John Richard Green

TRAGIC CHORUSMEN
IN TARANTO AND ATHENS

ESTRATTO DA:

Rivista di antichita
Anno XXI- n. 1-2- Gennaio-Dicembre 2012

LOFFREDO EDITORE NAPOLI

TRAGIC CHORUSMEN
IN TARANTO AND ATHENS
A piece of funerary relief sculpture is a hitherto un-
recognised item of evidence for theatre performance in
Taranto (Fig. 1)111. It is carved in the normal pale, close-
grained limestone used at Taranto (pietra tenera) and
must have decorated a metope of a naiskosl21. Much of
the upper part, including the figure's head, is missing,
as is the right edge. The bottom, too, is damaged: the
preserved left edge gives the true line. Given the small
size, the quality of the carving is good, with quite fine
detail. There seem to be traces of reddish paint surviv-
ing in the area of the left waist. The figure had the
weight on the left leg while the right is relaxed and bent
at the knee, as is emphasised by the fall of the drapery.
The garment is tied in high-waisted fashion. The right
Fig. 1. Taranto 6166, from Taranto, Arsenale. Pres. ht ca. 25.5cm. Photo: Au-
thor.
155
John Richard Green
hand held some form of staff. The object held in the left
hand is critical to the interpretation, and I shall argue
that it is a mask.
In publishing it in 1975, Carter pointed out that the
subject was 'not obvious'. In exploring the possibilities,
he took the figure as that of a female, and so far as the
clothing is concerned, one can see why. Since then,
however, other pieces and other issues have come to
light. One thinks, for example, of the on-going discus-
sion of the so-called Piraeus relief, Athens NM 1500
(Fig. 2), with its group of figures in female costume and
carrying masks, as they stand before a reclining figure,
surely Dionysos, and his female partner; the figures are
coming to be recognised as representing a group of cho-
rusmen after a successful performance, and they doubt-
less stand for the whole chorus131. The relief must date
to about 400 BC.
Iconographically closer to our figure in Taranto, and
more immediately relevant, is the small figure carved
in relief on the base of a stand for a marble funerary
hydria from Vari in Attica, where it had been brought to
light by deep ploughing (Fig. 3)141. It has no date from
context but on stylistic grounds it should probably be-
long about 380-370 BC. On the front of the hydria is a
Ill Taranto 6166, from Taranto, Arsenale, 3.i.1914. Preserved ht ca
0.255m; preserved width ca 0.18m. Carter 1975,58 n . 113, 144 pl. 20c.
I am most grateful to Antonietta Dell' Aglio and Amelia D' Amicis for
the trouble they went to in locating the piece and allowing me to
examine it in the very limited time available. Also to Paolo Totaro
and his Bari colleagues for their friendship and much practical help.
121 On the source of this stone, see Carter, op. cit. 29; he suggests the
quarry at Carovigno near Ostuni. See also Lippolis 1996.
IJI Micheli 1998, fig. 1. Earlier, see for example Robert 1882; Svoronos
1911, 512 ss., pl. 82; Siisserott 1938, 103 ss., pl. 13.5; Bieber 1961, fig.
113a-b; Neumann 1979, pl. 26b; Slater 1985, pl. 1 (Slater); LIMC VII,
1994, 142, n. 13; Scholl 1996, fig. 8; Comella 2002, 75-76 fig. 69. On
their identification as chorusmen, see my comments in Green 1989,
37 and again in Green 2008, 114-115, followed by Himmelmann and
Scholl; importantly also Csapo 2010b, 14-15 with fig. 1.7, and his dis-
cussion in Csapo 2010a, 94-96.
141Athens NM 4498, from Vari (1961), ADelt 17, 1961-62, Bi Chronika,
37, pl. 37b (Andreiomenou); Daux 1962, 633, fig. 14; Mastrokostas
1966; Stupperich 1977, 163 n . 166; Schmaltz 1978; Kokula 1984, 186 n.
HS; Salta 1991, 249; Kaltsas 2002, 170, n . 334 (but the relevant part not
illustrated). It is being republished by Hans Goette (forthcoming
2013) in the context of a discussion of theatre sites in Attica.
fohn Richard Green
Fig. 2. Athens NM 1500,Jrom Piraeus. Ht 55cm.
family group with, in the centre, a mature male clasp-
ing the hand of a female who moves towards him, her
head slightly lowered in modesty. Another woman
stands at the left and another at the right, this one with
left hand supporting her right elbow and her right hand
to her chin in what is surely to be taken as a gesture of
distress (she is presumably a servant). On the base at
the front, the core group from the hydria is repeated,
thus demonstrating that the base does in fact belong
with the hydria despite their having been found sepa-
rately; on the left side as one faces it, there is the lower
part of a male wearing a himation, and on the right side
is the figure of a choreut dressed as a female and with a
mask in his right hand. His relevance on the edge, as it
were, of the assembly of figures is not entirely self-evi-
dent but he is surely to be interpreted as a member of
the family of the woman whose death is recorded by
the monument, a young man whose participation in a
chorus had brought distinction to them all.
And then there is the fragment of a marble funerary
stele found by chance in the area of the Ambelaki ne-
cropolis on Salamis, now in the Piraeus Museum (Fig.
4)151. Here a young man, facing left, holds a mask before
him with his right hand. The piece must recall the major
event of his sadly foreshortened life, his participation in
a tragic chorus161. We see a little of his forearm in front of
the mask's chin, and his fingers grasp some of the hair
at the top of the mask. A slight depression in his hair
156
suggests that he had a fillet about his head in some oth-
er material, thus implying celebration in the sanctuary
after sharing in a victorious performance. The date is
generally accepted as late fifth century, probably about
420-410 BC.
All this prompts us to look at the Taranto relief with
fresh eyes. The figure is surely a young chorusman,
here too his brief life commemorated by a prominent
act of community service. Even though the area of the
chest is damaged, there is no suggestion of any indica-
tion of breasts. The object in his left hand is certainly a
mask and one can see how his hand runs inside its back.
Something of the gentle waves of hair can be made out
on the back of the head. There is just enough preserved
at the young man's neck to suggest that his head must
have been turned towards it- as one might in any case
have expected. The mask has fairly long hair, coming
well below chin-level, and that on the side closest to
him falls across the inside of his elbow. The face is bad-
ly damaged although one can make out the position of
the eyes. It is a common type of mask in these kinds of
depictions, as we shall see in a moment. It is normally
classified as SS in the Webster-Trendall series, and it
seems to have been used as a standard type to indicate
a chorus, a female chorus, as in fact they so often were
in Euripides. In this case the nature of the chorus seems
to have been made a little more particular since the ob-
ject in the young man's right hand must have been a
thyrsos. He had apparently taken part in a chorus of
maenads. One immediately thinks of Bacchae, but in the
present state of our knowledge I am not totally confi-
dent that we should take the identification so literally
and that 'maenad' is not a generic statement for female
chorus, and 'female chorus' a generic statement for
tragedy.
lSI Piraeus MP 4229 (formerly Salamis Museum 74), pres. ht 70.2cm,
e.g. ADelt 29 (1973-1974) 88ss. (E. Tsirivakos); Slater 1985, pl. 1; Green
1989, 37; Clairmont 1993, n . 1.075; Hirnmelmann 1994, 147 ss., fig. 80;
Scholl 1995, pl. 14; Micheli, 1998, 9 fig. 6; Steinhauer, 1998, fig. 18
(colour).
161 Compare in this respect Comella 2002, although this piece is not
mentioned. As Salta points out (Salta 1991, 249), Aristotle, AthPol
54.8, records that the arrangements for the Dionysia in Salamis were
much the same as those in Athens.

