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New regimes of governance today emerge in connection with the effects of globally
induced structural reforms, privatization and land or property reforms, and
transnational economic or legal integration. These affect local relations in a broad
range of settings. The comparative study of different cases requires a shared defini-
tion and a joint understanding of regimes of governance. In this contribution we as-
sess existing approaches and propose a definition and understanding of governance
that can be made useful for an anthropological analysis of processes of regulation,
ordering and distribution. We find that many of the existing approaches and theo-
ries to the study of governance are either normative teleological projects or centred
in European (or Western) situations of governance that do not allow for the adapta-
tion to different historical and regional situations. In this paper we provide exam-
ples from our own long-term anthropological research in West Africa (Burkina Fa-
so and Chad) and in India.
For an approach that can be made useful for anthropological research we define
governance as the administration of access to and provision of rights, services and
goods that imply also the definition of categories of inclusion and entitlements that
are explicit or implicit in governmental practices. The concept of governance focus-
es our attention on processes of ordering and capacities of steering and allocation
in which various organizations have a claim. Increasingly new agents of governance
share in the administration of everyday life, in the organization of access to and
provision of services and goods. They all explicitly or implicitly involve themselves
also in the definition of rights and entitlements.
We would thus like to use the concept of governance to assess these different
processes of de-centralization and privatization, and the various practices of ex-
erting governmental power under one analytical concept. This concept of gover-
nance leaves behind conventional distinctions between state, civil society and the
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economy, between public and private and does not privilege one organization or in-
stitution, like the state, as the natural or right centre of governance. Rather, it
opens up the analysis of domination, rule or government to the interdependencies
between different actors that shape these, the processes within which constellations
of power between such governmental actors emerge and consolidate.
It is important to us to relocate the analysis of governance from the state or
government into a field shaped by various actors that produce specific govern-
mental regimes through interaction, not simply because we observe governance in
this sense to be more often than not conducted by both state and non-state actors,
but also because we feel it might further an anthropological approach to the state.
The concept of states at work (Bierschenk 2010) that Thomas Bierschenk devel-
1
oped together with his colleagues captures the constructed character of state insti-
tutions and the labour that goes in to them. Rather than limiting the metaphor of
the construction site to the ever unfinished and highly disintegrated bureaucracies
that resulted from the specific African paths of colonial and post-colonial history,
we suggest using this metaphor as a more general approach to the study of the
everyday production of stateness that is at the core of the idea of states at work.
While the reproduction of governing institutions in the practices of officials and cit-
izens has been recognized (e.g. Fuller/Harriss 2000; Gupta/Sharma 2009;
Hansen/Stepputat 2001; Mitchell 1999; Schlichte/Migdal 2005, 24), their actual
construction has rarely been addressed. The notion of States at work, by concen-
trating on how these state systems actually work and what effect they have on the
dynamic of governing, draws our attention to the ongoing construction work that
makes the state, the shaping that state institutions are subject to when used. In a
similar vein, Klaus Schlichte, Dietrich Jung and Julia Eckert used the term the Ar-
tifices of government to inquire into the specific formation and actualization of
state rule as the unintended outcome of social practices associated to the intended
use and appropriation of state resources and agencies (Schlichte et al. 2006). They
wanted to conceptualize the exertion of state authority as a process of complex so-
cial interactions and to address the importance of the social practices of individu-
als, collectives, organizations, of state and non-state actors. With the term artifice
they pointed to exactly that labour and craft, the workmanship that seems to be in-
volved in the banal, habitual, routinized functioning of what might be called the
2
real state at work, thus the everyday reproduction of forms of stateness through
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a) Good governance
As has been abundantly highlighted, governance as a concept has been used to de-
fine certain standards of Good governance. Good governance as a policy tool
advocates specific governmental regimes, that is, specific divisions of labour be-
tween state, local community, trans-national or international and private (busi-
ness) organizations as most beneficial for the efficient management of national
welfare. It proposes to be about the rational management of public affairs. Such
policies in as much as they are connected to incentives and sanctions of monetary
or market access, reconfigure (and intend to reconfigure) constellations of the ac-
tors involved in governance. Conditional ties are connected to aid, which regulate
the transfer of agency to (sometimes newly and specifically created) non-state or
international bodies. These conditions are also meant to directly influence govern-
mental decisions of resource allocation.
