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ZWISCHEN BYZANZ UND DER STEPPE

Archologische und historische Studien


Festschrift fr Csand Blint zum 70. Geburtstag

BETWEEN BYZANTIUM AND THE STEPPE


Archaeological and Historical Studies in Honour of
Csand Blint on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday
Csand Blint in Istanbul, in front of the finds brought to light during the excavations
preceding the underground construction (2013)
ZWISCHEN BYZANZ UND DER STEPPE
Archologische und historische Studien
Festschrift fr Csand Blint zum 70. Geburtstag

BETWEEN BYZANTIUM AND THE STEPPE


Archaeological and Historical Studies in Honour of
Csand Blint on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday

EDITED BY
DM BOLLK, GERGELY CSIKY AND TIVADAR VIDA

with assistance from


Anett Mihczi-Plfi and Zsfia Masek

INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
RESEARCH CENTRE FOR THE HUMANITIES
HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
BUDAPEST 2016
The publication of this volume was generously funded by the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
and the
Research Centre of the Humanities, Hungarian Academy of Sciences

DRAWINGS AND ILLUSTRATIONS


Magda ber and Sndor si

DESKTOP EDITING AND LAYOUT


AbiPrint Kft.

Institute of Archaeology, Research Centre for the Humanities


Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2016
The authors, 2016
The editors, 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any other
information storage and retrieval system, without requesting prior permission in writing
from the publisher.

Cover photo: Detail of an Early Byzantine mosaic floor, Kissufim, Israel


( Photo: Vladimir Naichin, Courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority)

Responsible editor: Pl Fodor

ISBN 978-615-5254-05-5

Printed in Hungary by
Kdex Knyvgyrt Kft., Budapest
Director: Attila Marosi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Editors Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

FALKO DA I M
Der Forscher und sein Gegenstand. Ein Gesprch mit Csand Blint . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

GL I M P SE S OF BY Z A N T I U M A N D T H E W E ST E R N WOR LD I N L AT E A N T IQU I T Y

DM BOLLK
A Fifth-Century Scriptural Amulet from Hcs-Bndekpuszta in its Mediterranean
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

ELLEN R IEMER
Eine Ostgermanin in der Pfalz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

PAT R ICK PR I N T HOM AS CALLIGA RO


Note sur lorigine des grenats utiliss par les orfvres du haut Moyen ge occidental
europen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

NOL ADA MS
Of Men and Mushrooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

PAOLO DE V I NGO PAOLA M A R I NA DE M A RCHI


The Circulation of Artefacts, Fashions and Styles in Langobard Lombardy and their
Interactions with the Contemporary Byzantine Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

CH R ISTOPH EGER
Vielteilige Grtel im sdlichen und stlichen Mittelmeerraum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

ZSFI A R CZ
Ein frhmittelalterlicher Pressmodelfund aus dem mittleren Dnjepr-Gebiet . . . . . . . . . . 175

Y VONNE PET R I NA
Das sptantike Schtzchen von Taposiris Magna (gypten). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183

SEBAST I A N BR AT HER
Grubenhuser und Haushalte. Zur Sozialstruktur frhmittelalterlicher Siedlungen in
Ostmitteleuropa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

GERGELY CSI K Y
Inner Asian or Byzantine? Lanceheads from Merovingian Cemeteries: A View from the
Carpathian Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209

PETER SCH REI NER


Die Donau als Paradiesfluss: Ein unbekannt gebliebenes byzantinisches Lexikonlemma
aus dem frhen 10. Jahrhundert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
6

BA RT OM IEJ SZ Y MON SZ MONIEWSK I


Metalwork in Gold and Silver during Tang and Liao Times (6181125). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231

T H E AVA R S A N D T H E I R CON TAC T S W I T H T H E M E DI T E R R A N E A N WOR LD

T I VADA R V I DA
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation
The Case of the Avars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

RBERT M LLER
Sptantike Elemente in den Grberfeldern der frhen Keszthely-Kultur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271

OR SOLYA HEI NR ICH-TA M SK A


Une poque de bouleversement? Remarques sur ltude de lantiquit tardive et de la
palochrtient en Pannonie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291

FLOR I N C U RTA
Amphorae and Seals: The Sub-Byzantine Avars and the Quaestura Exercitus . . . . . . . . . 307

U W E FIEDLER
Nochmals zur Datierung der Wall- und Grabenzge an der mittleren Donau.
Vorgelagerter Grenzschutz des sptrmischen Reiches oder Machtdemonstration der
awarischen Herrscher? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335

GERGELY SZEN T HE
Crisis or Innovation? A Technology-Inspired Narrative of Social Dynamics in the
Carpathian Basin during the Eighth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351

R A I M A R W. KORY
Die nautilusfrmige Schale Nr. 18 von Nagyszentmikls Erwgungen zu Parallelen
und Provenienz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371

R ADU H A R HOI U
Archologische Grabungen in Schssburg Dealul Viilor, Fundstelle Grberfeld.
Befund 359 ein Wohngebude aus der Sptawarenzeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393

ERW I N GLL SN DOR ROM T


The Current State of Archaeological Research on the Avar Period in the Banat.
Observations on the Changes in the Avar Settlement Territory in this Region and on
Some Early Medieval Cultural-Sociological Phenomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433

PL SMEGI K ATALI N NFR DI GUSZ TV JA K AB T N DE TRCSI K


Did an Extreme Dry Climate Lead Actually to the Collapse of the Avar Empire in the
Carpathian Basin A Fact or Fiction? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 469
7

E A ST E R N E U ROP E , T H E A NC I E N T H U NGA R I A NS A N D T H E C A R PAT H I A N


BA SI N I N T H E N I N T H C E N T U RY

M I K LS TA K CS
The Ninth-Century Carpathian Basin on the North-Western Edge of the First Bulgarian
State. An Overview of Some Hypotheses and Remarks and Their Evaluation . . . . . . . . . 501

MECH T H I LD SCH U LZE-DR RLA M M


Zur Interpretation der vergoldeten Kupferblechreliefs aus dem grossmhrischen
Burgwall Bojn I (Slowakei) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519

IST VN VSRY
Hungarians and Mongols as Turks: On the Applicability of Ethnic Names . . . . . . . . . . 537

.
IX-X . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 545

V LADI M I R A. I VA NOV
Similarities in the Funerary Rites of the Ancient Hungarians of the Conquest Period and
the Ugric Peoples of the Urals: A Possible Genetic Link. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557

T H E C A R PAT H I A N BA SI N I N T H E T E N T H E LE V E N T H C E N T U R I E S

PTER LA NG A N DR S PATAY-HORVT H
Hungarian Belt Bulgarian Belt? Some Notes on the Distribution of Ribbed Belt
Mounts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567

LSZ L KOVCS
Eine Variante der sogennanten geflochtenen Drahtringe: die doppelt gedrehten
Drahtringe im 11. Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken (Skizze) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 591

