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CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 4, Number i, February 2003 Monday Sep 29 2003 03:44 PM1041003/ap

2003 by The Wenncr-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved ootI.32o4/2004145o1-0003$3.oo

Gone are the days when cultural anthropologists could,


without contradiction, present the Native point of
Looking Several Ways view, when archaeologists and physical anthropologists
excavated tribal remains without local permission, when
linguists collected data on indigenous languages without
feeling pressure to return the results in accessible form.
Anthropology and Native Scholarly outsiders now find themselves barred from ac
cess to research sites, met with new or newly public
Heritage in Alaska suspicion. Indeed, the anthropologistbroadly and
sometimes stereotypically definedhas become a neg
ative alter ego in contemporary indigenous discourse,
by James Clifford invoked as the epitome of arrogant, intrusive colonial
1
authority.
The history of anthropological relations with local
communities includes many examples of insensitive
data and artifact collection. These, combined with gen
The ambivalent legacy of anthropologists relations with local
communities presents contemporary researchers with both obsta
eral assumptions of scientific authority, are understood
cles and opportunities. No longer justifiable by assumptions of as modes of colonial domination from the other side of
free scientific access and interpersonal rapport, research increas a structural power imbalance, and, as histories such as
ingly calls for explicit contract agreements and negotiated reci David Hurst Thomass Skull Wars (2ooo) amply docu
procities. The complex, unfinished colonial entanglements of an ment, the resentment is often justified. At the same
thropology and Native communities are being undone and
rewoven, and even the most severe indigenous critics of anthro time, the sweeping condemnations of (or jokes at the
pology recognize the potential for alliances when they are based expense of) anthropologists by indigenous peoples are
on shared resources, repositioned indigenous and academic au often combined with generous words for individuals
thorities, and relations of genuine respect. This essay probes the whose work has been based on reciprocity, respect, and
possibilities and limits of collaborative work, focusing on a re
cent Native heritage exhibition in southwestern Alaska,
cooperation (see, e.g., Deloria 1997:210; Hereniko 2ooo:
90).2 And anthropological texts are frequently reappro

JAMES CLIPIORD is Professor of History of Consciousness at priated in Native discourses, invoked in revivals of tra
the University of California, Santa Cruz, and founding director of dition. Indeed, the legacy of scientific research done in
the universitys Center for Cultural Studies (Santa Cruz, CA colonial situations is ambiguous and open-ended. In Ma
95064, U.S.A. [jcliff@cats.ucsc.edu]). Born in 1945, he was edu lekula, Vanuatu, A. B. Deacons research from the 1920S
cated at Haverford College (A.B., 1967), Stanford University
(MA., 1968), and Harvard University (Ph.D., 1977). Among his
is recycled in contemporary kastom discourses (Larcom
publications are Person and Myth: Maurice Leenhardt in the 1982, Curtis 2003). In California, the salvage anthro
Melanesian World (Berkeley: University of California Press, pology and linguistics of the A. L. Kroeber/Mary Haas
1984), (edited with George Marcus) Writing Culture: The Poetics tradition at Berkeley is an invaluable resource for tribal
and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California heritage activities. If Kroeber is currently condemned for
Press, 1986), The Predicament of Culture: 20th-Century Ethnog
raphy, Literature, and Art (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, insensitively sending Ishis brain to the Smithsonian col
1988), and Route: Tnivel and 7Thanslation in the Late 20th Cen lection of A1e Hrdlika or for pronouncing death sen
tury (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998). The present tences, in his authoritative Handbook of the Indians
paper was submitted 25 III 03 and accepted 30 vu 03. of California (5925), on tribes now struggling for recog
nition, he is also gratefully remembered by Yurok elders
for loyal friendships and for recording precious lore. His
extensive, carefully researched court testimony in the
19505 on behalf of Native claims prefigures todays ad
vocacy roles (see Buckley 1996:29495; Field 1999),3
This legacy presents contemporary researchersNa
tive, non-Native, insider, outsider, halfie, thas
poricwith both obstacles and opportunities. Les Field

i. The most famous salvo is, of course, chapter 4 of Vine Deloria


Jr.s Custer Died for Your Sins (1969)the book title borrowed from
that of a Floyd Westerman album, which includes the wickedly
sardonic Here Come the Anthros. See also Trask (1991), Smith
(1999), and, in a more humorous vein, Hughte (1994).
2. Deloria (pp. 21819) argues that for Amerindians assessments of
personal ethics and integrity far outweigh professional qualifica
tions in determining hospitality and cooperation in research. Thus,
he insists, the existence of individual friendships and reciprocities
should not be taken as evidence that structural power relations and
colonial baggage have been transcended.
3. Kroebers extensive notes for his testimony are in the Bancroft
Library.

PROOF 1
PROOF 2 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number i, February 2003

(999) sees an unfinished history of complicities and which was linked with a local Alutiiq cultural festival
collaborations. Fundamentally altered by the political (Tamamta Katurlluta, August 31, 2002) in one of its Alas
mobilization of Native communities, research can no kan venues.
5 I also discuss, more briefly, Ann Fienup
longer be justified by assumptions of free scientific ac Riordans pioneering collaborative work with Yupit and
cess and interpersonal rapport. Explicit contract agree the recently opened Alaska Native Heritage Center in
ments and negotiated reciprocities are increasingly the Anchorage. The goal is not a complete survey of heritage
norm. In postindependence Vanuatu, for example, an activity in the region but an evocation of changing Alas
thropology and archaeology were formally banned for a kan Native identity politics touching on several different
decade. Now research is permitted only when host com practices of cultural revival, translation, and alliance.
munities agree and when the foreign researcher collab Heritage is sell-conscious tradition, what Fienup-Rior
orates with a local filwoka doing heritage work for the dan (2000:167) calls conscious culture, performed in
Vanuatu Cultural Centre (Bolton Curtis 2003). In old and new public contexts and asserted against his
some contexts, anthropologists find themselves re torical experiences of loss. It responds to demands that
cruited for land-claims litigation, archaeologists for local originate both inside and outside indigenous commu
heritage projects, linguists for language reclamation. In nities, mediating new powers and attachments: relations
others, fieldwork is forbidden or subject to disabling re with the land, among local groups, with the state, and
strictions. Faced with these new, politicized relations, with transnational forces. In contemporary Alaska, Na
scholars may regret a loss of scientific freedomfor tive identifications have been empowered by global and
getting the structural power that was formerly a guar regional movements of cultural resurgence and political
antee of free access and relative safety and ignoring the contestation. They have also been channeled and inten
many implicit limits and accommodations that have al sified by state policies, particularly the Alaska Native
ways been part of field research. (Many scientists once Claims Settlement Act of (ANCSA) and its after
felt authorized to remove human remains, without con 6 With the passage of this legislation, for the first
math.
sent, from graves in Native communities. If this is now time, perhaps, it paid to be Native. The land-claims
beyond the professional pale, it is the result of ethical movements of the 196os and the formation of the Alaska
and political constraints on scientific freedom.) As Na
tive intellectuals and activists challenge academic au The festival was organized by members of the Alutiiq commu
thority, lines can harden: the current Kennewick Man/ .

nities in Nanwalek, Port Graham, and Seldovia, working closely


Ancient One struggle for control of an ancient with staff at the Pratt Museum, Homer, Alaska, where the exhi
skeleton is a notorious case in which unbending native bition was installed. I also visited briefly in the village of Nanwalek.
and scientific positions face off in court (Thomas While my perspective on the project was greatly enriched by these
encounters, my analysis remains essentially that of a visitor, a con
2000). Even where relations are less polarized, it has be sumer and critic of public performances and texts. The many lim
come clear that local communities need to be able to itations and perhaps a few strengths of this outsider position will,
say no, unambiguously, as a precondition for negotiating no doubt, be evident. The fact that I was unable to visit the Alutiiq
more equitable and respectful collaborations. In practice, Museum and Archaeological Repository in Kodiak means that an
important dimension of the story is underdeveloped. Mon Crow
the complex, unfinished colonial entanglements of an ells Dynamics of Indigenous Collaboration in Alaska, delivered
thropology and Native communities are being undone at Berkeley in spring zooz, piqued my interest. He later introduced
and rewoven, and even the most severe indigenous crit me to Homer and Nanwalek, and I particularly thank him, along
ics of anthropology recognize the potential for alliances with my gracious Nanwalek hosts, James and Carol Kvasnikoff. In
when they are based on shared resources, repositioned preparing this essay I have consulted with Crowell and Amy Stef
Ran primarily to verify matters of fact. Helpful comments on earlier
indigenous and academic authorities, and relations of drafts have been provided by Gordon Pullar, Sven Haakanson Jr.,
genuine respect
4 Ann Fienup-Riordan, Nicholas Thomas, and Anna Tsing. The spe
This essay probes the possibilities and limits of col cific emphases and interpretations are, of course, my responsibility.
laborative work, focusing on a recent Native heritage 6. ANCSA was a political compromise of several different agendas:
Native land-claims agitation and a new political coalition (the
exhibition in southwestern Alaska: Looking Both Ways. Alaska Federation of Natives), the need of transnational corpora
I discuss the projects contributors, conditions of pro tions to build a pipeline across the state for oil recently discovered
duction, and occasions of reception primarily through a in Prudhoe Bay, and the desire of state and federal governments to
contextualized reading of its remarkable catalogue, articulate a new Native policy in the wake of the failed termi
Looking Both Ways: Heritage and Identity of the Alutiiq nation period of the 19505 and 6osa policy that could defini
tively settle aboriginal claims, giving Native groups a stake in eco
People, edited by Mon Crowell, Amy Steffian, and Gor nomic development within a capitalist context while avoiding
don Pullar (zocr). I was able to view the exhibition, welfare and trusteeship responsibilities. The act awarded 44 million
acres of land and nearly Si billion to 13 regional Native corporations
and ao village corporations. Eligible Native shareholders had to
4. Deloria (aooo:xvi) writes, in the Kennewick context, Never show a 25% blood quantum, and participation was limited to in
theless, in most areas, scholars and Indians have worked to discover dividuals born before the date of the legislation. Unique in U.S.
as much as possible about newly discovered remains. When schol Native policy, ANCSA reflects the specific history of Native-gov
ars have gone directly to the tribes involved, much progress has ernment relations in Alaska, which lacks a reservation system and
been made. Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999:15, 17) argues for reci government trusteeship over tribal lands as practiced in the lower
procity and feedback in a range of current bicultural, partner 48 states. It has served as a model for Inuit self-determination
ship, and multi-disciplinary research practices. Field (ig) dis in Quebec, with ambivalent consequences similar to those in
cusses current possibilities and constraints in research alliances, Alaska, including the emergence of a Native corporate elite (Mitch
and his CA commentators offer useful complications. ell 996, Skinner Dombrowski zooz).
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways PROOF

