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AMERICAN MILITARY UNVERSITY

PARADIGMS AND POLITICS IN PAKISTAN:

ISLAMISM AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

BY REAZ KHAN

IRLS699

SPRING 2016

Paradigms and Politics in Pakistan: Islamism and International Relations

American Military University
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I. Introduction

The Post-9/11 era has ushered in a period of critical examination and increased worry for

Western analysts looking at the politics of Muslim-majority nations. Extremism is a crucial concern,

and Political Islam or Islamism is certainly interwoven. The definition of these terms can range from

serving as a form of identity politics and uniting a transnational community of a faith against anything

seen as being foreign to strict interpretation and implementation of religious law. Pakistan borders both

Afghanistan and India and recent media reports paint the perception Islamist principles are

undermining democracy. Being a country carved out of the subcontinent in 1947 as a homeland for

South Asian Muslims, understanding Pakistan and where it fits in global affairs and security is

essential. This work will explore how the foreign policy of this nation can best be explained using the

lens of traditional theories of international relations and more specifically Political Islam.

Pakistan is currently home to the second largest Muslim population following Indonesia.

Combined with its nuclear capabilities and geopolitical location; the country seeks to position itself as a

leader in the Muslim World, or ummah. Despite being in existence as a nation-state for less than

seventy years and being governed by very different leadership through its history, its foreign policy

approach has remained relatively the same. The motives and rationale for these decisions however

remain up for discussion. Civilian leadership and the military play different, yet pivotal roles in fueling

Islamist sentiments throughout the country. International institutions and forums for cooperation are an

integral part of how any nation positions itself in the global system. A key position in the Organisation

of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is a clear indicator of foreign policy and the countries Pakistan seeks

association with. Allied status with the North Atlantic Trade Organization (NATO) and a contentious

role in the South Asian Alliance for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) due to a rivalry with neighboring

India however counters Islamist ideas. This creates a puzzle that must be understood to make sense of

contemporary South Asian affairs and security at large.

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Making the case for an independent country benefiting a segment of the population in British

India remains a pivotal focus of individuals who study this region of the world in-depth. Many question

why were Muslims given this right and what is the role of this in solidifying conflict between Pakistan

and India. History gives us insight into if this is true or not. A number of thinkers in political science

and sociology seek to explain how political bargaining and religious identity can result in not only the

creation of a sense of community but also fuel tension. A nation-state set up for people of a particular

faith will unite people of that background under one banner. Varying interpretations of how religion

will be interpreted will without a doubt follow. In the framework of being a new state, Pakistan faces

this today along with institutions clashing due to a desire to expand their influence. Adding Islamism

into this mix has created a recipe blending faith and politics, causing need to assess and better

understand the relationship between these two factors.

Well known theories within international relations provide frameworks to conceptualize the

relationships of sovereign states, non-governmental and governmental organizations and explain why

they interact in the manner they do. A number of authors in this field give insight into how international

relations as a discipline has neglected the impact of religion on the decisions countries make. Snyder

argues in the Post-9/11 era and in the War on Terror however, understanding how religious beliefs can

shape global politics is increasingly necessary to make sense of who the global actors are and how they

attract support (2011.) International Relations is often accused of taking a Western-centric approach to

analyze political trends worldwide. An important point this investigation takes into consideration is

religion in itself may not be a driving force in international relations, however it cannot be understood

without taking it into account (Fox, 2004.) International relations is no longer simply about how states

interact with each other, but is becoming more complex and includes domestic factors. This has

become evident in the posts, or the Post-Cold War and Post-9/11 eras; where components like

ethnicity, culture and faith are viewed as drivers of conflict. These factors of identity will be explored
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in this piece as well as the foreign policy objectives of Pakistan.

There is a tendency to view theories in international relations solely as explanations of power

politics and economic cooperation. Factors like culture and religion usually do not come to mind. A

deeper understanding of these concepts and realizing they are infused in the political structure of

nations give us an advantage in the field. It reminds us layers do exist that are not off limits. Islamism

and its impact on foreign policy differs depending on context and the amount of influence particular

actors have. This piece will give insight into the impact of Islamism on Pakistani foreign policy. It will

analyze certain groups and their impact on the internal political development of the country, how

Pakistan interacts on the global stage and how we can explain these realities through worldviews and

theory.

II. Literature Review

The creation of an independent republic for the Muslims of British India continues to be a hotly

debated topic in circles focusing on the intersection of post colonialism, faith and nationalism. The

partition of South Asia resulted in the birth of Pakistan, literally meaning land of the pure (Jalal, 7,

2013.) Muslims were the largest religious minority in British India. Smaller communities since that

time have demanded a homeland for their followers but have been dismissed and disregarded, most

notably the Sikhs and their struggle for an independent country they want to be called Khalistan

(Oberoi, 26, 1987.) The British granting authority and legitimacy to create a sovereign nation for

Muslims in South Asia was certainly no accident. It required not only negotiation of a few individuals

on the top of an established social hierarchy, but shared sentiments of a people who made this cause a

reality.

The rich history of the subcontinent prior to the arrival of the British gives us insight into

Muslim identity in this region. The arrival of Islam marked tension with existing Hindu communities.

The most known of empires were the Mughals who arrived in 1526 (Richards, 6, 1995.) An ongoing
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debate remains on how Islam spread through contemporary India and Pakistan. South Asian security

expert and political scientist Stephen P. Cohen explains the entire state of Pakistan rests on certain

interpretations of that expansion, and in India conversion and reconversion to Hinduism are intensely

divisive political issues. Remarkably there is little objective scholarship on the subject, but there is an

enormous amount of mythmaking and fabrication (Cohen, 18, 2004.) Out of Mughal India, a Muslim

elite class soon emerged fusing elements of Turkic, Persian and existing Hindu culture to create a

distinct identity. The leadership built magnificent structures like the Taj Mahal. Allowing traders from

the British East India Company however would later be seen as a grave mistake. It resulted in a gradual

takeover and the advent of colonialism (Sen, 4, 1998.) This set the stage for the British to make India

the jewel in the crown in the empire where the sun never set.

Economic might of the British resulted in dwindling Mughal rule with limited influence and

importance as time progressed. This strong marker of Muslim identity being diminished led to

individuals with a loss of pride and leadership. The Muslims of India lost their kingdom, their Mughal

Empire, their emperor, their language, their culture, their capital city of Delhi, and their sense of self

(Cohen, 23, 2004.) This loss of identity combined with socioeconomic difference caused tensions

between the small Muslim elite class and the mainstream Muslim population, representing the poor and

those on the bottom of Indian society. The early years of colonial rule had few quotas in education and

government for minorities. Many started to see British India as Hindu dominated as people of that faith

had positions in the colonial administration and were better educated. This was a feeling that lingered,

creating the foundation for the need to advocate for a separate nation of Muslims.

Jurist and educator Sir Syed Ahmad Khan founded Aligarh Muslim University, the first Western

leaning Muslim institution of higher learning in South Asia. Many of the founders of Pakistan would

graduate from this school armed with the ideas that Muslims should be educated to rise to the top levels

of society (Khan, 3, 1999.) Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was driven to modernize Muslims and emphasized
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pan-Islamic identity, yet never explicitly made the case for Muslims to have an independent country of

their own. He is credited as the creator of the two-nation theory, stating religion is the primary factor

uniting Hindus as one nation of people and Muslims as another (Cohen, 52, 2004.) Ethnic or linguistic

commonalities in his opinion were not as worthy of importance. The two-nation theory is a cornerstone

for the creation of Pakistan and remains an integral part of its national identity. It is commonly referred

to in media reports and anytime Pakistan and India fall into conflict.

Continued colonial rule during World War I and its aftermath led to increased feelings of

isolation by the Muslim community and molding moments of a collective identity. The Khilafat

Movement was propelled in British India from 1919-1924 and sought to restore the Ottoman caliph

through protests and boycotts against Great Britain (Cohen, 25, 2004.) This attempt to restore the

symbolic leader of the Muslim ummah was a failure and led to discontent and a general sentiment of

under representation in a national and international context. The dismantlement of the Ottoman Empire

led to the founding of secular Republic of Turkey under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Control of Arabia, the

spiritual birthplace of Islam shifting to the strict Wahabi Saud family transformed the role religion

should play in a state within the span of a couple of years (Faksh, 1, 1999.) South Asian Muslims with

little clout in their own political context sought a way to remedy this problem as a reaction to the

changing world around them.

