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An Explorative Study of

Position of Minority groups in Education Policy in Pakistan

by

Bhagwani Bai

LEAD 8002

Dr. Steven L. Nelson

Department of Leadership

University of Memphis
Thesis:

Education policy in Pakistan consistently follow the direction based on socially

constructed identities of population and reinforce its socially constructed position that benefit the

majority Muslim population and burden minorities groups. This paper through explorative study

assess the position of minority groups in education policy in Pakistan within social construction

framework.

Social Construction Theory Conceptual framework:

Post-structural theoretical framework is considered most popular in policy studies (Jones

and McBeth, 2010, p. 329) but since almost last two decades, Schneider and Ingram advanced

social construction of target population in policy design caught considerable position in

empirical research. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 131) This

framework gives a path to analyze and understand how different social identities of different

groups have been constructed and how public policies get direction and set agendas using social

constructed images of groups and create policies that benefit some and burden/reason of

punishment to others. This theoretical framework helps in understanding that how social

construction of population influence political participation, create political capital where

policymakers keeping in view emotional and intuitive reactions can exploit emotional verdicts

and incorporate in policy, how past policies play major role in setting agendas for future policies,

and that who benefits the most from the change and how punishment of deviant group get public

approval. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 107-130)

Pakistan is the country formed on basis of religion as a separate country for Muslim to

ensure the safety of Muslims in subcontinent. (Lal, 2008, p. 4) According to his views, Naseem
2010 trusts colonial cultural, political, and juridical intervention resulted in making religion a

marker of identities of both Hindu and Muslims of India. The situation before 1930, the early

days of Pakistans movement, was different when Islam is not seen as an identity of a separate

nation form Hindus. Quoting Partha Chatterjee 1993, Naseem validates that orientalist discourses

of British colonial project that understood and dealt with Hindu-Muslim difference as communal

antagonism based on religion. This colonial articulation of communal difference between Hindu

and Muslim was taken as political ideas and process by Muslim Leagues and form that point

Islam become nodal point of Muslim politics. (p.90) The adoption and incorporation of religious

difference in political ideas resulted in Two Nation Theory TNT that Hindu and Muslims are

two separate nations of India under the representation of Muslim League demanded for separate

country for Muslims. Later, from the point of ideological articulation and political demands in

religious terms created Hindu as other and ignored ethnic, linguistic, other religion and gender

differences under the concept of one nation of Pakistan. (p. 91)

This framework will help in exploring and analyzing the position of minority groups in a

country which is founded under the umbrella of Islam a separate country for Muslims. Since its

inception in 1947, how this ideological and political legacy influenced the social construction of

minority groups living in Pakistan and how educational discourses and policies take direction

from these socially constructed identities of different groups. First, applying the social

construction framework will see how identities of different groups are constructed. Second it will

help in analyzing how government narrative are influenced by the socially constructed identities.

Finally it is presented that how policy narrative create impact on the construction of identities of

minority groups.
In the below section I tried to analyze the identities of groups/communities differentiated

on the basis of religion and position in the power structures who are advantaged, contenders,

dependent and deviants? (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 110-112)

Social and Religious Identities in Pakistan

According to the census 1998, the population of Pakistan is 132 million excluding AJK

and Gilgit Bultistan population. 96.28% of population represent Islam, and remaining almost 4%

are other religious minorities including Ahmadis (declared non-Muslims in Pakistan only),

Hindu, Christian and other minority groups. There are distinctions based on caste, class,

denomination, along with age, ethnic, gender, rural and urban exist within both majority Muslim

and minority groups. (Malik 2002, p.10)

Pakistans Current population 192.8 million, estimates different human rights and United

Nations reports. Although, Muslims are in majority of 96% there is multi layered stratification

within Muslims. The major subdivision is Sunni and Shia. (Hussain, 2005, p. 146) There are

different religious sects within these two subdivisions, and other demographic divisions among

Muslim majority. This paper will first provide description of Sunni, Shia Hindu, Christian,

Qadianies/Ahmedies and Schedules caste as it is shown in census 1998 to better understand

social stratification in Pakistani society, and then their identities and positions will be discussed.