The choice of a young man's participation in a chorus
as a way of commemorating him must have carried con-
siderable resonance. For one thing the event must have
come at some cost to the family in terms of the time and
effort involved for the young man in the learning, the
practice and the training in the music, the words and the
dance in the tragedy or group of tragediesl 71. It must
have taken him away from other activities for consider-
able periods of time, and, in cases in which the family
was not particularly wealthy, this must have meant pe-
riods in which he was not contributing to the family's
income. In other words it must have had material as
well as emotional significance in the life of the family
that was now commemorating his passing. It was also of
significance to the family's public face. If he could have
been thought to have performed well, he brought credit
to the family on a major public occasion, in front of the
assembled community of families, and even more so if
the tragedy had been successful in the competition.
Recognition of the scene on this relief gives added
significance to some images created by the Tarporley
Painter in Taranto in the earlier part of his career, near
the beginning of the fourth century181. They include first
and foremost his bell-krater in the British Museum (Fig.
157
Tragic Chorusmen in Taranto and Athens
Fig. 3a-c. Athens NM 4498, from Vari. Ht of base 26.5cm.
5)191. On the left is a young man being crowned with a
wreath by Nike who at the same time carries a phiale.
The young man carries a mask, surely again type 55,
and it identifies him as a member of a chorus that had
been successful in the competitions. He has some dra-
pery over his left arm and he holds it away from his
body with his right hand in a way that Trendall saw as
characteristic of this early phase of his work. A young
pan is shown on the far right, as an onlooker. One sus-
pects that he finds the young man attractive and that
this is why he carries a bird in his hand, as a love-gift. It
also tells us something of the perceived age of the young
man1101. The setting, as the tendril with its acanthus leaf
171 On training for tragic chorus, see Wilson 2007, as well as his earlier
piece (Wilson 2000) which presents a useful and persuasive over-
view of the context of Athenian drama in terms of its audience, its
function and its societal setting.
rsr See Csapo 2010, 40-52, and Green 2012, written independently and
much delayed in publication.
IJ London 1836.2-24.175 (F 163), said to be from Apulia. Moon 1929,
pl. 13; Borda 1966,42 fig. 32; Trendall1976 pl. 6b; RVAp I, 47, n. 3/12.
M. C. Tzannes (Tzannes 1997) has useful things to say on this series
in general.
llOl One notices that he is less well muscled even than the Eros of the
painter's skyphos in the British Museum 1867.5-8.1175 (F 126), RVAp
fohn Richard Green