This is the case in Chad, for example, which, in the process of turning into an
oil exporting country in 2003, was given a credit by the World Bank to finance the
building of a bi-national pipeline. This was connected to the demand for democrati-
zation and the condition that money flows gained from oil returns would be moni-
tored by independent NGOs (Pegg 2005). When the first returns were used by
Chads president Idriss Dby to buy weapons for the ongoing civil war the World
Bank installed an independent commission to watch over the organization of the
entire project and report suggestions for its improvement and organization to the
World Bank, the consortium of oil companies involved in the building of the
pipeline and the government of Chad (Guyer 2002). A Revenue Management Law
was passed by the Chadian regime to guarantee that the oil revenues were used in
the way intended by the World Bank and to have the distribution of oil related
funds overseen by an independent committee. Rather than being effective, howev-
er, it mirrored this commissions main preoccupation, which was the Chadian
regimes ambiguous desire to keep a balance between its internal support of militia
or ethnic groups on the one hand and on the other hand to create an outside ap-
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ECKERT, BEHRENDS , DAFINGER | GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE
pearance of international cooperation and good governance. Almost ten years af-
ter the first extraction of crude oil in Chad, it turned out that much of this process
was flawed. In spite of the Revenue Management Law the temporal development of
the pipeline building and oil extraction process was much faster than the instal-
ment of supervisory institutions and the planning of social infrastructure. Thus the
Chadian regime not actually intending to provide for transparency in spending
procedures had already let much of the money pass through channels hard to re-
cover for the overseeing committee once it was ready to operate (Ndika 2005).
Anthropological analysis also needs to scrutinize the unintended outcomes of
good governance policies. One example of the more subtle levels of good gover-
nance schemes are the incentive structures that privilege specific forms of social
organization over others, i.e. giving preference to types of existing administrative
organization that are considered more compatible with state administration and
other institutions.
While such preference for state-like local political organization has its roots in
the colonial practice of indirect rule, post-colonial principles of good governance
generally propagate a more participatory approach. Local communities are encour-
aged to organize around forms of open civil organizations and corporations as
counterparts for administrative politics. Dafingers studies redraw how Burkina Fa-
so encouraged the formation of administrative communities as counterparts for the
states and civil organizations in the wake of decentralisation and administrative re-
form. The aim was to incorporate local forms of leadership, along with newly em-
powered marginal groups and other local social units into the national administra-
tive and political sector, and achieve an even distribution of economic and political
resources. The official parameters defining such administrative communities tend
to privilege territorially conceived political organization over non-spatial types of
communal organization. Farmers generally attain a higher visibility for state and
civil organizations than mobile or dispersed herding communities.
Assessing criteria of good governance and assessing the success of good gov-
ernance practice cannot be left to the governing institutions alone. Anthropology
offers the tools to study developmental policies and related policy requirements
beyond their explicit self-declared goals and puts a special emphasis on seemingly
unintentional processes. Alongside the impact of specific economic models on ad-
ministrative organization, these (so called) conditionalities are likely to affect
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b) Governmentality
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ECKERT, BEHRENDS , DAFINGER | GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE
policies can thus not only be interpreted as the result of centralised decision
processes, but also as the outcome of specific local constellations (Rottenburg
2009).
This idea of governance as shaped in its specific form by the interaction of var-
ious organizations and groups, by their various interests and their power relations,
but also by the unintended outcomes of their interaction implies that governmental
regimes are most likely always subject to change precisely because they are pro-
duced in the interaction of various actors. As an example of such unintended out-
comes actively produced by various actors we would like to return briefly to the
Revenue Management Law proposed by the World Bank as a mechanism to counter
the resource curse in Chad. Not only did it produce very different kinds of civil so-
ciety and advocacy groups who now counter the national governments action by
recurring to the internationally devised law, but the Chadian regime also made use
of the law in its own interest: in order to justify, in a later amendment, the inclusion
of security as part of the measures for which to spend oil money and thus, effec-
tively, to justify the purchase of heavy arms and artillery for its own defence against
rebel groups.
As a general statement, we advocate a practice oriented approach that also
considers apparent stability of specific governmental regimes as a process that is ac-
tively produced by those involved. The governance concept therefore also opens up
a perspective that moves beyond assumptions that consider power to be imbued
and situated in specific positions which still prevail in much thought on governmen-
tal issues. Rather, we consider it necessary to trace the production of certain power
relations, their persistence and possibly their specific forms of transformation.