Political organization soon became feasible with an intellectual class emerging of individuals

dedicated to both Western education and Islamic identity. The birth of the All India Muslim League,

later known simply as the Muslim League created a political party to represent the interests of this

segment of the population (Jalal, 36, 1999.) Advocating on behalf of the civil rights of Muslims of the

subcontinent was no easy task. Subscribing to the two-nation theory, thinkers laid the framework for

the Pakistan Movement. Of them was philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal whose vision by the 1930s

became a separate nation-state with geographic boundaries (Jalal, 36, 1999.) The founding fathers of
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Pakistan argued this was necessary because Islam was in grave danger (Qureshi, 57, 1999.) The

eventual first leader of this country, Muhammad Ali Jinnah would gain traction for this idea evoking

the problems with minority status and how it hindered Muslim social mobility and advancement.

Jinnah was a Western educated lawyer who argued vociferously for a separate state for Muslims

in British India. His death within the first year of the existence of the country left a mass of people

pulled in different directions (Ahmed, 19, 1997.) Some had a secular outlook while others stated a

country of Muslims officially known as an Islamic Republic should have laws based on their

religious text, the Quran and strict interpretations of it. This fundamental debate has resulted in the

Pakistan we see today, a Muslim-majority nation with different segments of the population holding

different ideas on the relationship between governance and faith. The historical shift between political

families like the Bhuttos who held a more secular view of the world versus a period of military rule and

Islamisization under General Zia Ul Haq highlights why some argue Pakistan suffers with an identity

crisis (Shah, 2011.) Its leadership through its history has taken very different stances on where it should

fall in international relations and the players it should or should not interact with.

Not all in the Muslim League supported the idea of an independent Islamic nation-state pushed

forward by Iqbal and Jinnah. Senior party leader, Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad was among those who

voiced opposition to the idea and remained in independent India until his death (Malik, 35, 1963.) Azad

feared military dictatorships, as common in other Muslim countries would become a possibility in a

Muslim state. His primary concern however was he fracturing of the ummah. A Muslim in his opinion

did not need to pledge affinity to a state, but was part of a transnational community of believers (Malik,

38, 1963.) Politicization of faith was deeply worrisome to him. Azad would eventually become the

Minister of Education in the cabinet of the first Prime Minister of India, Jawarharlal Nehru. Until his

death, he argued that Muslims should coexist with others and become engaged members of their

communities (Malik, 38, 1963.)

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Muhammad Ali Jinnah and a number of others made the case insisting to the British that South

Asian Muslims had a distinct social and political identity to merit an independent nation (Shah,

2011.) When partition eventually did happen in 1947, Jinnah received a Pakistan in two pieces on each

side of India. West Pakistan is the current state we know simply as Pakistan and East Pakistan is what

is now known as Bangladesh. Religion is an integral part of the Pakistani nationalist narrative. Being

the first Islamic Republic became contentious, as this term had no solid definition. It was clear the

two-nation theory guided supporters of Pakistan to acknowledge Muslims and Hindus were polar

opposites. In the context of an independent state however, questions continue to linger on what role

religious identity would play. Jinnah, in his first Presidential Address to the Constituent Assembly of

Pakistan made it clear, You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your

mosques or to any other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or

caste or creed -- that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Allana, 1969.) Despite this

language advocating for what seems to be secular attitudes and outlooks, Pakistan would undergo a

number of changes within the next couple of decades straying away from the ideals of its founder. The

Pakistan Movement originally founded by secular thinkers was originally opposed by religious

scholars. After partition, these very clerics understood they could have more influence in a fully

Muslim society. Religious groups pushed and made demands for a more Islamic constitution and

adoption of stricter interpretations of holy texts (Rashid, 34, 2009.)

After periods of military rule, Pakistan elected Zulfikar Ali Bhutto; the father of Benazir Bhutto

in 1973 (Ziring, 933, 1984.) He took office after an election dispute where East Pakistanis voted for

leadership reflecting their interests, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bhutto was the preferred choice of

Western Pakistanis and the military. Failure to hand over power to Rahman led to uproar and the

eventual secession of Bangladesh (Sisson, 19, 1991.) Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India at the time

swiftly had her nation's military involved in what she deemed Western Pakistani genocide on the
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people of Bangladesh (Sisson, 191, 1991.) Pakistan, which became an interesting model for the ummah

on how to reconcile faith with statehood was suddenly under the microscope for Muslims worldwide.

How could a nation of Muslims consider their own brethren less, commit crimes against and kill them?

This perplexed many and showed the world how a Muslim state in two pieces struggled to achieve

equality domestically for its own people. Nationalism and citizenship triumphed over the ideal religious

community where equality was expected to exist.

The 1970's under Bhutto marked a time of transformation for Pakistan in a number of different

regards. In 1973, a new and increasingly democratic constitution went into effect, yet it was less

secular. It made Islam the state religion and defined who met the criteria of Muslim and non-Muslim. It

also states existing laws should be created with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy

Quran and Sunnah [way of life of the Prophet Muhammad] (National Assembly of Pakistan, 2013.)

An Islamic Council was also created of scholars whose function was to advise members of parliament.

Analysts state Bhutto, who was a secular man and a member of the minority Shia branch himself put

these measures in place to satisfy demands religious scholars (Sherani, 220, 1991.) He did not impose

clothing restrictions many would think such language in a constitution would bring about, however by

the end of his time in office did impose a ban on alcohol. Bhutto is remembered for strengthening

Islamic identity and making it a more active part of Pakistani ethos through national law.

As Prime Minister, Bhutto made it a point to branch out in foreign relations. To this point in

history, the United Kingdom and United States were some of Pakistan's most crucial allies. He insisted

that due to developments in neighboring India, Pakistan needed nuclear capabilities (Burke, 25, 1990.)

Bhutto strengthened relations with Arab and Muslim countries throughout the globe. He hosted the

second Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) conference in Lahore. His efforts created jobs for

Pakistanis in the Middle East, especially in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia (Shafqat, 43,

1973.) He is also known for creating a strategic friendship with the Peoples Republic of China when it
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was isolated from much of the world. Bhutto saw this as an attempt to form an alliance which could

counter the dominance of India in Asian affairs (Burke, 49, 1990.) By 1977, Bhutto would be ousted

out of office by a military general he appointed and put into power. Pakistan was in for a drastic

change, redefining domestic and international policies for years to come.

In 1977 military General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq led a coup d'etat that overthrew Bhutto from

office, leading to a drastically different time in Pakistan's political development. Bhutto was arrested on

charges he authorized the killing of a political opponent and eventually hanged. (Sayeed, 229, 1984.)

Zia-ul-Haq took office and led for a little over ten years. He dealt with refugees from neighboring

Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion. In his time in office he created a Majlis-e-Shoora or a council

that was responsible for helping with the Islamization of Pakistan (Sayeed, 230, 1984.) The High

Courts enforced strict interpretations of Sharia, or religious law and gave more power to the ulema or

religious leadership. A woman's legal testimony was given half the weight of a man's. The Hudood

Ordinances introduced inhumane punishments for crimes like adultery ranging from amputation and

stoning to death. (Sayeed, 230, 1984.) Scholars of contemporary Pakistan argue this time shows the

polar opposites of leadership, shifting from secular to increasingly religious rule. Zia's reign introduced

a new era on the blend of of statehood and religion, and rightfully alarmed many who stood on the side

of human rights and justice.

