The Hindu Pilgrimage to Muktinath, Nepal. Part 2.

Vaishnava Devotees and Status

Reaffirmation
Author(s): Donald A. Messerschmidt
Source: Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 9, No. 2 (May, 1989), pp. 105-118
Published by: International Mountain Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3673474
Accessed: 19/11/2009 00:08

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=intms.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

International Mountain Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Mountain Research and Development.

http://www.jstor.org
Mountain Researchand Development, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1989, pp. 105-118

THE HINDU PILGRIMAGETO MUKTINATH,NEPAL. PART 2.

VAISHNAVADEVOTEESAND STATUS REAFFIRMATION

DONALD A. MESSERSCHMIDT

PROLOGUE

Pilgrimage to Muktinath on the Occasion ofJanai Purnima by Donald A. Messerschmidt

(after the style of Chaucer's CanterburyTales)

When the sweet showers of August Each year they'vecome

fall and shoot thesefull score
down throughthe monsoonlands thirty centuriespast,
to pierce the root, to sip the springs and bathe
When also Vishnu God in icy watersfast,
with his kind breath to rise afresh and don anew
exhales an air theirfaith,
in mountaingrove and heath, to stand in awe
Whenfull the moon highflown of Brahma's three-foldwraith
in morningsky offire in earth
sign of the boar and stone and water glow
is rising high, which only one who sees
Then Hindus long to go afar, can truly know.
to shrines on pilgrimage,
clear mind and bodypressed It happenedin that season
in austerity, self-denied on the way
as tyagi dressed; near Kag, at Lonely Inn,
To sing kirtan, "ShriKrishna, wherein I lay,
Jai Narayan, Hail God!" at night therecame into
and seek the strangerstrands that hostelry
andfar-off saints to laud, some threeand twenty
hallowed by Damodar Himal in a company
where chakra round, of Brahminfolk happening
rarefossil saligram, then to call
in Kali's earth abound. in fellowship, and they
were pilgrims all.
And on and up
to ancient Salagramago Their goal was Muktinath,
on yatra journey ne'r short to fall
so to feel and to know norfail to do;
the blissful mukti of the Lord, Their quest,
Salvation thereto give sight-vision of the Lord,
for freeing all Mankind prasad to take,
in sin who live. thefaith renew.

Terms:Janai Purnima:calendricalrite of reaffirmationfor caste Hindus; boar: an avatarof Vishnu; tyagi:pilgrimwho renouncespossessions,practicing
self-denial; kirtan:songs in praise to God; chakra:a wheel-like fossil form, worshipped as Lord Vishnu; saligram:ammonite fossil; Salagrama: ancient
name for Muktinath; Kali: the sacred Kali Gandaki River near Muktinath; mukti:salvation; prasad:offering. Proper nouns and colloquial terms are
Nepali unless otherwise identified. Diacritical marks have been omitted due to the high cost of typesetting.
106 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT

ABSTRACT In this second paper the sociological dimensions of the Hindu pilgrimage to Muktinath are examined. In South Asia,
the Hindu celebration of the Full Moon Festival (Janai Purnima)is an occasion when "twiceborn"(tagadhari)Brahmin men reaffirm
their status of high caste by changing the sacred cord (janai). For this event, many Hindus go on pilgrimage to sacred places and
pilgrimage to Muktinath, a high Himalayan shrine dedicated to Lord Vishnu, Lord of Salvation, is especially auspicious at this time.
The event is described in its full sociological context, based on in-depth anthropological research and travels with Hindu devotees.

RESUME Le pelerinage hindoua Muktinath,Nepal. Deuxiemepartie:Les adeptesde Vaishnava et la reaffirmation

du rangsocial. Ce deuxieme
article examine les aspects sociologiques du pelerinage des Hindous a Muktinath. En Asie meridionale, la fete de la pleine lune (Janai
Purnima)donne l'occasion aux brahmanes males "regeneres"(tagadhari)de reaffirmerleur rang de caste superieure en changeant le
cordon sacre (janai). Pour cet evenement, beaucoup d'Hindous vont en pelerinage dans des lieux sacres, et le pelerinage a Muktinath,
un lieu situe haut dans l'Himalayaet dedie au dieu Vichnou, dieu du salut, est particulierementfavorablea cette epoque. Cet evenement
est decrit dans son contexte sociologiqueintegral, sur la base de recherchesanthropologiquesapprofondieset de pelerinagesen compagnie
d'Hindous.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Hindu Pilgerfahrt nachMuktinath,Nepal. Teil 2. VaishnavaGlaubigeundStandesbestitigung.

In dieser 2. Studie
werden soziologische Auswirkungen einer Hindu Pilgerfahrt nach Muktinath untersucht. In Siidasien ist das Zelebrieren des
Vollmondfestes (Janai Purnima)fur "wiedergeborene"(tagadhari)Brahmin Manner ein Anlai, ihre Stellung in der hohen Kaste zu
bestitigen, in dem sie die heilige Kordel austauschen (janai). Zu diesem Zweck pilgern viele Hindus zu heiligen Statten, und eine
Pilgerfahrt nach Muktinath, ein hochgelegener Schrein im Himalaya, der dem Lord Vishnu, dem Lord der Errettung gewidmet
ist, ist zu diesem Zeitpunkt besonders gluckverheiiend. Sorgfaltige anthropologische Forschung und Reisen mit Hindu Glibigen
erlauben, das Ereignis in einem vollstandigen soziologischen Zusammenhang zu sehen.

INTRODUCTION

Muktinath is a pilgrimage shrine high in the Nepal
Himalaya, near the border with Tibet. Its remote moun-
tain location makes it accessible for only the hardiest of
devotees. For Hindus, it is a shrine of Vishnu, Lord of Sal-
vation, and of Brahma, the Creator. For Buddhists, it is
a sacred site for devotees of Padmasambhava, the legendary
founder of Lamaism or Tibetan Buddhism (Mahayana
Buddhism). The shrine's fame dates from early times and
extends throughout Asia. Each year it attracts the strong
and the faithful from all over South Asia, the Nepal-Tibet
borderlands (the bhot), and, as political conditions allow,
from Tibet proper.
Muktinath may have begun as a "nature shrine"
(Preston, 1980:283) because of certain "miraculous" super-
natural attributes, particularly the natural gas fires, ammo-
nite fossils, and other natural features found here that are
important to Asian religions. These are described in Part
1, "Natural and Supernatural Attributes of the Sacred
Field", this issue, pages 89-104. Its Hindu attributions
undoubtedly predate those of Buddhism for which it has
also great sacred importance. In the Hindu literature it is
recorded as one of the principal sites on the "grand pil-
grimage of India" dating back two thousand years to the
Tirtha Yatra(pilgrimage) section of the Mahabharataepic and,
because it is noted in the classical Hindu literature, it falls
into the category of an All-South Asian Shrine (Preston,
1980:272). It annually attracts thousands of pilgrims, both
Hindu and Buddhist.
The research was conducted at a time of celebration for
Hindu pilgrims at Muktinath, on the occasion of the full
moon of August-September, 1980. Hindus throughout the
subcontinent regularly celebrate the calendrical rite ofJanai
Purnima at this time, during the Nepali month of Bhadau
(bhadra, Hindi). At the same time the Nepali-Tibetans, or
Bhotias, of the immediate locale celebrate a secular horse
festival or fair (mela) called Yartung (yartin, Tibetan).
Yartung falls on the full moon of the seventh month of the
Tibetan calendar, and signals the end (tung) of the monsoon
(yar), a time when the horses are brought down out of the
high summer pastures ahead of the coming winter snows.
In 1980, both Janai Purnima and Yartung coincided-a
rare event. This study concentrates on the Hindu aspects
of the occasion.
At this time over a thousand pilgrims and other visitors
were present at the Muktinath shrine and adjacent fair-
grounds. With the heavy pressure of both sacred and
secular activity, the shrine and fairgrounds were crowded
with Hindu caste pilgrims from Nepal and India, local
Bhotia villagers, Nepali ethnic villagers (nominally Hindu
or Buddhist, but many of whom practice forms of animistic
shamanism) from surrounding hill and mountain districts,
a few Western tourists and trekkers, and the author's own
small party.
August is the monsoon season; travel is difficult and dan-
gerous. Hindu pilgrims must trek to Muktinath from the
south, a trip that, at this time of year, typically takes several
weeks up from the central hills (pahar) and back;
considerably longer from the lowlands (terai) and from
India (Figure 1). The pilgrim foot-track traverses the dif-
ficult mountain terrain, wet and leech-infested forests, and
raging rivers, directly through the main axis of the Hima-
laya almost to the edge of the Tibetan Plateau. Many pil-
grims see the difficulties as a test for both body and soul,
and hence the trip is a spiritually uplifting and meritorious
adventure. One sadhu(holy man) whom we met on the way
described it like this (from the author's field notes):
On the way (to Muktinath) we will suffer the wet forest
and we will endure the windstorm and raging rivers. People
who come so far and bear these elements are fortunate, for
only they are able to see the beauty of it all. Lord Krishna
and Rama dwelled in the forestwhere they found peace and
contentment.Rama and Krishnaand otherrishimunis (sages)