Federation of Natives (AFN), made a self-determination research, cultural evocation and explanation (exhibits,
politics based on Pan-Alaskan alliances possible. Nur festivals, publications, films, tourist sites), language de
tured by strengthening circumpolar and Fourth scription and pedagogy, community-based archaeology,
World connections, large-scale tribal or national art production, marketing, and criticism. Of course, such
identifications emerged, supplementing more local vil projects are only one aspect of indigenous sell-determi
lage or kin-based affiliations. Heritage preservation and nation politics today. Heritage is not a substitute for land
performance have been an integral part of these changing claims, struggles over subsistence rights, development,
Native articulations. The result has been more formally educational, and health projects, defense of sacred sites,
articulated notions of culture or tradition appropri and repatriation of human remains or stolen artifacts,
ate to changing indigenous senses of self. but it is closely connected to all these struggles. What
For example, the people who now call themselves counts as tradition is never politically neutral (Jolly
Alutiiq land sometimes also Sugpiaq) live in villages 1992, Briggs 1996, Clifford 2000, Phillips and Schochet
and towns on Kodiak Island, on the southern coast of 2004), and the work of cultural retrieval, display, and
the Alaska Peninsula, on the Kenai Peninsula, on Prince performance plays a necessary role in current move
William Sound, and in urban Anchorage. Their some ments around identity and recognition. This essay works
what uncertain status as a coherent entity in 1971 is to keep in view multiple producers and consumers of
indicated by the fact that Alutiiq are dispersed aniong Native heritage, stressing the constitutive processes of
three of the ANCSA regional corporations. In fact, many political articulation, contingent performance, and par
individuals rediscovered or renewed their sense of Na tial translation.
tive identity in the process of ANCSA enrollment. Heritage projects participate in a range of public
Their collective history had been one of intense disrup spheres, acting within and between Native communities
tion and trauma: the arrival of the Russians in the late as sites of mobilization and pride, sources of intergen
eighteenth century, bringing labor exploitation, massa erational inspiration and education, ways to reconnect
cres, and epidemics; United States colonization after with the past and to say to others: We exist, We have
1867, with missionaries, boarding schools, and intense deep roots here, We are different. This kind of cul
military presence during World War II; devastation and tural politics is not without ambiguities and dangers (see
displacement by a series of seismic disasters and the Hewison 1987, Harvey 990, Walsh 1992). Heritage can
Exxon Valdez oil spill. While a great deal of local tra be a form of sell-marketing, responding to the demands
dition had been lost or buried, there were surviving sub of a multicultural political economy that contains and
sistence communities, kinship networks, a thriving Na manages inequalities. Sustaining local traditions does
tive religion (syncretic Russian Orthodoxy) and a
not guarantee economic and social justiceclaiming
significant, if dwindling, number of individuals who
cultural identity can be a palliative or compensation
could speak Sugstun, the Eskimoan language indigenous
rather than part of a more systematic shift of power. In
to the region. Under the impetus of the identity politics
postindustrial contexts heritage has been criticized as a
sweeping Alaska, affiliations partially consolidated by
ANCSA, people were inspired to research, reclaim, and form of depoliticized, commodified nostalgiaersatz tra
transmit their Alutiiq heritage (see Pullar 1992 and dition. While such criticisms tend to oversimplify the
Mason 2002).
politics of localism, as Raphael Samuel has argued,
Throughout Native Alaska, new forms of cultural/ar pressures for cultural objectification and commodiflca
tistic production have been devised, along with new al tion are indeed often at work in contemporary heritage
liances of Native and non-Native interests and new sites projects. But to conclude with a moral/political bottom
of performance and consumption. Today these range line of objectification and commodlification is to miss
from regional elders conferences and syncretic revivals a great deal of the local, regional, national, and inter
of midwinter dancing to language classes, carving and national meaning activated by heritage work.7
boat-building workshops, tribal museums, native The politics of identity and heritage are indeed con
tours, and model villages for cruise-ship visitors. New strained and empowered by todays more flexible forms
cohorts of ethnically defined entrepreneurs, community of capitalist marketing, communication, and govern
leaders, and cultural brokers have emerged. Older forms ment. While recognizing these pressures it is crucial to
of social, political, and religious authority are simulta distinguish different temporalities and scales (Tsing
neously recognized and transformed, selectively trans 2000) of political articulation (local, regional, national,

lated in changing situations. How these practices take international), performativity (linguistic, familial, reli
hold in local contexts varies considerably, depending on
demographics and ecology, the timing and force of co 7. This essay extends an earlier discussion of the heritage debates
and their application (in the work of Kevin Walsh and David Harvey)
lonial and neocolonial disruptions, possibilities and pres to transnational contexts (Clifford 1997:21319). How are we to
sures for resource extraction, and ongoing struggles over understand the paradoxically globalizing and differentiating func
subsistence. Works like Looking Both Ways and the tions of widespread claims to culture and identity? (Friedman
other heritage projects discussed below are specific co 1994, Dominguez j94, Wilk 995). I have argued that the paradox
productions in a complex social/economic/cultural con should not be reduced to an effect of globalizing or postmodem
power structures (Clifford 2000). Something excessive is going on
juncture that both governs and empowers Native life. in these diverse, proliferating movements. Hodder (1999:14877)
Broadly defined, heritage work includes oral-historical clearly portrays the complex determinations at issue.
PROOF 4 I CURRENT ANTI-IROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number i, February 2003

gious, pedagogic, touristic), and translation (intergener In the next section 1 introduce the Looking Both Ways
ational, cross-cultural, conservative, innovative). Global project and juxtapose it with other heritage exhibitions
cultural and economic forces are localized and to a degree and publications that have responded to the changing
critically inflected through these processes. Indeed, the Native situation in Alaska. Having presented a range of
connections affirmed in Native heritage projectswith experiences, I return to the troubling question of how
land, with elders, with religious affiliations, with an Native presence in the post-ANCSA period should be
cient, unevenly changing practicescan be substantial, historicized. The subsequent section focuses on the Aiu
not invented or merely simulacral. And for indigenous tiiq projects portrayal of an emergent multi-accented
people, long marginalized or made to disappear, physi history and identity. In a concluding discussion I return
cally and ideologically, to say We exist in perform to the limits and possibilities of collaborative heritage
ances and publications is a powerful political act. In the work for anthropologists, archaeologists, and linguists
past several decades, at regional and international scales, forging new relationships with Native communities.
an increasing indigenous presence has been felt in many
settler-colonial and national contexts. This presence in
digene is reminiscent of the Presence Africaine move Native Presence: Recent Heritage Projects
ment of the early i 95os, an assertion of cultural identity
inseparable from political self-determination. Todays in CONTEXTS: LOOKING BOTH WAYS
digenous movements, like earlier anticolonial mobili
zations, complicate dichotomous, arguably Eurocentric Looking Both Ways, a sign of the changing times, is the
conceptions of cultural versus political or eco culmination of two decades of Native reorganization and
nomic agency.
8 renegotiated relations with academic researchers. Two
Of course, the conditions for sell-determination, of archaeological negotiations epitomize crucial aspects of
sovereignty are different a hall-century after the great the process. In 1984 the Kodiak Area Native Association
wave of postwar national liberation movements. Under (KANA), under the new presidency of Gordon Pullar, en
conditions of globalization, self-determination is less a tered into a partnership with the archaeologist Richard
matter of independence and more a practice of managing Jordan to involve Native youth and elders in an exca
interdependence, inflecting uneven power relations, vation in the village of Karluk, Local people were deeply
finding room for maneuver (Clifford 2001). Subaltern moved by confronting carved wooden masks, stone tools,
strategies today are flexible and adapted to specific post and spruce-root baskets from their ancestral past. One
/neocolonial, globally interconnected contexts. This is womans face reflected both confusion and sadness. Fi
not an entirely new predicament: indigenous movements nally speaking, she said, I guess we really are Natives
have always had to make the best of had political-eco after all. I was always told that we were Russians
nomic situations. In a relatively liberal settler-colonial (Pullar 1992:183). The Karluk project, with its Native
milieu such as contemporary Alaskawhere Native participation and local dissemination of results, would
groups, a real political presence, control significant land become a model for subsequent excavations in Alutiiq
and resourcesbasic power imbalances persist. The communities (Knecht 1994). In 1987 the Kodiak Island
spaces opened for Native expansion and initiative are community of Larsen Bay petitioned for the return of
circumscribed, and key conditions attached to the ap ancestral bones and artifacts collected in the 1930S by
parently generous ANCSA settlements can be shown to the physical anthropologist Me Hrdlika and preserved
serve dominant interests (Dombrowski 2002). At the in the Smithsonian Institutions collections. After four
same time, the social and cultural mobilizations now years of sometimes bitter struggle, the materials were
partially articulated with state and corporate multicul returned and the skeletal remains reburied (Bray and Kil
turalism in Alaska predate and potentially overflow the han 1994). The Larsen Bay repatriation was a landmark
prevailing structures of government. Heritage work, to in the wider renegotiation of relations between United
the extent that it selectively preserves and updates cul States Indian communities and scientific institutions
tural traditions and relations to place, can be part of a that resulted in the Native Graves Protection and Re
social process that strengthens indigenous claims to deep patriation Act (NAGPRA) of 1990, and it was a rallying
rootsto a status beyond that of another minority or point for the dispersed Native peoples on and around
local interest group. My discussion of Looking Both Kodiak Island who were coming to see themselves as
Ways makes this guarded positive claim. The long-term custodians of a distinctive Alutiiq history and culture.
political and economic effects of recent Alitiiq cultural During the 19905 Smithsonian policy, particularly at
mobilizations remain to he seen, but the outcome will its Arctic Studies Center, directed by William Fitzhugh,
necessarily be compromised and uneven. moved decisively in the direction of collaboration with
indigenous communities. KANA, formed in 1966 during
8. A strong argument in this vein was provided by the Kanak in the period of land-claims activism, had already added a
dependence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou (1996), who insisted on an cultural heritage program animated by the archaeologist
organic connection between Melanesian heritage affirmations and Richard Knecht. This initiative would develop during the
a broad range of self-determination struggles. On recent arguments
that portray merely cultural movements as divorced from the 1990s into the Alutiiq Museum and Archaeological Re
real politics of structural transformation, see Judith Butlers pository, first directed by Knecht and now by the Alutiiq
(1998) riposte. anthropologist and activist Sven Haakanson Jr. By the
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways I PROOF