ADA M BI RO
Notes on the Tenth-Century Magyar Bow. Mutilated, Ruptured and Broken Lateral Tip
Plates in the TenthEleventh-Century Archaeological Material of the Carpathian Basin 605

GABR IEL FUSEK


Eine karolingische Prunkschnalle von Nitra-indolka, Grab F246. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623

LSZ L RV SZ
Die Grberfelder des 10.11. Jahrhunderts im Banat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 631

C E N T R A L A N D E A ST-C E N T R A L E U ROP E I N T H E M I DDLE AGE S

ALEX A N DER T. RU T T K AY
Nitrianska Blatnica The Origins and the Ninth-Sixteenth-Century History of the St.
George Rotunda as Reflected in the Archaeological Record . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 663
8

M A RCI N WO OSZ Y N I WONA FLOR K IEW ICZ TOM ASZ DZIEKOWSK I


SY LW ESTER SADOWSK I ELBIETA M. NOSEK JA NUSZ STPI SK I
Cherven before Cherven Towns. Some Remarks on the History of the Cherven Towns
Area (Eastern Poland) until the End of 10th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 689

ELEK BENK
Burials in Medieval Cistercian Monasteries A Case Study from the Cistercian Abbey at
Pilis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 717

BALZS GUSZ TV MEN DE


The Demographic Character of the Btmonostor Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 741

CH R IST I A N LBKE
Das Phnomen der Gste im stlichen Europa: Anstze einer Willkommenskultur
fr Migranten im Mittelalter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 755

JOH A NNES FR IED


Aufstieg aus dem Untergang. Der Geist der Apokalypse und die Geburt der
Wissenschaft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 765

List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 783


THEY ASKED TO BE SETTLED IN PANNONIA...
A STUDY ON INTEGR ATION AND ACCULTUR ATION
THE CASE OF THE AVARS
Tivadar Vida

Arriving from the eastern steppe, the Avars united the peoples and cultural communities
of the Carpathian Basin under their rule during the seventh century: the remnants of the
Romanised population, the Germanic peoples, the Byzantines, the Bulgars and the Slavs. The
success of this integration and acculturation is reflected by the emergence of a Byzantine-type
material culture across the entire Avar Khaganate within a century, expressing the territorial
unity of the lands controlled by the Avars. The concentration of high-status burials lavishly
furnished with weapons and gold in the Danube-Tisza interfluve suggests that the sixth
seventh-century Avar centre lay in this region. The greater part of the local population lived
in former Pannonia and Transylvania. However, the changes in life-style and costume were
not a reflection of the structural transformation of society, in which shamanistic beliefs and
steppean traditions as expressed by horse burials remained dominant.

Keywords: Avars, Byzantium, late antique and Merovingian culture, power centre, sedentism,
beliefs

The appearance and settlement of the Avars in the Carpathian Basin diverted the life of the regions
peoples from the early medieval European cultural trajectory for two and a half centuries. The
Barbarian kingdoms emerging across the territory of the former Roman Empire drew from the
antique traditions, much of which was mediated by the late antique elite that had worked out a
modus vivendi with the new Barbarian leaders in the arena of the transformed political organisations
and structures.1 The sixth-century tribal kingdoms of the Langobards and the Gepids in Pannonia
(the latter with its centre in Sirmium) were to some extent built on the surviving remnants of Late
Roman structures (crafts, farming culture). The arrival and settlement of the Avars brought an end
to the regions Roman-type development and replaced it with a centralised military, political
and economic structure of the eastern type that differed significantly from the periods European
formations.2
In a brief study written over twenty years ago, Istvn Bna discarded the earlier conventional
historical and typochronological periodisation of the Avar period and proposed a new sub-division
with a focus on long-term processes (corresponding to what would later be termed histoire de longue

1
The individuals and the communities with different geographic and cultural backgrounds of the Early Avar
period will be examined using isotope chemical and molecular biology (DNA) as part of a larger research project
in order to gain a better understanding of their origins, their life-styles, their co-existence, their society and
their culture. Mobility and Population Transformation in the Carpathian Basin of the 5th to 7th Century A.D.:
Changing Societies and Identities. NKFI-OTKA NN 113157 (Tivadar Vida)DFG KN 1130-4-1 (Corina Knipper),
Projekt 2014-2019.
2
Pohl 2003, 571595.
252 Tivadar Vida

dure).3 No more than a handful of studies were devoted to the analysis of these historical processes
because most scholars were more preoccupied with cataloguing and assessing the finds, and with
their historic, cultural and ethnic attribution. Intensive fieldwork and research conducted over the
past two decades have shed new light on the settlement, integration and acculturation of the Avars,
and have challenged the earlier conventional views on the pre-eminence of eastern traditions. We
now know that there were larger Germanic and Romanised as well as Byzantine and Slavic groups
living under Avar rule, which had a major impact on the acculturation of the Avars, while they
too were transformed even if these groups did not become Avars in their hearts during the first
one hundred years of Avar dominion, they certainly adopted the outward trappings of their new
masters and were Avars to all appearances. A better understanding of the Avars integration into
the contemporary European world remained a challenging task to the periods scholars because it
called for a paradigm shift: the earlier focus on the eastern traditions in Avar studies obscured all
local cultural phenomena, social displays, lifeways, identities and symbols.4
While also making major contributions to the research on the Avars eastern heritage, Istvn
Bna played a prominent role in the paradigm shift, which can be traced to one of his studies
in which he called attention to the fact that the material culture of the peoples who had arrived
to the Carpathian Basin from Eastern Europe was, first and foremost, moulded by local cultural
influences.5 Csand Blint provided a modern perspective on the clash between the eastern
steppean and the local (European) traditions.6 Attila Kiss can be credited with pioneering work
on the identification of the local Germanic heritage, while va Garam with the assessment of the
Byzantine finds.7
There were several dimensions to the settlement of the Avars in the Carpathian Basin and their
European acculturation; the historical sources and the archaeological record both testify to the
political, economic, cultural and ethnic conflicts accompanying the process.8 The growing corpus of
finds and the new research agendas (such as inquiries into landscape use, forms of identity, prestige
economies, etc.) reflecting the shifting foci in the periods research provide ample opportunities for
adding new hues to earlier views and revisiting certain issues. A study of the European integration
of the Avars, a process that appeared to proceed successfully enough for roughly one century, but
eventually faltered at the close of the seventh century, offers an excellent opportunity to present the
new methodological approaches in this field.