who spent time in the forest have shown us the path lead-
ing to peace and tranquility. They have shown us how to
attain karma(purity) by going through all the suffering of
the trip . . .
THE PLACE
Muktinath is located in northern Nepal on the western
slope of the Damodar (or Muktinath) Himal, at an eleva-
tion of 3,800 m, directly north of Dhaulagiri, the world's
fifth highest mountain. On a clear day Dhaulagiri, the
"WhiteMountain",affordsthe visitor to Muktinath a spec-
tacular view against the southern sky. Its icy slopes and
pyramid-shaped dome are all the more impressive under
the light of the full moon.
The high arid landscape and the Tibetan Buddhist cul-
ture and religion of Nepal'snorthernborderregion contrast
markedlywith the more humid region and the culturaland
religious predelictions of the central hills and the Pahari
people. For many of the orthodox Hindu pilgrims wend-
ing their way north toward the sacred complex of Mukti-
nath, the places and people met along the route through
the paharto this Tibetan borderlandare, by and large, quite
foreign to them.
Muktinathis a complex of temples, shrines, prayerwalls,
springs, sacredtrees, and other natural and man-made fea-
tures imbued with supernatural characteristics (see this
issue, pages 89-104). Some of the structures in the com-
plex reflect Buddhist devotion and construction, and some
Hindu. Many are sacred to both religions.
THE EVENT
The principal event of the Hindu pilgrimage research
at Muktinath was the August 1980 occasion of Janai
Purnima (orjanaipurni)meaning, literally, "thefull moon
day (purnima)of the holy cord (janai)". Another name for
Janai Purnima is Raksha Bandhan from the term for the
string, or an amulet or other protective band (raksha)that
a Brahmin priest ties (bandhan,from bandhnu,to tie) around
the wrist of the faithful of all castes when visiting their
homes or when the people visit a temple or shrine on this
day. The sacredjanai cord is worn over the left shoulder
and around the torso by men of the "twice-born",or tagad-
hari category of Hindu castes.
On the occasion ofJanai Purnima, at religious sites all
over South Asia, high caste Hindu men ritually change
their sacred cord for a new one. It is considered highly
meritorious to visit sites of such great sanctity as
Muktinath.
The Hindu pilgrim, however, may be driven by a desire
to do more than change the sacred thread. The "highly
diversified motives of the pilgrims"have been remarked
THE PILGRIMS
This study of Hindu pilgrim process was conducted at
Muktinath and on the trail to and from the shrine. During
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT
/ 107
What is our obligation as human beings? If you go travel-
ing like this your spirit will become pure, your body clean,
your mind calm, your words sincere, your judgement clear.
There are altogether five major temples, or mandir
(gompa, Nepali; from dgonpa, Tibetan), at Muktinath. One
building, built in the Tibetan Buddhist style, is the so-called
"Temple of the Miraculous Fire", orJwala Mai (fromjwala,
flame, and mai, mother). This temple shelters natural gas
fires burning from stone, earth, and water. It is a popular,
sacred attraction to all pilgrims. Hindus believe that Lord
Brahma made an offering here by lighting the water afire,
the miracle of Jwala Mai.
The most important temple is the Vishnu Mandir, a
pagoda-like three-tiered structure topped with a gilded
brass pinnacle. Inside is an image of Vishnu (Lokeswar
in the Buddhist pantheon). Central to this temple is a black
ammonite fossil that is one of the natural features for which
Muktinath is so well known. Other images in this temple
include the Hindu goddesses Lakshmi (goddess of fortune
and Vishnu's consort) and Saraswati (goddess of art and
learning and Brahma's wife), and the Garuda Bird
(Vishnu's mount). A second pagoda-style Hindu temple
is found slightly downhill from the Vishnu Mandir, but
is in a state of general disrepair and disuse.
upon (Bharati, 1963). The pilgrim may seek merit in travel-
ling, in receiving "site vision" (darsan)of the deity, in atone-
ment for a particular sin or lapse, in purification by bath-
ing in sacred waters as well as to assure salvation by visit-
ing a Vishnu shrine, to enhance one's chance for wealth
and good fortune by worshipping at a shrine to the goddess
Lakshmi, and to enjoy a local fair (see Bharati, 1963, 1981).
The religious observance ofJanai Purnima by orthodox
Hindus follows a highly ritualized and strictly defined pur-
pose and set of activities. The requirements include sacred
recitations, singing hari-kirtan (songs in praise of God),
invoking the deity by taking darsan ("site vision" of the
deity), sharing prasad (an offering), bathing, shaving,
cutting the nails, observing a partial fast, and application
of the tika mark on the forehead of the devotee. However,
major focus for these people is the changing of the sacred
thread. This is the public reaffirmation of the individual's
status in terms of the Brahmanical code and of Hindu
society at large.
the researchwe observed and interviewed 129 pilgrim men
and women. Sixteen of these fall into the categoriesof sadhu
108 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT

JAMMU &
KASHMIR

5 TIBET

INDIA

BANGLADESH

FIGURE 1. Maps showing the origin of pilgrims to Muktinath during the period of the research. The numbers refer to the groups
listed in Table 1.

