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PUBLICATIONS occasional

PAPER
MARCH 2017
ISSUE 10.3

The Colonial Hold on


Philippine Society: CHALLENGES TO

IDENTITY,
INTEGRATION
& democracy
OCCASIONAL PAPER MARCH 2017

02
THE COLONIAL HOLD ON
PHILIPPINE SOCIETY:
CHALLENGES TO
IDENTITY,
INTEGRATION
& DEMOCRACY
THE PHILIPPINES
This paper argues that Philippine society must free itself from the
colonial hold that deters its development. To do so, it must
confront mutually reinforcing challenges.

Historical continuities thrive on enduring social conditions and structures. Most Asian, African and
Latin American countries trace their current social predicaments to colonial roots. Societies with
a long and deep colonial experience continue to grapple with the challenges of nation-building,
integration and democracy. This paper argues that Philippine society must free itself from the
colonial hold that deters its development. To do so, it must confront three mutually reinforcing
challenges: an identity challenge, an integration challenge and a democratic challenge.

The paper is structured as follows. The first section presents an account of the colonial experience
of the Philippines under the Spanish and American rules. It elaborates on the societal impact of
colonialism in terms of nationhood, culture and identity; institutions; and wealth and power distribution.
By examining these impacts, the paper aims to explain the colonial origins of the aforementioned
challenges. In the second section, a synopsis is provided to demonstrate the critical link
between addressing these challenges and achieving inclusive development.

* The views and opinions expressed in this Paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. Image Credit: pilipino.ph

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03
Colonial De-development as the Root of Challenges manifest in the critical junctures of Philippine colonial history.
The first interruption was committed by the arrival of the
De-development pertains to the decay, mal-development Spanish in 1521. Although in the currently termed Luzon
or underdevelopment of the economy, political institutions and Visayas areas a definite socio-political system had yet
and culture in a society.1 It is used synonymously as political to evolve, the Muslims in the south were already operating
decay.2 For Philippine society, de-development can be under the sultanate. Spanish colonizers cast aside the
traced back not only to its colonial past, but also to the internal impetus for development and nation-building
continual social reproduction committed by exclusive and and enforced their own system and culture.3
elitist governments in the post-colonial era.
The combination of the power of the cross and the power
Philippine de-development occurred in different of the sword assured native obedience and submission to
socio-historical junctures and involved three dimensions. Spanish religious authority. Keeping the natives uneducated
It is characterized by an interrupted nationhood, the was also instrumental in implanting an inferiority complex
persistence of exclusivist and extractive institutions and the or the indio mentality in society. It was only in 1863, or after
multiplication of social inequality. From these dimensions of three centuries of colonization, that a national system of
de-development spawn three challenges that could counter education was instituted. Spanish was also imposed as
the de-development process and in turn promote a sense the national language and official medium of communication,
national identity, institutional redirection and social equality. further estranging Filipinos from their indigenous
identity. For more than three centuries, religion
The colonial hold, therefore, is an impediment to inclusive served as the center of all social activities.
development. To achieve social progression, Philippine
society must address the mutually reinforcing challenges to The second interruption was committed when the success
identity, integration and democracy. In particular, addressing of the Katipunan and other secret societies was hijacked by
these challenges will entail far-reaching reforms the local elite and thereafter by American colonizers. At least
in the field of democratic governance. 200 mass uprisings or revolts were carried out to deal with
Spanish colonial rule.4 In these scattered and fragmented
uprisings, the seeds of Filipino nationalism sprouted.5 The
On Nationhood causes of the uprisings were demand for freedom; the
brutality, unjustness and rapacity of Spanish officials;
An interrupted nationhood is what hinders the Filipino and agrarian disputes with friars and the religious.6
people from achieving a national identity. Such interruption is

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04
In particular, Sturtevant argues that these upheavals are
manifestations of profound cultural stress or deep-seated social
tension and cannot just be treated as outlandish examples of provincial
perversity, dismissed as naive and superstitious fanaticos deserving
neither curiosity nor compassion.7 In general, rural protests
can be viewed primarily through the prism of nationalismas
nationalist, protonationalist, or otherwise linked to nationalism.8
These perspectives lend currency to the unifying effect that
peasant or rural protests may have had on a societal level.