THE CONQUEST OF THE LANDSCAPE

Landscape archaeology, the study of how populations used the environment around them,
is currently high on research agendas. The basic tenet of this approach is that the landscape
preserves an imprint of the interaction between human societies and their environment, and that
because cultural elements are constantly changing, the cultural landscape too undergoes dynamic
transformations.9
Arriving from the vast eastern steppe after a journey of several thousand kilometres, the nomadic
Avars had an entirely different attitude to the natural and man-made elements of the landscape
than the settled peoples of Europe. One of the greatest achievements of the Avars was that they

3
The Avar conquest (567600 AD), the age of Avar power (600630) and, finally, the Avars integration/
acculturation (630/675700 AD) spanned over a hundred years. Bna 1988, 437463.
4
Aptly termed orient preference by Csand Blint: Blint 2007, 545562.
5
Bna 1979, 3948.
6
Blint 1995.
7
Kiss 1992; Garam 2001.
8
Daim 2003, 465487.
9
Christie 2004, 138.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 253

overcame the natural and cultural obstacles and, for the first time, created a political state that
incorporated the entire Carpathian Basin. With the exception of the few decades of the brief Hunnic
rule, none of the other peoples settling here were capable of integrating the motley of ethnic groups
with widely differing cultural backgrounds living in the diverse geographic regions during the
preceding millennia. The major rivers, principally the Danube and, to a lesser extent, the Tisza and
the Drava, acted as border rivers separating peoples and cultures.10 However, large rivers did not
pose insurmountable obstacles to the mounted nomads of the steppe several historical examples
can be quoted of how the outcome of major battles was changed by their unexpectedly fording a
river (Battle of Muhi and Battle of Brenta, to quote but two examples). The Khagan asserted his rule
over his empire through his mobile Avar warriors. The maintenance of the political, cultural and
economic flow and exchange of information, fundamentally vital to ensuring the Khagans power,
had an impact on the settlement system of the Early Avar period. The Avar dominion of the land is
indicated by solitary burials following the nomadic rite and Turkic-type sacrificial assemblages. 11
The study of the relation between the landscape and the peoples pursuing different life-styles
of the Avar period still awaits investigation. The solitary burials in the Alfld (Great Hungarian
Plain) and the Kisalfld (Little Hungarian Pain) reflect the presence of pastoralist groups engaged
in stockbreeding without permanently occupied settlements.12 The newly-arrived stockbreeding
nomads occupied the arable fields suitable for pasturing their animals. However, only lateral
pastoralism could be pursued in the Carpathian Basin, leading to the emergence of permanently
occupied settlements from the middle third of the seventh century, the growing importance of
arable farming and new forms of landscape use.13 We still know very little about how the economy
and the life-style of the local population were transformed in the wake of these changes. The
spectacular disappearance of Gepidic material culture in the Alfld probably only signals the
demise, flight or transformation of the elite and the middle classes because, for example, there is
written evidence that the peasants of three Gepidic villages had remained where they were.14 The
costume, the animal burials, the grave goods and the appearance of niche graves prove that the
Tisza region was occupied by nomads from Eastern Europe who were engaged in arable farming in
addition to stockbreeding (Fig. 1).15
The study of the archaeological assemblages has repeatedly demonstrated that there is a
chronological gap between the occupation of a region, i.e. the imposition of political control, and
the actual mass immigration of a new people.16 The distribution of solitary graves and sacrificial
assemblages suggests that the Avars first occupied the strategically important areas along the
one-time Roman road network, the earlier Roman settlements, the fording places and the road
junctions.17 The settlement patterns of the Avars were influenced not only by the natural resources,
but also by the Roman built elements such as roads, forts and towns, no matter how dilapidated,
because these too had been established in key strategic locations.
The burial grounds with several hundred or, occasionally, many thousands of graves opened
near the permanent settlements established near the one-time Roman forts suggest a population as
large as one thousand in some places. Early Avar cemeteries with several hundred or even several
thousand graves have been uncovered at Budakalsz near Aquincum, at Zamrdi near Sgvr/
Tricciana, at Kapospula near Alshetnypuszta/Iovia (?), at Cskberny near Tokod/Cardellaca, in
several locations near the KeszthelyFenkpuszta fort, near Krnye and in the fortified town of Tc/

10
Tomka 2005, 125147.
11
NmethiKlma 1992, 178179, Fig. 1.
12
Lrinczy 1998, 343372; Tomka 2008, 236241.
13
Fodor 2006, 2529.
14
Theophylactus Simocatta, Historia VIII. 2.104.3: de BoorWirth 1972.
15
Lrinczy 1998, 343372.
16
In the case of Avar-period Pannonia, this was convincingly demonstrated by Max Martin. Martin 1989, 6590.
17
NmethiKlma 1992, 173179.
254 Tivadar Vida

Gorsium-Herculia. The settlement and cemetery at Klked both lie near Altinun, a fort on the one-
time limes. The conquering Avars first buried their dead in smaller groups separate from the early
burials of the row-grave cemeteries opened by the reorganised local population, and only after the
turn of the sixthseventh centuries do we witness the burial communities of the local groups and
their Avar overlords. The highly heterogeneous material culture incorporating Byzantine, Italian and
Merovingian articles in the administrative and economic centres of eastern Transdanubia suggest the
co-residence of population groups with widely differing cultural backgrounds who had participated
in the Avars military campaigns and had been given their share of the booty, and who often had
their own long-distance trade and cultural contacts. The joint military expeditions, the identical life
circumstances and life-style doubtless contributed to the slow blend of the Avars, the local population
of Germanic communities and Romanised remnants, and the Balkanic, Slavic and Eastern European
population groups resettled by the Avars in various regions of the Carpathian Basin.

THE ARENAS OF POWER

The Byzantine contemporaries were fully aware of the fact that the Avars had a far better organised
administration than the Slavs or the Arabs,18 and they also perceived that similarly to the Turkic
peoples, the Avars had a strongly ranked society. This hierarchic social organisation, mostly embodied
by the well-organised military, was a distinctive trait of nomadic power extending its sway across a
vast territory, which ensured survival during the several thousand kilometres long flight and the
initial victories against Byzantium.19 Although the Byzantines despised the Avars, just as they did all
other Barbarian peoples, they did acknowledge their military prowess and their ability to create and
administer an empire. The administrative and ethnic transformation in the Middle Danube Basin
is best reflected in the contemporary Byzantine and western Frankish literary sources because the
land of the Avars was regularly referred to as Hunnia/Avaria (as was later the land of the ancient
Hungarians) and the term Pannonia was often applied to the entire Carpathian Basin.20
Was the conquest of new lands and the creation of an empire the genuine goal of the Avars
or does it only appear so in hindsight, in the light of later events? To answer this question, we
must briefly review the administration, the political goals and the economy of the Avars. Fleeing
from the Turks, the Avars main priority was finding a safe haven for themselves in Europe. Their
expansion towards the west was twice thwarted by the Frankish King Sigebert by the Elba (562,
566) and thus, by necessity, they turned southward to Byzantium, for which the occupation of the
Carpathian Basin proved an excellent springboard.21
The goal of the Avar elite was to achieve a status equal to Byzantium, in other words, to obtain
diplomatic recognition of their independence. Between 568 and 626, they made continuous efforts
to enter into alliance (foedus) with the Byzantine state and to receive the regular gifts and subsidies
befitting them as allies, and whenever this proved unattainable, they immediately launched an
attack. As a matter of fact, they strove to extort a continuous increase of the annual subsidy ensuring
the maintenance of the Khagans power and its display through cunningly well-timed campaigns.22
The Khagan ensured the loyalty of his military leaders and his army through the distribution of the
prestige goods he received. The economy of the Early Avar Khaganate was essentially based on the
18
Pallas-Brown 2000, 313314.
19
Gckenjan 1980, 5186.
20
Eggers 2007, 810.
21
Concealing their true intention, the Avars, always ready to attack, sought to negotiate an agreement with the
Byzantine emperor Justin II in autumn 568. However, Theophanes records that the emperor refused their offer
for an alliance on the grounds of the agreement with the Turks who were pursuing the Avars. Later, the Avars
came and asked to be settled in Pannonia and to make peace. But the emperor refused to ally himself with them
and kept his promise to the Turks. Theophanes Byzantinus quoted in Photios, Bibliotheca 64: Henry 1959, 7679.
22
Pohl 1988, 188.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 255