TABLE 1
The origin and social identity of pilgrim groups

No. Social Identity

on Caste Ethnic Ascetic Sex Total in
map Place of origin group group type M F group Remarks
A. FROM NEPAL by District (and Zone):
1 Jhapa (Mechi) Brahmin 12 10 22
2 Saptari (Sagarmatha) Brahmin 4 17 Vaishnava cult; see also No. 14,
below
Magar 23
3 Dang Deokuri (Rapati) Sadhu 1-
4 Accham (Seti) Brahmin 6 - 6 Includes 2 Jaisi-Brahmins (off-
spring of Brahmin man and
Brahmin widow)
5 Jumla (Karnali) Brahmin 7 - Includes 4 Jaisi-Brahmins (off-
spring of Brahmin man and
Chhetri (Kshyatriya) 2 - 9 Brahmin widow)
6 Kathmandu (Bagmati) Brahmin 12 - 12 From Sankhu, outside of Kathmandu
Sadhu 1- 1 From Kathmandu
7 Bhaktapur (Bagmati) Chhetri (Kshyatriya) 1 1 2 Widow and adult son from Banepa
8 Ramechhap (Janakpur) Brahmin 5 6
Chhetri (Kshyatriya) 1 1 13
9 Palpa (Lumbini) Sadhu 1- 1
10 Syangja (Gandaki) Thakuri 6- 6
11 Tanahu (Gandaki) Jogi 2 2 4 A unique ascetic caste group, from
central Nepal
12 Gorkha (Gandaki) Sadhu 1- 1
Gurung, ? ? No precise data; approx. 10 people
etc.
 / 109
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT

TABLE 1 (continued)

Social Identity
No.
on Caste Ethnic Ascetic Sex Total in
map Place of origin group group type M F group Remarks

13 Kaski (Gandaki) Chhetri (Kshyatriya) 3 - 3 These three men carried misc.

peddlers' goods (cigarettes, sweets,
pens, paper, etc.) to sell at the
Muktinath Fair, to pay for their
pilgrimage
14 Parbat (Gandaki) Brahmin 3- 4
Gurung ? ? No precise data; approx. 50 people
16 Myagdi (Dhaulagiri) Brahmin 4 4 8 Includes 2 Jaisi-Brahmins (off-
spring of Brahmin man and
Brahmin widow)
17 Manang (Gandaki) Bhotia ? ? No precise data; approx. 50 people
from Bhotia villages in Manang
District
18 Mustang (Dhaulagiri) Brahmin, Chhetri No precise data; approx. 1,000
(Kshyatriya), & other ? ? Bhotia (Buddhist) from nearby
Bhotia, ? ? villages; plus approx. 100 Nepal
Thakali, gov't civil servants of mixed caste
& other and ethnicity (mostly male) posted
temporarily to District offices at
Jomosom, one-half day walk south
of Muktinath; plus several hundred
Nepal Army troops on maneuvers
B. FROM INDIA (by state):
19 W. Bengal ? 2 - 2 Bengalis, from Calcutta
20 Uttar Pradesh Sadhu 1- 1 In 3rd year of 12-year vow of silence
21 Punjab Sadhu 1- 1
22 Jammu Sadhu 1- 1 In 7th year of 12-year vow of silence
23 Maharashtra Sadhu 1- 1 From Bombay
24 Andhra Pradesh Sadhu 1- 1 From Hyderabad
25 Madhya Pradesh Sadhu 1- From Gwalior; these 2 Sadhus
? Sadhu 1- 2 travelled together
26 Karnataka Sannyasin 1 - 1 From Bangalore; walked 6 months
to reach Muktinath

and sannyasi and members of a Nepali non-celibate ascetic
caste who call themselves jogi. The remaining 113 indi-
viduals were distinguished from the larger crowd (over
1,000 individuals; see Figure 1, Table 1) on the basis of
two criteria. First, they were known to be devout Hindus
travelling long distances to observe the occasion, and
second, they were there for the principal reasons of wor-
ship, to receive darsan of Vishnu and the other Hindu
deities, and, for most of the men involved (at least 68, or
53 %), to change theirjanai cords. We focused most of our
attentions on the pilgrim men and women of tagadharicaste
status.
In Nepal, the highest castes are called tagadhari,literally
"wearers of the holy cord" (R. Turner, 1965: 277b; Hofer,
1979). Traditionally, the tagadharicastes of Nepal include
the following (by relative rank): Upadhyaya Brahmin,
Rajput (Thakuri, the caste of the royal lineage), Jaisi
Brahmin (offspring of a Brahmin man and a Brahmin
widow), Chetri (Kshatriya, the traditional warrior caste),
Dew Bhaju (Newar Brahmin who traditionally served as
royal chaplains, teachers, and priests for other, higher caste
Newars, the indigenous peoples of the Kathmandu valley),
Indian Brahmin, ascetics (sannyasi, sadhu, andjogi), "lower"
Jaisi, and various Newar castes. Ascetics normally do not
wear the sacred cord; neither do women (Bennett, 1976,
1983). The handspunjanai is worn by males of the upper
castes who have been invested as tagadhari in the pre-
puberty ritual of bartaman(or bartabandha).It is believed that
110 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT

the first investiture of ajanai in antiquity was conducted TABLE 2

on the full moon day of this monsoon month (Anderson, Social identity of pilgrim informants(n = 129)
1971:93).
Beneath the highest tagadharicategory are lesser status
~Sex~ % of
but relatively "pure" castes. These include Magars, National Total total
Gurungs, and some other ethnic hill people. They are origin Social identity M F number sample
called namasinyamatwaliin Nepali, meaning "non-enslav-
able alcohol-drinkers"(Hofer, 1979:45). Lower still are a Nepal Brahmin caste' 55 39 94 73.0
Nepal Chhetri caste'
variety of "impure"castes. (For the complete list, consult 7 2 9 6.9
(Kshyatriya)
Hofer, 1979:45, 46, and passim, after the MulukiAin, or Thakuri caste1 6 - 6 4.7
Nepal
Legal Code, of A.D. 1854.) Nepal Jogi (ascetic
Of the 129 pilgrimsin the study sample, a majority- 125 caste)1 2 2 4 3.1
individuals (97%)- were tagadhariof Brahmin, Chhetri, India Bengali (caste
and Thakuri castes and the ascetic groups (see Table 2). unknown) 2 - 2 1.5
They included 82 men and 43 women, but no children. Nepal Magar (ethnic
The research focus on the highest castes was deliberate, group)2 1 1 2 1.5
to understand the "purest"form of Hindu pilgrimage. Of Nepal Sadhu ("holy
the remaining four individuals (3%), two were Magars (a man") (religious
ascetic) 4 - 4 3.1
Nepali hill ethnic group) of matwalistatus, not privileged India Sadhu ("holy
to wear the holy cord, and two were Indian men of
unknown caste status. The Magars, a man and his wife, man") (religious
ascetic) 7 - 7 5.4
were part of an otherwise all Brahmin pilgrim party of India Sannyasi (lay
Vaisnavas(devotees of Lord Vishnu) from an eastern Terai ascetic) 1 - 1 0.8
(lowland) district bordering India. 85 44 129 100.0
The majority of people present at Muktinath during the
(66%) (34%)
Janai Purnima festival, however, were not tagadhari
Hindus. Most, in fact, were members of other non-tagadhari 'The Brahmin, Chhetri, Thakuri, and Jogi castes of Nepal (and some
castes and Nepali ethnic groups. Their presence and par- others) are considered in the first order of Nepalese caste, as tagadhari
("wearersof the holy cord").
ticipation appeared to have less to do with the specific act 2The Magar ethnic group (as well as Gurung, some Newar, and others)
of being at a holy pilgrimage site to worship any Hindu are considered in the second order of Nepalese caste, as matwali
or Buddhist deity and more to do with enjoying the accom- ("alcohol-drinkers").
panying Bhotia fair, the Yartung. Most, if not all of these
people, however, paid the requisite visit to the central
temple, and bathed in the sacred spring waters.
While literally hundreds of other Hindus and Buddhists cumambulations in the typical Tibetan Buddhist fashion
were present, the vast majority of them were of the ethnic and invoking the Lamaist deities of the place, all accord-
groups of Gurung, Thakali, Bhotia (local Tibetan), and ing to prescribedritual. By and large, however, the Bhotias
others, mostly matwali(alcohol drinkers) who occupy the were there to enjoy the secular events of the fair, as dis-
middle and lower range of the Nepali caste system. (Note tinct from the sacred.
that in the Nepali system, all human groups are accorded The Nepalis make a clear distinction between the sacred
a caste identity, including non-Hindus such as and the secular kinds of pilgrimage events. Going to a fes-
Euro-Americans who are "impure"but "touchable".)The tival, fair, or public pageant is called jatrajane (festival
research sample did not include caste people of the classic going), while going on a sacred pilgrimagejourney isyatra
north Indian Vaisya or Shudra categories. The only "un- jane (pilgrimage journey going, as in tirtha-yatra,the term
touchables"present were tailors (Damai) who are residents for a long religious pilgrimage) (Gurung, 1981:31). The
of nearby Bhotia villages. They served as drummers, hail- profaneand hedonisticenjoymentofjatra(althoughall such
ing the arrival of large parties of mounted Bhotia villagers festivals have some religious attachment in Nepal) stands
and monks to the horse fair. These monks and other Bhotia in contrast with the more sacred and sober aspects of the
dignitariesperformedcertain rituals at the shrine, with cir- yatra.

