.6~ _(4.8~

Source - Field Survey

Most working people (38.35%) use scooter to reach their workplace. Table
5.33 represents the percentage of people using different modes of transport to reach
their offices. Next to scooters, tempos are the predominant mode of transport. 35 per
cent of the population use the tempos for reaching their work place. Tempos, which
effect the city environment adversely, are omnipresent because of the absence of any
other efficient and comfortable public transport services. Bicycles, pedestrians and
cycle rickshaws also share the same road space and the presence and interaction of
different types of vehicles create a complex driving environment all over the city and

205
more so in the centrally located Hazratganj. This is due to the location of the offices
of the quaternary personnel which requires a great deal of constant communication
between government departments, research institutes and trade and finance centres
on. The quaternary occupations supply qualified services for the administration of
public and private affairs, for research and development, for higher education, the
professions, the financial institutions (including banking, insurance etc.), the mass
media, the arts.

Table-5.34
Age Group-Wise Educational Levels of 150 Households of Hazratganj

Not Graduate
RS. Inter
Age DHterate Informal admitted UptoV V-VIII
(Xth) (XII)
to school B.A. B. Com. B.Sc. B.E. B. Tech.
Group
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
5-14 0 0 0 0 3 3 27 25 17 14 3 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
15-19 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 3 15 24 18 18 3 2 12 0 4 3 0 0 0 0
20-24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I I 3 0 0 3 15 22 9 4 4 3 2 0 3 0
25-29 I 0 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 3 6 4 22 15 3 I 2 0 0 2 0
30-39 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 I l 3 0 2 4 28 18 0 2 6 I 0 2 0
40-49 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 I 3 5 11 6 10 13 31 12 0 4 0 3 0 I 0
50-59 0 0 0 I 0 0 I 2 0 3 4 7- 9 7 6 4 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0
60-69 0 2 0 4 0 0 2 3 0 9 4 12 7 I 3 4 0 0 I I 0 0 0 0
70-79 0 0 I 0 0 0 0 4 2 4 7 6 3 I 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
8(}+ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0
Total 1 2 3 7 23 20 46 44 23 39 44 65 48 49 50 113 69 7 17 15 6 0 9 0

B.A. M.A. B.A. M.A. Post Graduate

Age Ph.D. M.B.B.S. M.B.A.
B. Ed. B. Ed. L.L.B. L.L.B. M.A. MSc M.Com M. Tech.
Group
M F M F M -F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
5-14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 15
15-19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
20-24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 5 I 1 4 0 I 0 0 I 0 0 0 I
25-29 0 I 0 1 I 0 0 0 2 5 I 0 I 0 0 I I I I I I I
30-39 I 5 0 3 _4
c I 3 0 II 7 7 2 8 0 I 0 2 4 2 I I 0
40-49 0 2 0 7 7 I 6 I 6 7 4 I 5 0 2 0 2 0 I 0 2 0
50-59 0 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 --.1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
60-69 0 0 0 I I 0 3 0 I 2 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 0 0 0
70-79 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 I l l 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
8(}+ 0 0 0 0 0 0 I -.o 0
Total 1 9 0 12 15
0 0 0 0 0
-180 0 0 0 0 0
7 2
0 0
2 12 1 27 28 19 4 0 4 1 5 6 4 17
Source: - Fteld Survey

206
 The high occupation status and central location naturally represents a high
literacy and educational level particularly among the female population. The
educational level among the females are considerably high with 31.19 per cent having
a graduate degree and 7.57 per cent having a post graduate degree (Table 5.34).
Women doing higher studies were also reported from the survey. However,
high educational qualifications do not guarantee immediate employment, in fact it
often becomes an impediment for the degree-holder who is unwilling to take up jobs
that are not commensurate with his/her qualification. This is one reason of higher
unemployment rate. More so, the societal structure prohibits Indian women from
entering the job market even after acquiring a degree. In Hazratganj few working
women were found in the surveyed households, and few of them were engaged in any
productive employment.
To assess the standard of living of the population of the area, questions were
asked to know about the facilities used by the households. Besides the household
income this can be considered as a good indicator of the standard ofliving. To obtain
the standard of living, information on seventeen variables ranging from an air
conditioner and car to cooking gas has been collected from the sample households.
The variables were given numerical weightages according to their perceived
importance, as some were meant for necessities and others for comfort. The sum of
the total weights given to these variables has been taken as a score and the maximum
possible score for a household is 48. The actual total score for each household has
been computed as a proportion of the maximum possible score for a household. The
standard score was then calculated by dividing the actual scor.; by maximum possible
score. The figure ranges from 0 to 1. The higher the value of the score the highest is
the living standard. On the basis of the standard score, five groups were made to find
the socio-economic status of the households.
Table 5.35 represents the number of households in each category i.e. very
high, high, medium and low.l3 per cent of the households were in very high and high
category. Most ofthem (52%) were in the middle level and 34.67 per cent were in the
low to medium level. Thus an overall picture ofHazratganj, which emerges from the
living standard ofthe households is quite satisfactory.