end of the decade the museum had moved into a new been embroidered with caribou hair, yarn, and strips of
facility in Kodiak, built with Exxon Valdez oil-spill com thin painted skin (probably esophagus), and further em
pensation funding. It has expanded rapidly and now sus bellished with puffs of ermine and sea otter fur (Crowell
tains a full range of educational, community archae and Laktonen 2001:169). The centrality of human-ani
ology, arts, and curatorial programs.
9 Its board of mal relations was artfully, sensuously manifested in
directors is composed of representatives from KANA and many of the objects. Perhaps the most stunning object
from eight Alutiiq village corporations, and it sponsors was a ground-squirrel parka sewn in 1999 by Susan Mal
projects throughout the Kodiak Island area. While the utin and Grace Harrod of Kodiak Island after studying
museum in Native-centered, its staff represents diverse an 1883 example in the Fisher collection in Washington,
heritages and works to reach the very mixed current pop D.C. It is made from ground squirrel pelts and accented
ulation of Kodiak Island: Alutilt, U.S. Americans, Fili with strips of white ermine along the seams. Mink and
pinos, Pacific Islanders, Central Americans. white caribou fur are used on the chest and sleeves. The
The Alutiiq Museum board hesitated before agreeing tassels are of dyed skin, sea otter fur, and red cloth with
to cosponsor Looking Both Ways. Memories of the Lar ermine puffs (Crowell and Lhrmann 2001 :47). The ex
sen Bay repatriation were fresh and suspicion of the hibition also included an example of the decorated Rus
Smithsonian still strong. Aron Crowell, director of the sian Orthodox Christmas star that is paraded from house
Alaska office of the Arctic Studies Center, with help to house during midwinter rituals of visiting and gift
from museum staff, eventually secured support from the exchange made for the exhibition by students at St. In-
board members, who recognized that a well-funded trav no cents Academy in Kodiak. (A color photo of the young
eling show on Alutiiq heritage was a chance to put men, grinning and looking very Russian, accompanied
Alutiiq on the map. For the Smithsonian, collaboration the 3-foot star.) A mask carved by Jerry Laktonen, now
with the museum was critical to the projects success. a successful Native artist, commemorated the Exxon
Local networks from more than a decade of KANA-spon Valdez disaster that had forced him to quit commercial
sored heritage work could be activated, two crucial el fishing and take up sculpture (see www.whaledreams.
ders planning sessions could be organized, and an ap com/laktonen.htm).
propriate Native venue would be available. At the The diverse mix of objects, texts, and images gathered
opening, four generations of an Alutiiq family cut the for the exhibition signified a complex Alutiiq heritage
ribbon, and visitors who had traveled considerable dis and identity. Cultural continuity through change was
tances to attend were met by a team of well-prepared manifested by juxtaposing ancient, historical, and con
youth docents who had acquired specialized knowledge temporary objects and images. The explicit messages
of specific parts of the exhibition. Speeches, a Russian were straightforwardhistorically descriptive, evoca
Orthodox blessing, traditional dancers, and a banquet tive, and celebratory. The exhibitions catalogue offers
made the opening a ceremony and a celebration (see Alu considerably more diversity of perspective in its ac
tiiq Museum Bulletin 7[I]). counts of cultural and historical process. Extensive and
The exhibition was built around artifacts lent by the beautifully produced, it contains hundreds of historical
Smithsonian, most of them collected by William J. and contemporary illustrations, with detailed chapters
Fisher, a German-born naturalist and fur trader, during on culture, language, and history, on archaeological re
the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Masks, search results and collaborations, on contemporary iden
clothing, and items of daily and ceremonial life were tity and subsistence practices, on spiritual life and reli
exhibited, along with prehistoric and historic specimens gious traditions, on elders recollections and hopes. The
from the Alutiiq Museums archaeological repository. volumes dedication quotes Mary Peterson, a Kodiak Is
While the presentation was strongly historical, enlarged land elder: To all the new generations. They will learn
color pictures of individuals (drying salmon, picking ber from this and keep it going.
ries), video recordings, and images of contemporary vil The cataloguethe term hardly captures the books
lages reminded viewers of the present momentof scopeexplores a wide range of old and new places,
whose heritage this was. The exhibition themesOur crafts, and social practices. Heritage is a path to the fu
Ancestors, Our History, Our Way of Living, Our ture. 0 The late Sven Haakanson Sr., a Kodiak Island el
Beliefs, and Our Familysustained a focus on com der, inspired the projects title: Youve got to look back
munity. The old objects, returning after a century and and find out the past, and then you go forward. l-laak
still linked with specific places and people, provoked anson was speaking at an elders planning conference
emotional reactionssadness, recognition, gratitude, held in 1997, when men and women from the Alutiiq
kinship. Texts accompanying the artifacts included both culture area gathered to talk about the old days and ways
scholarly contextualizations and quotes from elders re forward: childhood experiences in the 192os, parents and
corded at planning meetings. grandparents, subsistence hunting and fishing, religion
Works of traditional art, old and new, were juxtaposed.
A breathtaking skin hat once worn by shamans and io, In Pacific Island contexts tradition (kastom) is often articulated
whalers, collected on the Alaska Peninsula in 1883, had with development. On this complex temporality, a traditional
anticipation of the future, see Wagner (1979), other versions ap
pear in Sahlins (z000:419) and Lime elethiwa (1992:2213). Tilley
9. See the Alutiiq Museum web site for a description of its diverse (1997) offers a provocative Melanesian case of what Kirshenblatt
pro)ects: www.alutiiqmuseum.com. Gimblett (1998) calls the second life of heritage.
PROOF 6 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number i, February .2003

and social values, elements of a transformed, transform coauthor of four chapters in the catalogue. Crowells abil
ing way of life. The catalogue contains many excerpts ity to work both as a Smithsonian insider and as a long-
from this meeting, as well as testimony from Alutiiq term field researcher enmeshed in local collaborations
activists, community leaders, and scholars. Diverse Na and reciprocities was instrumental in facilitating the pro
tive voices are juxtaposed with contributions from non- jects coalition of diverse interests.
Native scholars. Gordon Pullar has been a leader in Alutiiq heritage
Perhaps the most striking feature of Looking Both projects since the early 198os, and it was his early con
Ways is its multivocality. In the very first pages we en versations with Wiffiam Fitzhugh of the Smithsonian,
counter the names of 51 elders who participated in the followed by Crowells presentation of artifact photos to
exhibition or are quoted in the book. The final chapter a 1988 conference on Kodiak Island, that led to concrete
is composed of nine extended statements. The remaining plans for bringing the old Alutiiq objects to Alaska. Pul
sections are written/assembled by scholars who have lar chaired the Looking Both Ways advisory committee
worked closely with local communities. One of the vol and served as political liaison to various groups and or
umes editors, the Native activist and educator Gordon
ganizations. He and other Alutiiq activists and elders
Pullar contributes an illuminating chapter on titled,
Contemporary Alutiiq Identity (2ooI). Virtually every whose ideas influenced the project were much more than
page juxtaposes quotations, images, and short essays. Native consultants recruited after the basic vision was
The textual ensemble makes space for some 40 individ in place; they were active from the beginning in an evolv
ual authorsNative and non-Native writers of free ing coalition.
standing essays or sources of extended testimonies. Quo The archaeologist Amy Steffian, currently deputy di
tations from individual elders are scattered throughout. rector of the Alutiiq Museum, works on collaborative
No one holds the floor for very long, and the experience excavations with communities on Kodiak Island. In the
of reading is one of constantly shifting modes of atten wake of the Larsen Bay repatriation struggle, Steffian
tion, encountering specific rhetorics, voices, images, and requested and received tribal permission to resume study
stories, and shuttling between the archaeological past, of the Larsen Bay sites. Her experience established that
personal memories, and present projects. intense local suspicion of archaeology and anthropology
In the midst of a chapter called SugucihpetOur did not preclude research collaborations in situations
Way of Living (Crowell and Laktonen 2001), a page where trust could be established. Moreover, the fact that
begins: Fishing sets the pace of the subsistence year. In the Alutiiq Museum is an archaeological repository in
summer, five varieties of salmon gather in the bays or stitutionalizes the idea that excavated heritage can be
ascend rivers to spawn. The following page: I remeni made available for study while remaining under local
her in the summertime my dad would wake my sisters control. Along with other museum staff members and
and me up early to go fishing. The first tells us about community supporters, Steffian helped insure that Look
kinds of fish and how they are dried, smoked, and ing Both Ways would be a broadly based gathering of
canned. The second recalls the chore of cleaning the people as well as an impressive collection of artifacts.
catch while being swarmed by vicious flies (pp. 17678). The projects sucess depended on bringing together
Interspersed illustrations show (i) contemporary com
Native authorities, skilled professionals, and institu
mercial fishermen netting salmon, (2) IqsakHalibut
hook, from about 1899, and () an ivory lure in the shape tional sponsors. Primary financial donors included the
of a fish, ca. A.D. 6ooiooo, found in an archaeological Smithsonian Institution, the National Endowment for
site on Kodiak Island. In Looking Both ways, Mon the Humanities, Komag Inc., the Alutiiq Heritage Foun
Crowell writes, the commitment has been to diversity dation, the Anchorage Museum of History and Art, and
of perspective, depth of inquiry, and genuine collabora Phillips Alaska. Additional support was provided by an
tion among scholars, Elders, and communities (2001: impressive cross-section of Alaska institutions, public
13). The books five pages of acknowledgments, men and private, and nearly two dozen Native regional and
tioning many institutions and an enormous number of village corporations. As I have suggested, the projects
individuals, are integral to its message. But if the general collaborative expression of Alutiiq heritage and iden
strategy is inclusive, it is not synthetic. Differences of tity reflects an open-ended moment of cultural emer
perspective are registered and allowed to coexist. The gence, weaving together discussions, struggles, and ac
volumes three editors represent the range of stakehold commodations sustained over more than two decades in
ers in the project. a shifting context of power. A look at several precursors
Crowell, director of the Alaska office of the Smith and allied projects may provide a better sense of that
sonians Arctic Studies Center, came to the Looking Both contexta dynamic conjuncture that, while locally par
Ways project from prior work in the archaeology and ticular, has analogues elsewhere.
postcontact history of the region (e.g., Crowell 1992,
1997) and is currently pursuing collaborative archaeology
ii. Quick equivalences are risky, however, and the devil is in the
with Alutiiq communities on the Kenai Peninsula. As
(historical) detailscolonial, post-, and neocolonial. A more sys.
project director he arranged the loan of artifacts, raised tematic comparison of Alaskan Native identity politics with sim
grant money, and served as primary orchestrator/nego ilar phenomena elsewhere would require work at a different scale
tiator of the exhibition and the text. He is the author or than that of this essay.
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways I PROOF

PRECURSORS: CROSSROADS AND AGAYULIYARARPUT the exhibition of Yupik masks reversed the itinerary of
Crossroads, starting in venues accessible to indigenous
In 1988 Fitzhugh and Crowell edited the major Russian-
people and moving to more distant urban centers.
American-Canadian collaboration Crossroads of Conti
Masks acquired by U.S. and European museums during
nents: Cultures of Siberia and Alaska. Prehistory, his the late-nineteenth-century frenzy of salvage collect
tory, anthropology, archaeology, and art criticism came
ing now traveled back to their places of origin. Arm
together in a richly documented and illustrated account
Fienup-Riordan, an anthropologist whose long-term
of the transnational world of Beringia. Small Siberian and
Alaskan Native groups were shown to be part of a larger, fieldwork on Nelson Island has been part of oral-history
dynamic indigenous region with a deep history of inter projects sponsored by Yupik authorities, conceived the
connection and crossing that had been obscured by na exhibition in dialogue with elders. Its success depended
tional projects and cold war partitioning. The project both on this local commitment and on the cooperation
brought together for the first time many powerful and of museum professionals in Alaska and in Washington,
evocative artifacts collected in the eighteenth and nine New York, Seattle, and Berlin. The exhibition catalogue,
teenth centuries and preserved in Washington, D.C., St. The Living Tradition of Yupil< Masks: Agayuliyara.rput
Petersburg, New York, and Ottawa. The effect was rev (Our Way of Making Prayer) (Fienup-Riordan 1996), is a
elatory not simply for students of cultural flows but for model of richly documented collaborative scholarship
Native Alaskans, who rediscovered lost aspects of their and stunning visual presentation. While the anthropol
tribal histories and a deep transnational context for new ogist appears as its author, large sections of the text are
indigenous alliances. In Looking Both Ways, Ruth Al strongly multivocal, built around quotations from elders
ice Olsen Dawson, chair of the Alutiiq Heritage Foun recorded memories and interpretations of the masks
dation, recalls her encounter with the Crossroads exhi In Hunting Tradition in a Changing World, Fienup
bition at its Alaskan venue, the Anchorage Museum of Riordan (2000) reflects on her changing relations with
History and Art (2001:89): Yupik communities over the years. She traces an evo
lution from assuming scholarly independence toward
For the first time we saw snow-falling parkas something more like alliance anthropology and toward
made out of bird skins and decorated with puffins textual forms that manifest the collaborative nature of
beaks. We saw ceremonial masks, regalia, baskets, 2 Hunting Tradition moves beyond systematic
the work.
rattles, pictures, and drawings. The impact for me quotation to intersperse among its essays seven free
was overwhelming. The exhibit sparked the start of standing texts written by Yupiit. Along with clustered
the first Native dance group in Kodiak in years. And accounts of Yupik Christianity and extended urban-rural
instead of wearing European calicos, we wore snow- networks, Fienup-Riordan provides an illuminating anal
falling parkas, shook puffin-beak rattles, and wore ysis of the mask exhibitions origins and especially of its
beaded head-dresses. It was a revelation. significance in different venues (pp. 2095 i). The name
There are no voices like Dawsons in Crossroads of chosen by the Yupik planning committee, Agayuliyar
Continents, and this may be the volumes most striking arput, fused old and new meanings. In the pre-Christian
difference from Looking Both Ways. All the contributors past agayu referred to performances honoring animals or
to the earlier collection are non-Native academics, and persons who were providers, and it has since taken on
the contemporary lives of Koryak, Chukchi, Yuipik, the Christian sense of praying. Our Way of Making
Aleut, Tlingit, and others appear only at the very end in Prayer thus articulates a process of historical transla
two surveys of current history in Russia and Alaska. tion. (It was not guaranteed that priests and conservative
Named individuals emerge in a brief final section on i 8 Christians in the local communities would approve of
Alaskan Native artists. There are no photographs of liv the paganism associated with the renewed enthusiasm
ing people, whereas in Looking Both Ways they are ev for mask making and dancing. In fact they did, with en
erywhere, mixed with historical photos and Mikhail Tik ) Fienup-Riordan describes how, as the exhi
3
thusiasm.
hanovs fabulous early-nineteenth-century portraits bition traveled beyond Yupik communities, the name
(prominent in both volumes). Seven years after Cross Agayuliyararput, rich in local significance, diminished
roads opened, Fitzhugh and Valerie Chaussonnet of the in prominence, becoming a subtitle.
Arctic Studies Center, recognizing the original exhibi In Tooksook Bay and Bethel the most important mean
tions limited audience, designed a smaller, less cum ings of the masks centered on who had made them and
bersome version for travel to local communities on both
sides of the Bering Strait (Chaussonnet 1995). In this ia. It is arguable that her choice to remain unaffihiated with any