THE REAFFIRMATION OF STATUS

The central ritual ofJanai Purnima is the changing of
the sacred cord. This act and the perpetual wearing of the
janai by adult tagadharimen are visual and public declara-
tions of the highest, purest, most sacred status in South
Asian Hindu society. Furthermore, it was observed that
the social processof going on pilgrimagefor this event, with
its forced meeting and mixing of peoples of a variety of
caste statuses, presents a unique challenge to the mainte-
nance of traditionalstructured,orthodoxrelationships,i.e.,
to the purity of the janai-wearing individual. The overall
social and physical environment of the pilgrimage to Muk-
tinath forces orthodox pilgrims to negotiate purposefully
and carefully through a variety of potentially defiling and
contradictory circumstances. The data demonstrate how

the challenge is met, and how temptation and uncertainty
are handled by pilgrims bent on maintaining their ritual
purity and social sanctity while approachingthe mountain
shrine.
Hindu caste societyhas been describedas a form of social
structure that produces "distanceand inequality"between
people. The opposite of structure, sometimes called anti-
structure,is defined as that which "tendsto ignore, reverse,
cut across, or occur outside of structural relationships".
Whereas structure "holds people apart, defines their dif-
ferences, and constrains their action", anti-structure is
essentially egalitarian, "representingthe desire for a total,
unmediated [i.e., unstructured] realtionship between
person and person" (V. Turner, 1974a:272-274).
Structure, so stated, defines the orthodox Hindu's every-
day social life, depictedby highly regularizedand ritualized
behaviour. The tagadhari Hindu is expected to wear thejanai
cord and to perform its elaborate renewal ceremony each
year. By so doing, he signals to others his high ritual status
and purity. But as he encounterssituationsof potential and
unavoidable defilement, what Gennep (1960) and Turner
(1974a) would call liminal experiences, being outside of
what is normal and regular, the tagadharitypically signals
the changed circumstanceby looping thejanai temporarily
over his left ear, or by removing it altogether. By so doing,
he figuratively steps out of the highly structured role that
defines his normal distance from impurity. While such
behaviour may appearas anti-structural, as an abrogation
of the rules, it is better interpreted as another example of
followingthe rules to keep the caste, i.e., an example of a
rulefor breakingthe rules.
Liminal experiencesin which such behaviour may occur
include defecation and being forced, by whatever circum-
stances, to associate with something or someone defiling
and impure. A rite such as pilgrimage is also liminal to
the orthodox Hindu's normal daily life. It puts the indi-
vidual into a condition of life that is "betwixtand between
the categories of ordinary (structured) social life" (V.
Turner, 1974a:273), that includes potential exposure to
impurity. During such periods a relaxing of the rules and
a lenient approachto social interactionsmay occur in ways
that defy normal structure.
Turner calls this "communitas"and defines it as a state
of "undifferentiated, equalitarian, direct, extant, non-
rational, existential, I-Thou . . . relationships"(1974a:
274). In his view the temporary expression of social free-
dom and interchange is an expression of communitas. In
short-in Hindu society, communitas bridges what caste
separates.
Typically after a long pilgrimage journey, a cleansing
ritual is performed in conjunction with a tirthabojh(pil-
grimage feast) held on return of the traveller. This serves
as a rite of reintegration back into normal social life, an
elaborate social statement of rehabilitation and reinstate-
ment back into one's kin and commensal group. It is de-
signed to overcome and absolve the pilgrim from all degra-
dations (and broken rules) that he or she may have suf-
fered while away and thus concludes the pilgrimage
experience.
There is no question that liminality is experienced on
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT
/ 111
pilgrimage, but whethertrue and unequivocalcommunitas
takes place is debatable. While rituals of reintegrationmay
allow for lapses in observing the rules during pilgrimage,
it is my contention that orthodox Hindus do not seek abro-
gation or communitas relationships that defy the regular
rules. Rather, they tend to keep caste by morestrictlyobserv-
ing the rulesthan usual.
The rules of commensality (what is edible and inedible,
and of what is acceptable and unacceptable from various
categories of human beings), of physical contact (from a
mere touch to sexual intercourse),and of temporaland per-
sonal impurity(such as childbirthand mourning)are elabo-
rately described for caste Hindus in Nepal's old legal code,
the MulukiAinof A.D. 1854 (Hofer, 1979). This particu-
lar version of the Nepali code (there are many versions)
best reflects orthodox norms of behaviour. The old code
bears the strong imprint of the ancient Laws of Manu(the
ManuSmrti),promulgatedcenturiesearlierto guide Hindu
caste behaviour (Manu Samhita, 1909; see also Dutt,
1931).
The modernlaw of the land has undergonemany permu-
tations since 1854. It now contains phraseologythat denies
most aspects of caste structure and social distinction. But
in the highly charged atmosphereof a religious pilgrimage
and of the ritual performances prescribed for such public
events, devout Hindus tend to act in accordance with the
older, more orthodox tradition.
During the arduoustrekto and from the mountain shrine
of Muktinath, and at the shrine itself on the auspicious full
moon day, we recorded numerous conversations, inter-
views, and observationsof social and ritualbehaviour. The
abnormal and liminal experience of pilgrimage events, for
both individuals and groups, is quite evident in the data.
We found, during the course of the research, that we,
ourselves, were being incorporated at various levels of
caste, hence subjectto the rules of our orthodoxinformants.
It is not altogether clear to what extent our presence and
our inquiriesaffectedtheir actionsand behaviour.The rela-
tive caste status of the author'sresearch party vis-a-vis the
most orthodox of the pilgrims should be explained, since
it had an obvious effect on some interpersonal relations,
and hence on the data. In orthodox Nepali Hindu tradi-
tion, all categories of human groups are placed on a hier-
archical scale. Precise locations vis-a-vis other castes are
not always clear, but relative status between Ego and Alter
is quickly identifiable. By traditional reckoning (i.e.,
according to the legal code of 1854), the author, as a non-
Hindu Westerner, is considered mlechha,of "impure"but
"touchable"status (Hofer, 1979:45). It is a status barely
above untouchable and is a cover category for virtually all
foreigners and non-Hindus including Nepali and Indian
Muslims. The associate researcher (J. D. Sharma) is a
Nepali Brahmin, but his demeanour and dress apparently
confused some individualswho mistook him for a foreigner
at times. (Even the checkpostpolice, who keep trackof for-
eign trekkers, doubted that he was a Nepali.) By the time
we and the pilgrims had arrived at Muktinath, however,
he seemed to be accepted as a high caste Hindu, albeit a
cosmopolitanone, and suspectedof being unorthodox.Our
hired help, a Sherpa guide-cook and two Gurung porters,
112 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT

Hindu pilgrims from lowland Nepal

and India approaching Muktinath
shrine through fog and snow; Dzarkot
village and fortress ruins in the back-
ground; view looking westward in the
upperJhong (Muktinath) river valley.