During the revolutionary period of 1896-1899, the ideological content


of nationalism began to take form.9 Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio
and other national heroes played critical roles in forging national unity
among the Filipino masses and elites. The most successful resistance,
however, was carried out by the Katipunan. Led by Bonifacio, the
movement fought not only for freedom but for independence as well.10

The success of the Revolution of 1896, nonetheless characterized


by a rift in leadership between Aguinaldo and Bonifacio, resulted
in the declaration of the Malolos Republicthe first independent
republic in Southeast Asia. This critical juncture could be termed as
the emergence of the Filipino nation.11 This phenomenon, however,
was aborted by a second wave of Westernization under the auspices
of American colonialism. The defeat of Spanish forces in The Little
War, otherwise known as The (Mock) Battle of Manila Bay, signaled
the exchange of colonial masters. The American occupation was
later expedited by virtue of the Treaty of Paris where Philippine
independence was sold through elite collaboration.

Similar to the conditions under the Spanish period, American forces


were confronted with the establishment of many peasant organizations
and numerous uprisings as well between 1903 and 1931. The causes
Image Credit: pinterest.com

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OCCASIONAL PAPER MARCH 2017

05
of these resistances were widespread poverty, the appropriation
of friar lands and their redistribution, the abuses of hacienderos,
taxes, usury, land grabbing, frustration in present laws,
land ownership and independence.

With the arrival of the Americans, democracy was introduced to the


general Filipino public. The Americans promised the ideal of self-
government and promised education through an institutionalized
public school system, where English was the medium of instruction.
While it took the Spanish more than three centuries to carry out
Hispanization, it only took the Americans more than three decades to
Americanize Filipinos. With the introduction of liberal culture, the feudal
tradition was shaken; Philippine political culture of the Filipinos
came to be centered on party politics and elections.

The third interruption to nationhood was committed by the second


coming of the American forces. Just as the anti-Japanese movement
and fighters were about to achieve victory and declare independence
through their own efforts, the American forces came back with blanket
bombings and destroyed Manila. The end of World War II and the
American re-occupation marked the start of American neo-colonial rule.

From the three interruptions toward nationhood emerge an identity


challenge for Filipinos. These interruptions stalled the process of
building a nation based on an awareness of national interests and
capabilities. Addressing the identity challenge will mean overcoming
inferiority complexes, colonial mentality, mendicant attitudes and
parochialism (primacy of kinship and ethno-linguistic ties) that
have become ingrained in our consciousness. Today, the Filipino
identity thrives on a precarious mix of feudal and liberal cultures.