project images of contemporary populations are featured, university or governmental institution has given her the flexibility
to pioneer collaborative styles of work, engaging in relations and
along with writings and quotations by indigenous projects which might have seemed unprofessional before they
authorities. became, under pressure, the norm.
In 1996 a major exhibition entitled Agayuliyararput 23. The Oregon Society of Jesus web site (http.www.nwjesufts.org/
(Our Way of Making Prayer) opened in the heart of ignati/nwjf95o8.htm) proudly recounts Fr. Rene Astrucs role in
lifting the Catholic Churchs ban on Yupik dancing and encour
Yupik countryToksook Bay, Nelson Island. In its sub aging its revival. The dancing priest was an active agent in the
sequent travel to the regional center, Bethel, and then social and cultural rearticulations that made Agayuliyararput
to Anchorage, New York, Washington, D.C., and Seattle, possible.
PROOF 8 ( CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number r, February 2003

where they were from. Place (rather than theme or style) through the encounter with the old masks, spears, and
was the organizing principle determined by the local bows. What mattered was not the reified objects but
steering committee. It was also decided that Yupik lan what they could communicate for a Yupik future. Un
guage had to appear prominently in the exhibitions derstood in this historical frame, museums, as the elder
name and in the elders interpretations, painstakingly Paul John put it, were part of Gods plan.
transcribed and translated by Marie Meade, a Yupik The Living Tradition of Yupik Masks (Fienup-Riordan
language specialist, teacher, and traditional dancer (see 1996) looks both ways: to a recollected past and to a
Meade 2000). These vernacular materials were featured dynamic present-becoming-future. The catalogue por
in a specially printed bilingual catalogue that preceded trays Yupik cultural production enmeshed in specific
the lavishly illustrated English-language version. Avail contact histories: colonial (Russian and American) and
able at Tooksook Bay and Bethel, the Yupik catalogue now post-/neocolonial (indigenous resurgence). The
sold out quickly and was adopted in school curricula translated renditions of the masks meanings and uses
4 The exhibition open are not located solely or even primarily in traditional
teaching local culture and history.
ing coincided with an already established dance festival, (pre-1900) contexts. The catalogue emphasizes contact
a gathering of hundreds of people flown in from remote histories of collecting (including aesthetic appropriation
villages by light aircraft, and thus it became part of an of the dramatic masks by the surrealists), periods of mis
ongoing tradition of midwinter gatherings. sionary suppression, and recent movements of revival in
In Anchorage, Alaskas largest urban center, where sig Catholic, Orthodox, and Moravian communities. The
nificant Native communities live more or less perma perspectives of different generations on reartici.ilated cur
nently, the masks were seen as part of a wider pan-Alas rents of spirituality and aesthetics are kept in view. The
kan indigenous heritage. In New York, at the National collaborative genesis of the exhibition and its local sig
in chapter titled
Museum of the American Indian, the masks were con nificance are stressed from the outset a
textualized less in terms of local Alaskan practices than Our Way of Making an 5
Exhibit.
as contributions to great Native American art. In Wash It is instructive to compare The Living Tradition of
Yupik Masks with an earlier Smithsonian-sponsored cat
ington, D.C., and Seattle, formalist, high art presen
alogue and exhibition devoted to similar objects and his
tations predominated. Fienup-Riordan portrays these
tories from the same region. Innu: Spirit World of the
contexts not as distortions but rather as aspects of a po
Bering Sea Eskimo, by William Fitzhugh and Susan Kap
tential range of Yupik meanings in the late twentieth lan (1982), was an innovative project for its time. Like
century. The centering of the exhibitionits planning the later exhibition, it returned objects held in Wash
and opening in Tooksook Bayreflects a crucial priority ington museums to Alaskan venues, though not to Na
for a renewed politics of indigenous authenticity. It is tive homelands. Its focus was a collection of artifacts
not, however, the sole priority, and the local is actively acquired in the late 187os by Edward Wffliam Nelson in
defined and redefined in relationships with a variety of western Alaska. The narrow time period, contextualized
outsides and scales of belonging. A worldwide web, in a broad historical/archaeological/natural frame, gave
in Fienup-Riordans provocative expression (2000: the exhibition a temporal/social specificity that sepa
15182), of Yupik kinship and culture obliges us to con rated it from more common cultural or primitive art
sider a range of overlapping performative contexts, tac approaches. A final section of the catalogue, Art in
tical articulations, and translations: rural/urban, oral Transformation, provided a glimpse of later develop
literate, family/corporate, Alaskan/international. ments: the discovery of representational ivory carving
Hunting Tradition concludes with a recent visit to the and the emergence of individual Eskimo artists who
Berlin Museum fr Volkerkunde by a group of Yupik would develop new graphic styles and carving traditions
elders accompanied by the anthropologist (Fienup-Rior for an expanding art market. Except for these last pages,
dan 2000:25270). The discussions there were governed however; contemporary populations were absent from
by Yupik protocols and agendas. The goal was not the the book. An Eskimo voiceunattributed quotations
return of traditional artifacts preserved in Germany. The from recorded mythsappeared as a kind of chorus.
visitors expressed gratitude for the museums curator If Innu seems dated today, this is a comment less on
ship, since in the old days it was customary to destroy its substantive achievements, which remain considera
masks after use. They were primarily interested in the ble, than on rapidly changing times, identifications, and
return of important stories and knowledge renewed power relations. The lack of visible participation by
Yupit and Inupiat in the exhibition process contrasts
14. An interesting contrast is provided by Julie Cruilcshanks (1998: with the explicit collaborations described by Crowell and
16) account of Athabaskan elders insistence that their recorded Fienup-Riordan. Moreover, the earlier exhibitions focus
stories and memories be published in English: What emerged...
was a strong commitment to extend communication in whatever on the Bering Sea Eskimo, including under this rubric
forms possible, writing being one way among many, There was also both Yupik and Inupiaq, would today be ruled out by
optimismprobably a result of a history of self-confident multi the disaggregation of Eskimos into Inuit, Inupiat, Yu
lingualismthat English is just one more Native language, in fact
the dominant Native language at the end of the century. The
Yupik and Athabaskan linguistic situations differ, and notions of 15. Fienup-Riordans deepening collaborative work will be mani
cultural authenticity need to be grounded in specific limits and fested in two forthcoming publications (20040, b) the latter com
possibilities of translation and communication. plemented by a bilingual version for local use.
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways PROOF

pllt, and Alutiit, an outcome of Alaskan and Canadian cruise-ship tourists along the South Alaska Inland Pas
Native identity politics during the 198os and 9oS. This sage. In each case, one needs to ask what old and new
process was significantly (though not solely) driven by cultural and social elements are being articulated, what
the struggles surrounding ANCSA, whose politics of Na audiences are being addressed by specific performances,
tive regrouping were making headway at the time Innu and what are the social/linguistic relations and tradeoffs
was produced. Subsequent decades would see many ar of translation. Such questions are critical for a nonred
ticulations of Fienup-Riordans conscious culture. The uctive understanding of a complex historical
Native corporations created after 1971 offered new lead conjuncture.
ership roles and sources of funding for cultural/heritage Native Alaska is caught up in a local/global constel
projects such as the Alutiiq Museum, other cultural cen lation of forces that can be roughly characterized as post
ters, and education and language initiatives. Local, re 196os neoindigenous and corporate/multicultural. Her
gional, and international dance/art/storytelling festivals, itage projects reweave diverse social and cultural
Native studies programs in universities (sometimes in ffliations in ways that are aligned by this conjuncture
cluding elders in residence), Native participation in while also exceeding it. Multiple historical projects and
resource management, teacher training programs, the possible futures are active. In Dombrowskis ethnograph
growth of indigenous art markets, and cultural tourism ically nuanced analysis (2001) and the related but more
all these contributed to a sharply increased Native pres functionalist account of Kodiak capitalism by Arthur
ence in Alaska public culture. Mason (2002), cultural politics appears as largely a matter
A full historicalpolitical, social, economic, and cul of corporate ideology, commodified tribal symbols, and
turalaccount of the increased Native presence and her tourist spectacles: an Alaskan identity industry. In this
itage activity in Alaska after the 19705 is beyond my perspective, which brings Native class and status differ
present compass. However, a few reflections on how ences into view, the state and corporate capitalism ul
these movements are related to the social and economic timately call the shots. I would argue for another view
contexts created by ANCSA may be useful. The relations of determination in which capitalism and state power
are intimate, partial, and overdetermined. Recent studies do not produce indigenous identities, not at least in
argue that the Native corporate structure through which any global or functional way, but set limits and exert
the U.S. Congress settled aboriginal land claims has pressures (Wiffiams 1977:8389). Struggles over indige
had ambiguous and in some cases disastrous conse nous practice occur, as Dombrowski rightly puts it,
quences. Ramona Ellen Skinners survey Alaska Native within and against Western institutions and hege
Policy in the Twentieth Century (1997) shows how alaw monic ideas such as culture.
intended to foster indigenous self-determination became All of the heritage work discussed here is connected
recognized as a recipe for eventual termination, limiting to capitalism in variously configured relations of depen
Native status to those born before 1971 and ultimately dency, interpellation, domination, and resistance. As
allowing unfettered sales of tribal assets. Amendments Marx said, people make history but not in conditions of
to the law attempting to correct its temporal limit on their choosing. This observation has always been bru
corporate participation and slowing the transfer of stock tally relevant to Native peoples experiences of conquest,
to non-Natives have only partially dealt with its fun resistance, and survival. Yet Marx also affirmed that, in
damental problems. ANCSA, from this perspective, is a conditions not of their choosing, people do make history.
pact with the devil of capitalism. By making Native as The unexpected resurgence of Native, First Nations, Ab
sets indistinguishable from other private property, the original, etc., societies in recent decades confirms the
law has significantly expanded participation in the Alas point. And while indigenous heritage and identity move
kan and international economy. But this development ments have indeed expanded dramatically during the re
comes at the cost of extinguishing aboriginal title to cent heyday of corporate liberalism, this conjuncture
land, creating Native capitalist elites, and forcing short does not exhaust their historicity. Native cultural poli
sighted, profit-motivated decisions about resource man tics builds connections extending before and potentially
agement. Kirk Dombrowskis recent discussions (2ooI, after the current moment. I am inclined to see the
2002) are particularly informative on these effects, par praxis of indigenism
6 in Gramscian termsas a con
ticularly in the timber-rich south. tingent work of positional struggle, articulation, and
Overall, the economic situation of Alaskas Native alliance.
corporations is quite uneven, and ANCSAs articulation
with the new identity politics has taken different forms
INTERACTIONS: THE ALASKA NATIVE HERITAGE
in different Native contexts, depending on resource
CENTER
wealth, extractive pressures from powerful corporations,
and degree of urbanization and acculturation. It is ob The Alaska Native Heritage Center in Anchorage is a
viously important to distinguish the community-based prominent sign of the expanding Native presence in
heritage education and revival practiced by institutions
like the Alutiiq Museum, the midwinter Orthodox star
i6. The phrase is Dombrowkis (aool). My perspective is, with dif
ring ceremonies and Yupik dance festivals in Tooksook ferences of emphasis, consistent with the analytic approach to con
Bay, pan-Alaskan institutions like the Alaska Native temporary mdigenism that he and Gerald Sider project for their
Heritage Center, and the Indian villages maintained for new book series Fourth World Rising (see Dombrowski ooI).
PROOF JO CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number i, February 2003