Dzarkot viewed from the pilgrim trail

approachingfrom the west and looking
eastward up the valley. The sacred
grove and Muktinath shrine can be
seen (just barely) slightly above the
centre of Dzarkot, in the background.
In the foreground is a sacred Buddhist
monument (chorten).

"
???~~~~~~~~~~,M
?
P~~~~~~~~..
~~?. :"',~
,"' .,:........
:::.'.'~':: .?...~.:.!.-(i~
.:~ :1'
.': ?r?? ?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r
i. : ???:*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,,.
.... . .... ? ?,-,,-'~ .:,-''.'
Mustang trader with yak crossbreed .',.. ...~~,
??:?r?,:~.-%:.,:." . ......
. . .. ::aml::
;
pack animal, in the valley of the upper
Kali Gandaki river near Kagbeni, on ~?"~%.
/' :.?.~,
:~ .. ~,~ ~~~~~~~~~~:"
;'~.*:--r~~~:'?? ~. ....?:iJ:-
~ ~~ ~ . ~....~?
~?? ~~~~~0 $'
A0MR:~~~~~~~~~~~??i ,~
~~~~~~~~~~,,.:~
'%~:. ~?i.. :'?
I::
...:.'
pilgrim trail to Muktinath shrine.
 / 113
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT

A pious Brahmin couple reciting

prayers from a sacred text in the sun
at one corner of the Muktinath shrine
courtyard, adjacent to the Vishnu
temple.

... ...... ...ew

*' ::-: :: :: ?:;:.:::.: ...... e,.. : : :

...........

..
.-??- .

Six Bhotia women in their finery on the

trail between Kagbeni and Muktinath,
in the valley of the upper Kali Gandaki
and tributaryJhong rivers of Nepal.

Two of the four pahari("hill")Brahmins

with whom the author travelled, cross-
ing a silty glacial stream on the pilgrim
trail through the Thak Khola region
along the upper Kali Gandaki river, on
their way north to Muktinath.
114 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
were of the middle range of matwali"alcohol-drinking"
castes. Their role vis-a-vis the pilgrims (as well as that of
several American university students accompanying us)
was almost negligible. The significance of the researchers'
caste standings should not be overemphasized, however,
as in most instances in modern Nepali society the status
of outsiders is of little consequence. There were occasions,
however, when we unwittingly came close to breaching
orthodox propriety, and the actions and statements of our
informants at such times made it clear that we were
assumed to be of unequal (i.e., lower) standing.
The overall impression gained from the data, in the nine
selected examples that follow, is one of more conformityto
structure than to anti-structure. This was not entirely
unexpected, given the nature of the pilgrimage.The follow-
ing examples are taken from the author's field notes.
EXAMPLE 1 Not infrequently we observed high caste pil-
grims studiously avoiding the touch of lower caste indi-
viduals. On one such occasion, while crossing a narrow
bridge, a Brahminwoman was visibly distraughtat the pos-
sibility of having to touch a passing Buddhist whose mere
touch would have been particularly defiling. She went
uncomfortably out of her way to let him pass.
Among the most telling incidents were those attempts
by devout pilgrims to maintain distance and detachment
from potential defilement. They occurred at and near the
Muktinath shrine on the sacred full moon day.
EXAMPLE2 Several pilgrim parties had camped out in the
pilgrim resthouses(dharamsala) overnight in order to assure
their presence near the centre of the sacred site at the aus-
picious moment of dawn onJanai Purnima day. There was
little visiting between groups. During the morning rituals
and ablutionsthe members of each high caste pilgrimparty
kept a discreet distance from the others (to the degree that
the crowded conditions and general milling of so many
people allowed). In contrast, numerous parties of lower
castes and ethnic groups chatted and milled about re-
acquainting themselves with old friends and making new
ones. But even they became aloof and distant at moments
of intense personal ritual activity.
EXAMPLE3 The fine line of distinction between those
present at Muktinath on the full moon occasion who par-
ticipated in both yatra and jatra events, and those who
observed only the former (the sacred) and studiously
avoided the latter (the profane)was clear. Devout Hindus,
bent on observing Janai Purnima as a sacred occasion
shroudedin its myriad prescribedrituals, did not enter into
the festive spirit of the accompanying fair, horse races,
drinking, dancing, gambling, and general carousing so
typical of a Tibetan fair. Rather, their intent was to observe
and partake only of the socially important reaffirmation
of caste rituals. It was they, and the process of participat-
ing in the yatraevents, that were the focus of most of our
attentions.
As the morning wore on, one by one the orthodox pil-
grim parties and individuals began to leave the sacred site,
their rituals concluded. One half mile below the shrine,
the fair was just beginning, at a site straddling the main
trail down the mountain. As each tagadhariHindu ap-
proached the fairgrounds, he or she veered right or left to
leave the trail. Several pilgrims went quite far out of their
way, along a steep hillside above the main trail, in order
to totally avoid the festive crowd and its rowdy, profane
atmosphere. The earthy sentiments of a sadhureveals what
many pilgrims must have felt there: "Wego to Muktinath
for pilgrimage,"he said, "toreceive darsanof God. We don't
go for the fair (mela).Darsandoesn't happen at a fair. At
the fair there is only cow shit and horse shit, mostly horse
shit. And it is crowded; there is no place to stay."
Such sentiments express an ideal state of affairs, punc-
tuated by strict avoidance of potentially defiling and
demonstrably profane activities, peoples, events.
Occasional lapses of proper inter- and intra-caste eti-
quette did occur, however. Some were observed in reac-
tion to our own (at times unavoidably imposing) presence
among the pilgrims. Some were documented in circum-
stanceswhere our informantswere unawareof our presence
or where our presencewas irrelevant.These were instances
when we found the pilgrims talking among themselves or
where they encountered other pilgrims not unlike
themselves.
EXAMPLE 4 While traveling one day in the company of
a large pilgrim group, mostly Brahmins (Table 1, Group
2), we overheardthe womenfolktalking. One woman sug-
gested that they should purchase husked rice in one of the
towns along the route. Another voiced concern over who
would carry it. An argument broke out, and was stopped
only after a third woman intervened. "We are all in this
together,"she said, "andwe should stay as one group and
not quarrel about who buys rice or who carries it."
Relationships involving food seemed to be particularly
troublesome to the more orthodox pilgrims.
EXAMPLE5 On another day, after recording interviews
with two separateBrahmin pilgrim parties on the trail, the
associateresearcher,a Nepali Brahmin, tried to reciprocate
by donating some fresh, uncooked fruits and vegetables,
and some preparedtea from an inn along the trailside. The
tea was flatly refused by both groups, on the grounds that
drinking it would violate the strict prohibition against eat-
ing what has been cooked by someone of a non-commensal
caste.
Only on one occasion was uncooked food accepted by
one of our Brahmin informants.
EXAMPLE6 The leader of a large Brahmin party (Table
1, Group 2, see also Frontispiece photograph), a man
whom his fellow pilgrims called the "Mahatma"(saintly
one), was encountered alone, out of sight of the rest of his
fellow pilgrims, negotiatingthe purchaseof freshcorn from
a Brahmin farmer. After a lengthy interview with us, we
offered (by way of reciprocity) to buy the corn for him.

Hindu man on the pilgrim trail through the sacred poplar tree