Such an approach does not make any presumptions about the specific role of the
state or various state agencies in such governmental regimes. A preliminary classi-
fication allows to differentiate three patterns, which see either a (partial) retreat
(departure) of the state, an arrival of state institutions and regulation, or the state
as a persistent but internally changing actor. Each of these major categories may
be further differentiated and on the empirical level boundaries between the ideal
types will be blurred. They have normatively been valued differently by different
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a) retreating states
a) the devolution of the states productive and distributive tasks to private or-
ganizations like charitable organizations or commercial enterprises that pos-
sibly devolve informally also regulation as much as it is inherent in distribution
and production;
b) the formal decentralisation and devolution of regulatory tasks in specific
fields, be they of the kind of personal status regulations or the devolution of re-
gulation for and jurisdiction over the internal affairs of corporations, but also
of development projects and international NGOs.
c) The third process is the independent establishment, or persistence of parallel
centres of governmental authority that wield control over specific territories,
specific groups of people or specific economic spheres and they do not stand in
a subsidiary, complementary relation to the state but in a parallel and autono-
mous one.
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ECKERT, BEHRENDS , DAFINGER | GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE
tion by private or community organizations that were not target of the initial
policies, but that are strengthened in their governmental significance thereby also
in other fields of governmental activity.
Frequently such autonomy and the associated ruptures of the integrity of the
ideal type modern state, and thus signs of its failure, have been seen in the estab-
lishment of sub-state local fiefdoms of (neo-) traditional authorities, big men,
warlords, or etc. (Trotha 2000; Humphrey 1999; Schlichte/Wilke 2000). But in-
fringements on state sovereignty have been associated also with the autonomy of
trans-national corporations and their regulatory autonomy and recently also with
the project law established by international development organizations (Benda-
Beckmann 2001; Risse et al. 2000). Many countries, but most dramatically in post-
socialist contexts, have seen state monopolies fall that were taken over by semi-
state and non-state organizations. These organizations fill the vacuum a retreating
state leaves behind. These processes can be but are not necessarily intended by the
governments involved. The states presence or absence, withdrawal or arrival might
also affect different sections of society differently, and might actually mean less ac-
cess to state provisions for some groups, and at the same time more access to these,
or more control by state agencies to others. In the Chad research project, for exam-
ple, one party to the recent armed conflict had good access to state institutions like
the prefecture and police brigade on the Chadian as well as the Sudanese side of the
border. This access served them in questions of land-use or ownership of land and
other legal or economical claims. The other party to the conflict had less access to
and therefore less trust in agencies of the state on both sides of the border and thus
came to rely on services provided by non-state organizations such as international
agencies and NGOs, which previously had been given the right to operate in the re-
gion by the central state, but soon developed their own legal and institutional struc-
tures on the ground (Behrends 2007; 2008; Behrends & Schlee 2008).
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state regulation in fields where national institutions had so far been of only margin-
al relevance. Subsistence livelihoods in remote rural areas, as well as informal eco-
nomic activities in urban areas are major fields for organizations which, despite
their civil character, still operate within the legal and political framework of the
state. Many actively propagate national rules and regulations, and often explicitly
aim at the transition of local, informal, or subsistence based livelihoods into formal
social and business practice.
Slum dwellers organizations or garbage recycling schemes are only some of
the attempts to permeate the formal-informal boundaries, promoting for full citi-
zenship rights of the marginalized urban poor, and pushing the state into areas
that have very much been excluded from its infrastructural and administrative
schemes. Rural areas witness the arrival of the state often in more legalistic terms.
In most West African states, land legislation had been of no practical relevance for
rural communities. Until recently, a landed gentry allocated access rights based on
rules of kinship and residence; the fact that the state was legally the allodial
landowner was simply deemed relevant by and in fact unknown to a majority of
the population. Only when non-governmental organizations set out to restructure
local production systems from the mid 1990s onwards, have national titling
schemes become a viable option for individuals and rural communities. By giving
up its exclusive claim and allocating limited property rights to these local groups in
the course of privatization programs, the state created incentives for local groups to
adapt to the administrative framework and get registered as administrative units
within the territorial state. Dafinger has described how in Burkina Faso develop-
ment organizations have used land reforms and titling schemes to create distinct
economic zones and separate different modes of production, resettling parts of the
population. As a result, everyday conflicts significantly declined, bringing down the
opportunity costs of agro-pastoral cohabitation (such as crop damage or injuries to
cattle). At the same time these organizations offered juridical and administrative
services, safeguarding the rule of bylaws, regulating land allocation, decisions over
crop types and cattle quota. The local population became subject to a blend of na-
tional legislation and de facto civil-organizational jurisdiction. Donor organizations
further support this process by focusing on such these communities in providing
new economic and political resources, such as bore holes, or health and education
institutions, reifying nationally recognised forms of community organization. To
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ECKERT, BEHRENDS , DAFINGER | GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE
focus on the arriving state, i.e. the increasing vertical expansion of the state into
matters of everyday life through third agents, permits to adequately describe the
range of possible changes in the role of states in governance regimes. Civil organi-
zation, here, in its Hegelian guise, complements and builds, rather than competes
with the states alleged responsibilities.