Zia's period of Islamization gave rise to a religious scholar and jurist who would become known

throughout the Muslim World as a chief Islamist thinker. His name was Abdul Ala Mawdudi and his

primary goal was to propogate real Islam (Siddiqi, 18, 2011.) He pushed for Sharia to be

implemented in all spheres of life and deemed himself a reviver of the faith. The founding of his

influential organization, Jamaat-i-Islami would later become a political party in all three South Asian

nations with large Muslim populations. This occurred even before partition (Jackson, 2, 2010.) An

independent Pakistan gave him more influence as he claimed he was advocating for a segment of the
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population. General Zia seeking to change the role of Islam gave rise to Mawdudi's ideas and made

them prevalent on the front pages of newspapers. (Siddiqi, 18, 2011.) Mawdudi advocated for Sharia

via education programs or dawah as oppose to pressure from the state for people to change (Siddiqi,

20, 2011.) Mawdudi's new status in Zia's administration elevated him to a well-respected figure and led

to him throwing his support behind this government. Thousands of Mawdudi's pamphlets were

distributed throughout Pakistan and Muslim World at large seeking to expand the message of Islamism,

under the guise of being true principles of the faith and how it should be practiced (Siddiqi, 21, 2011.)

Any investigation on Islamism requires an in depth explanation of the term and distinguishing

the difference between the faith of Islam itself. Islamism can best be explained as an ideology, a

movement-organization and form of government (Mozaffari, 2007, 17.) Over time this concept has

evolved and sometimes misused as means of control, such as Pakistan under the rule of General Zia.

Islamism can take on a number of different forms depending on the sect, ranging from Sunni, Shia and

Wahhabi. It can affect both the domestic and international events. Groups that profess to this way of

thinking often clash with each other due to small differences in jurisprudence of the branch of Islam

they subscribe to. However, they often resort to violence to get their message across. This makes them

seem uniform to those not aware of the differences between these groups and what they stand for. They

all seek the same goals, to forcefully spread Islam in every aspect of society (Mozaffari, 2007, 18.) The

literature existing on this topic focuses on a number of different converging themes, helping dissect the

role of Islamism within Pakistan. Islamization and Islamism are also two terms that may be easily

mistaken and seem synonymous. Islamization is an ongoing process; meaning there is a society moving

towards stronger association with Muslim values and an Islamic way of life due to pressure of the state.

(Mehdi, 1, 2013.) It is a top-down process. Islamism or Political Islam is a movement. A number of

different thinkers like Mawdudi in Pakistan, Qutb in Egypt and Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran have all

contributed their thoughts to this field (Jackson, 2, 2010.) A community undergoing Islamization can be
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fueled by Islamism. Mawdudi's pieces provide the theoretical underpinnings of Political Islam and

explain it as a strict interpretation of religious law entering the arena of governance. Adams writes

about how this involves freedom from Western ideas like capitalism and secularism as well as less

commonly thought about economic institutions involving transactions with interest (Adams, 1983,

100.) Mawdudi calls for Muslims to go back to their roots and live according to a manner the Prophet

Muhammad did. Mawdudi's movement feels believers have strayed from the teachings of Islam and

now include too many cultural and traditional practices into their lives away from the straight path.

He saw his Jamaat-e-Islami organization as a tool to combat this corruption and a means to lead

Muslims away from Western ideals.

Jamaat-e-Islami claims to be the oldest religious party within Pakistan as an alternative among a

number of secular, Western leaning alternatives. Some scholars argue groups that advocate for Political

Islam are increasingly loosing traction in Pakistani society. Iqtidar is able to analyze religious groups

that have a say within the Pakistani political system. Her work investigates the impact of their actions

which is seen as increasingly radical by more people within society. This effect of this turns out to be

more people embracing a secular philosophy and outlook in some regards. Political Islam is having less

of an impact in both public and private life. Pakistani women in her findings have an ability to be

agents of change as they push their kids toward what is deemed as secular education. There are

substantially more opportunities afforded to them and this plays a role in the decisions of many to

adopt this way of thinking (Iqtidar, 14, 2011.) She has discovered the state has played a role in

secularizing, especially since the end of President Musharraf's military rule and extremist acts that

killed the Prime Ministerial front runner candidate, Benazir Bhutto. Iqtidar focuses on how many

equate politically religious or Islamist groups with extremist acts as many times it is found they are

related. This is showing potential for the nation to change its thinking on Political Islam, although it is

evident those attitudes have not always been present by some segments.
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Zia's rule and union with Mawdudi created a drastically different Pakistan than Jinnah

mentioned in his address, arguing the state would not interfere with religion. Through their work,

authors like Nasr focus on how the state can actively be engaged in embedding Islam into domestic

politics. This is a means of maintaining control and establishing power. Nasr argues involvement of

faith in politics is not due to political parties vying for influence and to have an effect on people, but

focuses on rather the state itself as it relates to the international system. Religion, including Islam in

particular has become a marker of postcolonial identity. Nations use this as a manner to demonstrate

difference in global affairs and distance themselves from their colonial rulers by utilizing a common

factor that unifies the population. Muslim-majority countries will identify in this way although how

they interpret religion and the role it plays in their country may be extremely different. Islamism comes

to play as it may represent more than just postcolonial attitudes, but reactions to the War on Terror,

often painted as a war on Islam in some conservative circles.

No investigation of Pakistan is complete without discussion of its neighbor Afghanistan,

especially during the leadership of Zia ul Haq. They have become increasingly intertwined. General Zia

was able to gain the trust of Ronald Reagan after the Soviets invaded (Rashid, 38, 2009) and expanded

their presence in Central Asia. The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Central Intelligence

Agency (CIA) along with Saudi Arabia worked together from 1982 to the end of the decade to train

militants. Equipping them with weapons, thirty-five thousand people from around the Muslim world

came to fight Soviet occupiers (Rashid, 39, 2009.) This gave birth to a generation of Islamist militants

who were encouraged to fight against what they believed were the enemies of Islam. These militants

have been used by Pakistan to fight against India in the conflict in Kashmir (Rashid, 111, 2009.) These

ideas have festered and gained support as time progressed. The Post-9/11 US invasion of Afghanistan

has created similar sentiments with a view of America as a foreign occupier. The combination of

Islamism and militancy creates the extremism we see today, where unfortunately radicalism can
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flourish.

There is much debate on whether Islamism is simply reactive to an international system

organized on Western ideas. In the context of the nation-state, Westaphalian sovereignty gives each

state control over its own domestic affairs. Muslim states with the notion of the ummah were united

under empires like the Ottoman and Mughals. This perception of governance differs greatly. Accepting

an international system based on a Western approach has possibly stemmed hostility and a rise of the

Islamist school of thought. Esposito argues that it is an Islamism cannot be easily defined and does not

fit into a certain criteria. His work focuses on the manifestations of Political Islam is different societies

whether it be in the Middle East, Africa, South of Southeast Asia. Different thinkers hold conflicting

views on its meaning and impact. Examples like Iran post-revolution provide an interesting example

with a system of theocratic rule unlike anything seen in the contemporary era with an Ayatollah at its

head. Saudi Arabia provides an extreme example of conservative religious rule, seen in some circles as

an example. Esposito argues the role of Islamism can differ depending on the context of the society. He

notes the extreme cases of Afghanistan and Pakistan which have been of increased concern to those

worried about Western defense and the need to understand this is a result of using faith for political

means.

Political Islam can lead to a sense of fundamentalism and create divides within nations, whether

Egypt or Pakistan. Political Islam in Tibi's opinion creates an illusion that if you are religious, this is

the only option. The only opposite is Western leaning, secular thinking. Islamists have been able to gain

legitimacy in societies where people may not be aware of alternative interpretations of holy texts (Tibi,

839, 2000.) If the are, they are deemed as being not sufficient to live a complete Muslim life. Political

Islam is not in itself chaotic, however it is part of the complex relationship between religion and the

state today. Extremism comes from fundamentalism taken to another level and results in acts of hate

and discrimination. In a democratic structure, Islamists have an opportunity to be represented, but there
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is a balance that must be achieved that is extremely delicate. Pakistan has not elected radical Islamists

directly, however religious parties have been found to act as a front for them (Foreign Affairs, 2012.)

As a democracy, Pakistanis have the ability to elect their leadership. They can decide what role faith

will play in their politics and interactions in international relations however may be impacted by

candidates, their promises and rhetoric in making that decision. Military rule and dictators coming to

power have unfortunately occurred too often in this nation's history.