grove of Muktinath. Several local Bhotia women are seen near
the trees at the back (right).
At first the Mahatma refused, but on second thought he
accepted our offer, stuffed the corn into his pack and
hurried off up the trail to rejoin his party. We do not know
what he told them about our part in the purchase - if any-
thing. Given similar circumstances when our offers were
unequivocally refused, however, we felt that his behaviour
was out of character with the strict code of austerity and
renunciation which orthodox Brahmins typically display
on pilgrimage.
That renunciation behaviour was clearly displayed in the
following incident involving a small party of Brahmin pil-
grims (Table 1, Group 15).
EXAMPLE 7 We had just concluded a tape recorded inter-
view by the side of the trail when an itinerant Thakali apple
peddler happened by. We bought some apples for our-
selves, and offered a few to the leader of the pilgrim party.
He absolutely refused, with this strong statement about the
impropriety of the act: "You are offering me this apple, but
I don't want it," he said with conviction. "And in similar
fashion I will refuse anything that anyone gives me. Even
if you offered jewelry (juharat), I would reject it. Why don't
I want it? Because I am tyagi (literally a 'renouncer', one
who practices strict austerity, rejecting material things, and
avoiding sin). Now you rich, rich people from America
have come over here. You buy this and that and offer us
things. If we take them and put them in our pack, then
what are we? Are we here to earn money? No! Whatever
/ 115
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT
is written as our lot (or fate, byagya), that is what we have
to go on. We must pray to God, and we must not sin."
Under certain circumstances, however, a more open
relationship to other caste persons, like ourselves, was
witnessed.
EXAMPLE8 One day after we had helped the Mahatma
and his party through a particularly dangerous river cross-
ing (with more moral support than physical assistance,
however), the womenfolk of the party encouraged us to join
them that evening in the singing of hari-kirtan, hymns of
praise to Lord Krishna. We did so, and were offered places
to sit next to the men and women of the group on the
Thakali house porch where they were spending the night.
The event was staged late in the evening, long after they
had taken their evening meal (in strict privacy), and the
absence of food made our presence less intrusive in the
ritual sense.
There was no likelihood that we could have been invited
to participate, nor did they want us to observe them dur-
ing meals. When, occasionally, we happened upon them
eating, they would turn their backs to us or otherwise signal
that our close presence was unwanted. We were careful to
oblige, out of respect for the ritual sanctity of their
mealtime.
EXAMPLE 9 Another time, at a point two days' walk below
Muktinath, an elderly man and a frail elderly woman in
the same party of Brahmins took seriously ill. The entire
group was visibly shaken by this bad omen and by the
groups' delay that their illnesses caused. The following
events brought this large group quite close together, to
endure their troubles. The group leader, the Mahatma,
was urged to arrange for porters to carry the sick the last
two days to the shrine. But the following day, the ill pil-
grims were placed in the care of the district hospital,
instead, and the group divided into two parts.
The Mahatma and several helpers stayed behind to
decide what to do with their ill companions. The larger
party trudged on through the dark to an inn near Kag-
beni where they had planned to stay the night. If much
delayed, they risked getting behind schedule and missing
their planned performance of sraddhaobsequies at Kagbeni
and the auspicious dawning moment of the full moon day
at the Vishnu temple of Muktinath.
The pilgrims arrived late that night, exhausted and cold,
at a lonely Bhotia inn a few miles short of Kagbeni. Our
own party and other travellers had already crowded into
the dingy little inn. A yak had been slaughtered earlier in
the day, and fresh meat was hanging to dry from the
rafters. The inn reeked of fresh blood, and the acrid smoke
from the fire stung our eyes. It was no better outside, where
a biting cold wind howled along the river course. The inn
was dark, dirty, and for an orthodox tagadhari Hindu, a
place of great defilement. (Yaks are considered as beef,
hence sacred to Hindus as a form of Lord Vishnu himself.
Killing a yak, like killing a cow, is considered an un-
pardonable act of great sin.) The Brahmins huddled out
116 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
of the wind in the inn's outer doorway, unwilling to enter
further. There they ate a simple meal of dried bread and
uncooked snacks, and there they slept, bundled together
for warmth, avoiding the looks and touch of others who
stayed inside that night.
It was obvious that members of this advance party were
upset at being separated from the other members of their
party, including their leader, who stayed behind to take
care of their sick brethren. When, in the early morning
hours of the following day, the Mahatma and his helpers
rejoined them, there was considerable relief and rejoicing
as the reunited group continued onward toward their goal.
So far, we have describedsome examples of communitas
among the members of one status group, and several ex-
amples of non-communitas behaviour between people of
unequal caste status. We still anticipated finding com-
munitas manifest between groups of roughly equal status,
such as between parties of Brahmin pilgrims. The follow-
ing example negated that expectation.
EXAMPLE 10 Throughout the researchtrip we were espe-
cially interested in two rather typical tagadharipilgrim
parties, one from the Pahar and one, led by the Mahatma,
from Nepal's far eastern Terai lowlands adjacent to India
(Table 2, Groups 15 and 2, respectively).
The Terai group numbered twenty-threeindividuals(21
Brahmins and 2 Magars) and an additional three porters
(Pahari Brahmins).This groupwas, by outwardsign (ritual
decoration)and their own definition, a Vaisnavadevotional
group (bhakta).In dress and demeanour, they displayed
considerable means and sophistication.
By comparison, the Pahari group from the hills num-
bered four Brahmins (two elderly married couples), and
in contrast were quite plain, poor, and unsophisticated in
appearance. They wore simple garb, carried all of their
own supplies, and displayed no decorations indicating any
devotional cult. Given their hill Nepali identity, their same
sacred quest, and their similar ritual status as men and
SUMMARY
Much has been made of structure"and "anti-structure",
"communitas"and "liminality"in the context of religious
pilgrimage (for example, in V. Turner, 1974a, 1974b;
Turner and Turner, 1978). These are useful concepts, but
some observershave questioned their efficacy in particular
instances. Our purpose here is not so much to refute the
Turner hypotheses but to look at the Muktinath example
from a differentperspective,one that elucidatesthe structure-
affirmingaspects of orthodox Hindu pilgrimage(cf. Pfaffen-
berger, 1979).
It is our hypothesisthat the behaviourof tagadhari
Hindus
engaged in religious pilgrimage activity on the occasion of
Janai Purnima at Muktinath is in conformity with the
normal strictures on caste, and that the pilgrimage event
is a social arena in which caste status-both for the indi-
vidual devotees and for Hinduism in general-is high-
lighted, emphasized, and reaffirmed.
women of the tagadhariBrahmin caste, we expected that