I. ..

Fig. 4. Piraeus, from Salamis . Pres. ht 70.2cm.

below readily suggests, is a sanctuary, one imagines

that of the god of theatre.

A further piece, a fragment of a bell-krater in a pri-

vate collection in Switzerland is also attributable to the
Tarporley Painter (Fig. 6). It shows a naked youth being
handed some elaborate drapery by a figure that moves
towards him over uneven ground, while a female mask
of the familiar type rests on a box below. Here again we
seem to be dealing with a representation of a chorus-
man. It will be published more fully in the near future
by Adrienne Lezzi-Hafter.
The painter's bell-krater that was formerly in the
Mitchell collection in New York (Fig. 7) has a figure
usually taken as Dionysos contemplating a mask, a mo-
tif that turns up later in very many contexts1 111. Indeed it
is so common that it is difficult to believe the Tarporley
Painter alone was responsible for its popularity, and we
should remember its Metapontine counterpart on the
fragmentary calyx-krater also in New York1 121. On this
vase he has Dionysos holding the mask in his left hand
while he supports a thyrsos tied with a sash in his right.
Fig. 5. London, British Museum 1836.2-24.175 (F 163), said to be from Apulia.
Tarporley Painter. Ht 34.5cm.
He stands on one side of a small podium on which rests
a bell-krater decorated with dancers. On the right, us-
ing an oinochoe to draw wine from the krater, is a very
genteel horned satyr (young pan), wearing sandals and
carrying a torch. If the painter had a time-frame in
I, 46 n . 3/ 1; Schneider-Herrmann 1970,98-99, fig. 15-16; LIMC III, s.v.
Eros, *557; Trendall1989, fig. 101.
III! Sotheby (New York), Sale Cat., 7 June 2012, n . 18, RVAp I, 46 n . 3/2,
pl. 13; Trendall1988, 140 n. 1, pl. 15, 1; Trendall1989, figs. 102-3; Lis-
sarrague 2008, 441, fig. 19.1; Denoyelle and lozzo 2009, 131, fig. 190.
1121 New York 1958.13.1.13.1; LCS 105 n . 551, pl. 54, 2. Aedicula with
Dionysos and Ariadne at symposion with satyr; tympanon and mask
suspended above, the mask framed by a sash . Close to the Dolon
Painter; ca 400 B.C.