Sunni

From its very inception in 1947, though a multi-ethnic and multi-sectarian state but

Sunnis have always been the majority sect (Haleem, 2003, p.467) The population of Pakistan is

predominantly Sunni, and most Sunnis in Pakistan follow the Hanafi school of jurisprudence
among three other Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) Shafei, Maliki and Hansbali. (Ali 1995,

Mohammad 2002 as cited in Hussain, 2005, p. 146). It is estimated that 85% of total Muslim

population are Sunni who disagree to Shai on the doctrine of Immamat (Spiritual leadership) and

concept of Adl (justice). Sunni keep different views on Infallible Imams including Prophet

Mohammed (pbuh), his daughter and 12 other Imams (Mehmood, 2006, in Dowd and Nielsen,

2006, p. 241-243) and believe that individual has direct relationship with God. Ali, 2006, in

Dowd and Nielsen, 2006, p. 227 writes that here is where slight distinction in religious practices

among Shia and Sunni starts.(p. 243)

Shia

Different reports estimates 40 million population of Shia in Pakistan. Among Shias the

key subgroups include the Isnashary Shia, Ismailis and Dawodi Bohras. The main sectarian

division between Shia and Sunni happened in mid-7 th century after the death of Prophet of Islam

Mohammad on the issue of successor to Mohammad. The group who believed that the blood

relative of Mohammad had legal and moral right of caliphate. The decision of appointing of Abu

Bakar instead of Ali (the cousin and son-in-law) resulted in the beginning of division of Shia and

Sunni. Later on, the fight on Caliphate cause murder of Alis son Hassan and Husain and created

ideological differences and basis of separate sect of Islam. Approximately 15% to 20% of total

Muslims belong to Shai sect. (Ali, 2006, in Dowd and Nielsen, 2006, p. 227, Malik, 2002, p. 13)

Ahmedis or Qadianis

The other smaller religious subgroups in Pakistan include the Ahmedis or Qadianis who

follow the teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmed (1835-1908) of Qadiyan (British Punjab), a self-

proclaimed prophet who through a reinterpretation of Quranic verses made a claim that
Mohammad is not the last prophet and there is possibility of new prophet. His reinterpretation of

Khatam-i-Nabuwat created hatred for him and his followers among the majority Muslims of

British India and several religious decrees were issued to declare them Kafir and agent to British

government. The feeling of hatred and hostility continued to be existed after the foundation of

Pakistan in the shape of Khatam-i-Nabuwat movement and finally in 1974 Ahmedis/Qadianis

were declared non-Muslims through a constitutional amendment. (Qasmi, 2015, p.3)

Hindu

According government figure of census 1998 population of Hindus stand 1.6%, majority

of their population lives in rural area in Sindh with smaller numbers in other parts of country.

(Malik, 2002, p. 11) Pakistani Hindus suffer with the communalization of Indo-Pakistani politics

and their interstate competitions. (Malik, 2002, p. 23) Hatred for Hindu are due to negative

portrayal as extremist and eternal enemies of Islam. Their Hindu culture and society are

portrayed as unjust and cruel, in comparison of Islam is portrayed as just and peaceful. (Hussain

et, al. 2011, p. 10, 15) Hindu women suffer from kidnaps and forcible conversions, and the

community is generally depressed, under-educated and under-employed. The feudal nature of

Sindhi society and its collaborative relationship with the local administration prevents the

possibility of any redress for Hindu grievances. The land- less peasants, nomads and Dalits

among the Hindus suffer from multiple deprivation. (Malik, 2002, p. 26)

Christian

According to census 1998, Christian population is 1.6% of total population which stand

2.1 millions, of these, 60 per cent are Catholics and the remaining 40 per cent belong to various
Protestant denominations. They live countrywide, but their majority population lives in Punjab

but also in Baluchistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and in Sindh provinces. (Misra, 2015, p. 158)

Christian were originally farmers but they become landless after partition and stigmatized with

their profession as cleaning workers/sweepers and kept away from moving up to higher socio

economic position. (Malik, 2002, p. 12)

The church organization is very similar to other South Asian countries with a definite

Pakistani cultural and linguistic embodiment, and there are converts, descendants of converts,

Anglo-Indians/-Pakistanis, and Western missionaries. (Malik, 2002, p. 10)

Schedule Caste

In a largely agriculture-based economy, social stratification is based on possession of the

land into landed gentry, landless peasants, and lower-class occupations, the latter comprising

occupations such as the lohar (blacksmiths), nai (barbers), mochi (cobblers), kamhar (potters),

qassab (butchers), mirasi (wedding singers) and other groups (Lafrance 2002). These

professional stigmatized groups are known as Schedule caste or Dalits. Government law declared

forty scheduled castes tribes including Bheel, Bagri, Balmeke, Menghwar, Kholhi, Oad and

Bhangi etc. They are settled mostly in lower Sindh, particularly in the districts of Mirpurkhas,

Umerkot and Mithi. These castes are ostracized by the members of the privileged Hindu castes as

well as Muslims. (Shah, 2007, p. 6) According to census 1998 schedules caste consist only 0.25

percent of population but, it is claimed that actual figure is different and majority of Hindu

population is schedule caste. (Shah, 2007, p. 14)

Others
There are over 18 ethnic groups in Pakistan and more than 60 languages (Grimes 1992).