if anywhere, it would be between these two groups that
we might witness communitas and camaraderie. Instead,
we found that social structure was heightened, not
diminished, between them.
The Pahari (hill) Brahmins were of the highest tagadhari
status, Upadhyaya, at the very pinnacle of Nepali caste
status. But it was quite clear on several occasions along
the trail that they were disdainful toward their fellow
travellers whom they classified as Brahmins "fromIndia"
(i.e., the Nepal Terai lowlands), hence of inferior status.
The economic class differences between them -the Terai
group being obviously wealthy in contrast to their own
poverty- only highlighted the already existing structural
boundaries between them.
One morning we encounteredthe wealthy Terai Hindus
performing their daily devotions and ablutions alongside
a stream near the trail. They concluded their ritual bath
by decorating their foreheads with the V-shaped coloured
tika marks of sandalwood paste that identify Vaisnava
devotees. A short while later we met the smaller, poorer
group of Pahari pilgrims whose spokesman made the fol-
lowing observations about the Terai pilgrims:
One cannotseethe truth.The wholeuniverseis truth,and
Brahma,VishnuandMahesh(LordShiva)cameintobeing
to createthe livinguniverseout of truth.Therearepeople
whoworshipVishnu,andsomewhoworshipShiva.Those
who wear the white tikaare Vaisnavas ... We can also put
on tika,butonceyouputon thatsortof tikayoumustbecome
tyagi(a renouncer,self-denying,unselfish).When one
becomestyagi,he leaveseverythingandwalksnakedbefore
God, withoutgreed(lobh)... ThoseothersareVaisnavas
in nameandtikaonly. Theyhaveporters,andwe willhave
nothingto do withsuchostentatiousluxury(sokh)as theirs!
This hill Brahmin and his three companions steadfastly
avoided the larger Terai group, and as these critical
remarks suggest, the former had only contempt for the
latter.
Clearly, something more profoundthan friendlinessand
communitas motivates these pilgrims. And, likewise, they
go to Muktinath for more than adventureor for fun. Their
quest is notjatra, a fair, butyatra,a sacredexperience. The
devout pilgrim'sprimaryobjectivefor going to Muktinath,
or to anyHindu shrine, is to do worship and receive darsan
of God. In the particular case of Muktinath, the arduous
task of travellingto the holy site and the observanceof strict
personal austerity on the way makes it very special. The
fact of being there on the doubly ostentatious occasion of
Janai Purnima makes it all the more important.
Its importance is both specific (to the individual) and
general(to the society). At the human level, the ceremonial
act of a tagadhariman changing his janai represents the
affirmationof the highest possible social and ritual status.
It is, then, an act of supremesuper-structure (not anti-struc-
ture). At the social level, the entire pilgrimage is funda-

mentally structure-affirming. It is a lengthy and elaborate
event that reconfirms and highlights Brahminism as a
whole.
The behaviour of the pilgrims we encountered reflects
the structure of the Brahmanical order and ethos. The
zealous Hindu engaged in tirtha-yatra(pilgrimage), does his
or her best to follow the strict rules of interpersonal asso-
ciation and commensality, and to maintain the well-defined
bounds of orthodox caste propriety while engaged in the
sacred quest. The sincerely orthodox devotee would not
deliberately go out of his way to seek interpersonal rela-
tionships that might abrogate the rules or seriously
endanger his social or ritual status. Rather, a pilgrimage
is entered into in order to highlight and more fully con-
firm one's relationship to God and to one's fellow human
beings.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My first pilgrimage to Muktinath took place in the early
winter of 1964, when I and a companion circumambulated
the Annapurna massif via Thak Khola and Thorung Pass.
The principal research on the symbolic features and social
anthropology of Hindu pilgrimage was conducted in 1980,
at the time of the Hindu Full Moon Festival of Janai
Purnima. That research was principally funded by the
National Geographic Society Committee on Research and
Exploration (Grant No. 2139-80), with other assistance re-
ceived from the E. O. Holland Fund of Washington State
University. Further research was conducted during sev-
eral visits to the shrine during the early 1980s, culminating
with the Spring Festival of Chait Dasain (Dashahara) of
April 1984.
I am indebted to many people who assisted at various
stages of travel, research, data analysis, and writeup,
REFERENCES
Anderson, M. M., 1971: TheFestivalsof Nepal. George Allen &
Unwin, London.
Arkell, W. J., 1956:JurassicGeologyof theWorld.Oliver and Boyd,
Edinburgh and London.
Basham, A. L., 1954: TheWonder thatwasIndia. Macmillan, New
York.
Bennett, L., 1976: Wives of the Rishis: an analysis of the Tij-
Rishi Panchami women's festival. Kailash-A Journalof Hima-
layanStudies(Kathmandu), 4(2): 185-207.
, 1983: DangerousWivesand SacredSisters:Socialand Sym-
bolicRolesof High CasteWomenin Nepal. Columbia University
Press, New York.
Bharati, A., 1963: Pilgrimage in the Indian tradition. Historyof
Religions,3: 135-167.
, 1981: Theoretical perspectives in pilgrimage. A paper
presented at the conference on "Pilgrimage-The Human
Quest" at the University of Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh, Pennsyl-
vania), 14-17 May 1981.
Bhardwaj, S. M., 1973: HinduPlacesof Pilgrimage in India:A Study
in CulturalGeography.University of California Press, Berkeley
and Los Angeles.
, 1981: Peregrinology and geography: An overview. A
paper presentedat the conferenceon "Pilgrimage-The Human
D. A. MESSERSCHMIDT
/ 117
Similarly, Christians on pilgrimage or on a retreat may
be expected to behave in ways that reflect and uphold the
inherent principles of egalitarian social relations so deeply
embedded in the Christian ethic. Likewise, the sincere
Muslim should be expected to act while on Hadj in accord-
ance with the precepts of Islamic brotherhood. Other ex-
amples could be cited. The point is that in each case the
pilgrimage represents a structure-affirming experience, one
that highlights the inherent principles of the host religion.
The Hindu pilgrimage may be viewed, therefore, as an
enhanced or encapsulated image of Brahmanical society
in which structure-affirming behaviour is expected, is the
norm.
includingJ. Acharya, Wm. S. Alinen, N. Atkinson, D. B.
Bista, S. Gurung, E. Hatleberg, J. Lutz, M. Martin, S.
andJ. Mikesell, A. Morinis, R. B. Morrison, A. Parrish,
M. Reisinger, J. D. Sharma (as principal research asso-
ciate), A. C. Sherpa, and R. Stoddard. Betty Rogers and
Allan Silverman of National Public Radio (NPR) recorded
the pilgrimage event on audio tape for a radio production
special entitled "The Pilgrimage to Muktinath" (aired 12
April 1981 on "All Things Considered"). Not the least,
special thanks go to my wife, Kareen, and children, Hans
and Liesl, who trekked and shivered alongside so many
pilgrims in the unseasonal snowstorm of April 1984. My
greatest debt is to the many pilgrims and local villagers
whose helpfulness and hospitality made the research, the
trekking, and the chill so much easier.
Quest" at the University of Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania).
Bista, D. B., 1971: The political innovators of upper Kali-
Gandaki. Man, 6(1): 52-60.
, 1972: Peopleof Nepal. 2nd ed. Ratna Pustak Bhandar,
Kathmandu.
Burrard, S. G. and Hayden, H. H., 1933 (1907): A Sketchof the
Geography andGeologyoftheHimalayaMountains andTibet.Revised
edition. Manager of Publications, Delhi.