158

Fig. 6. Switzerland, priv. coli. Tarporley Painter. Photo courtesy A. Lezzi-
Hafter.
mind, it was surely evening, after a performance in the
theatre. The mask is again of type SS.
In parenthesis we may observe that it is very difficult
to distinguish the chorusman on the London vase (Fig.
5) from the 'Dionysos' on the New York (Fig. 7) except
that the latter holds a thyrsos and has longer hair. They
are both in a supra-human world and a modest young
pan is present in both cases. It is tempting to believe
that the parallelism is not accidental and that there may
have been a sense in which the one became the other,
that the young man on the London vase, like his sculpt-
159
Tragic Chorusmen in Taranto and Athens
Fig. 7. New York, market (2012). Tarporley Painter. Ht 31.7cm.
ed counterparts, has died and joins a Dionysiac after-
life, becomes like the god and enjoys a future just like
that of the god. Again in terms of composition, if one
utilises a structuralist approach, it is worth comparing
the Tarporley Painter's bell-krater in Madrid (Fig. 8) on
which the same position is given to a young woman,
dressed in much the same way, holding a tympanon
and pipes, and receiving the attention of a young Di-
onysos while a young pan stands just behind him car-
rying a situla and a kottabos-stand adorned with a
sashl131. Despite her nakedness, the angle of her head
shows her as modest. It seems to me possible that the
painter portrayed her as a maenad because that was the
role she would play as a companion of Dionysos in her
life beyond the grave, that is that the motif is parallel to
that of our young men.
We know nothing of the circumstances of the discov-
ery of the London krater, but it must have been found
in a grave. In this respect there may be a further link
1131 Madrid 11079 (Leroux 324), RVAp I, 46 n . 3/6, Schauenburg 2008,
122 fig. 89.
John Richard Green
Fig. 8. Madrid, Museo Arqueol6gico Nacional FD/P/05053 (11079). Tarporley
Painter.
with the naiskos in Taranto, a belief that through his
participation in a chorus, the young man merits a closer
link with the god. The inclusion of the motif on the
monument had a further intention than the mere re-
cording of an historical fact, however praiseworthy that
may of itself have been.
The other chorus-piece by the Tarporley Painter is the
well-known bell-krater in Sydney where he follows the
Attic motif of young men preparing for performance
but with one wearing his mask and therefore playing
the part[141. This idea too must have come from Athens.
It is a motif that goes back at least as far as the Phiale
Painter's pelike in Boston with young men preparing
for performance in a chorus of women[151. It is curious
that this is only example of a satyr-chorus in Apulian
vase-painting despite the existence a number of scenes
such as the Metapontine Cyclops vase in London or the
curious bell-krater with cloaked satyrs by the Dolan
Painter in Princeton, both no later than about 400 Be,
and both apparently echoing satyr-play, as well as a
160
long series of representations of papposilenos masks
and of papposilenoi dressed in theatre costume running
through much of the fourth century[161. The only piece
that comes at all near is a bell-krater in Moscow with
what appears to be a satyr-player pursuing a maenad[171.
If one looks closely, however, the figure is better de-
scribed as a satyr wearing the loincloth of a satyr-player:
he has his own tail, he seems not to wear a mask but to
have his own head, and the marking on the loincloth is
not positioned as it should be- on the hip- but lower
down as if the painter was unsure or somewhat out of
touch. Tugusheva in the CVA attributed the vase to the
late phase of the Iris Painter, thought to be a follower of
the Tarporley Painter. He had perhaps seen one or two
other vases with satyr-players earlier in his career.
All this is a sub-section of what one might call'cho-
regic art', a topic that has been so admirably discussed
by Csapo[181. It draws on its popularity in Athens in the
later years of the fifth century, as expressed in choregic
monuments so prominently displayed along the Street
of the Tripods and elsewhere, in other commemorative
paintings and reliefs both in the city and in the demes,
in the series of red-figure bell-kraters with chorusmen
from satyr-play, especially those of the Dinos Painter
and his colleagues, and then with his successors in the
bell-kraters and volute-kraters associated with the Pro-
1~<1 Sydney, Nicholson Museum 47.05, formerly in the Hamilton col-
lection. Green et al. 2003, 40-41, n. 12 (colour ills), with earlier refs;
CVA (1) pl. 2.
JtsJ Boston 98.883, from Cerveteri. ARV2 1017, 46; Bieber 1961, fig. 90;
Caskey- Beazley 1931, pl. 29, 63; Pickard-Cambridge 1968, 182, fig.
34; Boardman 1989, fig. 124; Oakley 1990, 39, 73-74, n . 46, pl. 6a;
Green 1994, 165-6, fig. 165; Himmelmann 1994, 146, fig. 78.
1161 The Metapontine Cyclops vase, London 1947.7-14.18, e.g. Rumpf
1953, pl. 38.6; LCS 27, 1/ 85, pl. 8.1-2; Trendall1976, pl. 2; Brommer
1959, 19-21, figs. 11-12; Trendall1989, fig. 9; Green - Handley 1995, n.
10; Krurnreich- Pechstein - Seidensticker 1999, pl. 26b. The Princeton
vase, formerly in the Hirsch collection, LCS 105 n. 552, pl. 54, 3-4;
LCS Suppl. III, 57 n. D 10; MTS2 76, TV 19; Trendall1987. The date
should be not far from 400 B.C. Note that the fragment of a two-row
calyx-krater in Amsterdam, 2499, with a remarkable three-quarter
rear view of a dancing satyr-player, taken as Apulian by Webster
(MTS 2 76, TV 20), is in fact Attic.
1171Moscow, Pushkin Museum II 1b 1423, CVA (2) pl. 3, 1-3.
1181 Csapo 2010a, 79-130.