Fig. 1. Sacrificial assemblages () and partial animal burials () of the Early Avar period in
the Carpathian Basin (after NmethiKlma 1992 and Lrinczy 1998)

inflow of gold solidi, estimated at two to four million during the first fifty years. From an economic
perspective, the maintenance of some relation with Byzantium, whether peaceful or hostile, was
crucial to the Avars, who had no intention of giving up their nomadic life-style.
At the same time, the Avar Khaganate was not simply held together by brute force, embodied by
the assumed central power. The Khaganate was made up of networks of various population groups
organised along tribal, ethnic, regional, social and other lines, which often overlapped. The Khagan
maintained the system of networks through the redistribution of goods to achieve his political
goals. The single raison dtre of the Avars local dependency on the Byzantine Empire, overriding
any other considerations, was the acquisition of as great a booty as possible.23 The Avars integrated
the peoples of the Carpathian Basin with this aim in mind viewed from this perspective, the
Avar ethnogenesis, settlement and acculturation was a political and administrative issue first,
and a cultural one only second.
The Inner Asian Avars who had fled the Turks, who wore their long hair in the Turkic style
and gave the Khaganate its name, played a decisive role in the creation and maintenance of the
administrative system. The distribution of Turkic-type sacrificial assemblages (a spear and a bit
deposited in a shallow pit near the grave of the deceased) indicates that this group was present
across the entire territory occupied during the Early Avar period (Fig. 1). We currently know of some
fifty sacrificial assemblages: some of these were deposited in the later seventh century, implying
that this nomadic tradition was still alive among the second and third generation of the Avars.24 The

23
Stepanov 2005, 157158.
24
Tomka 2008, 249255, Fig. 3.
256 Tivadar Vida

unusual, rectangular-mouthed vessels with peaked and knobbed rim, perhaps also made for a special
purpose, whose best counterparts are known in the Altai region, southern Siberia and Kazakhstan,
appeared together with the Avars across the entire settlement territory and were still manufactured
in the later seventh century.25 The archaeological record thus reflects the dominant presence of a
population group preserving Asian traditions across the territory of the Early Avar Khaganate. It
seems likely that this group organised the Avar Khaganate, whose survival was ensured by their
traditions and ideology. The physical anthropological traits of their elite (Kunpeszr, Kunbbony)
too indicate Inner Asian, Mongoloid individuals (Baikal, Sayan and Sinid types).26
The concentration of high-status burials lavishly furnished with weapons and gold in the
Danube-Tisza interfluve suggests that the sixthseventh-century Avar centre lay in this region27
(Fig. 2). However, the location of the Avars fortified centre, called hring in the eighth-century
Western sources, remains unknown, and neither have any traces been found of any fortifications or
ramparts used or constructed by the Avars. The emergence and consolidation of the power centre
is indirectly indicated by the abandonment of the nomadic life-style and the shift to sedentism in
the seventh century. At the same time, the Khagan and the elite probably continued their practice
of moving from one settlement to the next, although they travelled not with their livestock, but with
their retinue, and they probably deplenished the accumulated goods before moving on.28
The initial Avar victories against the Frankish and Byzantine armies can be explained by
their steppean tactics and the use of stirrups. By around 600, stirrups were part of the standard
military equipment in the Byzantine army, indicating that the new military technique was
adopted surprisingly swiftly.29 The good-quality Avar stirrups were earlier associated with the
high craftsmanship of Avar smiths recorded in the written sources; today, they are regarded as
products of Byzantine workshops for example, the stirrups decorated with silver inlay made
using a complex technology from Mikebuda and Veremart/Vrsmart (Ro)30 as are certain types
of lances and trilateral arrowheads.31 It would appear, then, that the Avars acquired a part of their
weapons, especially the prestige products, from Byzantium. 32
Curiously enough, there are no lavish royal or princely burials from the first fifty years of the
Early Avar period: the spectacular graves of the elite, generously outfitted with gold such as the
burials uncovered at Bcsa, Kunbbony and Tpe, appear in the middle third of the seventh century,
the very period when Byzantium stopped paying the annual subsidy in exchange for peace after
the unsuccessful siege of Constantinople. The historical records indicate that the Avar Khaganate
was shaken by an internal crisis (the revolt of the Bulgars, Samos kingdom, the secession of the
southern Slavs) exactly because the elite was no longer able to provide the goods demanded by
their retinue. Although the Avar elite eventually consolidated its power, it no longer organised
campaigns whose sole aim was the acquisition of booty, and this led to changes in the self-display
of the Avar elite.33 By wearing the emblems of rank, wealth and power both in life and death, the
Avar elite signalled its legitimacy within the empire. Richly outfitted burials disappear from the
late seventh century onward, probably owing to the decline of the social demand for funerary
display the profounder reason being the political and social stabilisation of the Avar Khaganate
and the final shift to a sedentary life-style.

25
Vida 1999, 129132.
26
Liptk 1980, 270271; TthHorvth 1992, 220, Abb. 84; MarcsikSzalai 1992, 281295.
27
Simon 1991, 263346; Csiky 2015, 164-173.
28
Fodor 2006, 2529.
29
Kolias 1988, 206.
30
Curta 2008, 297325.
31
Schulze-Drrlamm 2006, 485508; von Freeden 1991, 601.
32
Byzantine laws forbade the shipment of weapons to the Avars, an indirect proof for the existence of a trade in
weapons. Menander Protector, Historia frg. 5.4, in Excerpta de legationibus romanorum ad gentes 3; Greek text and
English translation: Blockley 1985, 5253.
33
Kossack 1974, 333.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 257

Fig. 2. Nobles buried with gold- and silver-adorned weapons () and ceremonial belts ()
in the Danube-Tisza interfluve (after Simon 1991)

Byzantiums policy towards the Barbarians changed in the mid-seventh century. In contrast to
the Bulgars and the Khazars, the Avars who were weakened by their defeat at Constantinople
were no longer among the members of the Byzantine oikoumene created by the Emperor Heraclius.
Kuvrat, the Bulgar Khan, was awarded the title patrikios befitting the high-ranking state officials
loyal to the Byzantine state.34 Earlier, Attila had also received the highest imperial office (magister
militum) in recognition of the Hun kings co-operation with Rome. No Avar leader was honoured
with a similar imperial title: the ideologically and administratively closed Khaganate was unable
to align its long-term goals with those of Empire, and neither were there any particular Byzantine
expectations to do so in the later seventh century.