Dey, N. L., 1971 (1927): TheGeographical DictionaryofAncientand
Mediaeval India.Reprint edition. Oriental Books Reprint Corp.,
New Delhi.
Dutt, N. K., 1931: OriginandGrowthof Castein India,vol. 1. Kegan
Paul, Trench & Trubner, London.
Eliade, M., 1969: Sacred space and making the world sacred.
In Eliade, M., TheSacredandtheProfane:TheNatureof Religion,
trans. from the French by W. R. Trask, 20-65. Harcourt,
Brace, New York.
Furer-Haimendorf,C. von, 1966: Caste concepts and status dis-
tinctions in Buddhist communities of western Nepal. In Furer-
Haimendorf, C. von (ed.), Casteand Kin in Nepal, India and
Ceylon,pp. 140-160. Asia Publishing House, Bombay.
, 1975: HimalayanTraders.St. Martin's Press, New York.
118 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
Gansser, A., 1964: Geologyof the Himalayas.Interscience Pub-
lishers, New York.
Gauchan, S. and Vinding, M., 1977: The history of the Thakaali
accordingto the Thakaali tradition. Kailash-A Journalof Hima-
layanStudies,5(2): 97-184.
Gennep, A. van, 1960 (1908): TheRitesof Passage.Routledge and
Kegan Paul, London.
Gill, S. D., 1982: Beyond"ThePrimitive".Prentice-Hall, Engle-
wood Cliffs, New Jersey.
Gurung, H., 1981: Relationship of public and private sectors of
travel industry. Nepal Review(Kathmandu), 1(7): 31-33.
Hagen, T, 1959: Geologie des Thakkhola(Nepal). Ec. Geol.Helv.,
52: 709-719.
Hamilton, F. B., 1971 (1819): An Accountof theKingdomof Nepal.
Manjusri, New Delhi.
Hofer, A., 1979: TheCasteHierarchy andtheStatein Nepal.A Study
of theMulukiAin of 1854. UniversitatsverlagWagner,Innsbruck,
Austria.
Iijima, S., 1963: The Hinduizationof a Himalayantribe in Nepal.
KroeberAnthropological SocietyPapers,29: 43-52.
Jackson, D. P., 1976: The early history of Lo (Mustang) and
Ngari. Contributions to NepaleseStudies,4(1): 39-56.
, 1978: Notes on the history of Serib, and nearby places
in the upper Kali Gandaki. Kailash-A Journalof Himalayan
Studies(Kathmandu), 6(3): 195-227.
, 1984: TheMollasof Mustang.Historical,ReligiousandOra-
toricalTraditions of theNepalese-Tibetan Borderland.The Library
of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharmasala, India.
Jest, C., 1981: Monumentsof NorthernNepal. UNESCO, Paris.
Jha, M., 1971: TheSacredComplexinJanakpur.Indological,Socio-
logical,Anthropological andPhilosophicalStudyof HinduCivilization.
United Publishers, Allahabad, India.
Krishnan, M. S., 1960: Geology of IndiaandBurma.Higginbothams
(Pvt.) Ltd., Madras, India.
Kurten, B., 1970: Continental drift and evolution. In Tuzo
Wilson, R. J. (ed.), ContinentsAdrift. Readingsfrom Scientific
American,114-123. W. H. Freeman, San Francisco.
Manzardo, A. E., 1978: To Be Kings of the North: Community
Adaptation and Impression Management in the Thakalis of
Western Nepal. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin.
University Microfilms No. 79-2415, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Manu Samhita, 1909: ManuSmrti(LawsofManu). English trans-
lation. The Society for the Resuscitation of Indian Literature,
H. C. Das, Elysium Press, Calcutta.
Messerschmidt, D. A., 1980: Gateway-hinterland relations in
changing Nepal. Contributions to NepaleseStudies,8(1): 21-38.
, 1982a: Social processon the Hindu pilgrimageto Mukti-
nath. Kailash-A Journal of HimalayanStudies(Kathmandu),
9(2-3): 139-157.
, 1982b: The Thakali of Nepal: Historical continuity and
socio-cultural change. Ethnohistory, 29(4): 265-280.
Messerschmidt, D. A. and Gurung, N. J., 1974: Parallel trade
and innovation in central Nepal: The cases of the Gurung and
Thakali Subbas compared. In Fiirer-Haimendorf,C. von (ed.),
Contributionsto theAnthropologyof Nepal, 197-221. Aris & Phillips,
Warminster, England.
Messerschmidt, D. A. and Sharma,J. D., 1980: Himalayan pil-
grimage to the Hindu shrine at Muktinath: Cultural meaning
and social process. Report to the National GeographicSociety,
Committee on Research and Exploration, Grant No. 2139-80.
Unpublished.
, 1981: Hindu pilgrimagein the Nepal Himalayas. Current
Anthropology (Research Conclusions), 22(5): 571-572.
Molnar, P. and Tapponnier,P., 1977:The collisionbetween India
and Eurasia. ScientificAmerican,236(4): 30-41.
Morris, W. (ed.), 1980 (1969): TheAmericanHeritageDictionaryof
the EnglishLanguage.Houghton, Mifflin, Boston.
Pal, P., 1970: Vaishnava Iconologyof Nepal. The Asiatic Society,
Calcutta.
Paul, R. A., 1982: The TibetanSymbolicWorld.Psychoanalytic Ex-
plorations.University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London.
Payne, F., 1850: Wanderings of a Pilgrimin Searchof thePicturesque,
2 vols., n.p., quotedin. Crooke, W. (ed.), Hobson-Jobson: A
Glossary of ColloquialAnglo-Indian Words andPhrases,andofKindred
Terms,Etymological, Historical,GeographicalandDiscursive, by Yule,
H., and Burnell, A. C., 1979 (1903). Munshiram Manoharlal,
New Delhi.
Pfaffenberger, B., 1979: The Kataragama pilgrimage: Hindu-
Buddhist interaction and its significance in Sri Lanka's poly-
ethnic social system. Journalof Asian Studies,38: 253-270.
Preston, J. J., 1980: Sacred centers and symbolic networks in
South Asia. TheMankindQuarterly,20: 259-293.
Ramble, C. A. E. and Vinding, M., 1987: The Bem-chagvillage
record and the early history of Mustang District. Kailash-A
Journalof HimalayanStudies,8(1-2): 5-47.
Reed, F. R. C., 1908: Fossils from Nepal. Geol.Mag., n.s., 5(5):
256-261.
Regmi, M. C., 1976: Landownership in Nepal.University of Cali-
fornia Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.
Schuler, S., 1977: Migratory traders of Baragaon. Contributions
to NepaleseStudies(Journal of the Centre for Nepal and Asian
Studies, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu), 5(1): 71-84.
, 1978: The Womenof Baragaon. Vol. II, Field Study 5. In
Bennett, L. and Acharya, M. (eds.), The Statusof Womenin
Nepal.Centre for Economic Development and Administration,
Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu.
, 1987: The OtherSide of Polyandry.Property,Stratification,
andNonmarriage in theNepalHimalayas.WestviewPress, Boulder,
Colorado.
Schwartzberg,J. E. (ed.), 1978: A HistoricalAtlas of SouthAsia.
University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Sen, J., 1976: Land routes of Indo-Nepalese trade in the nine-
teenth century. Journalof IndianHistory,54(3): 687-711.
Slusser, M. S., 1982: NepalMandala.A CulturalStudyof theKath-
manduValley.2 vols. PrincetonUniversityPress, Princeton,New
Jersey.
Snellgrove, D., 1961: HimalayanPilgrimage: A Studyof TibetanRe-
ligionbya TravellerthroughWestern Nepal.Bruno Cassirer,Oxford,
England.
, 1979: Places of pilgrimagein Thag (Thakkhola):Tibetan
manuscripts, produced by Tshampa Ngawang of Drumpa.
Kailash-A Journalof Himalayan Studies(Kathmandu), 7: 73-170.
Tarling, D. and Tarling, M., 1975: Continental Drift. A Studyof
theEarth'sMovingSurface.Rev. ed. Anchor Books, Garden City,
New York.
Tilman, H. W., 1952: Nepal Himalaya.Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, England.
Turner, R. L., 1965 (1931): A Comparative and Etymological Dic-
tionaryof the Nepali Language.Routledge and Kegan Paul,
London.
Turner, V., 1974a: Dramas,Fields, andMetaphors.Cornell Uni-
versity Press, Ithaca, New York.
, 1974b: Pilgrimage and communities. StudioMissionalia,
23: 305-327.
Turner, V. and Turner, E., 1978: Imageand Pilgrimagein Chris-
tian Culture.Columbia University Press, New York.
Vidyarthi, L. P., 1961: TheSacredComplexin Hindu Gaya.Asia
Publishing House, Bombay.
Yule, H. and Burnell, A. C., 1979 (1903): Hobson-Jobson: A Glos-
saryof ColloquialAnglo-IndianWordsand Phrases,and of Kindred
Terms,Etymological,Historical,Geographical and Discursive(new
edition, W. Crooke, ed.). MunshiramManoharlal,New Delhi.