Social stratification is strongly based on ethnic and tribal groupings. Many of the tribal

groupings are based on the well-entrenched biraderi system. Across many communities the term

biraderi, quom and zat are used interchangeably and denote notions of common ancestry or a

social network of related tribes. (Hussain, 2005, p. 148) In addition to these ethnic and religious

subgroups there are small number of religious minorities communities that includes Parsies,

Sikhs, Biddhists and Jains but there is no government or other reliable data available for these

groups and they prefer to remain invisible as well. (Malik, 2002, p. 10)

Social construction of different groups in Pakistan

Social construction of people refers to the positive or negative construction of their

identities as worthy and deserving and contributing to general welfare or less worthy and burden

on general welfare of society. The positive construction includes, identifying certain groups as

worthy, contributing to society, good, smart, hardworking, loyal, disciplined, generous, carrying,

respectful, and creative. The negative construction includes, stigmatizing the groups as greedy,

disrespectful, disloyal, immoral, disgusting, dangerous, and lazy etc. These social constriction of

population benefit some and burden others through policies. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in

Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 110) In this paper, with the lens of social construction theory, the

literature is reviewed to see the positon of minority groups in education policy and how some

groups take benefit from the allocation of education policy and burden others. We will also see

how socially constructed identities effect policy formation and once these social construction of

certain groups is incorporated in public policy how it reinforces their identities.


Advantaged

The advantaged groups are those who have high level of political power resources and

positive social construction. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 110)

With literature review of information on identity politics in Pakistan and role of Education. It

became apparent that Sunni Muslims are advantaged group in Pakistan. In education, textbooks

and curriculum give Sunni Islamic view of nation. (Lal, 2008, p. 4) Misra, 2015 has compiled

facts from different human rights report that violence against minority is done by Sunni sect of

Muslims due to its powerful and advantaged position in the sociopolitical context of Pakistan.

Contenders

Contenders are the people; groups have substantial political resources but are negatively

regarded. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 110) Shia and other

different sect of Muslims can fit in contenders as they are second largest majority groups but due

to difference religious beliefs, there are discriminated at different levels. The Deobandi Sunni

groups influenced from Salafi ideology from Saudi Arabia, and some other Sunni extremist

organization creating hate against Shia community in Pakistan. (Ispahani, 2013) Although, the

economic and political positon of Shia sect is strong but difference in certain Islamic beliefs

make them vulnerable in Sunni dominated state. Some of extremist Sunni organization declared

Shia as infields and worthy for being killed.

Dependent

According to Schneider and Ingram, 2014, dependents are people or groups positively

constructed as deserving in terms of sympathy and pity. (in Sabatier and Weible 2014, p. 113)
After reviewing literature on social stratification of Pakistan and personal insight it become

apparent that generally poor, old age citizens and children can be identified as dependent. It is

worth to note that the position of women is different, they face discrimination due to their gender

roles and do not have sympathy on their position but they are dependent in a sense that their

identity is constructed as symbol of honor of family and community. (Afshar 1994, p. 129 as

cited in Shah 2008) and are expected to maintain the honor of the family, and through gender

discriminatory and highly marginalized men-defined code of honor subjecting women to

surveillance and disciplining (Foucault 1980 as cited Shah. 2010, p. 12). In that case women

can be considered dependent.

Deviants

Deviant groups are those who lack both political power and positive social construction

and perhaps burdened by the public policies. (Schneider and Ingram, 2014 in Sabatier and

Weible 2014, p. 112) It is no more new that all minorities (both Muslim and Non-Muslim such as

Ahamadiyas, Hazaras, Hindus, Chistian, Kalash Kafirs, Mehdi, Shiia Muslims and Sikhs)) in

Pakistan are discriminated and victim of violence from the majority Sunni groups, and the

institutions of the State. (Misra, 2015, p. 168) Raina, 2014 provided shocking data on victim of

blasphemy law from NCJP 2011 report (p. 687) As we have discussed earlier that some of

extremist Sunni organization even declared Shia Muslim as infidel and worthy for being killed.