CH ANGES IN IDENTIT Y

Costume and ethnicity

Arriving to the Carpathian Basin with their nomadic trappings, the costume of the Inner Asian and
Eastern European nomads cannot be distinguished in the Avar material although the latter can
sometimes be identified through a few costume articles inspired by the Byzantine fashion of the

34
Vachkova 2008, 343345.
258 Tivadar Vida

Martinovka complex adopted in the Pontic region.35 The Avar elite redefined its identity in the new
political, social and economic milieu, which is archaeologically best reflected in the appearance
of belts adorned with Byzantine-type mounts.36 The urge to display status through articles in
the Byzantine style was so strong in Avar society that it even misled earlier scholarship, which
regarded this fashion (i.e. the Byzantine-type artefacts of the newly-arrived Avars), conceived in the
Carpathian Basin, as being genuinely Avar, while the heritage of the local population of Germanic
and Romanised groups was perceived as intrusive.
The ethnic interpretation of the maps showing the distribution of various artefact types defined
as Merovingian Germanic owing to their divergence from the Byzantine costume of the Avars37
was strongly criticised owing to its equation of certain artefact types with ethnic groups. The
ethnic (?) and cultural interpretation of various artefacts and decorative motifs led archaeological
research into a dead end because the context of their appearance was largely neglected (e.g.
distribution influenced by burial customs, the regional range of a workshops products, prestige
gifts, etc.).38 At the same time, a greater awareness of the role of various artefacts in costume can
contribute to the identification of costumes with cultural and ethnic associations, which enable the
location of population groups and the mapping of costume provinces (Trachtprovinz). This approach
eventually led to the identification of the Germanic male and female costume worn during the
Avar period: female costume was characterised by hair-pins, disc brooches, ornamental pendants,
amulet pendants, amulet capsules and shoe mounts (Fig. 3), while male costumes by three- and
four-piece belts, and Weihmrting- and Civezzano-type weapon belts. It thus proved possible to
locate the areas in eastern Transdanubia and Transylvania that had been inhabited by Germanic
groups during the Avar period.39
The Romanised population of the Avar period abandoned its custom of burying the dead without
grave goods, the typical practice in the Mediterranean during the fourthsixth centuries, perhaps
to emphasise it own identity in the multi-cultural environment. The archaeological heritage of this
population is known from late antique centres such as Keszthely, Tc and Pcs and their broader area,40
but no reliable method has yet been worked out for the identification of this population in the Avar
cemeteries of Transdanubia. The finds of these communities include both western Mediterranean
articles (disc brooches, bird brooches, basket earrings) and eastern Mediterranean types (bird-
headed pins, buckles, brooches with a returned foot). The western cultural impacts provide evidence
for the survival of the local late antique population, which preserved and maintained its contacts
with the Christian population of the south-eastern Alpine region, northern Italy and Dalmatia even
in the sixthseventh centuries. This community mediated western Mediterranean material culture
(jewellery and various other artefact types) and craft technologies as well as cultural values (antique
traditions, Christianity) to the Barbarian peoples of the Carpathian Basin. The Avars resettled new
population groups with a Romanised culture from the Byzantine provinces in the Balkans, who
introduced eastern Mediterranean costume traditions.41

Decorative style and social groups

Avar scholarship has still not addressed the problems of the social function and possible symbolic
meaning of the colourful Early Avar decorative style. So far, only the classification of the Avars

35
Lrinczy 1998, 343372.
36
Blint 2000, 4192; Daskalov 2012, 529.
37
Kiss 1992.
38
See Brather 2007, 185206.
39
Vida 2008, 1831.
40
Garam 2001, 178191.
41
Vida 2009, 233260; Mller 2010, 157166; Mller 2014, 157166.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 259

Fig. 3. Distribution of Merovingian belts and weapon belt sets (), female belt pendants and mount-decorated
shoes (Wadenbindengarnituren) () of the Early Avar period in the Carpathian Basin

ornamental style has been performed alongside a clarification of its origins, which will hopefully
be complemented with theoretical and methodological studies. The changes in the symbolic role of
the Avars decorative style appearing on various articles provides a good illustration of the process
of integration and social transformation. The richly diverse ornaments of the Early Avar period can
be derived from widely differing cultural, ethnic and ideological milieus.
A study of how Avar political power used decorative styles to display its power is most instructive.
The Avars arrived to the Carpathian Basin with puritanical trappings: their costume and their belts
were fitted with simple functional elements such as buckles, hooks and rivets made from bone, iron
and bronze or, more rarely, from precious metals. From the turn of the sixthseventh centuries, the
jewellery and the costume accessories of the elite and the middle classes can be clearly derived from
Byzantine forms and adornments.42 The belts were decorated with golden pseudo-buckle mounts
often set with precious stones such as the ones from Bcsa, Tpe and Kunbbony, while multi-piece
belts were fitted with shield-shaped mounts as the one from Kungota. Why did the Avar elite
believe that it could best display its power through Byzantine costume articles and a decorative
style adopted from its enemy? Georg Kossack described this phenomenon as the elites stylised
self-depiction which usually emerges in a specific historical situation and is stimulated by the
tension arising from the meeting between a hierarchic social organisation (in this case, the Avars)
and a high culture (e.g. Byzantium). The nobles expressed their membership in the elite through the
symbols referring to the culturally dominant partner and this is how they identified themselves in

42
Garam 2001.
260 Tivadar Vida

Fig. 4. The custom of wearing Early Byzantine multi-piece belts reflects the emergence and spread of a
uniform social display and, indirectly, the consolidation of Avar power. Felnac/Fnlak-type belt sets (); Dot-
and-comma-decorated belt mounts (); Martinovka-type sheet metal belt mounts (); Martinovka-type cast
belt mounts (*) (after Garam 2001)

front of their own society (Prunkgrbersitte). Curiously enough, the imitatio imperii became stronger
among the Avars in the later seventh century, after the defeat suffered from Byzantium (Fig. 4).
The Second Germanic Animal Style is represented by magnificently crafted mounts on
the weapon belts and belts worn by men and the ornamental pendants and jewellery worn by
women as shown by a series of Transdanubian finds from the onset of the Avar period. The new
ornamental style ingeniously concealed the clumsy animal figures of the First Germanic Animal
Style in the Mediterranean interlace patterns without any alterations to the symbolism alluding
to pagan Germanic mythology.43 This change was so profound that it proved suitable for the self-
identification of the new European elites, including the Avars, that appeared in the late sixth
century.44 The Second Animal Style used by the Germanic peoples of the Avar period (e.g. the gold
jewellery of the Jankovich Collection) was one mode of expressing their distance from the steppean
Avar elite whose self-display drew heavily from the Byzantine decorative style and for affirming
their ties with the western Merovingian culture.45
The costume articles of the Romanised local population and of the Balkanic peoples with a
Romanised (Early Byzantine) culture resettled by the Avars were adorned with Christian scenes or
symbols of the Mediterranean world. The emphasis on a religious identity was a powerful message