Pakistan is one of the countries that come up in contemporary global affairs headlines for a

number of reasons. Thinkers in disciplines like sociology have argued the role of religion and society

traditionally is a concern of of divinity schools (Tibi, 843, 2000.) The Post-9/11 era has proven

otherwise and international relations theory has been viewed as not equipped to handle this. Tibi writes

about events in Iran in 1979 that ushered in a period of looking at the relationship between religion and

the state. Pakistan, despite being a self-declared Islamic Republic was not as much of a concern since

its founding because at the top of its leadership are a President and Prime Minister. It follows a similar

leadership structure to Western politics and has a parliament. The religious identity of the population

was not seen as a concern. The increased importance of this as an identity factor has become prevalent.

International relations theories suffer a handicap and there needs to be a balance when looking at

religion. Faith does not have to be seen as a principal driving force, however cannot be omitted from

the discussion in entirety.

Although not part of the mainstream discourse, religion is increasingly being paid attention to

by some thinkers in the field of international relations. Even less thought about is the role of faith and

its implications on foreign policy. The end of the Cold War has resulted in a period of rising conflict

along ethnic and religious lines. Studies have looked at why this is the case and analyze attitudes

followers of certain religions hold toward foreign policy (Warner, 114, 2011.) The sources of foreign

policy vary depending on the lens being assessed through. It is a delicate balance between power,
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geopolitics, institutions, interests, and ideas. Culture and religious heritage fall into this sphere of ideas.

This shared common link is the basis of the Pakistani state and how its legislators intend to act in

making foreign policy decisions.

Warner writes that if religions is to have a local (direct and immediate) steering effect on

foreign policy, its casual impact must be represented in the beliefs and intentions of the agents of

foreign policy (Warner, 117, 2011.) These agents are molding factors of the direction a country heads

to on the global stage. Religion informs common morals, ethics and routes of action that are

appropriate. This guidance can impact not only the state, but the lives of citizens that subscribe to that

religion and their interpretation of it. This link between religion and foreign policy is established by

these means and the sources that make it a reality. Theoretical perspectives in the international system

account for concepts like power and anarchy. When religion comes into the mix, foreign relations can

look at how countries of the same religion may have a significant level of ideological affinity

(Warner, 119, 2011.) This creates an us versus them mindset. This applies to the case of Pakistan. As

an Islamic Republic, its primary allies are other Muslim-majority nations which has been strengthened

through the OIC framework. Common values and outlooks stemming from mutually accepted

interpretations of how Muslims and Muslim nations should conduct themselves in the international

system are guiding factors. An example of this would be the unwillingness of a majority of OIC

members including Pakistan to establish foreign relations or even recognize the State of Israel. This

coupled with the demonization of the Jewish state by some leaders in international forums set an

unfortunate tone for the prospect of building Jewish-Muslim relations (Akbarzadeh, 82, 2005.)

Religion can easily filter into politics and cause a chain effect amongst countries that identify similarly

in terms of faith.

In international relations literature, there is a tendency to view religion as an aspect within

culture. As an inserted factor of a national identity in some cases, it can shape institutions as well as the
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foreign policy it pursues. There is a tendency to see religions as monolithic entities (Warner, 120,

2011.) Faith can have varying interpretations and be influenced by neighboring countries. When

assessing the shared Muslim identity of Pakistan it is important to understand there are differences even

within the country on understanding the faith. A number of groups that reflect sects and branches of the

faith are influential on the foreign policy of this nation (Warner, 120, 2011.) The religious culture in

this case is deeply intertwined with culture and political history.

Public opinion and consensus is another factor that can impact foreign policy. In order for this

happen, there needs to be an institutional outlet (Warner, 124, 2011.) In the case of Pakistan, this is

equal to an organization like Jamaat-i-Islami or the military which has an explicit aim. They are

involved in the political structure and secular work that advances their objectives. Warner also argues

organized religions can compete with the state for survival and to get their message out. Interpretations

that have shifted throughout the history of Pakistan and leaders like Mawdudi have found their place

depending on leadership. Under the rule of General Zia, his organization was able to prosper and he

achieved the status of state cleric. Religion can mean a group like Jamaat-i-Islami exists but they are

either hindered or helped by the government in power. Political and institutional structures that exist

matter more, as they reflect the state on the international level.

Many scholars argue secularization theory is the cause of why international relations has

refused to acknowledge and neglected the role of religion. Some thought religion would eventually

become outdated in modern times (Sandal, Fox, 2, 2013.) Both authors in their work write about how

religious doctrine differs from nationalism. Secular states cherish survival of the state as their primary

goal, religious states may see the spread of their ideology as the ultimate aim of their existence

(Sandal, Fox, 78, 2013.) When you are of a particular citizenship, you have pride in it and do not want

to give it to others. It is what makes you different from others. Faith and proseltyzation in a state can

take on an opposite approach, seeking to make all in society part of a brotherhood of believers. Anyone
 Khan 18

not of your faith is deemed an outsider. Pakistan under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto changed the constitution to

define who met the criteria of Muslims and who did not. This affected many religious groups;

especially the Ahmadiyya who have been increasingly targeted in attacks (Khan 217, 2003.) Added

Islamism and the reign of Zia created a political climate where these attacks were not condemned and

also coerced Muslims to be increasingly ultraconservative and adopt rigid interpretations of religious

texts (Siddiqi, 20, 2011.) Mawdudi, as a reformer was engaged in education missionary work and

sought to spread Islam and his personal understanding of it. His efforts created this Pakistan, standing

as a noteworthy example of the need to take into account religion in politics. Without it, there would be

no way to explain these phenomena as well as the state of the Pakistan we see today.

III. Methodology and Research Strategy

The wealth of literature on this subject gives us insight into its significance in a number of

different disciplines and their interplay with international relations and security. Historical context on

the creation of Pakistan and the leadership shaping it and the relationship between faith and politics

helps us conceptualize how Political Islam is related to Pakistan foreign policy. The creation of this

identity relies on these very factors. In the Post-9/11 era, some argue a new and increasingly Islamist

position has emerged. Islamist elements have always existed within Pakistan and served as guiding

principles for segments of the population. If we are to understand the role of Political Islam within

Pakistan and how it affects its interactions in world affairs, this must rely on taking it into account as a

marker of identity. Despite our thoughts on this way of thinking, it is crucial to view it objectively. This

can be assessed through utilizing a number of theories and ideologies closely related to the themes

being discussed. Having these as a lens to better explain trends and tendencies aid in making sense of

the unique yet unstable balance between religion and politics on display in Pakistan today.

A qualitative analysis of this topic requires a close look at material by experts in a number of
 Khan 19

given areas ranging from religion, political science, sociology and defense. This was undertaken and

seeks to represent scholars, thinkers and academics who have studied this topic and lived in the region

being examined. They reflect Western, Muslim World and South Asian experts and are some of the

most respected figures in understanding the interplay between religion and politics. This diversity of

thought and perspective is of utmost importance when doing an investigation of a historically and

politically charged subject. This case highlights necessary variables to determine if the foreign policy

of Pakistan can be best explained by traditional international relations theory and how and where

Political Islam falls into that existing setup. The faith of Islam itself has molded and been utilized to

create the independent nation-state of Pakistan. It stands on its own. It was used as a mark of difference

and is essentially embedded in the two-nation theory as a case of why Muslims needed their own

country separate from what they saw as a uniform Hindu majority. To the founders, this was the

framework and the idea that pushed their pursuit to create the first Islamic Republic.

The relying factor or dependent variable in this study is Pakistani foreign policy; alternating in

approach depending on leadership. It has always depended on what the state was founded on, however

encountered different interpretations of what role faith should play due to the various factions seeking

to influence. The early leaders of Pakistan saw the United States as an indispensable ally. President

Ayub Khan visited the United States three times in the 1960's meeting John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B.

Johnson (Hummel, 31, 1981.) The leadership of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto however led to a new page, one

where Pakistan pursued nuclear capabilities despite the United States warning not to. This has resulted

in a nuclear armed subcontinent with many fearing the possibility of conflict erupting. Under Z.A.

Bhutto, Pakistan worked towards closer relations with other Asian, African and Muslim nations in this

time period showing us a shift in foreign policy. General Zia continued these relations while regaining

the trust of the United States given the Afghanistan conflict. This is the time where Political Islam, due

to Mawdudi's ideas entered the mainstream discourse of this country and transformed into increasingly
 Khan 20

extremist. Extremist and terrorist groups have grown, causing a need to be extra alert especially in a

Post-9/11 world.