The emergence of new agents of governance may see yet a third pattern, the persist-
ence if not increase of the states importance through controlling processes of de-
volvement. While specific tasks that the state used to handle are being outsourced,
the state and its institutions maintain control and regulate access to these fields of
governance. Such control may however be exercised not by the government or the
state as an integrated organizational complex, but by specific state agencies:
The concept of the state as an integrated entity has long been abandoned or
reformulated as an effect in itself (Mitchell 1999). When not examining this par-
ticular effect of a seeming coherence of the state, social anthropologists, if at all
addressing the state, have examined the practices and relations of different state
agencies, focussing on their strategies and roles among the actors that shape gover-
nance regimes. The paradoxical processes of simultaneous withdrawal and increase
of state presence, for example, could be examined also by analysing the emerging
institutional compositions of stateness, as well as the alliances that are formed be-
tween different state agencies and specific social groups. What is of interest, and
becomes accessible through a concept of governance is the question what role
which particular state agencies play, how they interact with specific para-state and
non-state institutions, and how this shapes a specific configuration of stateness. In
urban India, for example state governance is characterized by different forms of the
division of labour in different geographic areas, relating to different segments of the
population, or to particular fields of governance such as law making, adjudication,
infrastructure, service delivery, etc. Different state agencies enter into different
forms of alliances, cooperative or competitive relations with various non-state
agencies involved in governmental activities, such as NGOs, residents associations,
local politicians, leaders of organized crime groups or other local strongmen. The
state is often deeply involved in the so-called informal, in the shaping of alliances
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and cooperations, and thus in the drawing of its own boundaries and limits. This
results not necessarily from an integrated strategy but evolves from possibly con-
tradictory strategies of different state and non-state actors. The competitions and
contradictions between and within different state agencies are constitutive of the
alliances that they form with different non-state actors; these determine the shape
that the state acquires.
In urban India, the police appear firstly as one of the critical institutions
which mediate the relations of various centres of authority. They are the middle-
men between party bosses and leaders of criminal gangs; they determine the scope
of action of competing organizations, such as NGOs, self-help associations or local
party offices. The police have thereby also a significant role in organizing access of
ordinary citizens to state and non-state agencies. Secondly, within this system of
graduated sovereignty (Ong 2000: 57) different segments of the populations are
subject to different modi of power (cf. Nuijten and Lorenzo 2009); the police and
their legally sanctioned coercive force - as well as their not legally sanctioned forms
of violence - have been present most prominently to the large section of the Indian
population which live in circumstances defined by aspects of illegality. In urban In-
dia the ones who are present for the police most immediately, and for whom in turn
the police are present on a regular basis involving themselves in their every con-
cerns, are those living or working in the urban slums. They are the ones who en-
counter the police most often and in the most varied of issues. In India we can ob-
serve in many ways what Neocleous (2006: 23) has considered the original concern
of the term police, namely the question of the poor and the potential threat posed
by the new class of poverty to the emerging structures of private property.
This points towards a general trajectory of Indian state organization that sees
a devaluation of the distributive and productive role of the state and the agencies
concerned with the latter, and an increased importance (also in terms of budgetary
allocations) of state agencies of control and security. The domestic adoption of re-
cent international discourses on security (e.g. the war on terror) have made possi-
ble the expansion of executive powers in various legal reforms, and has thus recon-
figured the relations between different state agencies.
Histories of such state-configurations will provide also a denser picture of
state organization than dichotomies like that of the weak vs. the strong state can
provide. Only then can we conclude about the influence of different state models or
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ECKERT, BEHRENDS , DAFINGER | GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE
state situations on local modes of governance, and the relations between govern-
mental regimes and specific organizations of the state system.
Conclusion
Notes
1
http://www.ifeas.uni-mainz.de/projekte/StatesatWork_neu.html
2
ibid
3
http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/world-developmentindicators?cid= GP
D_WDI
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