43
Heinrich-Tamaska 2006, 505628.
44
Hilund Nielsen 1997, 129148.
45
Vida 2008, 1831.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 261

in the pagan milieu. However, reliable evidence for the existence of a Christian community is only
known from the KeszthelyFenkpuszta fort, where the three-nave basilica was rebuilt at the turn
of the sixthseventh centuries.46
The colourful artistic diversity of the Early Avar period disappeared by the last third of the
seventh century and a uniform ornamental style emerged across the entire Khaganate (interlace
patterns and jewellery set with gemstones). The profound transformation of the ornamental style
reflects a cultural uniformisation, which, in turn, can probably be seen as an expression of economic
stability and political unification.

Religion and cultural groups

The presence of diverse spiritual and religious traditions among the peoples of the Avar period
during the seventh century, their influence on one another and their transformation can be
documented through various examples. The changes in spiritual culture, religion and religious
beliefs are illustrated by amulets believed to be vested with apotropaic and protective powers,
and various articles bearing Christian symbols. The spiritual traditions of the Early Avar period
in the Carpathian Basin included eastern steppean beliefs (such as the idea of the immortality of
the soul, shamanism, cp. bone amulets), the pagan beliefs of antiquity and the Germanic peoples
(reflected, for example, by tool amulets) and Christianity. Good examples can be quoted of the
many ways in which these influenced each other, their association with one another in other
words, of syncretism. Grave 74, a girls burial in the KiskrsVghd cemetery, contained a
perforated bird bone amulet of the steppean type and small tool amulets of the kind known from
the antique and Germanic world, alongside iron armour plates, which probably also functioned
as amulets. The woman buried in Grave 116 of the Alattyn cemetery wore a necklace with bird
bone pendants of the eastern type alongside a round lead ornament decorated with a cross (a copy
of Byzantine Christian bullae). The syncretism of the Avar period is reflected also by the wooden
amulet capsules adorned with metal mounts bearing cross motifs created from palm leaves whose
counterparts can be found among both the pagan plant amulets and the containers of secondary
Christian relics in early medieval Europe.47
The joint appearance of Christian and pagan, sacred and profane traits in various assemblages
of the Early and Middle Avar period is a reflection of the transformation and profound changes in
daily life. The political, social and cultural tensions precipitated by the transformation of power
relations, the ethnic and cultural conflicts, the decline of old values and old beliefs associated with
a tribal society led to the restructuring of beliefs and of the entire Weltanschauung, and ultimately
resulted in the syncretism we witness in these assemblages. The outcome of the process of integration
around the close of the seventh century was the dominance of eastern traditions, which at the same
time gave rise to a new set of values and new community cults promising protection, which are also
reflected in similar burial customs and a more-or-less identical use of amulets.

CH ANGES IN LIFEWAYS, SET T LEMENTS, POT TERY

The shift to sedentism and the accompanying changes in lifeways are reflected in the emergence
of a stable settlement network of permanent residences and villages.48 Although the distribution
of solitary burials linked to a pastoralist life-style extended to the Vienna Basin already during
46
Tth 2004, 241272.
47
Vida 2002, 179209.
48
The currently known 70,000 graves of the Avar period were unearthed in roughly 3000 cemeteries in contrast,
the number of known and often only partially investigated settlements is negligible (ca. 300), meaning that the
262 Tivadar Vida

Fig. 5. Yurt-shaped houses of the Early Avar period, one with a hearth. Kompolt-Kistr,
Houses 6 and 34 (after Takcs 2002)

the Early Avar period, the temporary campsites that can be associated with these burials were
made up of tents and yurts that leave few, if any, traces in the archaeological record. Examples
from Eastern Europe and the Hungarian Conquest period indicate that nomadic and semi-nomadic
communities shifting to sedentism often build sunken, yurt-shaped houses at first (Fig. 5), usually
with a hearth.49 Yurt-shaped houses of the Avar period have to date only been uncovered on the
Kompolt settlement.50
The earliest permanent Avar settlements appear in the early decades of the seventh century both
in the Alfld and in Transdanubia. The main elements of the settlement system emerging at this
time survived until the early ninth century, best shown by the continuous use of the cemeteries
in their broader area.51 The administrative and economic centres as well as the large settlements
by the fording places often had a population of a thousand because many of the burial grounds
used continuously for two centuries from the turn of the sixthseventh centuries contained several
thousand graves (the Budakalsz cemetery had an estimated 34000 burials, while the burial
grounds at Zamrdi and Szekszrd contained roughly 56000 and 5000 graves, respectively).
A remarkable correlation can be noted between the vessel types used in the households of the
Avar period, their manufacturing techniques, and the culture, lifeways and diet of the communities.
Significant differences can be noted between the ceramic wares of Transdanubia and the Alfld in
the seventheighth centuries. The high proportion of good quality, wheel-turned wares (5080%) in
Transdanubia reflects the survival of late antique and Germanic traditions, while the pottery of the
Alfld is dominated by the hand-thrown, poor quality vessels of the immigrant Avars.52
Ceramics turned on a slow wheel make their appearance across the entire Avar settlement
territory at the close of the seventh century. The network of workshops producing pottery wares
in the more developed antique and Germanic traditions vanished and we witness a cultural
equilibration between the eastern and western half of the Carpathian Basin. In Transdanubia, this

determination of the territory occupied by the Avars must be based on the evidence provided by the graves,
burial grounds, hoards and sacrificial assemblages.
49
1996, 848; Fodor 2006, 220222.
50
Takcs 2002, 280.
51
Kond 2014, 7192.
52
Vida 1999, 111159.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 263