Operationalizing the charged concept of foreign policy in the Post-Cold War era is crucial,

especially for the purposes of this piece. The primary principle of foreign policy remains the national

interest (Mazhar and Goraya, 2013.) These interests are molded by regional geopolitics as well as

history. The national interests of Pakistan are reflected by a shared identity and a chain of historical

events, previously explained that push leaders to act in a manner they feel is in the best interest of their

citizens. They may also act out of concern for the continued existence of the state. Foreign policy is

strategic and dynamic in nature. It is a means of a government meeting its goals with other nations,

institutions or organizations and sets a standard for alliance building. Foreign policy is goal setting

mechanism and a guide to behavior in the international system, making it clear a nation-state is willing

to work alongside particular actors. The motivating factors of the foreign policy of Pakistan relies on

sovereignty, protection of their territory and preservation (Mazhar and Goraya, 2013.)

Foreign policy decisions as a variable in this case depend on the independent factors of identity

molding them. Political Islam certainly falls into this criteria. Actors are motivated by ensuring the

security of the state. This is of paramount concern. Islamists working with or within the framework of

the state observe it is able to give them a sense of legitimacy and can even at times bolster the message

they aim to get across. Foreign policy decisions also seek to protect territorial integrity (Mazhar and

Goraya, 2013.) Being carved out of an undivided India and a series of wars has led to a history of

tension. The situation in Kashmir adds to this mix, often causing brouhaha by Islamists who cite this as

a reason to expand their influence. The regional dominance of India is seen as a threatening. The other

source of foreign policy, most directly related to this study is preservation. This is aligned with identity,

Islamic values and Muslim causes (Mazhar and Goraya, 2013.) While any state may have similar

objectives, what makes Pakistan different is this need for leadership to embody these motivating
 Khan 21

factors. Decisions made with these ideas in mind have had the most impact and reflected sentiments of

the country at large.

Testing if Pakistani foreign policy can be explained through international relations theory

requires a closer look beyond the history of this nation. While such information is important as it lays

the framework for understanding the context to the reader, applying theories that have shaped political

science help us see what we have discussed propel into action. In his book, Jonathan Fox argues local

religious conflicts are international issues (Fox, 63, 2004.) The ending of the Cold War has led to not

only increased humanitarian intervention, but the ability for information to be transmitted at a faster

pace. Communications has made strides and the international community more aware of events

occurring. Transnational communities of believers may express anger over what is happening to their

brethren across the globe. Increased communication can also inspire copycat conflicts to happen

elsewhere. When we apply this to Pakistan, we see how Islamism and religious fundamentalism has

been able to pick up in what coincides to be the era after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This

conflict has produced large amounts of refugees and received the attention of the world, more so in the

time after 9/11. Security analysts and political scientists have analyzed how equipping the Inter-

Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan with tools to train the Mujahideen or Islamist guerrilla fighters

against the Soviets resulted in the international conflict we face today with the horrific acts on

American soil of September 11 and the aftermath in the War on Terror.

Political Islam is without a doubt a driver of Pakistani foreign policy. Subscribers to this way of

thinking see it as a distinct identity that sets them apart from others. They aim to make all Muslims

think about the world in the way they do. Institutions like Jamaat-i-Islami and the military help in

propagating this message through their actions. Both realism and liberalism lack the ability to explain

identity, much the less religion as a viable factor in international relations. Demonstrating this requires

an analysis of how concepts central to Pakistani foreign policy are explained through these worldviews
 Khan 22

and if they are not, why do they fall short. Utilizing both theory and empirical evidence will be helpful

towards understanding how foreign policy is influenced by Islamist ideas and how they have become a

part of mainstream Pakistani society.

Acharya and Buzan focus on traditional theories of international relations and the advantage

they have as being the first in the field (2013.) This has afforded them a sense of legitimacy, however

they are limited in their scope as they cannot describe everything in world politics. Islamic

International Relations along with Southeast Asian, Indian international relations and others are

explored in depth by these authors as they account for factors making certain parts of the world distinct.

Cookie-cutter solutions do not do complex and intricate situations with a number of different layers

justice. Take the Arab-Israeli Conflict for example, which can be assessed from the perspectives of

meta-narratives relating to faith. Some Muslims believe the creation of a Jewish state in Israel means

the nearing of an apocalypse with the return of Jesus as the Messiah (Cook, 140, 2008.) How can any

traditional international relations theory analyze this and the intentions of organizations that undermine

the security of the region on this notion? Non-western international relations theories can take these

components into consideration by assessing what is crucial in the way of life of those being studied.

The concept of the ummah or a transnational community of believers is an important part of the

Islamic faith, however realism at current for example sees the nation-state as the guiding factor. The

building of schools, institutions and hospitals across borders by some faith organizations have

reasserted Muslim identity and sought to strengthen the ummah. Realism or liberalism cannot explain

this and many Pakistanis may agree with this idea as it is seen as part of their religious doctrine. When

creating a nuclear bomb, some Pakistani intellectuals called it a bomb for the Ummah (Albright, 49,

2003.) The ummah is an integral part of what Islamist movements preach, however cannot be

misinterpreted as definitive proof one subscribes to this way of thinking. Islamists are aggressive in

their approach to strengthen this concept. There are important components of identity and concepts in
 Khan 23

religion often overlooked and new paradigms can change how we understand the actions of nations

abroad and where they intend to fit in the greater picture of global events.

The current frameworks in place to look at international relations provide lenses to make sense

of global events, the actions of states and power. Realism argues no actor exists above states and they

are most important on the global stage. Anarchy exists at this level (Waltz, 2008.) In the context of the

nation-state, most parties will report to a central authority. On an international scale, no equivalent

exists. States have to act out of their own interests and cannot be dependent on others to come to their

rescue. Pakistan is like any nation-state in that it understands it must compete in the international

system to survive. Globalization has given rise to transnational terror groups, and the leadership must

often assert its power. This theory however leaves little, if any role for Islam. Realism can explain

Pakistani foreign policy decisions of the past and possibly the direction it will head in the future, but

does not take into account the foundation this state is based on and how it can manifest into Islamism

over time. Realism seems to have limitations when it comes to comprehending and anticipating

international change for the present and beyond.

Liberalism is another well regarded theory in international relations and it seeks to move

beyond seeing states as just in competition with one another for power (Keohane, 2011.) The thinkers

in this field argue there is benefit to nation-states working together in international forums and

organizations to accomplish similar goals. Liberalism argues that nongovernmental actors can begin to

shape policies and preferences that countries begin to select and put into law. In the context of Pakistan,

one of the most important institutions it takes pride in being part of is the Organization of Islamic

Cooperation (OIC.) Since its founding, it has played a role in strengthening Muslim identity. Pakistan

along with Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and Turkey have been seen as the initial contributors to this

organization. At the time of the secession of Bangladesh in 1971 from Western Pakistan, leadership

refused to accept demands for an independent state. The OIC convinced Pakistan the will of
 Khan 24

Bangladeshis and the sovereignty of this state must be recognized (Baxter, 73, 2005.) Heads of state

and foreign ministers threatened to boycott Pakistan if this was not done and worked through this

institution to change the trajectory of a nation's foreign policy. The OIC in a sense reflects an

institutionalized ummah, reflecting transnational Muslim brotherhood across borders.

The strategic alliances of Pakistan and the United States reflects a reason why that nation has

always officially dedicated itself democracy on the global stage. Shifts to a structure like Iran or Saudi

Arabia could have grave repercussions. They are far from what the founding fathers of that nation

envisioned. Liberalism is able to capture a bit more of what is important to the average Pakistani. It

prioritizes institutions and the role nation-states can play within them to encourage one another to act a

certain way on the global stage. These are segments of Pakistani foreign policy and do not explain it in

totality. Liberalism falls short in explaining religion as a stand alone concept. Institutions built on it do

add to the discussion, but religion in itself is not given any weight through this lens. Any role power

can play is ignored. The democratic peace theory is a significant part of this discussion. If liberalism

could be properly applied, how do we explain the the three wars that have taken place between India

and Pakistan since their partition and independence in 1947? Both are professed democracies. Thinkers

like Fukayama in this tradition do not look at factors that can prevent the spread of democracy, such as

Islamism which can spiral into religious extremism. Any role religion can be played must be assessed.

