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Author(s): J. M. Bernstein
Source: New German Critique, No. 97, Adorno and Ethics (Winter, 2006), pp. 31-52
Published by: Duke University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27669154
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German Critique
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Intact and Fragmented Bodies:
Versions of Ethics "after Auschwitz'
J. M. Bernstein
1. Theodor W. Adorno, Negative Dialectics, trans. E. B. Ashton (London: Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1973), 365. Hereafter cited as ND.
31
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32 Ethics "afterAuschwitz"
Since the argument for a transformation of reason had been, until the
moment when Auschwitz entered into the account, fully reflective, reason
immanently criticizing itself, the introduction of the fact of Auschwitz into the
argument demands a shift in rational register. The rational demand for trans
formation becomes both bodily and ethical, which is exactly what Adorno goes
on to state: "Dealing discursively with it would be an outrage, for the new
imperative gives us a bodily sensation of the moral addendum?bodily, because
it is now the practical abhorrence of the unbearable physical agony to which
individuals are exposed even with individuality about to vanish as a form of
mental reflection. It is in the unvarnished materialistic motive only that moral
ity survives" (ND, 365). Appropriately contextualized within the history of
reason, our horror at the suffering of the drowned and the saved is itself the
moral addendum implied by the new imperative. Hence the rational force of
the imperative is just the acknowledgment of the suffering itself or, better, the
converse: even to begin to acknowledge the character of the suffering of Holo
caust victims must include the acceptance of the new imperative if our relation
to the event of Auschwitz is to avoid piety and duplicity. What the new impera
tive calls for is a new conception of culture that would entail a singular and
massive transformation in the structures of authority governing everyday life,
and therefore a new self-understanding of how culture can be formative for us.
Elsewhere, I have tried to reconstruct the details of this argument.2 None
theless, however reconstructed, it contains patent and disconcerting lacunae.
First, and most evidently, apart from saying that metaphysics must be respon
sive to the Holocaust or become utterly bankrupt, Adorno never specifies what
kind of relation to that event philosophy must have. Second, although he pre
sumes that the Holocaust was in some sense bound up with enlightened rea
son, and hence with the sacrifice of the particular to the universal, Adorno
never works out precisely what the relation was. Third, elsewhere in his writ
ings Adorno pursues the thesis that such a sacrifice includes the idea that the
living is sacrificed to what is already dead, and in "Dying Today" he argues
that since Auschwitz fearing death means fearing worse than death, namely,
the systematic production of the death-in-life that was the essence of the
rationality of the camps (ND, 368-73). While it is evident that Adorno means
his remarks to urge us toward a deeper respect for our animality, our living
being, nowhere in Negative Dialectics does he provide the positive terms for
such respect; at most, we get a Utopian gesture: "But what hope clings to, as in
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J. M. Bernstein 33
Mignon's song, is the transfigured body" (400). Finally, one might reasonably
complain that Adorno never synthesizes these thoughts about death, dying,
and animality with his contention that a new categorical imperative has been
imposed on us. The business about a bodily sensation of a moral addendum
hardly amounts to the terms for affirming our vital animality.
These four issues are directly addressed in Giorgio Agamben's Remnants
of Auschwitz in a conceptual scheme that at first glance appears quite close to
Adorno's; it is almost as if Agamben's book were designed to fill in the missing
arguments in Adorno's account.3 To provide a quick overview of how this
might be, I begin with a famous passage from Primo Levi's The Drowned and
the Saved that is pivotal for Agamben's argument:
I must repeat?we, the survivors, are not the true witnesses. This is an uncom
fortable notion, of which I have become conscious little by little.... We sur
vivors are not only an exiguous but also an anomalous minority: we are those
who by their prevarications or abilities or good luck did not touch bottom.