Alaska. Its heritage work at several scales and its mul ranges cultural awareness workshops funded by Wells
tiple audiences, community ties, and corporate connec Fargo Bank and adapted to the needs of diverse clients
tions contrast and overlap with the Yupik and Alutiiq such as the Girl Scouts, the FBI, the army and the air
exhibitions. Opened in 1999 as a gathering place for force, Covenant House, and various government
all Alaska Native groups, the Center functions as a site agencies. 18
of cultural exchange, celebration, and education. Entirely Like most Native heritage projects, the Center ad
Native-run and not dependent on academic experts, it dresses diverse audienceslocal, regional, state, and in
draws its funds from a broad range of sourcestribal, ternational. The performances, alliances, and transla
corporate, and touristic. All of its programs are approved tions vary according to the context. For tourists and other
by a college of elders representing the principal Native visitors with limited time, the Center provides a clear
regions. Dialogue among indigenous peoples is pro vision of Alaskan Native presence and diversity. Color-
moted, and communication with visitors, a high priority, coded maps and labels identify five principal Native cul
is on Native terms. The Center sometimes enters into tures/regionsAthabascan Yupik/Cupik, Inupiaq/St.
contracts with non-Native scholars and facilitates col Lawrence Island Yupik, Eyak/Tlingit/Haida/Tsimshian,
laborative projects. For example, its staff worked with and Aleut/Alutiiqeach endowed with a stylized image
the Smithsonians Arctic Studies Center to produce a or logo. The five traditional house types reinforce the
pedagogical video and web site for Looking Both Ways. taxonomy. A message of current vitality is reinforced by
Housed in a new complex on the outskirts of Anchorage, face-to-face contacts, especially with young people. For
the Center maintains links with local and regional Na Alaskans of various backgrounds, specialized perform
tive authorities while cultivating partnerships with a ances and educational events offer more sustained en
broad range of sponsors. counters with Native artists and tradition bearers. The
The Alaska Native Heritage Center is not a museum agenda of gathering and cultural communication specif
focused on a collection but something more like a per ically addresses Native people of all ages from many parts
formance space, featuring face-to-face encounters. Ev of Alaska who are employed at the Center or attend its
erything is designed to facilitate conversations between events. Its work thus contributes to a loosely articulated
different tribal Alaskans and between Natives and non- Native Alaskan identification following from the wide
Natives. At the door, visitors are personally greeted. The spread post-196os indigenous revival movements and the
central space is a stage where every hour dancing or sto difficult but largely successful alliances leading to the
rytelling is presented. In the Hall of Cultures, visitors ANCSA land settlement.
are encouraged to talk with Native artists and tradition Native resurgence, a complex process of continuity
17 about their work. All of the artifacts on display
bearers through transformation, involves articulation (cultural
are newly made traditional piecesmasks, drums, kay and political alliance), performance (forms of display for
aks, parkas, boots, button blankets, headgear. Outside, different publics), and translation (partial communi
around an artificial lake, five houses represent the past cation and dialogue across cultural and generational di
lifeways of Alaskas principal indigenous regions. Every vides). All are clearly visible in a Center publication that
where, young Native men and women act as hosts and documents and celebrates one of its annual themes and
interpreters, actively engaging visitors. During the sum summer workshops: Qayaqs and Canoes: Native Ways
mer months, tourists visit in large numbers, including of Knowing (Steinbright and Mishler 2001). Teams of
regular busloads of cruise-ship passengersa lucrative master builders and apprentices gathered at the
market that the Center has successfully pursued. Work Center over a period of five months to construct eight
shops and gatherings support its yearly themes (for ex traditional boats: two Athabascan birch-bark canoes,
ample, boat-building, health and Native medicines). In four styles of kayak (Aleut, Alutiiq, and two Central
winter, school visits, art demonstrations, and workshops Yupik), a Northwest Coast dugout canoe, and a Bering
are organized (Exxon Mobil master artist classes, in Straits open skin boat. Only the last-mentioned boat type
which one can learn to make Tsimshian hand drums, is still actively made and used; the others have entered
Alutiiq beaded headdresses, Aleut model kayaks, and the relatively new category of what might be called her
other emblematic Native artifacts). The Center also ar itage objectsspecially valued material sites of remem
brance and communication. (Such traditional objects
17. The public status of tradition bearer is a relatively recent
can, of course, be recently made as long as their con
development in North American indigenous heritage politics. It nection to past models is recognizably authenticfor
denotes individuals of deep cultural experience who are not (yet) example, the squirrel parka from Looking Both Ways
elders. The latter designation depends on traditional usage and local mentioned above.) In the primarily first-person accounts
consensuswhich may, of course, include disagreement. Tradition- of boat building, elders, heritage activists, youth, and
bearer status is more closely linked with the politics of heritage,
and it can include people of more or less mixed background who other participants in the workshop offer perspectives on
in recent decades have returned to Native tradition, reactivating keeping the skills alive in changing times.
old crafts, languages, stories, and lifeways. It thus denotes an active A range of Native ways of knowing come together
commitment to transmitting community values and knowledge in Qayaqs and Canoes: oral transmission from experi
and recognizes the translation and education functions of individ
uals mediating between (deeply knowledgeable) elders and (rela
tively ignorant) youth. Its emergence is evidence that heritage ac 18. The Center web site (www.alaskaNative.net) provides details
tivism extends beyond the goal of simply salvaging endangered lore. on programs and sponsors.
CL]FORD Looking Several Ways PROOF xx

enced elders library and museum research by Native and its going to be in a museum. Theyre going to put it
non-Native builders, aspirations to identity by younger in a museum when Im done with it. He said, Go
apprentices. In a variety of team contexts, young family ahead, sew it. It wont sink in a museum.
members learn from older master builders; men learn One might be inclined to interpret this kayak as a
seal-skin stitching (a traditional womans task); women traditional object belonging to a nostalgic, postmodern
participate in kayak framing (formerly a mans job); an culturea thing with meaning only as a specimen and
Aleut activist of mixed heritage (an Anchorage police a work of art, artificially separated from the currents of
detective who has rediscovered his Native past through historical change (thus unsinkable, in its museum).
kayak research and construction) teaches the art to a But this would privilege the authenticity of objects over
young man of Inupiaq background and to a young Alutiiq the social processes of transmitting and transforming
woman from Kodiak Island; an 88-year-old Athabaskan knowledges and relationships. It would miss the multi-
elder works in close collaboration with an anthropology accented, intergenerational work of articulation, per
doctoral student (originally from North Dakota) record formance, and translation that goes into the kayaks pro
ing traditional tools and techniques; an Alutiiq activist duction and interpretation. Similarly complex, open-
and tradition bearer learns kayak construction from a ended social processes are at work in the identity for
young New Englander who, through research and dedi mations of those who have recently come to be known
cated practice, has become expert in the craft, and they as Alutiiq.
both find out about waterproof stitching from a woman
of Cupik ancestry now living on Kodiak Island; the
Aleut and Alutiiq groups observe the Yupik teams who
are guided by more knowledgeable elders; extended net Emergence and Articulation
works are activated (Got a call from my dad in Chignik
saying he had a good tip for me on dehairing skins). Looking Both Ways documents an identity rearticulated
Participants recall old stories of travel and contact in new circumstances, a historical process of emergence.
among different Alaskan populations, and they see their The name Alutiiq does not appear in Crossroads of
interethnic encounters at the Center as renewing this Continents, where the people south of the Yupik are
tradition. There are repeated references to a sense of ex primarily described as Pacific Eskimo, and even in her
panded Native affiliations, the linking of different, newly most recent book Fienup-Riordan (2000:9) writes of a
related heritages. Alutilq participants recall listening to larger family of Inuit cultures, extending from Prince
spoken Yupik and getting the gist. Elders find ways to William Sound on the Pacific Coast of Alaska . .into
.

translate knowledge rooted in specific local hunting and Labrador and Greenland. Linguistic form here overrides
gathering practices for younger apprentices raised in differences of subsistence, history, and environment. But
more urban conditions. The performative nature of con the former Pacific Eskimo now reject identification
temporary heritage projects is visible across a range of with the Inuit/InupiaqjYupik cultural family.
occasions: the public accomplishment of painstaking Another long-standing term for the people represented
crafts and the final, exuberant celebrations, dramatic in Looking Both Ways is Aleut. (Alutiiq was, in fact,
launchings on Kachemak Bay with traditional dancers, an adaptation of the Russian Aleuty in the sound sys
Orthodox prayers, formal speeches. tem of Sugstun.) A Russian misnomer for the chain is
Different contexts of performancethe technical landers (who generally now prefer to be called Unangan),
demonstrations and talk that pervaded the workshop, the Aleut, in its expanded usage, registers common his
intertribal exchanges, the public displays and celebra torical experiences (Russian colonization, exploitation,
tions, the circulation of an evocative, elegantly illus massacres, religious conversion, intermarriage) as well
trated bookactivate different audiences and situations as shared maritime hunting economy and coastal sub
of translation. In their commentaries, the participants sistence. Linguistically, however, the chain islanders and
recognize that tradition is being renegotiated for new people of Kodiak differ markedly, and while cultural and
situations. Young women express satisfaction at doing kinship ties are still significant, there has been a strong
work formerly restricted to men. Elders adjudicate what recent tendency to distinguish Aleut from Alutiiq.
practices are bound by rules and what can be pragmat Tactical name changesreflecting new articulations of
ically altered. In an atmosphere of serious fun, people resistance, separation, community affiliation, and tribal
work within while pushing the limits of tradition. Grace governanceare familiar and, indeed, necessary aspects
Harrod, who taught the Alutiiq team waterproof stitch of decolonizing indigenous politics.
Looking Both Ways makes serious attempts not to
ing, offers a humorous and far-reaching anecdote (Stein-
freeze these processes by objectifying Alutqness. Its
bright and Mishler 2001:87):
strong archaeological and historical emphases keep
I called my mom on the phone in Mekoryuk. I said, many tangled roots in view. For example, early explorers
Mom, Im going to sew a kayak. Over the phone plausibly related the inhabitants of Kodiak Island to
she just hollered, You dont know how. So, my Greenland Eskimos, to Siberians, to Aleutian island
dad, Peter Smith, got on the phone, and I said, Dad, ers, and to Indians (Athabaskans and Tlingit). In their
Im going to sew a kayak. He said, Its going to archaeological, anthropological, and historical survey of
sink in Eskimo. He started laughing. I said, Dad, Alutiiq culture, Aron Crowell and Sonja Liihrmann
PROOF 12 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Vohnne 45, Number i, February 2003