nomos Painter and his circle which concentrate on the
happiness of successful performers as they join Dionys-
os in his sanctuary. Choregic art, at least in vase-paint-
ing, sits alongside a broader interest at this period in
depicting contests, whether racers in the lampadedro-
mia, pyrrhicists, participants in musical events or the
like. Many of them place emphasis on the young, as can
often happen in times of community stress such as Ath-
ens was enduring at the time; but that leads into bigger
questions than we can deal with here.
Moving in a slightly different if parallel direction, we
may call to mind the statue group Athens NM 257,
found in the area of the Theatre of Dionysos in 1832119 1.
Although most likely to date to the second century Be,
it is generally agreed to copy an original of the later part
of the fifth century1201. The papposilenos carries the
young Dionysos on his shoulder, and he in turn holds
over his guardian's other shoulder the mask with which
we are now familiar, Mask SS with its long hair. It fore-
shadows the way that Dionysos holds it on Apulian
vases. It again must represent Tragedy through the
characteristic chorus-type, demonstrating that the equa-
tion already existed by this date.
We cannot know if the young man of the Taranto re-
lief was performing in a tragedy (or set of tragedies)
written locally or in, say, Athens. It is nonetheless im-
portant to be aware that participation in a tragic chorus
was a recognised activity for a young man in Taranto in
the earlier part of the fourth century.
There has of course been a lot of work recently on the
performance of Athenian tragedy in the west in the
years before the end of the fifth century. One thinks of,
among others, the articles of Allan, Dearden, Denoyelle,
Easterling, Nafissi, Sourvinou-Inwood and Taplin1211.
What has been less clear and received less attention has
been the circumstances of production in southern Italy
and Sicily. Did the troupes that carried the plays, their
masks and costumes take young Athenian chorusmen
with them? Were, indeed, all the troupes and possible
chorusmen Athenian? How were the troupes and their
performances funded?l 221 Our metope almost certainly
demonstrates that at least one chorusman was a native
161
Tragic Chorusmen in Taranto and Athens
Tarentine, and that it should be only a metope, that is
one of a series of images rather than a principal image,
implies that it was regarded as just one of the attributes
of this well-to-do young man. The iconography must
have been understood. Similarly, thanks to David Jor-
dan and Peter Wilson, we now seem to have evidence
for choruses of local young men in Sicily, probably in
Gela1 231. It looks as if this question is moving towards a
conclusion: communities in the major centres in South
Italy and Sicily were happy to commit themselves to
participation in the production of imported plays rather
than simply pay for visitors to do it. Indeed they were
eager to do so if we can judge from the speed with
which Euripides' Heracleidae, Cyclops and Antiope ap-
peared in the West1 24 1.
To come back to the metope from Taranto, there are
some serious issues of chronology. Carter places the
piece in his Group F which he dates to approximately
320-300 Be. The fashion for naiskoi with metopes in the
podium appears in Tarentine vase-painting from about
360 BC in the circle of the Lycurgus and lliupersis Paint-
ers and it is reasonable to suppose that they emerged
slightly earlier in actualityl 251. A good depiction is to be
found on on a volute-krater from Ruvo that Trendall
thought close to the lliupersis Painter in style (Fig. 9)
and it shows figured reliefs in the metopesl 261. Another
1191 Kaltsas 2002, 119 n . 217 (with earlier bibI.); Kaltsas 2004,296 n. 174
(Eleni Kourinou-Pikoula; colour ill.).
1201Kaltsas suggests about 440-430 B.C., but that may be a fraction too
early. Webster thought of it as of the early fourth century.
1211Allan 2001; Dearden 2002, 183-196; Denoyelle 2002, 104-112; East-
erling 1994; Nafissi 1997; Sourvinou-Inwood 2003, 40-45; Taplin 1999
and now (Taplin 2012) esp . at p. 240. Note also my own comments
(Green 2008).
1221 One should not, however, ignore the significant contribution of
Dearden 1999. It includes thorough discussion of these issues.
1231Jordan 2007, 335-350, and in the same volume, Wilson 2007.