Those who did so, those who saw the Gorgon, have not returned to tell about
it or have returned mute, but they are the "Muslims," the submerged, the
complete witnesses, the ones whose deposition would have a general signifi
cance. They are the rule, we are the exception.. . . We who were favored by
fate tried, with more or less wisdom, to recount not only our fate, but also that
of others, the submerged; but this was a discourse on "behalf of third par
ties," the story of things seen from close by, not experienced personally.
When the destruction was terminated, the work accomplished was not told
by anyone, just as no one ever returned to recount his own death. Even if they
had paper and pen, the submerged would not have testified because their
death had begun before their body. Weeks and months before being snuffed
out, they had already lost the ability to observe, to remember, compare and
express themselves. We speak in their stead, by proxy.4
3. Giorgio Agamben, Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive, trans. Daniel
Heller-Roazen (New York: Zone, 1999). Hereafter cited as RA.
4. Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, trans. Raymond Rosenthal (London: Abacus,
1989), 63-64.
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34 Ethics " after Auschwitz"
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J. M. Bernstein 35
its origins Hannah Arendt elaborates how totalitarianism as a whole, and the
camps as the most consequential institution of totalitarian rule, realize the
rationalization of reason with its ascetic hatred of life that has been, at least,
the dynamic element of modernity.5 In a perfect totalitarian government,
Arendt says, where all men have become One Man, "where every single act
is the execution of a death sentence which Nature and History have already
pronounced ... no separate principle of action separate from its essence would
be needed at all."6 The idea of reducing reality to One Man is the exact mirror
image, in political terms, of the scientific drive to provide a unified account
of the material world. What might initially appear reasonable for science is
madness for politics. So the goal of totalitarian rule, which was tested and
put into practice in the camps, is the striving to organize the infinite plurality
and differentiation of human beings as if all were just one individual: total
domination. To bring this about requires reducing each person "to a never
changing identity of reaction, so that each of these bundles of reactions can
be exchanged at random for any other," or, what is the same, to create a situ
ation in which the individual would be "nothing other than a specimen of the
species" (OT, 438, 465).7 In brief, the principle needed is the creation of the
complete exchangeability and hence fungibility of all human beings, which
is precisely what Adorno claims is the mechanism for actualizing the logic
of identity thinking. The camps are the true central institution of totalitarian
organizational power because they put into practice that reduction of the many
to the one.
Now what is startling is Arendt's contention that the "insane mass manu
facture of corpses is preceded by the historically and politically intelligible
5. Agamben's own framing occurs in his Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans.
Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998). Hereafter cited as HS.
Since I think that the philosophical argument about sovereignty in this text is conceptually con
fused, and much of it historically suspect, I shall borrow from the sources, especially Arendt, that
Agamben himself borrows from, turning back to his text only to begin framing the question of life.
Needless to say, Agamben's conception of the political logic of the camps is a reworking of Arendt's
pioneering account.
6. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Meridian, 1958), 467. Hereafter
cited as OT
7. Adorno suggests exactly the same idea when he states that "in the concentration camps it was
no longer an individual who died, but a specimen?this is a fact bound to effect the dying of those
who escaped the administrative measure" (ND, 362). Arendt and Adorno understood one another
not at all; nonetheless, I would hazard that nothing comes closer to a critical theory account of
Nazism than The Origins of Totalitarianism. My hints in this essay are part of a longer attempt to
spell out that thesis.
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36 Ethics "after Auschwitz"
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J. M. Bernstein 37
of making death not the worst thing a human might suffer. What went along
with it was engendering situations that demonstrated that one could not judge
in accordance with the boundary conditions for moral intelligibility of life
and death, for instance, situations in which one's choice was always between
murder and murder: "Choose which of your children will die; if you fail to
choose, then both die. If you commit suicide, both die." A situation constructed
so that individuals might be forced to become the weapon of death for what
they love most or, at least, for other innocents like themselves makes all actions
and choices morally in vain. It equally demonstrates how utilitarianism?a
logic in which morally qualitative individuality gives way before quantitative
considerations?is a sacrificial logic in which the boundary condition that
makes morality intelligible in the first instance has already disappeared,
since, bluntly, the only form of deliberating left is quantitative: the logic of a
world without the possibility of conscientious action, morality in the absence
of morality.