(2001) provide evidence that at different moments each ALUTIIQ TIDES AND CURRENTS
of these connections made sense. Later, Russian influ
ences were strong, and the Orthodox religion would sink There is nothing ready-made about Alutiiqness in the
deep, tangled Native roots. In the late i8oos Scandina chapter on contemporary Alutiiq identity written/as
vian immigrant fishermen influenced local practices and sembled by Gordon Pullar. He begins by invoking his
were absorbed by kinship networks. The catalogues his mother, who resolutely identified herself as Russian
torical sections offer a multivocal, nonessentialist ac even though her nearest truly Russian ancestors were
count of a fundamentally interactive tradition. Gather eight generations distant. He, by contrast, growing up in
ing together much historical and archaeological evidence the cold war 195os, had rejected this historical identity
that has been widely dispersed and never before made but without a clear alternative. He cites others who, at
accessible to Native communities, Crowell, Lhrmann, the time of ANCSA enrollment in the early 197os, re
Steffian, and Leer attempt the difficult task of telling a sisted pressures to identify themselves as Alutiiqsome
coherent Alutiiq story for the first time without merging because they felt that a Native identity would diminish
past and present into a seamless culture. Since doc a hard-won Americanness and others like his grand
umentary evidence, in Crowell and Luhrmanns words, mother, who commented: Are they trying to make an
is partial and imperfect at best (p. 30), they comple. Aleut out of you? (2001 :74).
ment the written record with Alutiiq oral narratives. Pullar and the elders he cites make it clear that Alu
Patricia Partnow, an ethnographer who has just pub tiiq identification is something more than a return to
lished Making History: Alutiiq/Sugpiaq Life in the an essential, continuous Native tradition. Considerable
Alaska Peninsula (2003), is the only contemporary non- disconnecting and reconnecting was involved in the pro
Native cultural anthropologist represented in the vol cesses out of which a new unity was forged. Clarifying
ume. (Jeff Leer, a linguist who has produced Kodiak Mu fuzzy borders with near neighbors involved specific re
tiiq dictionaries, pedagogical grammars, and place-name alignments and a good deal of confusion. Pullar quotes
records, also makes important contributions.) Partnow Margaret Knowles at the 1997 elders conference that
acknowledges her mentor, the late elder Ignatius Kos guided Looking Both Ways (2001:81):
bruk, and many Alutiiq teachers. Until recently she I realized that we are not the true Natives and the
served as vice president of education at the Alaska Na fact remained that we really didnt even know who
tive Heritage Center. These relations indicate the kinds we were. And that really bothered me. It angered me
of involvements that make anthropological research pos because I . well, who are we?
. . . I was embar
. .

sible in a region where only a decade ago, as Gordon rassed when Id be around other groups, Yupiks,
Pullar recalls, anthropologists were beginning to wear who absolutely knew who they were and where they
out their welcome (2001:78). Partnow reports her Mu were from, and I didnt. I didnt know. And they
. . .

tiiq hosts lack of concern with definitive origins and said, Well it depends on what anthropologist you
sharp ethnic borders. By identifying themselves as Alu talk to. I always believed I was Aleut and then
tiiq, she writes, they were privileging one part of their somebody said, No, youre really Koniag. And,
genetic and cultural background and underplaying their No, youre really Pacific Eskimo, No, youre Sug
Athabaskan, Russian, Scandinavian, Irish, and Yupik piaq. No, youre really more related to the
parts (2001:69). Alutiiq identity is a selective rearticu Yupik.
lation of diverse connections, a sense of continuity ex
pressed in elders traditional stories, both mythic and Pullar traces the emergence of Alutiiq during the
historical. (Partnow appears to confirm Julie Cruik 19705 as a series of reidentifications in a specific histor
shanks [19981 penetrating view of Athabaskan elders ical conjuncture, the chaotic/creative aftermath of
narratives less as records of a past than as reconnections ANCSA.
of fragmented realities and reframings of current issues.) Looking Both Ways represents an unusually clear and
Partnow identifies five core elements of identity: (i) ties perhaps extreme example of constitutive political artic
to land, (2) a shared history and continuity with the past, ulations that are active, to varying degrees, across the
() the Alutiiq or Sugstun language, (4) subsistence, and spectrum of Alaskan Native identities and traditions.
(5) kinship. These arenot prescriptive elements of a cul The elder Roy Madsen invokes long lists of Russian and
tural essence, a check-list of authenticity. In todays con Scandinavian names, comparing Alutiiq tradition to
ditions of social and spatial mobility it is seldom possible bits and pieces of seaweed and twigs in swirling waters
to exemplify all five points equally. Instead, people ac where the ocean tide meets a stream. The culture, he
centuate different parts of their Alutiiqness at different writes, has been pushed, shoved, jostled and propelled
times and in different places (p. 69). Alutiiq is a work- from the time of our earliest ancestors to the present
in-progress, a way of managing diversity and change. day. Madsen recalls the several languages he heard as
Each one of Partnows five elements has undergone a child (including Slavonic at church) and his fathers
transformation since the Russians and, a century later, knowledge of English, Danish, German, and seven Es
the Americans established colonial dominance. The kimo dialects. In the tides and currents of historical
changes continue through the intensifying indigenous change, the homogeneous culture of our ancestors has
movements of the L96os and the land settlements and been transformed into the heterogeneous culture that we
corporate reorganizations of the 70s and 8os. experience today, mixed, mingled, blended and combined
CLIFIORD Looking Several Ways I PROOF 13

with those many other cultures, retaining some of each scribes current archaeology programs that include youth
but still with some recognizable and acknowledged as internships, elder participation, and the return of all dis
pects of the culture of our Alutiiq ancestors (2001 :75). coveries to the community. Children from the Kodiak
Madsens vivid image of a culture in flux and recom schools now come to the museum to touch our past and
bination imagines not a traditional core resisting learn about our people. The museum has helped turn
change but rather a series of combinations of ancestral around local prejudices about being Native. And the re
and foreign influences contributing to the survival and searchers now must come to Kodiak to study the col
adaptation of a Native people (indigenous Russian Or lections, instead of us begging for them (p. 90). As Stef
thodoxy is perhaps the most striking example). Robert fian points out, archaeologys important role may be
Lowie once famously described culture as a thing of partly due to the fact that Alutiiqswiftly conquered in
shreds and patches. Roy Madsen and many of the con the eighteenth century by the Russians, devastated by
tributors to Looking Both Ways give this conception an diseases, and for centuries participants in the capitalist
indigenous historical specificity. If people are devoutly world systempreserved relatively less traditional
Orthodox, it is because in the early years of brutal co culture than other Alaskan groups (2001:130). People
lonial exploitation a degree of safety could be found in concerned with their Alutiiq heritage have needed, fig
religious conversion, which brought with it Russian cit uratively and literally, to dig into their past to find
izenship. If the Alutiiq (or Sugtsun) language is endan themselves.
gered, it is because of intense disruptions and all-too- While this history partly explains the openness of
familiar boarding school prohibitions. If some have felt
many Alutiit to ongoing archaeological research, a shift
reluctant to embrace Native identity, it is because mem
ories of bitter events (such as Grigorii Shelikliovs mas in relations of authority and power has also been essen
sacre of Kodiak Islanders at Refuge Rock, a constitutive tial. Steffian suggests as much in her discussion of part
trauma that Pullar highlights) have led to intense psychic nerships in archaeology (2001:12934). The sell-deter
repression and a sense of hopelessness brought on by mination achieved through the Larsen Bay repatriations
decades of dependency on outsiders (Pullar aooi :76). established new relations with institutions such as the
But if indigenous memory, coming to terms with a sad Smithsonian and the University of Alaska. At the same
history, tells and retells horror stories, it does so, in Look time, the growth of Native-led corporations, museums,
ing Both Ways, to clear the way for a more hopeful fu and heritage projects has provided new sites for organ
ture. Pullar and many others tell a story of struggle and izing research and disseminating results. Finally, and
renewal. crucially, relations of trust and respect have been sus
Elders remember their confusion and outrage when in tained over the past two decades by individual scholars
1931 Alul Hrdllika arrived on Kodiak Island to dig up working in long-term, reciprocal relations with com
human remains for his research collections at the Smith munities. Knecht, reflecting on the seminal Karluk ex
sonian. Looking Both Ways contains a photograph of cavation, concludes: As archaeologists we had come to
hundreds of boxes filled with bones awaiting reburial at Kodiak to study Alutiiq culture but while doing so un
a 1991 ceremony presided over by Alutiiq elders and Or wittingly became an inextricable part of the very culture
thodox priests. Pullar notes that the Larsen Bay repatri history we had sought to understand (2001:134).
ation movement came at a time when the search for
identity and cultural pride was underway on Kodiak Is
land. It became a symbol for tribal sell-determination HERITAGE RELATIONS, CHANGING WEATHER
(2001:95). Here, as elsewhere in Native communities,
The relationships are not without tension. When Daw
repatriation has been a crucial process of healing and son defends archaeology, she also recognizes that many
moving on. John F. C. Johnson, chairman of the Chugach object to archaeological research as they feel it would be
Heritage Foundation, contributes an essay on the return
better left alone. For some this may be appropriate. But
of masks and other artifacts looted from caves in Prince
William Sound. He writes: A cultural renaissance is for me archaeology has opened a new world. The key is
now sweeping across Alaska like a winter storm. Native that the Native people must control the research effort.
cultural centers and spirit camps for the Native youth Otherwise its just another rip-off, with scientists com
are being built across this great land and in record num ing in and taking instead of sharing (2001:8990). Power
bers (2001:93). Repatriation is a critical part of these is openly an issue in the new research partnerships. Pul
heritage movements. It establishes indigenous control lar (2001:78) takes a certain distance from the version of
over cultural artifacts and thus the possibffity of engag
19. The potential uses of archaeology by subordinate peoples to
ing with scientific research on something like equal help maintain their pasts in the face of the universalizing and dom
terms. Repatriation is not, Johnson stresses, the end to inating processes of Westernization and Western science. land]
.

the thirst for knowledge, but is a new starting point in to maintain, reform, or even form a new identity or culture in the
building trust and cooperation. . .Cooperation and part
. face of multinational encroachment, outside powers, or centralized
nership with science is important if we want to under government are emphasized by Ian Hodder in an important ar
gument for interpretive archaeology (1991:14). Hodder also rec
stand the full picture of human history (p. 92). ognizes that there are no political guaranteesthat heritage at
Dawson (2001) discusses the establishment of the Mu chaeology can be appropriated by development projects and
tiiq Museum and Archaeological Repository and de governmental resource management.
PROOF 14 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number r, February 2003