International Relations as a field must be multidisciplinary in order to be completely effective.

Philpott says there is a new era in international relations after September 11. The challenge has been

radical Islamic revivalism and not relying on a solely secular lens to understand the events occurring a

world away (Phillpott, 2002.) He argues that one does not need to take on a theological approach when

analyzing religion, but studying it as thinkers in the humanities do is needed. However, the bigger

obstacle he states is a lack of devotion and interest to finding ways to understand how public religion is

shaping international relations. The events of September 11 demonstrated just this and the need to
 Khan 25

account for other factors in countries abroad. This is the only way we can explain events as tragic as

9/11, the rise of fundamentalism, danger of extremism and and the circumstances that lead terrorists to

be involved in such horrific actions.

There have been some attempts to grasp how religious as well as cultural identity can play a

role in shaping international relations. One of the most well respected hypotheses in this area is the

Clash of Civilizations by Samuel Huntington. In his work, he argues the post-Cold War period will be

marked by groups of nations expressing how they identify themselves as opposed to ideologies

defining them such as communism or democracy (Huntington, 25, 1993.) This will increase the

possibility of conflict. Nation-states will still remain powerful from his point of view and conflict will

occur between civilizations. This can explain the previous question posed about conflicts between India

and Pakistan. Pakistan, identifying with the Muslim world sees itself as having to defend itself against

its Hindu majority neighbor, India. He does not acknowledge this theory falls short when discussing

Pakistani-Nepali relations, which have been robust for a country with a Hindu majority. The fact that

India and Pakistan were once one nation adds to this case. Huntington argues the history of conflict has

evolved over time. In the past, struggles existed between empires, colonial states against their rulers

and most recently ideology. The collective identity of a people against another they claim to be their

enemy has become more common. Pakistan through its foreign policy seems to be exemplifying this;

using its Islamic identity to choose allies and enemies and represent itself to the global community.

Barber is another political scientist who comes closer to describing how religion can affect

democracy. In his work titled Jihad vs. McWorld, he focuses on globalization specifically and what it

means for tradition. Tradition in this sense can relate to a number of identity factors, of these are faith

ethnicity, region and culture (Barber, 1992.) Globalization from abroad can impose a foreign culture on

a group of people through a number of means. Technologically, it can expose people to images that

alter their way of dress. Economically, it can open a door to new institutions and introduce them into
 Khan 26

societies where they did not previously exist. Banks that offer lending services on interest are one such

example. Socially, it can change customs such as food. Barber argues the jihad or struggle is the fight

against those forces and outsiders. Islamism relates to this as it seeks to fight against Western

influences that threaten and undermine Muslim values. Barber argues these are parts, not wholes. In

this case, it would not be the entire state of Pakistan but rather those that subscribe the Islamism

because they see it as a means of protecting what is important to them. This sector of society subscribes

to Mawdudi's ideas and they worry their religious identity is being threatened.

Making sense of Pakistan through two traditional international relations theories and two

respected hypotheses in political science gives us better insight to if Pakistan can be explained through

these prisms. Realism discounts culture and religion as factors not worthy of investigation. Liberalism

does not account for the difficulties of identity beyond institutions. Huntington and Barber do not offer

a theoretical framework and make generalizations, lumping groups together and making them appear to

be monolithic identities. Constructivism would probably be the most friendly approach for the case of

explaining Pakistan. This lens places emphasis on identity, ideas and culture. Snyder writes about

Wendt's Social Theory of International Politics, which he says comes closest to discussing how social

factors can impact international relations, yet does not mention the term religion explicitly (Snyder, 14,

2011.) This state-centric approach may be able to focus on transnational sources of foreign policy and

have room for discussing religious ideas. It argues the states behavior is shaped by the beliefs of elites,

the norms of a group of people and collective identities. Islam, as our independent variable is just that.

The different thoughts of leadership has molded Pakistan as it has matured in the international system

and been responsible for the direction it has pursued. The past is the focus of this theory but it is what

best explains the foreign policy decisions of this country and rise of Political Islam over the years.

The hypothesis of this investigation is Pakistani foreign policy can be best explained using a

constructivist lens, as this approach leaves room to take identity into consideration. These ideas can be
 Khan 27

religious or cultural. Political Islam as a movement and is just that, a representation of a segment of

Muslim World that has gained traction in recent times. Its thinkers believe and seek to portray it as the

true Islam. It represents an identity of some Pakistanis and they seek to expand their influence into the

realm of foreign policy. Those who hold onto this identity can be clerics, politicians or lawmakers and

have without a doubt impacted how this nation conducts itself in the international system. If it is a

driving factor or not however is debatable. This is dependent on the context and current events. How

these factors analyze the acceptance or the rejection of Islamist principles will be looked at in the next

section of this work.

IV. Findings and Analysis

A closer look at the foreign policy of Pakistan demonstrates to us that like any nation, it has

pursued a path that has advanced its interests. It proves there are a number of components influencing

its position in the international system and it is a multifaceted issue. Its foundation as a homeland for

South Asian Muslims in itself was controversial and had the initial support of liberal-minded

individuals like Jinnah and Iqbal who envisioned an independent state where the once minority could

be a majority and thrive. The more conservative pockets of society, like Mawdudi would see a Muslim-

majority state gave his message more legitimacy. Islamism found a place in Pakistan under the

leadership of Zia-ul Haq who would eventually enforce strict religious rule throughout his country. This

doctrine was used to train the Mujahideen in the Soviet occupation, which would later set the

foundation for groups like Al-Qaeda and the Taliban to be born. Pakistani foreign policy since has been

driven by these factors as well as security concerns, affecting the lives and wellbeing of the very people

within its own borders. Coupled with feelings of paranoia and fear, this has caused more to gravitate

and have affinity for Islamist ideas and a foreign policy reflective of these ideas. The findings
 Khan 28

of this study deduce that Islamism is a movement. In its most extreme forms, it can impose sharia law

on nations and seek to fully eradicate non-Muslim and Western institutions in a society. Islamists

oppose being called that term because they believe they are encompassing and expressing the true

beliefs of Islam. Extremists take violent actions to express this. In their view, Political Islam is how

they are able to fit faith into the existing structure of the nation-state. The background on this topic

looks at how Pakistan was able to go through periods of Islamist highs, where these ideas were

tolerated and enforced by the government and even gained acceptance by some in the population. It

also looks at how anti-occupation movements in neighboring Afghanistan, whether it be the Soviet

Union during the Cold War or the the United States in the War or Terror fuels interest in this movement.

This can stem into the very concerning radicalization we see in the contemporary age. Islamism is a

form of identity politics. It makes the case a group of people are adamantly against Western influence

in any sphere of their life and can even be as Huntington states, an indicator of the Clash of

Civilizations.

Movements indicate individuals are working together to achieve a particular goal and make

progress on a particular idea. To those subscribing to Political Islam, working to achieve a stricter

interpretation of Islam and a society free of Western ideas are their aims. Pakistani foreign policy can

be explained at particular times with this movement, however it does not explain it in entirety and grasp

its complexities through history. Islamism in this case was top-down. The leadership of Pakistan

whether it be in terms of government at the Presidential level, or clerics at the religious level enforced

strict religious doctrine on their constituencies. This type of Islam strayed far from what was intended

to be the Pakistani state according to its founder, Jinnah. Arguing Pakistan and its foreign policy is fully

based on Political Islam would undermine the relationships with Western powers; mainly the United

States and United Kingdom. That however is not definitive proof Islamism is not part of how this

nation conducts itself. Segments of the population may disapprove, but Pakistan understands there
 Khan 29

could be harsh consequences if they do not align themselves with these powers for their security and

standing in international relations.