Due to poor social, political, economic position of these groups suffer from inequitable burden of

the public policies.

Education Policy formation, Identity of Minorities


Lal, 2008 study on national identity development in both India and Pakistan, describe that

how education is used as tool to define national identity. Education policy formation start from

its inception with all Pakistan National conference in 1947. (p. 6) In 1973 constitution, right to

education was included having religions major identity factor by introducing Pakistan Studies as

subject. (p. 11) The identity formation around Islam was reinforced towards radicalization in

1977 in general Zia-ul-Haqs military government. National Education Policy and

Implementation Program 1979 meant to induced Islamic orientation to the youth through all text

books including science and mathematics. Islamic Studies, Arabic and Pakistan Studies were

made compulsory in higher education as well with Sunni world view. (p. 13) Anti-Hindu

philosophy was infused through text books and they are described as backward and superstitious.

(p. 16) Unfortunately, after Zia period none of government tried to bring reforms in Islamized

education policies. (Lal, 2008, p. 20) The education policies are the reflection of Zia-era

Islamization policies also continuation of Islam as central position is education remained part of

education policies. The current education policy has specific chapter on Islamic education.

(Rehman & Sewani, 2013, p. 248)

Minorities and Constitution of Pakistan

Pakistan is declared third least tolerant country in the world in the acceptance of religious

diversity in a study conducted by Pew Research Centers Forum on Religion & Public Life,

Pakistan, 2011(as cited in Hussain, et, al. 2011, p. 23) If we trace back the history, this

intolerance for minority start since its inception. Although, Mohammad Ali Jinnahs post-

independence speeches envisioned Pakistan as secular and egalitarian society, Raina 2014, p. 688

writes about his speeches as first architect of conditional citizenship for minority of Pakistan
where he says that minorities will be treated as equal citizens with all your rights and

obligations as long as you are loyal to Pakistan Right, after his death, in March 1949 objective

resolution was framed on the principles of Islam. Later, on March 23, 1956 Pakistan was

declared as an Islamic republic in the constitution. (Awan, 2012, p. 45) The word Islamic was

removed from the countrys title in constitution of 1962. In 1973 with the consensus of all,

constitution defined Pakistan as Islamic country with Islam as state religion (Malik, 2002, p. 14-

15) Although article 33 and 36 of constitution make state responsible for security and safety of

minorities without clear procedures, at the same time it contradicts with other articles of the

constitution and declare minorities as second class citizens. (p. 16) In Zias regime different

amendments were made that resulted in socio-legal and socio-political discrimination of

minorities Blaphemy and Qanoon-i-shihadah are some extreme examples. (p. 18)

In 2006, despite curricula reform in accordance with Article 22 of constitution 1973

which states No person attending any educational institution shall be required to receive

religious instruction, or take part in any religious ceremony, or attend religious worship, if such

instruction, ceremony or worship relates to a religion other than his own there is no major

changes in curricula and text books and some of textbooks are compulsory for non-Muslims

students with having same hatred for minority. (cited on Hussain, et, al. 2011, p. 13-15)

The facts show that constitution of Pakistan on the one hand says for the protection of all

citizens of Pakistan, on the other hand it contradicts with itself and considered Muslims as citizen

of Pakistan and exclude minority groups form the rights of citizenship.

Exclusion and Negative Identity Construction of Minorities.


According to his views, Naseem 2010 trusts colonial cultural, political, and Juridical

intervention resulted in making religion a marker of identities both Hindu and Muslims of India.

(Naseem, M. A 2010, p.90) religion has been a slogan of political and educational discourse of

Pakistan since the early days of the Pakistan movement (1930 onwards) The two nation theory

TNT, articulate the Muslims of India as belonging to one nation (as against the Hindu other), laid

the foundation for a theoretical and explanatory unity with the oneness of nation. This concept

continued after the creation of Pakistan because it helped in dealing with heterogeneity in the

form of ethnic, religious, linguistic, and gender differences within the oneness of nation. (p.