Alutiiq anthropology, archaeology, and history presented privilege to insider knowledge (his own academic
by Crowell and Luhrmann: fieldwork was among Siberian reindeer herders) and asks
why the Native anthropologist is always, in effect, re
The results of academic research are, of course, im quired to speak from an emic rather than an eric
portant in describing how Alutiiq people have come position. Is not the whole purpose of research to learn,
to view themselves today. But at the same time, the including the exploration of different approaches to
reader must decide how the various views of Alutiiq knowing (hermeneutics)? If Natives cannot write from
culture and identity fit together. Listening to Alutiiq both Native and scientific perspectives then what is the
people about how they view their own history is purpose of doing anthropology? (2001:79). Citing the
equally important. There are times when the indige examples of Knud Rasmussen (Creenlandic Inuit/Dan
nous viewpoint is diametrically opposed to that of ish), Oscar Kawagley (Yupik), and Alfonzo Ortiz (Tewa),
Western scholarship. The age-old question what is Haakanson argues that Native approaches to the field,
truth? may be appropriate in this circumstance. while not necessarily better, are just as valid as any
The proposition that there can be more than one others. As do many others in Looking Both Ways, he
truth is often overlooked. recognizes differential authorities while sustaining,
Pullar does not object to anything specific in Crowell where possible, contexts of exchange and translation.
and Luhrmanns discussion (which weaves together ac The Alutiiq heritage visible here is not a single thing,
ademic research findings and elders memories) but ar with sharply defined insides and outsides. In Pul
gues more generally that academic and Native positions lars words, it is defined by a mosaic of historical events
of authority need to be distinguished if new relations are and overlapping criteria (2001:9 5). Inflexible measures
to emerge. As do many indigenous intellectuals today, of belonging such as the blood quantum required for
Pullar urges that traditional origin myths be given equal ANCSA enrollment in practice exclude many who can
status alongside the findings of archaeology. The insis not be sure of their exact ancestry. Looking Both Ways
tence is less on agreement than on respect. He traces the emphasizes kinship, including affiance as well as
emergence on Kodiak Island of codes of ethics gov blood (pp. 9596). This relational way of being Alutiiq
erning scientific research (prior community permission, depends on participation in Native life: residence in a
direct participation, sharing of results). Of course, more village, Orthodox religious practice, language use, sub
than a few scholars will be reluctant to accept such lim sistence activities, heritage revival and transmission.
itations, withdrawing to less fraught research contexts Alutiiqness is thus something constantly rearticulated
while privatelyand sometimes publiclyprotesting in changing circumstances and power charged relations
with relatives and outsiders. Indeed, one is left with the
against religious obscurantism and political censorship.
impression that the political label Alutiiq, although it
Among indigenous activists a corresponding suspicion is
is becoming institutionally entrenched (with the help of
reinforced by painful histories of arrogant, intrusive, projects like Looking Both Ways), cannot be a definitive
or exploitative scientific collecting. Indeed, Pullars tribal or national name. In some communities
appeal for equality of indigenous myth and Western Aleut is still favored, and whereas Alutiiq strongly
science may represent, for the moment, a utopian vi suggests Pullars historical mosaic, an alternative eth
sion, given histories of mutual suspicion and persistent nonym, SugpiaQ evokes ties with older, pre-Russian
power imbalances (for example, the unequal struggle of traditions. People use more than one term, depending on
oral tradition and documentary evidence in land-claims the audience and the occasion.
litigation). In the face of these antagonistic legacies, In Looking Both Ways descriptions of traditional forms
Looking Both Ways proposes a space in which, as Pullar of life (archaeological and ethnographic artifacts, inter
says, the reader must decide how the various views of spersed with elders statements) evoke facets of a dis
Alutiiq culture and identity fit together. Crowell, in his tinctive style: our way of living. To call this way of
introductory chapter, traces changing academic practices living Alutiiq consolidates and marks off a discrete
and argues for the specificity and thus partiality of all identity. Scholars have understood similar processes of
ways of looking at culturefrom both the outside and social differentiation as ethnic boundary-marking
the inside (2001:8). Part genuine coalition, part respect (Barth 1969), the processual invention of culture (Wag
ful truce, Looking Both Ways offers varied perspectives ner 1981), and etbnogenesis (Roosens 1989, Hill 1996).
that need to be adjusted, weighed, and assembled. What Each of these approaches captures something of what is
is proposed by all contributors to the volume is not a All assume that selective, creative cultural
going on.
2
take-it-or leave-it vision of scientific versus Native truth memory, border policing, and transgression are funda
but a pragmatic relationship: live-and-let-live where
there is opposition, collaboration in the considerable ar zo. The ethnogenesis approach is particularly relevant to Alutiiq
eas of overlap. experience. In Hills definition, ethnogenesis is not merely a label
Lines are drawn around heritage and identity but not for the historical emergence of ulturally distinct peoples but a
hardened. Sven Haakanson Jr., a recent Ph.D. in anthro concept encompassing peoples simultaneously cultural and polit
ical struggles to create enduring identities in general contexts of
pology from Harvard and currently director of the Alutliq radical change and discontinuity (1996:1). The perspective builds
Museum, offers a pointed meditation on the predicament on Edward Spicers (rg8o, ig8z) pioneering work on enduring
of the Native anthropologist. He gives no absolute indigenous societies across centuries of colonial dominance.
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways PROOF x

mental aspects of collective agency. Culture is articu else, this storm will pass over some day (quoted in
lated, performed, and translated, with varying degrees of Chaussonnet 1995:15).
power, in specific relational situations. Economic pres One might understand Shagnin as positing an ancient
sures and changing governmental policies are very much cultural identity or tradition that is impervious to his
part of the process, and so are changing ideological con torys destructive storms. Indeed, feeling for this kind of
texts (for example, post-196os cultural movements and deep continuity with a prehistoric past is always part
the development of global indigenous politics). Com of the indigenous longue durde. But there is surely more
ponents of tradition.oral sources, written texts, and to the metaphor. As Craig Mishlers contribution to
material artifactsare rediscovered and rewoven. At Looking Both Ways, Kodiak Alutiiq Weather Lore
tachments to place, to changing subsistence practices, (200I:15o51), makes clear, weather in places like Ko
to circuits of migration and family visiting are affirmed. diak Island is never something that happens to you
None of this suggests a wholly new genesis, a made-up storms happen, and you are part of the happening. People
identity, a postmodernist simulacrum, or the rather who live exposed to winds and tides, whose everyday
narrowly political invention of tradition analyzed by livelihood depends on them, have a detailed and exact
Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983), with its contrast of lived knowledge of the changing weather. They know what is
custom and artificial tradition. If authenticity means happening or is about to happen: they act and choose
anything here, it means authentically remade. not to act accordingly. Thus when Shagnin says that the
I have proposed articulation, performance, and trans arrival of the Russians in the eighteenth century began
lation as components of an analytic tool kit for under a long bad spell, she is not invoking something external
standing old/new indigenous formations. Since no single to Alutliq life. Historys weather, its disasters and clear
vocabulary can account for all the attachments, displace ings, are an order that is neither natural nor cultural
ments, and changes, we need to employ terms tactically but, simply, given existence. Events in time occur in
and in combination. Still another dimension is suggested cyclic patterns which are both familiar and uncontrol
by a language of thasporic (dis)connections. In Looking lable. From this perspective, the Russian bad weather
Both Ways, Mary Jane Nielsen (aooi) and Marlane Shari (which brought epidemics, forced labor, creole kinship,
igan (2001) write about villages abandoned (because of the Orthodox religion) and the American bad weather
economic pressure or seismic catastrophe) and express a (missionaries, boarding schools, World War II, land
renewed desire to return. Diasporic identifications are claims, ANCSA, identity movements) become part of an
salient for dispersed urban populations living in Fienup unfinished indigenous history.
Riordans tribal worldwide web. For example, the
Looking Both Ways web site (www.mnh.si.edu/looking
bothways) has received an extraordinary number of hits. Collaborative Horizons
Who are these visitors? Where are they? What is their
relation to the traditional Alutiiq villages featured on When Looking Both Ways opened in Kodiak it drew on
the web site? Unfortunately, there is no feedback or chat- the community-based heritage work of the Alutiiq Mu
room capacity that might suggest an answer.
2 seum and Archaeological Repository. The return of tra
The multiple connections at work in Looking Both ditional artifacts from the Smithsonian, albeit on loan
Ways offer a provocative context for thinking in a non- (what Fienup-Riordan calls visual repatriation), offered
absolutist way about heritage. Alutiiq history has been a powerful symbolic reconnection with the past. When
a story of intense disruptions, interactive survival, and the exhibition traveled to Homer, on the Kenai Penin
flexible strategies for self-determination. These prag sula, it was coordinated with the biannual cultural fes
matic responses, struggles within and against changing tival, Tamamta Katurliuta, celebrated by the Alutiiq vil
hegemonies; can be hidden by the abstract, all-or-nothing lages of Nanwalek, Port Graham, and Seldovia. At
language of sovereignty. Alutiiq heritage and identity Homer, kayaks (recently built in Nanwalek) arrived on
are most concretely understood not as past, or revived the beach to be greeted by Kodiak Island dancers and an
traditions but as ongoing historical practices (La Orthodox prayer. Then, at the Pratt Museum, a large
foret n.d.). Of course, historical is a term that requires potluck/potlatch feast, featuring salmon and seal deli
translation, and in this context I find myself still grap cacies, was shared, and there were plant walks, Eskimo
pling (see Clifford 1997:343) with a statement made by Olympics (feats of balance, tug-of-war, leg wrestling),
the Alutiiq elder Barbara Shagnin: Our people have and seal sampling (scientific dissection and data record
made it through lots of storms and disasters for ing for subsistence monitoring). The crowdNative el
thousands of years. All the troubles since the Russians ders, activists, and youth, Homer inhabitants, museum
are like one long stretch of bad weather. Life everything donors and staff, visitors, and a robed priest from Nan
walekflowed in and out of the exhibition. While the
r. Indigenous web sites have proliferated in the past decade, and festivals gathering of tradition was rich, it was not
a comparative study, if one does not already exist, is overdue. The all-inclusive. Many in Nanwalek did not attend. Some
sites vary widely in sophistication, and they range from externally could not afford air travel across the bay. Others were
oriented self-representations (often specifically directed at tourists smoking, and dry.
and audiences in broader national and international public spheres( busy with the salmon runcapturing,
to sites that archive tribal knowledge and are primarily used in ing fish. The run had recently been restored, thanks to
local education. Most axe specific mediations of the two poles. a tribally organized spawning project in the local river
PROOF i6 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number i, February 2003