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OCCASIONAL PAPER MARCH 2017

06
On Institutions Under the American colonial period, the absence of social On Wealth and Power Distribution
mobilization and political socialization, and hence institutional
Throughout Spanish colonial rule, a two-tier system of de-development, was at least addressed by the establishment A fundamental characteristic of Spanish colonialism was
administration was implemented. In Manila and its peripheries, of the two-party system and the civil service. Citizens the development and consolidation of feudalism. Under this
the principalia or the landowning class represented the Spanish participation was likewise institutionalized through electoral system, everything that had value was declared part of the
leadership and became the instrument of indirect rule, while the politics. The electorate, however, was limited to the estate of the King of Castilla, in effect disowning the natives
religious orders or the Spanish friars governed and dominated the upper-class Filipinos, such that elite-led democracy of their pre-existing rights and properties.14 The second main
provincial areas. Further, the encomienda system also served as replaced religion at the center of political activity. feature was the nailing of the native economy through the
an administrative machinery to collect taxes and required forced hacienda system (landed estates that are planted with export
labor. It was used to facilitate pacification and local governance.12 The new political institutions were ineffective in promoting crops). The system unveiled the real intention of the Spanish
institutional development, due to the unaddressed political and colonizers: whatever improvement they implemented within
Employing the terms of Acemoglu and Robinsion (2012), economic inequality created by Spanish colonization. Worse, the means of production and economic system of the
the impact of Hispanization to Philippine society was the these inequalities were reinforced by the Americans through country was dictated by the interest of enhancing
establishment of extractive and exclusive economic and political several colonial land laws and economic treaties. In effect, their standing in international trade.15
institutions.13 As native institutions were neglected, a feudal set- institutions under the American occupation continued
up and bureaucracy were established wherein most communities to be dominated by the elites and excluded the During the Spanish colonial period, friar orders, especially the
or resettled barangays (villages) were controlled through the power overwhelming majority of the population. Jesuits, Augustinians and Dominicans, usurped and grabbed
of the cross and the power of the sword. The administrative native-held lands (pueblos) with the aim of developing and
positions were held by religious orders and their main function was The analysis of Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) on the expanding their land grants into hacienda agriculture and
to excise taxes and collect tributes. Political leadership was either pernicious effects of European expansion and colonial rule deriving more profits from trading.16 The feudal system
acquired through assignment by the King and the friars or in Africa can be applied to the Philippine situation. To them, hence became the breeding ground for the existence of
by collaboration of wealthy natives and ilustrados. colonialism brought about the creation of extractive political the local elites comprised of the encomienderos,
Religion was also the basis of institutions. and economic institutions and eliminated development through hacienderos and the already wealthy natives.
colonial legislation. Without an inclusive and representational
The absence of political organizations mirrored the absence of character, Philippine institutions became captured In turn, the first five years of American colonialism saw
social mobilization and political socialization. The majority were by parochial and narrow vested interests. the implementation of land registration measures that
isolated from the system that governed them. On the one hand, institutionalized land grabbing and accumulation. The Philippine
these conditions prompted the emergence of secret societies The integration challenge emerged from the unaddressed Bill of 1902 guaranteed Americans the right to own and
that later became the breeding grounds for nationalism gap between colonial institutions and the people at large. control agricultural lands. The Public Land Act of 1903 allowed
and active citizenship. However, the system also sowed the This gap underlines the elitist, exclusive and anyone to acquire 16 hectares of public land by establishing a
seeds of patronage politics that have become extractivenature of institutions, instead of being homestead and cultivating it for 5 years; the Land Registration
embedded in Philippine society. people-oriented, inclusive and distributive. Act of 1902 facilitated massive land grabbing, as until 1910 the
only titles distributed were for large landholdings; and the Friar

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07 Lands Act of 1904 provided for the acquisition and redistribution


of friar lands that were sold at the cost of purchase.17

The economic orientation and system under Spanish colonialism


did not change under American control; rather it was transformed
into an economy of special relations. Moreover, the condition of
the small famers under the Spanish era remained the same at the
end of the American colonial rule. The land laws were also used and
manipulated by the rich and educated classes to grab lands from the
uneducated and powerless.18 Landlordism was hence established
and consolidated during the Spanish and American colonial periods.

The existence of a privileged few, who control the vast resources


of a country, is made possible only by the parallel existence of a
mass of landless and powerless people. The unequal distribution
of wealth and power is, therefore, anchored on the institutionalized
landlessness and disempowerment, which were the direct
results of Spanish and American colonialism.

Further, elitist democracy, political dynasties and warlordism thrive


on social conditions where political and economic power is held
by relatively small number of families whose wealth and power are
derived from their ownership of land and control of business and
industries.19 The democratic challenge thus emerged from the
pre-existing social inequalities in the native society that were further
reinforced, consolidated, and institutionalized by Spanish and
American colonialism. This challenge speaks of the peoples desire for
political and economic empowermentfor real political and economic
democracy where popular participation is the key principle.

Poverty is also a critical manifestation of the democratic challenge with


institutional overtones. As Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) aptly put
it: Extractive institutions keep poor countries poor and prevent them
Image Credit: philhistorypics.blogspot.com from embarking on a path to sustained economic growth the basis
of these institutions is a ruling elite who design economic institutions