207
 Table 5.35
Standard of Living of the Households in Hazratganj

Standard score No. ofHouseholds Percent

0-0.35 52 34.67
0.36-0.70 78 52.00
0.71-0.90 10 6.67
> 0.91 10 6.67
Total 150 100.00

The survey, also indicated that household items like air conditioners, washing
machine, coloured television, scooter or cars have recently been added to the
household list, because most of the households reported that they had purchased these
items during the last five to fifteen years period. Apart from the above-mentioned
facilities, most of the households in Hazratganj have a domestic help. 60.7 per cent of
the households have part-time servants while 28 per cent have full time servants.
Only 11 per cent reported as having neither part-time nor full-time domestic help.
This further indicates the high socio-economic status of the area.
In an area where office space and commercial establishments compete with
each other for the best location it is natural that the land use is quite intense and the
density quite high. The competition for land for its highest economic use
determines its value. Higher density implies higher relative use and conversely
higher land value gives people an incentive to use land more intensively. In
Hazratganj, the presence of employment opportunities, availability of
infrastructure, neighbourhood characteristics and access to the main transport
arteries is responsible for the high land values. The only available data, the circle
rates of different mohallas helps us to get an insight into the changing land prices
in Hazratganj between 1981 and 1996.
Table 5.36 reveals the circle rates of different mohallas ofHazratganj. The
dynamic nature of the land prices of the area can be noticed from the Table. The
maximum increase in land prices can be observed between 1990 and 1992. The
average land price per square feet in 1990 was 100 Rs in Hazratganj while in 1992

208
 5.36
Circle Rates of different mohallas of Hazratganj (1981-1996)

Division ofHazratganj Prices per Square Feet

Ward in 1995 Mohall as 1984
1981 1987 1990 1992 1994 1996
Rammohan Roy I. Lokmanya Tilak Marg 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
Marg 2. Butler Palace Colony 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
3. Madan Mohan Malviya Marg 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
4. Gokhle Marg 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
5. Rai Prayag Narayan Road 12.5 17 26 45 200 250 300
6. Lajpat Rai Marg 22.5 28 42 74 175 200 240
7. Wazir Hassan Road 17.5 23 35 60 175 200 240
8. Rarnmohan Roy Marg 22.5 28 42 74 175 200 240
9. Ashok Marg 22.5 28 100 175 250 300 350
10. Rana Pratap Marg 17.5 23 35 60 200 250 300
Hauatganj !.Mahatma Gandhi Marg 37.5 55 110 162 250 350 415
2. Raja Todar Mal Marg 22.5 28 42 74 175 200 240
3. Balmik.i Marg 17.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
4. Maqbara Amjad Ali Shah 17.5 28 42 74 200 270 360
5. ShahnajafRoad 32.5 40 80 140 225 300 360
6. LaPlace 32.5 40 80 140 225 300 360
7. Tej Bahadur Sapru Marg 27.5 35 70 122 225 300 360
8. Lawrence Terrace 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
9. Nawal Kishore Road 32.5 40 80 140 225 260 300
10. Hazratganj Bazar 42.5 55 110 192 300 400 480
II. Nawal Kishore 0 55 110 192 200 250 300
12. Caiper Road 22.5 28 42 74 200 250 300
Ramtirth Marg I. Mirza Ka Poorva 22.5 28 42 74 150 175 200
2. Ramtirth Marg (Ashok Marg
Chorahe
22.5 28 42 74 175 200 300
3. Meerabai ka Poorva 27.5 35 70 122 200 250 300
!Mahatma Gandhi l.Triloknath Marg (including
Darulshafa}
22.5 28 42 74 150 200 240
Average 23.37 32.23 57.46 99.46 202.88 254.04 307.12
Source: Lucknow Collectorate