and its upstream lakesanother kind of heritage sort of a model for postcolonial research practices does
work. it offer? The question may be clarified with reference to
Alutiiq tradition was performed in several ways that an important essay by Ruth Phillips (n.d.). Drawing on
evening at the Homer High School auditorium. Nick experience directing the University of British Columbia
Tanape Sr.a crucial Alutiiq organizer of the festival Museum of Anthropology, she poses several critical is
presented Gale Parsons of the Pratt Museum with a gift sues for community-museum collaborations.
in recognition of her work with local Alutiiq commu Phillips distinguishes two basic models. In the com
nities. Two dance groups, in their distinctive styles, en munity-based exhibition, indigenous authorities deter
acted the looking both ways theme. A group of school- mine the selection and interpretation of materials. Mu
age children, the Kodiak Alutiiq Dancers, dressed in seum curators function as facilitators, and a unified
old-style snow-falling parkas and beaded headdresses, Native perspective is the goal. This is primarily an ex
performed well-rehearsed traditional dances to a drum hibition by and for a specific community, sometimes
beat. The mood was earnest and respectful. The evening producing displays not sufficiently contextualized for
ended with the exuberant Nanwalek Sugpiaq Dancers, general audiences. The second, multivocal model jux
in their teens and twenties. Their dances, newly impro taposes Native and non-Native perspectives. The goal is
vised on old patterns were inspired by maskalataq, syn to display different interpretations of the same event or
cretic masking dances performed during the Orthodox text based on a negotiation of shared authority between
New Year with considerable room for individual inven the participants. When the differences of perspective are
tion and play. In Jeff Leers words, The Nanwalek Danc too sharp, audiences expecting a coherent explanation
ers purposefully use . . .knowledge [of maskalata] to can be confused. Phillips thinks of her two models as
create new dances, asking themselves what this or that ideal types that in practice are often mixed. It is worth
movement originally represented, perhaps the surfacing distinguishing them, she argues, because misunderstand
of a seal or the flight of a fowl. Therefore, although the ing and tension can arise when participants in a project
dances are newly invented, they are built around the bits are working with incompatible models.
and pieces of traditional Alutiiq culture that the new Looking Both Ways reflects a specific negotiation of
generation have been able to mine from the tradition- agendas. The book, as we have seen, leans toward the
hearers of the village (2001:219). To the twang of an multivocal, juxtaposing voices without seeking to ex
electric guitar, the dancerssome in tall Denaina (Ath press a single, coherent Alutiiq or scientific per
abaskan) feather headdressesmixed gestures and spective. The exhibition tends toward the other model.
rhythms from Native tradition and contemporary pop or Overall it reflects community self-images, seamlessly
hip-hop. The effect was joyful, serious, and comic, and aligning academic (historical and archaeological) knowl
by the end of the evening much of the audience was edge with elders memories and visions. (The same can
gyrating on the stage. The next stop for Looking Both be said of the web site, www.mnh.si.edu/lookingboth
Ways was Anchorage, and at its opening celebration the ways, which adopts an insider rhetoricour history,
Nanwalek dancers again brought down the house. our family, our beliefs, etc.featuring photos of
Events and books like Looking Both Ways are inher families and local villages, juxtaposed throughout with
ently celebratory. The good news of survival and public archaeological artifacts.) The exhibition was probably
recognition ultimately prevails over the bad news of co most community-based at the times it merged with
lonialism, historical decimation, ongoing economic mar Native-directed heritage events and institutionsthe
ginality, and cultural losses. Smallpox, forced labor, con opening at Kodiak and the Tamamta Katurliuta Festival
temporary alcoholism, poverty, and high suicide rates are at Homer. Understood as a spectrum of performances,
seldom part of the redeeming vision. This selection and the Looking Both Ways project is a combination of Phil
purification is evident in the uplifting pedagogical pres lipss two agendas.
entations at the Alaska Native Heritage Center. Looking The book, designed to be a work of historical reference
Both Ways actually presents a more ambivalent histor and inspiration for both cultural insiders and outsiders,
ical story, shadowed by Russian massacres and labor re may well achieve something like canonical statusfor
gimes. Elders regret the passing of customary skills and better and worse. As a collaboration, its successful me
recall language prohibition in American boarding cliation of potentially divisive agendas reflects, as we
schools. But the overall message is, appropriately, hope have seen, a specific history of Alutiiq (re)emergence and
ful: We are still here, looking back to go forward. The the work of individual scholars, activists, and culture
good news is reinforced by many smiling portraits and brokers to maintain reciprocity. Overall, the project
by superb color photos of artifacts and places; even the aligns oral traditions with scientific evidence, playing
massacre site at Refuge Rock makes stunning Alaskan down discrepancies. Where this is impossible, Pullars
scenery. different truths coexist.
As we have seen, the hopeful story told in Looking Affiances such as Looking Both Ways require compro
Both Ways also features a vision of reciprocity in aca mise on all sides, patient listening, careful consultation,
demic research (primarily archaeology but also histori andthe key wordsequality and respect. Clearly, in
cal/cultural anthropology and linguistics). The shape of situations of ongoing oppression and acute political an
the project (and, no doubt, its broad financial support) tagonism their resolution will seem utopic, and indeed
depended on well-established collaborative work. What it is utopic, or at least strategic, in the current Alutiiq
CLIFFORD Looking Several Ways I PROOF i

context. One may wonder who is not included in its band and tribal politics, and still others that concern
polyphony. Is there a privileging of certain activists and themselves with social issues. . .The encounter of
.

spokespersons, particular elders and tradition bearers? different values, different priorities, often creates
One occasionally glimpses the limits of this multivo problems that can only sometimes be resolved.
cality: for example, Native opponents of archaeology are
While the proliferation of tribal institutions such as the
answered but not quoted. (The resistance tends to be
Alutiiq Museum complicates their equation of museums
found among the very old, who believe that remains
with dominant power, Jonaitis and Inglis keep us aware
should be left alone and that buried objects may have
of persistent inequalities and conflicting interests that
been polluted by shamans.) Responses to the exhibition
can only be partially mitigated through collaboration. In
by the many Natives who attended have been enthusi
astic, but we are limited to anecdotal accounts. Since a similar vein, Ruth Phillips (n.d.) interrogates the role
travel to the exhibitions venues can be expensive, it is that museums play in processes of social change: Put
clear that many economically marginal Alutiiq in dis simply, does the growing popularity of collaborative ex
persed villages cannot have participated and may well hibits signal a new era of social agency for museums, or
have little interest in heritage or tradition performed on does it make the museum a space where symbolic res
this public scale. Thus, while recognizing the projects titution is made for the injustices of the colonial era in
remarkable inclusiveness and range of perspectives, it is lieu of more concrete forms of social, economic and po
important not to lose sight of the partiality and contin litical redress?
gency of its achievement. Through its polyphony, new These assertions are not meant to discredit either col
positions of tribal and academic authority are claimed; laborative heritage work or the community-based activ
tradition is textualized for public consumption, and local ism of tribal museums. Their authors do, however, insist
arguments and sensitive topics are inevitably glossed on realistic expectations and the absence of guarantees.
2
over? In this they reinforce the perspective of Native scholars
Placing Looking Both Ways and Agayuliyararput (Our like Vine Deloria Jr. who, while seeing new pos
Way of Making Prayer) in a wider political context, it is sibffities for joint projects, never loses sight of ongoing
worth citing cautionary statements by the museum cu structural inequalities. Genuinely impressive works like
rators Aldona Jonaitis Richard Inglis (i) and by Ruth Looking Both Ways need to be appreciated as fruitful,
Phillips. Jonaitis and Inglis reflect on the limits of col contingent coalitions rather than as performances of
laborative museum work (p. 159): postcolonial virtue.
Phfflipss question about the degree to which cultural
Today it is de rigeur for curators to involve [Native celebrations may, in practice, substitute for other forms
peoplelas advisors, consultants, or co-curatorsin of politics does not admit of a simple answer. As I have
museum representations of their culture. This is cer suggested, much depends on specific political contexts
tainly an improvement over the situation in the past and possibilities. A symptomatic critique of heritage
when a white, usually male, curator decided by him- work may see it as occupying a comfortable niche in
sell the theme and content of an exhibition. It does postmodern multicultural hegemonies: every identity
not, however, solve the problems of the situation of gets its exhibition, web site, coffee-table book, or film.
Native peoples in the contemporary world. Muse I have argued that this view, while partly correct, misses
ums have far more relevance to the powerfulthose a great deal of indigenous cultural process and politics.
capable of acquiring and housing art and artifacts The old/new articulations, performances, and transla
than they do to the disempowered. Moreover, there tions of identity are not enough to bring about structural
is no such entity as the Native voice, one that socioeconomic change. But they reflect and to a real ex
speaks with authority for the entire community. tent create new conditions for indigenous solidarity, ac
There exist many voices, some of which speak for tivism, and participation in diverse public spheres. When
upholders of cultural traditions, others that address they are understood as part of a wider politics of self-
determination, heritage projects are open-ended in their
22, Arthur Mason (2002) proposes a class analysis of the heritage significance. To reduce the Alaska Native Heritage Cen
alliances between Alutiiq corporate leaders and academic scholars ter to a cultural theme park and cruise-ship destination
during the I9Sos. His historical account of the return to tradition would miss its intertribal and public education agenda,
and Native identity by an Alutiiq cohort is illuminating but
sketcby in its published form so far. He rightly underlines the role its Native youth participation, its arts programs. Simi
of academic participation in Alutiiq heritage work. Linguistic maps, larly, seen across their several contexts of production and
excavations, and museum objects bave been used, he argues, for reception, Looking Both Ways and The Living Tradition
the development of identity and cultural legitimacyimagined of Yupil< Masks are much more than coffee-table books
community making of the sort described by Benedict Anderson
(1991). The participation of archaeologists, linguists, and anthro
even if they do end up on coffee tables (and some kitchen
pologists is, however, not adequately explained by Masons new tables). The Alutiiq Museum, while open to tourists, is
class perspective. Looking beyond the individual intentions primarily a local cultural. center whose oral history, com
more or less idealisticof academic heritage partners, an analysis munity archaeology, language, and education projects
of concrete interests might better understand collaborative praxis
as a way of maintaining professional status, pragmatically contin gather and transmit a newly dynamic Alutiiq (Sugpiaq)
uing field rescarch in politicized situations while asserting a new identity.
ethics of scientific knowledge. I have argued for a complex approach to the politics
PROOF 18 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 45, Number r, February 2003

of tradition. Native heritage projects reach selectively culture, in Looking both ways. Edited by Axon Crowell, Amy
into the past, opening paths to an undermined future. Stefflan, and Gordon Pullar, pp. 2577. Fairbanks: University of
Alaska Press.
They act within and against new national and transna CROWELL, ARON, AMY STEFFIAN, AND GORDON PUL
tional structures of empowerment and control. While it LAR. Editors. 2001. Looking both ways: Heritage and identity
is too early to say what the ultimate significance of these of the Aluthq people. Fairbanks: University of Alaska Press.
transactions will be, it is clear that the historical weather CRUIKSHANK, JULIE. 1998. The social life of stories: Narra
tive and knowledge in the Yukon territory. Lincoln: University
has changed in recent decades and that indigenous cul of Nebraska Press.
tural movements are very much part of the new climate. CURTIS, TIM. 2003. Talking about place: Identities, histories,
I have also affirmed the role played by scholars, Native and powers among the Nahai speakers of Malekula (Vanuatu).
and non-Native, in sustaining heritage movements. The Ph.D. diss., Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Aus
projects reviewed here are important, hopeful coalitions. tralian National University, Canberra, Australia.
DAWSON, RUTH ALICE OLSEN. 2001. Bridging traditions
While they do not transcend longstanding inequalities and science, in Looking both ways. Edited by Axon Crowell,
or resolve struggles for cultural authority, they at least Amy Steffian, and Gordon Pullar, pp. 8990. Fairbanks: Univer
demonstrate that Natives and anthropologists, openly sity of Alaska Press.
recognizing a fraught common history, need not paint DELORIA, VINE, JR. 5969. Custer died for your sins: An In
themselves into corners. dian manifesto. New York: Avon.
1997. Conclusion: Anthros, Indians, and planetary real
ity, in Indians and anthropologists: Vine Deloria and the cri
tique of anthropology. Edited by Thomas Biolsi and Larry Zim
merman, pp. 2092 I. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
2000. Foreword, in Skull wars: Kennewick Man, ar

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