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OCCASIONAL PAPER MARCH 2017

08
in order to enrich themselves and perpetuate their power national awareness and overcome colonial the identity and integration challenges is to confront the
at the expense of the vast majority of people. This practice mentality, parochialism, and mendicant attitudes. challenge of democracy. With political and economic
stifles economic development as it limits competition that is Only then can Filipinos possess a clear democracy, a national sense of identity is facilitated and
supportive of general economic progress. understanding of their own capabilities. an enabling environment is laid down for institutional
development. Hence, identity, institutions and
In essence, a mutually reinforcing three-tier relationship Second, institutional de-development raises the challenge democracy are the key foundations toward a real
could be established between the identity, integration, of integration. Institutions, such as political organizations, and inclusive socio-economic development.
and democratic challenges. Left unaddressed and socially should be the arena for participation and social engagement,
reproduced, money politics, stirred by an economic power and should not be an instrument of de-politicization. In
with vested interests, becomes the basis of electoral this manner, the particularistic, patron-client and family-
campaign financing. This type of financing aims to influence oriented outlook of citizens is molded toward a broader
policymaking and key appointments that, in turn, would perspective. In turn, institutions do not become the sources
produce corrupted policies and captured bureaucracy. of democratic deficit and instead serve as a source
This relationship represents the vicious side of the three- of inclusion, transparency, accountability and
tier relationship. However, if the three challenges are professional ethics. As such, institutional
simultaneously addressed, the colonial hold becomes a redirection is the appropriate action to take.
condition toward social progression.
Third, the unequal distribution of wealth and power raises
the challenge of democracy. The landlessness promoted
A Forward-looking Perspective and aggravated by the colonial system has created a mass
of property-less and powerless people. This has been
An interrupted nationhood, institutional de-development the anchor of elitist democracy in Philippine society. It is
and the highly unequal distribution of wealth and power imperative, therefore, to address chronic inequality
are the colonial ties that continue to entrap Philippine and start leveling the playing field by promoting
society. However, a colonial past should not be political and economic democracy.
an impediment to development and instead be
made a springboard toward social progress. In sum, addressing the challenge of identity becomes the
key step toward resolving the challenge of integration.
From these three predicaments spawn three social Only with an enlightened citizenry can change become
challenges. First, the problem of disrupted nationhood raises acceptable and doable. In turn, institutions create the venue
the challenge of identity. It prompts government, civil society and channel to encourage and facilitate an active citizenship.
and the people at large to actively engage in building a However, a critical and simultaneous step in addressing

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OCCASIONAL PAPER MARCH 2017

09

REFERENCES
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2
See Huntington, S. 1965. Political development and political decay. World
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Corpuz, 1997.
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Putzel, J. 1992. A Captive Land: the Politics of Agrarian Reform in the
decay. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press; Riedinger, J. 1995. Agrar-
ian reform in the Philippines: democratic transitions and redistributive reform. Stanford,
3
Abueva, J. and Raul de Guzman, ed. 1969. Foundations and dynamics of Calif.: Stanford University Press and and Corpuz, 1997)
Filipino government and politics. Manila: The Bookmark, Inc.
18
Corpuz, 1997.
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PPI (Philippin Peasant Institute). 1998. Siglo-Saka: A Century of Peasant
Struggle and Contributions to Nationhood. Quezon City: Philippine Social Science 19
Fukuyama, 2014.
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Constantino, R. 1975. The Philippines: A Past Revisited. Quezon City: Tala
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Sturtevant, D. 1976. Popular uprisings in the Philippines, 1840-1940. Itha-
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Isaacman, A. 1993. Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa. In Con-
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& Stern, J. London, England: The University of Wisconsin Press.
9
Grossholtz, J. 1964. Politics in the Philippines. Boston and Toronto: Little
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Malaya Books, Inc. and Corpuz, O. D. 1989. The roots of the Filipino nation. Quezon
City: Aklahi Foundation.
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Agoncillo, T. 1975. A short history of the Philippines. New York and To-
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Veneracion, J. 1987. Agos ng dugong kayumanggi: A history of the Philip-
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Constantino, 1975.
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Acemoglu, D. & Robinson, R. 2012. The Origins of Power, Prosperity and
Poverty: Why Nations Fail. Crown Publishers: New York.
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Corpuz, O. D. 1997. An economic history of the Philippines. Quezon City:
University of the Philippine Press.
Image Credit: expatch.com

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10.3
VOLUME

ABOUT
Victor Andres Manhit
is the CEO and Managing Director of the Stratbase Group and President
of its policy think tank, the Stratbase ADR Institute. Stratbase is a full
service advisory and research consultancy group, specializing in building
the relationship of corporate clients with the various sectors of Philippine
society. Prof. Manhit specializes in strategic public management,
legislative research, and governance reform.

Stratbase ADR Institute


is an independent international and strategic research
organization with the principal goal of addressing the
issues affecting the Philippines and East Asia
9F 6780 Ayala Avenue, Makati City
Philippines 1200
V 8921751
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