the same was 203 Rs./sq. ft, an increase of 42.48 per cent per annum. After 1992,
the increase in the land prices in Hazratganj was not very sharp. During the fifteen
years, from 1981 to 1996 the lowest increase in prices was recorded between 1994
and 1996. Though the land price in Hazratganj is quite high in comparison to the
other areas of the city, it is not uniform all over Hazratganj. In Hazratganj Bazaar,
a completely commercial area the land price is the highest. The mohallas near the
209
Gomti river like Lajpat Rai Marg, Wazir Hasan Road, Rammohan Roy Road have
a relatively lower land price. This variation in the land prices within the same ward
is the result of the uneven distribution of locational qualities.
Thus from the above discussion, the picture that emerges about Hazratganj 1s as
follows:
a) There has been a substantial increase in the demand for land for housing,
industries, schools, offices etc. during the 1970s;
b) There is a scarcity of land for the construction or expansion of commercial
establishments or middle and upper income housing;
c) There has been a steep increase in the value efland in 1992;
d) Changes in land use have resulted in a higher concentration of "daytime
population" (workers) and thus of vehicles which creates inconveniences for the
residents;
a
e) There is relative scarcity of parking space for the increasing number of vehicles.
f) There has been a rise in income of an increasing number of the population.

5.12 Efforts ofLucknow Development Authority

The magnetic attraction of Hazratganj is so great that planners are forced to .
constantly search for new possibilities, which .best correspond to social needs and
possibilities. Realizing the pressure created by the increasing population and a host of
other factors, LDA, has put forward certain planning measures for Hazratganj. The
land-use map according to the Master Plan is given in Fig. S.VIll. The population
density in Hazratganj has been fixed at a maximum of 400 persons per hectare to
keep the de?-sity in Hazratganj at a moderate scale. The concept ofBazaar streets has
also been proposed to regulate the haphazard growth of the commercial area.
Accordingly Sapru Marg, Ashok Marg, Shahnajaf Road and Ram Tirath Marg (Fig.
S.VI & S.Vll) have been identified as Bazaar Streets in Hazratganj. Street parking
restrictions, one-way systems, roundabout-turning restrictions have also been
implemented to minimise conflicting movements and manage the existing road space
more effectively. The road network has been revised in the Master Plan-2001. It has
been proposed that arterial roads, a ring road and the peripheral roads will have six

210
HAZRATGANJLANDUSE
(According to Master Plan 2001)

Le end:
R2 Medium Density
400/hectare
{]" Light Industry
Gl Govt./Semi-
G2 GQvemment&
G3 other Offices
Fl Educational
@ Graduate College
F2 Medical/Health

Hospital
ZM wo

Fig. S:Vill
lanes divided carriageways with cycle/slow moving tracks and service roads. The
stretch of Vidhan Sabha Marg in front of Vidhan Sabha is proposed to be closed for
traffic. To solve the parking problem, of an increasing number of vehicles, a proposal
for a two-tier underground parking lot at the Sarojini Naidu Park along the Mahatma
Gandhi Marg is approved.

5.12 Conclusion
The analysis of the changing morphology and socio-economic profile of the
traditional area Chowk and the modem core Hazratganj brings out some interesting
features:
Chowk, the nucleus of the nawabi city was the mam market place. The
residential areas were developed around the main market place and the nawabi
court. Rigid social segregation depending on caste and occupation and compact
mohallas were the characteristic feature of the area. The private nature of the
mohallas preserved community spirit and social integration. But the restructuring
of the city post-mutiny destroyed the organic unity of many mohallas as new roads
cut through them. The second change the area experienced in the social and
economic structure was after the partition of the country in 1947. Business activity
mainly went into the hands of the refugees and the residential areas got congested
with the development of new structures and conversion of residential property for
commercial use. The traditional small scale sector declined in importance. The
survey of the area shows that nearly 20 per cent of the present population residing
in Chowk were migrants from Pakistan. Due to the rapid increase in population
after partition and the natural growth and migration factor thereafter the modals in
Chowk have become overcrowded and congested. The increase in population
density from 206 persons per hectare in 1961 to 300 persons in 1991 and the
increase in the average household size from 5 in 1961 to 7 in 1991 reflects the
increasing pressure of population on the existing stock of housing. The survey
reveals that out ofthe 150 households 82 (55 per cent) had 5 to 8 family members.
The pressure of population is felt on the physical (sewerage system, water supply,
roads, street lighting) as well as on the social (schools, parks and playgrounds, post