121 On these, see especially Allan (Allan 2001) and Taplin (Taplin
1999), (Taplin 2012).
1251 It is interesting that they appear at about the same time in Luca-
nian: see the amphora of panathenaic type decorated by the Prima to
Painter, Berlin 3155, LCS 165/ 920. Lohmann 1979, L 3, pl. 13, 2. At 45
n. 331 he gives a useful list of representations of naiskoi with metopes
on the podium.
1261 London 1856.12-26.2 (F 276), from Ruvo, RVAp I, 7 /102b, Lohm-
ann 1979, A 333, pl. 38, 2. There is now a large bibliography on naiskoi,
fohn Richard Green
Fig. 9. London, British Museum 1856.12-26.2 (F 276), from Ruvo. Max. ht
77.5cm. Close to the Iliupersis Painter.
argument in favour of a higher dating is the fact that the
motif seems to have had only a limited life. In Attica it
occurs from the late fifth century down to about 380-370
(Vari)[271. In Taranto it belongs in the early work of the
Tarporley Painter but not later; it disappears very early
in the fourth century.
In conclusion our young man in Taranto raises a
number of issues. First he helps bring attention to a
motif that was popular for a limited period at the tum
of the fifth and fourth centuries. It seems to have origi-
nated in Athens within a larger iconography centred
on dramatic choruses in both sculpture and vase-paint-
ing[281. It occurred at a period of growing emphasis on
the young as well as a period at which community in-
162
volvement in general was under some pressure. The
metope is also evidence that not only were scenes of
successful choruses in Attic red-figure imported to
Apulia and of course taken up there, especially by the
Tarporley Painter in Taranto, but that this particular
theme of a young man contributing to his community
by his involvement in a tragic chorus had a particular
place. We can now see that not only were Athenian
tragedies imported, but that the Athenian system of
staging performances was followed at least in some
degree. Indeed it may prompt us to suppose that this
style of sponsorship of and involvement in public per-
formance should not be thought of as Athenian so
much as Greek more generally. It also implies that
Athenian playwrights and / or troupes of actors did not
bring choruses with them but that they were trained
locally, as one might have expected anyway given the
practicalities, but it is a topic that has been much dis-
cussed.
The use of the motif in vase-painting may also be
linked with the well-documented tendency in South It-
aly, seen especially in Apulian red-figure, to develop
subjects concerned with a happy afterlife with Dionys-
os. It is interesting to see it so well developed so early in
the sequence. In fact one could argue that it suggests
that the belief itself was already well established.
and especially on representations of them in vase-painting. From an
architectural perspective, the major point of reference is now Lippo-
lis 2007. There is also a perceptive overview by Mertens 2002, esp.
339-342. Pagenstecher 1912 is still worth consulting. On representa-
tions of them, see inter alios Lohmann 1979 and Brandes-Druba 1994.
On their sculpture, most notably in the years after Carter, Lippolis
1994.
1271 For this purpose we can leave the Copenhagen relief out of ac-
count. Apart from the fact that there must have been another figure,
the young man lets the mask hang down in his left hand, near his leg:
he does not hold it before his eyes. It is also unclear whether the re-
lief was funerary or votive. Copenhagen NCG, I.N. 465, said to be
from Athens, e.g. Webster 1956, n. A 20, pl. 9; Bryld 1984, 63 (ill.);
Green 1994, 157-8 n. 167; Moltesen 1995, n . 72 (ill.) and front cover
(detail, colour); Scholl1995, esp. 233 fig. 16; Scholl1996 335, n. 420,
pl. 21.4; Micheli 1998, 3, fig. 2; Froning 2002, 76 fig. 96. It is usually
dated ca 330-320 B.C., but could be somewhat later.
1281 See especially the first two chapters in Csapo 2010b.

Bibliografia
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of the Early Reception ofTragedy, in G&R XLVIIT, 2001, 67-86.
Bieber 1961 = M. Bieber, The History of the Greek and Roman
Theater, Princeton 196F.
Boardman 1989 J. Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases: the
Classical Period. A Handbook, London 1989.
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