Fig. 6. Avar-period settlement with sunken and post-framed houses uncovered at the
Rkczifalva-Bagi fldek site (after Kond 2014)
264 Tivadar Vida

meant a major decline in the craftsmanship of pottery production and a slight rise in the Alfld.
The pottery of the eighth-century Late Avar settlements across the entire Carpathian Basin is
dominated by hand-thrown wares, while vessels turned on a slow wheel account for no more than
2030% and the proportion of ceramics turned on a fast wheel is negligible. One century of Avar
dominion brought the economy, the craft industry and the cultural life of the peoples living in the
eastern and western half of the Carpathian Basin to the same level. The animal bone samples from
the eighth-century settlements are dominated by pig and domestic fowl, reflecting a sedentary
lifestyle however, it must be borne in mind that similar data are lacking regarding the settlements
dating from the later seventh century.
The appearance of two special vessel types clay cauldrons and baking lids or bells provide
incontestable proof that sedentism had become the norm by the later seventh century, the very
period which saw the shift to sedentism (Fig. 6). The wheel-turned and hand-thrown clay cauldrons
suspended over an open fire were initially dated to the Hungarian Conquest period and the early
rpdian Age. Later, as more and more settlements were investigated, variants of this vessel dating
from the ninth century and even earlier, the eighth century, were brought to light; more recently,
vessels of this type have also been recovered from seventh-century contexts.53 The fragile clay
cauldrons, which were difficult to transport, certainly indicate a sedentary life-style by the later
seventh century. A similar shift to sedentism occurred in Eastern Europe during the seventhninth
centuries: the nomads living in dispersed settlements manufactured similar cauldrons to be used
over open hearths.54 The clay cauldrons unearthed in the Carpathian Basin were first associated
with eastern immigrants;55 later, they were regarded as copies of Roman metal cauldrons56 or as a
locally evolved vessel type without any antecedents. In my view, the cauldrons were not copies of
similar Roman vessels, but imitated contemporary Byzantine metal wares, which the Avars had
brought back from the territory of the Empire.
Ethnographic analogies indicate that unleavened bread, meat and fish were baked by placing
them under heated baking lids covered with embers. Similarly to clay cauldrons, the appearance
of baking lids has been pushed back to earlier times and there is now ample evidence that the
wheel-turned variant was used already in the later seventh century.57 The ceramic inventory
from Byzantine forts and late antique sites indicates that the peoples of the Avar period adopted
baking lids from the Balkans and Italy, where their continuous use has been documented for many
millennia and where they are still used in some areas. It seems likely that this baking tradition
was mediated by the Balkanic-Byzantine groups whom the Avars had resettled in the Carpathian
Basin.58
Mediterranean civilisation thus had an impact on the lifeways, culinary culture and dietary
habits of the Avars. In the case of clay cauldrons, it essentially determined the form of a new ceramic
type, while in the case of baking lids, it meant the adoption of a new vessel form suitable for baking.
Baking lids, baking pans and clay cauldrons are part of the same find horizon in the later seventh
century across the Carpathian Basin and thus signal a similar change in lifeways. The three vessel
types representing different culinary traditions in the southerly, central and easterly regions of
Europe during the seventhtenth centuries appear simultaneously in the Carpathian Basin. The
Mediterranean baking lids, the baking pans known from the European Slavic settlements and the
hand-thrown clay cauldrons found in the dispersed villages of Central and Eastern Europe are
finds typical for sedentary peoples engaged in arable farming and stockbreeding. During the Avar

53
Fiedler 1994, 307352; Hajnal 2008, 278, Fig. 11. 5.
54
1967, 110; 2007, 240311.
55
Ancient Hungarians and Bulgars: see Takcs 1986, 2627.
56
Mesterhzy 1985, 160.
57
Hajnal 2008, 282287.
58
Theophylactus Simocatta, Historia 7.10: de BoorWirth 1972; Miracula Sancti Demetrii 2.5 (285); Greek text and
French translation: Lemerle 1979, 222, 228.
They Asked to Be Settled in Pannonia... A Study on Integration and Acculturation The Case of the Avars 265

Fig. 7. Distribution of baking bells (1), baking pans (2) and clay cauldrons in the Carpathian Basin, the Lower
Danube region (3) and Eastern Europe (4) in the eighthtenth centuries (after Horedt 1984; Takcs 1986;
Herrmann 1986; Fiedler 1994; 2007, supplemented by the author)

period, the Carpathian Basin was the very region where different culinary traditions overlapped,
and the blend of cultural traditions of diverse origins by the later seventh century is an indication
of a sedentary life-style and that the shift to sedentism had been completed.

A FALTER ING INTEGR ATION

The Avar elite cemented the peoples of the Carpathian Basin with an immense integrative power in
the seventh century and ensured the powerful political position of the Avars in Europe. The speed
and success of acculturation is reflected by the emergence of a uniform material culture across the
Avar Khaganate within a century, expressing the unity of the Avar political organisation. Although
the ornamentation of the belt mounts and the jewellery reflect strong cultural impacts from the
Mediterranean-Byzantine world, these were no more than outward trappings and the structure of
Avar society remained as conservative as it was. The Avars only became European superficially,
266 Tivadar Vida

adopting material culture and lifeways.59 The Avar state and society, as well as its spiritual culture
was determined by the eastern nomadic steppean traditions and no attempts whatsoever were
made to introduce a European (Roman) administration and ecclesiastic organisation. The steppean
nomad mentality of Asian origin prevailed until the fall of the Avar Khaganate as shown by the
horse burials of the elite and the warriors. The belated conversion to Christianity by the Avar elite
in the face of the Frankish threat was only sufficient for saving their own lives, but not of their
empire.

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LIST OF C ONTRIBUTORS
Debra Nol Adams Florin Curta
Furusiyya Art Foundation Department of History
13A Calabria Road University of Florida
London N5 1JB 202 Flint Hall, P.O. Box 117320
dnagranat@msn.com FL 32611-7320 Gainesville
fcurta@ufl.edu
Elek Benk
Institute of Archaeology Gergely Csiky
Research Centre for Humanities of the Institute of Archaeology
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Research Centre for the Humanities,
ri utca 49 Hungarian Academy of Sciences
H-1014 Budapest ri utca 49
elek.benko@btk.mta.hu H-1014 Budapest
gergelycsiky@yahoo.com
Adam Biro
Institute of Archaeology Falko Daim
Research Centre for Humanities of the Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut fr Archologie
ri utca 49 Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2
H-1014 Budapest D-55116 Mainz
biro.adam@yahoo.de daim@rgzm.de

dm Bollk Paola Maria De Marchi


Institute of Archaeology Piazza Tito Lucrezio Caro 9.
Research Centre for the Humanities, I-20136 Milano
Hungarian Academy of Sciences demarchi.m@gmail.com
ri utca 49
H-1014 Budapest Paolo De Vingo
bollokadam@yahoo.de Dipartimento di Studi Storici
Universit degli Studi di Torino
Sebastian Brather Via S. Ottavio 20
Frhgeschichtliche Archologie und I-10124 Torino
Archologie des Mittelalters paolo.devingo@unito.it
Institut fr Archologische Wissenschaften
Albert-Ludwigs-Universitt Freiburg Tomasz Dziekowski
Belfortstrae 22 Institute of Archaeology
D-79085 Freiburg Marie Curie-Skodowska University in
sebastian.brather@ufg.uni-freiburg.de Lublin
Pl. Marii Curie-Skodowskiej 4
Thomas Calligaro PL-20031 Lublin
Centre de Recherche et de Restauration des dzienkowskitomek@poczta.onet.pl
Muses de France
Palais du Louvre Porte des Lions Christoph Eger
14, quai Franois Mitterrand Institut fr Prhistorische Archologie
75001 Paris Freie Universitt Berlin
thomas.calligaro@culture.gouv.fr Fabeckstrae 2325
D-14195 Berlin
chr_eger@yahoo.de
784