211
office, shops) infrastructure. But the congestion in the physical infrastructure is a
great source of worry for the residents of Chowk.
The commercial and the service sector are the two important occupational
categories in which the population of Chowk is engaged. The survey reveals that
out of the total working population (of the 150 households), 61 per cent were
engaged in business. The wholesale and retail trade of chikan is the most important
business followed by jewellers. Due to the increase in demand (or a variety of
products many old buildings have been converted into commercial purposes. This
has attracted the customers into the deepest areas of the residential neighbourhood
and disrupted the self-contained character and quietness and the social intimacy of
the residents.
The survey also reveals that the residents lead a simple and traditional life and
much importance is given to maintaining social ties. As most of the working
population is engaged in small and medium kind of business activities, the level of
education among the literate is low and the dependency is quite high.
The efforts of the Lucknow Development Authority (LDA) at restructuring the
area create problems in planning. Locational development therefore only improves
the efficiency of those individual areas where old layouts are replaced by more
modern ones. The inner road pattern within the particular location also however,
continues to remain a relatively static framework. Thus unless there is
comprehensive redevelopment of larger areas, with each large area being related to
the redevelopment of another large area and indeed, to the total development of the
city, ~hese efforts may generate further chaos in the process of reorganization of
the city. 244
Hazratganj the other area studied is entirely different from Chowk, the
traditional core. Prior to 1857 the area was dotted with some of the beautiful
buildings of the city, the karbala (the main Shiite burial ground) and some
suburban homes of the nobility. After 185 7 Hazratganj was created by the British
as a posh shopping centre. The construction of the Civil lines and the cantonment
near Hazratganj divided the city into two parts, Old Lucknow and New Lucknow.

212
The population of the city also got divided into an elite European class (as the
eastern part of the city was essentially occupied by Europeans) and an indigenous
class. The transfer of the capital from Allahabad changed the face of Hazratganj
during 1930s as economic activities got a boost and population increased very
rapidly. After the partition and the settlement of the refugees, the social fabric of
Hazratganj became more cosmopolitan. Services increased and trade went into the
hands of the refugees. The survey shows that 80 per cent of the shop owners were
Sindhi and Punjabi, 24 per cent of the populations birth place was in Punjab and
Punjabi was the second important language (after Hindi) spoken by the people of
Hazratganj.
The increase in commercial activities after 1960s manifested itself in the form
of pavement encroachments and small kiosks. A number of residential buildings
have not only been converted into commercial use but also banks, offices of
industrial firms or consultancies and vacant plots have been occupied by new
office buildings and shops. Therefore the concept of hazar street has . been
introduced by the Lucknow Development Authority, not only to regularise the
infringement of commercial, light industrial and office functions in residential
areas but to organise as well as channelise such activities so ~hat the adequate and
appropriate circulation pattern, parking requirements could be met and services
could be augmented at the cost of the changed land use.
In contrast to Chowk, the population and residential density in Hazratganj is
low as non-residential use, especially trade and commerce, offices and institutions
restrict the residential capacity of the ward. The occupational structure of the
surveyed households reveals that private and government service together account
for 48.73 per cent of the working population while the businessmen account for
almost half of the households. The high occupation status and central location of
Hazratganj represented high literacy and educational level particularly among the
female population. Few working women were also found in the surveyed
households which was practically absent in Chowk. Among the surveyed
households 52 per cent belonged to the middle class and 35 per cent to the low to

244
Hamzah Sendut (1982), "Town Planning and Community Restructuring in Malaysia", Ekistics,
213
middle class. This was found out after taking into consideration the availability of
certain facilities in the households. On the whole the socio-economic status of the
people ofHazratganj is high. Hazratganj being planned by the British does not face
the congestion of Chowk. The central location and direct supervision of the
municipality controls unauthorised growth. Therefore the increasing congestion
due to the increase in traffic flows and office and commercial space, are the two
main concerns of the residents of Hazratganj.

Vol. 49, No. 292, Januruj-February, p. 67.

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