90-91) And it serves the purpose from three perspectives at same time for state, religion, and

nationalism from states perspective, this religious identity keeps the rationality of creation of

Pakistan, from religion perspective, it provides dominancy to majority Sunni groups over

minority and from nationalism, it unites nation under one umbrella of Muslim nation excluding

religious, ethnic, linguistic minorities. This TNT created othering - others mainly Hindu non-

patriotic Pakistani, anti-state, anti-Islam, non-Muslim, anti-military, and were stigmatized as

cunning, untrustworthy, devious, seductive, sinful, etc.) (Naseem, M. A 2010, p.91)

Naseem, has provided examples from the curriculum development government of Pakistans

document that how theory of homogenizing is imparted through the notion of totalization in texts

with the justification of Ummah (the global Muslim community) using the in both totalizing the

nation without keeping the cultural, linguistic, sectarian, and linguistic differences in

consideration and divide form non-Muslims. He shared the curriculum development government

of Pakistans 1994 guideline for developing text books are focused on Islamic education and

ignore the presence of religious minority groups. Examples presented by Naseen 2010 of Punjab

Text Books are evidence of explanation of theory of homogenization where even cultural
diversity of provinces is subsumed in National identity which is Muslim nation only. ( Naseen

M. A 2010, p. 95)

This explicit and barefaced exclusion of minorities can be seen in general reading of

textbooks. The population of Pakistan is always quoted as whole without providing break up of

minorities groups. Christian minority occasionally get mention but Hindus never make positive

appearance in the curriculum. Some minorities prominent personalities such as justices Cornelius

and Dorab Patel, Sir Zafarullah Khan (the first foreign minister of Pakistan, who belonged to the

Qadiani Nobel laureate Dr. Abdul Salam was also a Qadiani who served for Pakistan but never

been acknowledged in the shape of National Heros in curriculum. Some other ethnic, linguistic,

and religious minorities belonging to other sects of Islam, such as the Shias or Ismailis has

served for Pakistan but largely excluded by way of not mentioning them at all. The overall

picture that the texts paint is that of a homogeneous population ( Naseem, 2010, p.104-105)

Education policy discourse in Pakistan has been largely guided by the transposition of an

educational vision that emphasize on producing patriotic citizens rather democratic. It is safe to

say that nationalism and religion became synonymous in Pakistan. (Naseen, 2010, p. 42-43)

Education policy discourse are drawn from religious basis of nationhood with a homogenous

society based on dominant majority religion excluding minority, ethic ethnic, religious, cultural,

linguistic and gender differences. (Naseem, M. A 2010, p.45) This exclusion can be seen in

education policy 1982 where teaching of Quranic primer was made mandated for awarding

university degrees at the graduate and postgraduate levels. Member of religious minority were

not in position to fulfill the condition and would be excluded from higher education. (p. 45)
How policy narratives reinforce the social construction

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), with leading role,

along with ICERD and SDPI conducted a study in 2011 to explore the linkages of negative

construction of minority in text books with biasness and discrimination acts for religious

minorities in Pakistan. This study reviewed 100 text books at school level, interviewed teacher,

and students form public, madrasas from four province of Pakistan. The findings of the study

validate the negative and inaccurate portrayal of minorities especially about Hindu and

Christians and as a result, unclear citizenship position and biasness and negative views of

minorities were seen at both students and teachers level.

Another study conducted by United State of Peace in April 2015 examined the causes and

roots of intolerant, biased, andin some casesradical attitudes in the Pakistani population

towards, minorities, United States of America, India and Hindus and sympathy for militant

groups. The study found that education policies especially biased curriculum policies and text

book along with media exposure and home environment created hatred towards minorities

groups especially Hindu and against India and USA.

The findings of these reports shows that policy narratives contributed in the negative

portrayal of minorities in Pakistan. From the analysis of literature, it became obvious that how

education policies got direction from the social constructed identities and those identities are

incorporated in policies narrative that reinforce the biasness and negative construction of

minorities in the minds of people through text books.

Conclusion
Through the exploration of literature, it become clear that how social construction of

population played role in education policy in Pakistan. The historical perspective shows that the

construction started even before Pakistans creation and how colonial intervention played role in

making religion a marker of identity. This resulted in two nation theory where Muslims were

portrayed positively and Hindu negatively. This social construction continued after foundation of

Pakistan to keep the unity of nation and ignoring religious, ethnic, linguistic, diversity. Slogan of

Islam was used keep uniform identity through education. Education policies since inception

influenced by majority Sunni Islamic views and excluded minority groups at different times. Zia

regimes radical Islamic reforms in constitution still exist and influence education policy. Some

curriculum reforms were made to minimize biasness toward minorities and radical Islamization

but their true implementation is awaited. Different national and international organization had

examined the linkages of bias and negative policy narrative and text books and validate that it is

one of the cause of creation of negative image of minority groups.

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