Constructivism is best suited to explain how Pakistan interacts in the international system and

its foreign policy decisions. The shared identity of being a state for Muslims has shaped its decisions

and created a rationale to pursue the paths the leadership deems appropriate for the country. Zulfikar

Ali Bhutto used Islamic identity as a means to gain support to create a nuclear bomb, within his own

country and throughout the Muslim World. He saw it as a means of protection for all Muslims against

countries that already had this technology. General Zia ul Haq did the same, stating his reforms were

moving Pakistan to a more Islamic society. Both of these leaders, although vastly different in terms of

what they stood for utilized the common factor of their citizens. Playing on Muslim identity and

strategically utilizing it to justify events and occurrences that can impact foreign relations is Islamist in

its own right. Nurturing and mobilizing those that see Muslims as under threat can unite all facets of

the population. Whether they are orthodox fundamentalists in the mountain regions on the border of

Afghanistan who pray five times a day or secular subscribers to the faith that frequent cafes in Lahore

who do not pray at all, knowing a part of your identity is being attacked upsets you. We see this during

current day demonstrations which become violent about cartoons and movies made in the West about

the Prophet Muhammad. This shared identity embedded in the national fabric of Pakistan is used by

hard line Islamists to make people view the world from their lens. It is part of a wider narrative many in

the Muslim World hold true, thinking Islam is under attack. Political occurrences in the world steer

people toward this direction. People from very different portions of society subscribe to this, making it

difficult to distinguish who is Islamist and who is not. Extreme positions do exist, however the identity

of being Muslim in public life is something the majority of Pakistanis take to heart. Other countries

may use nationalism or ethnicity in this manner. Constructivism is able to account for that factor and

explain fiascos in foreign policy that concern us from a Western perspective.

 Khan 30

As an international relations theory, constructivism allows room to systematically explore how

religious beliefs can impact the state and the global system at large. Duffy Toft argues religion can

serve as a unifying force and bring together people of different ethnicities and cultures. This can be

ideologically as discussed previously. Pakistan however attempted to do this at the time of its founding.

It was created as a state for people from all over the subcontinent of one faith including Punjabis and

Bengalis and South Indian groups like Malayalis and Tamils from opposite ends of an undivided British

India. Discounting ethnicity makes it seem all of these people have a single culture and outlook on life,

which could not be further from the truth. Toft's argument ties into the earlier discussed concept of the

ummah and how it can unify Muslims worldwide across boundaries of nationality. Pakistanis very

much see themselves apart of this and Pakistani nationalism means pride in being a citizen of an

Islamic Republic and part of a wider Muslim world.

Historical and social construction of events makes Pakistan the complex actor it is to understand

in world politics. Shared ideas and its ability to mold a national identity has made it a case of interest.

Every nation has ideas on what makes it ethos. Pakistan is no different. Although it was founded as a

state for Muslims, that does not restrict non-Muslims from gaining citizenship and being an active part

of society. Ideas and those that are more prevalent can shift depending on who is in power. The future is

unpredictable according to constructivism because ideas and identities are not set concepts. What

happens within the country can impact its foreign relations and shape its standing as a stable ally or

perception as a failed state.

A look at how Islamism determines Pakistani foreign policy is central to this investigation. Nasr

writes about the formation of Pakistani identity and how ideas have been able to have an influence on

politics. Sectarianism has made matters increasingly complex in Pakistan. From the 1970's and onward,

Gulf states, mainly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have been able to pour funding into

Sunni institutions and create more madrasahs or religious schools. In the same light, the Shia
 Khan 31

population has received more money from Iran to influence teaching and learning. These links were

voluntary yet produced strong religious and intellectual bonds (Nasr, 144, 2000.) This fits into the

larger objective of both Saudi Arabia and Iran to fund Islamic education projects throughout the

Muslim world. The Sunni majority receiving money from Saudi Arabia propagated anti-Iranian and in

general anti-Shia messages. These ideas began to be preached in fiery Friday sermons and taught in

madrasahs (Nasr, 145, 2000.) Islamism creates the idea that certain interpretations of Islam cannot be

allowed and valued over others. In its extreme forms, it results on the attacks on those houses of

worship and public gathering. This has been an unfortunate reality of Pakistan today.

Combining sectarianism with the occupation of Afghanistan by the USSR created what Nasr

deems as ''a new breed of madrasah graduates (Nasr, 151, 2000.) These individuals were politically

charged and allowed events at the time to mold their perceptions of the world around them. He claims

they were nominally of the ulama [religious scholars] but had a claim to politics and a jihadist

outlook (Nasr, 151, 2000.) Pakistan at this time transformed into a direction of militant activism.

Continuing social, ethnic, civil and economic conflict with access to weapons in the Northwest Frontier

Province on the border of Afghanistan has led to the increase in the spread of violent ideology.

Frustrated madrasah graduates began to receive support from criminals, supporting activities like the

heroin trade and even kidnapping. (Nasr, 151, 2000.)

These individuals have made their way into the top level of organizations and the government.

They have popular support because of their ability to help the poorest throughout the country. Internal

strife has created a culture where moving toward Islamism is the norm. A sign of this is the inability to

accept different points of view and not question religious authority. Resistance to democracy and

everything freedom of speech stands for is another measure of this. Extremism has been condemned at

many times, but also accepted by people in high ranking positions of government which in itself is

tragic. One such example was the assassination of Salman Taseer, governor of the Punjab province in
 Khan 32

Pakistan. He was was killed for speaking out against blasphemy laws that pushed toward a more

religiously strict Pakistan. At the time of his sentencing, his murderer was greeted by thousands who

cheered him on and threw flowers at him (Walsh, 2011.) The message of clerics that saw Taseer as

wrong for speaking out against their laws triumphed. Although one example, this gives insight into the

current state of Pakistan and how it has become a nation where even those at the top of the hierarchy

are afraid to speak out. Silence in the face of Islamists who do not believe in tolerance or coexistence is

simply unexplainable. The government failing to speak out and fight against when Islamism turns into

extremism affects its foreign policy greatly and how others see Pakistan on the global starge.

South Asian expert and Georgetown University Professor Christina Fair has investigated this

topic in depth. She argues that Pakistan is not simply obsessed with its survival in the sense realism

states it will be. She quotes military generals through its history, consistently evoked the notion

Pakistan is an ideological state based on the ideology of Islam (Fair, 96, 2014.) They see the

continued existence of the nation reliant on this fact. The military generals ensure Pakistani soldiers are

taught why Muslim civilizations have both risen and fallen for the past 1400 years. They study battles

the Prophet Muhammad participated in to learn about the spirit of jihad (Fair, 97, 2014.) This type of

rhetoric is rooted in inferiority in comparison to India, clearly the rising South Asian hegemon. Foreign

policy decisions in Pakistan are made in conjunction, if not exclusively by the military. Their

motivations are Islamist as in their eyes it legitimizes the state. Pride in Islam distinguishes Pakistan

from a majority Hindu India. Pakistan is based on ideas. It is deeply rooted in the two-nation theory and

Islamism aggressively pushes an agenda that argues Muslims and Hindus constitute as two unique

nations. This is interpreted as meaning they can never live together. India's Muslim population however

takes away from this idea, making them in the eyes of Pakistan irrelevant. The two-nation theory fueled

nation-building in the time since Jinnah's death in 1947 and unified people by faith despite having very

different outlooks on life. It affects the actors Pakistan interacts with in the international system and
 Khan 33

more crucially symbolizes constructivism. The military establishment has used this as a means to push

their security seeking objectives forward.

The role of external conflicts in giving the word of Islamists backing throughout Pakistan has

heightened. A segment of the population expresses solidarity with the Taliban and their struggle to get

NATO forces out of the region (Mustafa, 2008.) The author argues Islamist movements are essentially

a reaction to Western hegemony over Muslim societies and to Islamic traditionalism (Mustafa, 2008.)

They are able to attract followers because they highlight the idea that Muslim identity is being

threatened. Whether it be colonialism, occupation or the War on Terror, Islamism is a marker of identity

and an expression of a defense mechanism against a foreign culture. Pushes for modernism from the

outside help people cling onto a movement they feel can explain who they are. When this turns into

extremism and violence however, they may not necessarily identify with these actions. Mustafa writes

that the typical Pakistani sympathized with Americans over 9/11. The real dilemma lies with the fact

that many would like their law enforcement agencies to search for an Al Qaeda fugitives inside

Pakistan who may be wanted for terrorist activities. Yet they resent their government's anti-militant

military operations, especially as those operations are believed to be conducted on American orders and

kill innocent people (Mustafa, 2008.) Close relationships with Western powers results in sentiments

that puppet governments are following the lead of superpower countries abroad. This can fuel citizens

to not only identify with Islamist movements, but also elect people who subscribe to these beliefs.