Uwe Fiedler Vladimir A. Ivanov


Methfesselstrae 6 Ulica Naberejnaya reki Ufy, 69/1, kv.25
D-10965 Berlin RU-450105 Ufa
fiedler.berlin@t-online.de ivanov-sanych@inbox.ru

Iwona Florkiewicz Gusztv Jakab


Institute of Archaeology Institute of Environmental Science Szent
University of Rzeszw Istvn University
Moniuszki 10 Szabadsg utca 13
PL-35015 Rzeszw H-5540 Szarvas
iwonaflorkiewicz@gmail.com Institute of Archaeology
Research Centre for Humanities of the
Gabriel Fusek Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Archologisches Institut ri utca 49.
Slowakische Akademie der Wissenschaften H-1014 Budapest
Akademick 2 cembra@freemail.hu
SK-94921 Nitra
Gabriel.Fusek@savba.sk Oleksii V. Komar
Institute of Archaeology
Johannes Fried National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Historisches Seminar Volodymyska str. 3 01001 Kyiv
Goethe-Universitt Frankfurt am Main akomar@mail.ru
Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1
D-60323 Frankfurt am Main Raimar W. Kory
fried@em.uni-frankfurt.de Freiburger Institut fr
Palowissenschaftliche Studien
Erwin Gll c/o Albert-Ludwigs-Universitt Freiburg
Institute of Archaeology Vasile Prvan Albertstrae 14a
Romanian Academy D-79085 Freiburg
11 Henri Coand str. raimar_kory@hotmail.com
RO-010667 Bucharest
ardarichus9@yahoo.com Lszl Kovcs
Institute of Archaeology
Radu Harhoiu Research Centre for Humanities of the
Institute of Archaeology Vasile Prvan Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Romanian Academy ri utca 49
11 Henri Coand str. H-1014 Budapest
RO-010667 Bucharest kovacs.laszlo@btk.mta.hu
rzharh@yahoo.de
Pter Lang
Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska Institute of Archaeology
Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Research Centre for Humanities of the
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas an Hungarian Academy of Sciences
der Universitt Leipzig ri utca 49
Reichsstrae 46 H-1014 Budapest
D-04109 Leipzig lango.peter@btk.mta.hu
heintama@uni-leipzig.de
785

Christian Lbke Yvonne Petrina


Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Institut fr Sptantike und Byzantinische
Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas an Kunstgeschichte
der Universitt Leipzig Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitt
Reichsstrae 46 Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1
D-04109 Leipzig D-80539 Mnchen
luebke@uni-leipzig.de yvonne.stolz @yahoo.co.uk

Balzs Gusztv Mende Sndor Romt


Institute of Archaeology Institute for Doctoral Studies, Doctoral
Research Centre for Humanities of the School History, Civilization, Culture
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Babe-Bolyai University
ri utca 49 11 Koglniceanu Mihail str. nr. 1
H-1014 Budapest Ro-400084 Cluj-Napoca
mende.balazs.gusztav@btk.mta.hu s_romat@yahoo.com

Rbert Mller Zsfia Rcz


Szent Mihly domb u. 1. Institut fr Archologiewissenschaften
H-8314 Vonyarcvashegy Etvs-Lornd-Universitt
mullerrobi@gmail.com Mzeum krt 4/B
H-1088 Budapest
Katalin Nfrdi zsofia_racz@yahoo.de
Department of Geology and Palaeontology
University of Szeged Lszl Rvsz
Egyetem utca 26 Lehrstuhl fr Archologie
H-6722 Szeged Universitt der Wissenschaften Szeged
nafradikata@gmail.com Egyetem utca 2
H-6722 Szeged
Elbieta M. Nosek Ungarisches Nationalmuseum
ARS-MET 1088-Budapest
Bolesawa Chrobrego 29/20. Mzeum krt 1416.
PL-31428 Krakw revesz.laszlo@hnm.hu
elzbietanosek7@gmail.com
Ellen Riemer
Andrs Patay-Horvth Generaldirektion Kulturelles Erbe
Institute of Archaeology Rheinland-Pfalz
Research Centre for Humanities of the Landesmuseum Mainz
Hungarian Academy of Sciences Groe Bleiche 4951
ri utca 49 D-55116 Mainz
H-1014 Budapest ellen.riemer@gdke.rlp.de
pathorv@gmail.com
Alexander T. Ruttkay
Patrick Prin Archologisches Institut
3 rue du Ploy Slowakische Akademie der Wissenschaften
F-08220 Rubigny Akademick 2
patrick.perin42@gmail.com SK-94921 Nitra
Alexander.Ruttkay@savba.sk
786

Sylwester Sadowski Bartomiej Szymon Szmoniewski


Institute of Archaeology Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology
Marie Curie-Skodowska University in Polish Academy of Sciences
Lublin Ul. Sawkowska 17
Pl. Marii Curie-Skodowskiej 4 PL-31016 Krakw
PL-20031 Lublin bartheque@yahoo.fr
sylwestersadowski@o2.pl
Mikls Takcs
Peter Schreiner Institute of Archaeology
Prof. em., Institut fr Byzantinistik Research Centre for Humanities of the
Universitt zu Kln Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Mozartstrae 9 ri utca 49
82008-Unterhaching/Mnchen H-1014 Budapest
peter.schreiner@uni-koeln.de takacs.miklos@btk.mta.hu

Mechthild Schulze-Drrlamm Tnde Trcsik


Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Department of Geology and Palaeontology
Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut fr Archologie Egyetem utca 26
Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2 University of Szeged
D-55116 Mainz H-6722 Szeged
schulzedoerlamm@rgzm.de ttorocsik63@gmail.com

Pl Smegi Istvn Vsry


Department of Geology and Palaeontology Turkic and Central Asian Studies
University of Szeged Etvs Lornd University
Egyetem utca 26 Mzeum krt 4/D
H-6722 Szeged H-1088 Budapest
Institute of Archaeology, Research Center vasaryi@gmail.com
for the Humanities, Hungarian Academy of
Sciences Tivadar Vida
ri utca 49 Institute of Archaeology
H-1014 Budapest Research Centre for Humanities of the
sumegi@geo.u-szeged.hu Hungarian Academy of Sciences
ri utca 49
Janusz Stpiski H-1014 Budapest
Faculty of Metals Engineering and Industrial Institute of Archaeological Sciences
Computer Science Etvs Lornd University
AGH, University of Science and Technology Mzeum krt 4/B
Adama Mickiewicza 30 H-1088 Budapest
PL-30059 Krakw vida.tivadar@btk.mta.hu
stepinsk@agh.edu.pl
Marcin Wooszyn
Gergely Szenthe Institute of Archaeology
Hungarian National Museum University of Rzeszw
H-1088 Budapest Moniuszki 10
Mzeum krt 1416 PL-35015 Rzeszw
szenthe.gergely@gmail.com Leipzig Centre for the History and Culture of
East Central Europe (GWZO)
Reichsstrae 46
D-04109 Leipzig
marcinwoloszyn@gmail.com

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