These people often have lost faith in democracy and seek an alternative. Resentment fueled by the War

on Terror and other conflicts have thrusted this identity and impacted the foreign relations of this

country at large.

Internal politics within Pakistan plays a major part in its foreign policy. Binder argues its

constituency can be divided into four major groups in terms of social position and outlook. These

include the traditional view, modernist view, fundamentalist approach and secularist orientation
 Khan 34

(Binder, 7, 1961.) He argues, prevalent in all of these perspectives is an idea of Islamic romanticism.

The traditional approach is rooted in the religious scholars or ulema. The modernists see Islam as an

adaptable force to Western standards of living and government. The secularist is one who aims to live

completely away from religion, yet may still identify with being Muslim. They are small in number but

influential in the military and civilian leadership. The fundamentalist approach fits into Mawdudi's

worldview. These people tend to be from the middle class and students who have failed to gain access

to social mobility despite earning a bachelors degree (Binder, 8, 1961.) This source, although dated

shows important cross-sections in Pakistani society and the differences in modes of thinking.

In a Post-9/11 world this analysis of cross-sections of Pakistani society is proving to be more

useful in an attempt to understand the different candidates that make up the Pakistani political process.

This gives insight into how leadership can shape its direction into the future. These various groups are

the drivers of foreign policy as they are elected within the nation and can represent the country on the

international stage. Political Islam is also known as revivalism and it best associated with far right wing

politics (Kepel, 100, 2006.) Those who call for that in Pakistan espouse from the ideas of Mawdudi and

yearn for Pakistan to be a very different country from what it is today. They are a vibrant part of

Pakistani society, but do not represent the nation at large on the global stage. A nation based on

Islamism would not stand for nationalism and enforce full-fledged sharia. Pakistan is a state where

religion remains the moral compass of citizens but full theocracy is not the case. The theory of

constructivism takes this into account and is careful to analyze identity as a key factor. It does not paint

all of the Muslim World with a broad brush. Identity may be a factor in common and bind these nations

together, however their political structures are extremely different ranging from democracies, absolute

monarchies and theocracies. Being conscious of this demonstrates ideas, individuals and discourse are

the main instruments to explain Pakistan and its foreign policy decisions of the past and present.
 Khan 35

V. Conclusion

The various sources on this subject outline what Political Islam is and how it can be defined

within the context of Pakistan in particular. Its impact on its foreign policy has not been a constant.

Pakistan has elected civilian leadership since the ending of military dictatorships. The period of

Islamisization from 1979-1989 under Zia ul Haq marked an era when Political Islam was prevalent and

gained traction due to the ideas of Mawdudi. Islamist was around prior, however did not receive

mainstream support until this time. Pakistan has since elected civilian leadership with the exception of

General Pervez Musharraf in the Post-9/11 era. Even those leaders rely on Islamism at times to gain

support for their causes across the country. Ideas of faith like the ummah point to Islamist undertones

and how this is a means of identity in a global system that at times seems Western dominated.

International relations theories like liberalism and realism cannot explain this sufficiently as they focus

on power and institution building. While those are significant in this case, identity in itself is a notion

that has to be properly explained and analyzed. Religion has unfortunately been left out of international

relations theory in an attempt to keep this field secular. Constructivism allows wiggle room to allow

discussion of this scope.

The foreign policy of Pakistan is rooted in Islamic identity, distinct from Arab nations and

unique to a South Asian context. Some may argue Pakistani foreign policy does not fit into the

definition of Islamism because of strong and controversial ties with countries in the West, particularly

the United States. The civilian elected leadership at current reflects the modernist view previously

mentioned, not from a fundamentalist strain that seeks to impose the objectives of Political Islam on

society. The military however which has a say in foreign affairs is more in line and will directly express

those ideas. Constructivism explains this as it accounts for national history and figures that have raised

to prominence. If Pakistan had democratically elected leaders as intended, we may have seen a very

different Pakistan than the one we have today. The rule of General Zia led to a strengthening of Islamist
 Khan 36

ideas. Mawdudi and his works gained recognition and this movement was exported to fight the

foreigners in Afghanistan.

A close analysis of a number of sources, application of major theories in international relations

and hypotheses in international relations help us understand how religion can affect and impact the

state. When we apply this to the case of Pakistan, we are able to understand they fall short in some

regards as they do not account for the independent variable that binds the people of this nation together,

Islam. A strain of this, Political Islam cannot do this as it a movement and appeals only a particular

cross-section of society. Even when enforced from the governmental level, all did not willingly accept

due to secular leaning attitudes or differences on what the role of religion in state should be.

Constructivism captured this collective social identity and norms better than any other theory. Although

there is a lack of literature on religion in this field, it is a social marker of difference. Scholars have

made strides in assessing how religion can impact international relations, however most of this has

been reactive as a result of September 11. Academics and security analysts should challenge themselves

to think about new ways religion can impact their fields proactively in the future. Assessing the past

and history is important, but all good theories can look to the future and anticipate what will happen

next. Islamist groups becoming radical extremists have been occurring at an alarming rate.

Constructivism and the thinkers dedicated to it can continue doing itself justice by taking this into

consideration and analyzing the interplay between faith, international relations and foreign policy.

Fair writes most states have a military, in Pakistan; the military has a state. As an ideological

entity, the stances Pakistan takes in global affairs is based on the perspectives of both the military and

elites. These are key actors in determining its foreign policy and organizations within the country can

without a doubt influence them. Islamic identity is intertwined in this and will continue to be in the

future. It is what gives Pakistan a claim for nationhood and identifies it within the international system.

Foreign policy encompasses tactics aggressively pursuing self-interest and dictates interaction. In the
 Khan 37

case of Pakistan, we must conceptualize the guiding factor in this equation fueling foreign policy. Islam

in itself is part of the foundation of the state, but this blend of politics and faith takes on an Islamist

approach. This constructivist idea is central. The tumultuous history of Pakistan demonstrates this as

military leaders have relied on Islamism to assert their rule. Utilizing extremist groups to get their

message across in places like Kashmir and Afghanistan act as a proxy of national interest and foreign

policy. These groups live in a world where acceptance is not an option. They view the world as divided

between Muslims and non-Muslims. The willingness of the military to support these groups reflect an

alignment of objectives, making it clear they are supporters of terrorist activity.

Pakistan represents a case where the foreign policy is not created solely by civilian leadership

that comes to power. The military and groups like Jamaat-i-Islami are also influential and have a say in

how Pakistan interacts on the global stage and its interests. Its affinity for Islam is driven by identity. Its

animosity against India, Israel and love-hate relationship with the United States however is driven by

politics and its consistent security dilemma. Islamism, not Islam is used in these cases to make the case

of why Pakistan should or should not pursue a certain foreign policy. Keeping this in mind gives us the

recipe that creates the international relations of a country that is able to serve as home for terrorist

groups yet receive millions of taxpayer dollars from the United States to fight them. This contradiction

is complex and defines the Pakistan dominating our headlines today.

As practitioners and individuals interested in International Relations, we often have a number of

questions on the foreign policies of nations abroad and why countries interact in certain ways. This

insight into Pakistan sought to explain how Islamism has become a part of the foreign policy of that

nation. News reports of extremism and Political Islam will continue to emerge and using this analysis

we are able to make sense of just who are the actors involved and why that is the case. Educating others

about a subject so complex and pertinent to international relations today will without a doubt occur in

the future. Academics have to be willing to rise to this challenge and address questions with a holistic
 Khan 38

point of view from a balanced perspective beyond the limitations that may seem to exist in a Western

dominated international relations. All factors of identity including religion and strands of it like

Political Islam must be utilized to give a full picture and insight into situations abroad. Constructivism

and its emerging nature does this best and will continue to do justice to ideas like faith into the future.
 Khan 39

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