The destruction of individuality is the crudest of the camp's practices.
It begins with the removal of all distinguishing characteristics: clothing, hair,
even one's proper name. In the early days of the camps, Arendt avers, this
destruction depended on torture and sadistic treatment, of continually reduc
ing individuals to their suffering bodily selves. But this phase ended when
the SS took over administering the camps: "The old spontaneous bestiality
gave way to an absolutely cold and systematic destruction of human bodies,
calculated to destroy human dignity, death was avoided or postponed indefi
nitely" (OT, 454; emphasis mine). The camps, Arendt claims, were transformed
from playgrounds for sadists into drill grounds. Punishment became mecha
nized routine; starvation and relentless laboring left just the empty husk,
"ghastly marionettes with human faces, which all behave like the dog in Pav
lov's experiments, which all react with perfect reliability even when going to
their own death, and which do nothing but react" (455).
For Agamben, this structuring of camp life itself belongs to an even
wider frame of reference, namely, the historico-philosophical transformation
of the relation between politics and life that he began elaborating in Homo
Sacer. Although this work's argument is subtle and complex, the line of thought
that we need to extricate from it here is familiar. It begins with the Greek sepa
ration of zoe, which expressed the simple fact of living common to all living
beings (animals, men, gods), and bios, which indicated the form or way of liv
ing proper to an individual or a group. While Western ethics and politics have
been about the good life?some notion of bios above and beyond the mere fact
of living?Aristotle recognized zoe as having its own goodness:
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38 Ethics "afterAuschwitz"
This [life according to the good] is the greatest end both in common for all
men and for each man separately. But men also come together and maintain
the political community in view of simple living, because there is probably
some kind of good in the mere fact of living itself. If there is no great dif
ficulty as to the way of life, clearly most men will tolerate much suffering
and hold on to life [zoe] as if it were a kind of happiness [eu meria, beauti
ful day] and a natural sweetness.8
From the beginnings of political thought, the good life was separated
from the mere fact of life, whose goodness appears not as an authoritative
claim but, rather, like the weather or the charms of the palate, as a contingent
occurrence beyond reason or the laws of society. To express this idea in a Kant
ian register, from the beginning a radical division was instituted between two
sources of value: the sweetness of life, happiness, and the rational authority of a
way of life, the good life.
From the moment that men began to institute political forms of society,
there arose the necessity and the desire to marginalize the rational authority
of the claim of happiness. In considering the meaning of Plato's ideal city in
light of the experience of Greek tragedy, Henry Harris encapsulates this mar
ginalization in these words: "The City of Reason must 'kill its father' by wip
ing out whatever constitution has been established by [mere] custom; and incest
is inevitable if no citizen knows his or her natural siblings. But this only helps
us to understand Hegel's view that the Republic expresses Greek Sittlichkeit.
In Hegel's reading parricide and incest are poetic metaphors for what human
nature does to itself (logically) when it becomes political."9 The emergence
of the political requires the systematic severing of nature's authority. Sever
ing that authority, however, could not succeed if the claims of bare life were
simply left outside the political, passed over and ignored. Rather, analogous
to the case of moral goodness, the fate of bare life was to be included in the
polis through its exclusion (HS, 7), again analogous to how Kant includes the
claims of desire by excluding them (as authoritative claims).10 In Arendt 's
reconstruction of Greek political life this occurs by separating the private
sphere dedicated to the necessities of life, the minimum of bare life, which
she calls labor, from the public, political world of action, a world held as a
8. Aristotle, Politics, 1278b.23?31, trans. Benjamin Jowett, in The Basic Works, ed. Richard
McKeon (New York: Random House, 1941).
9. H. S. Harris, Hegel's Ladder II: The Odyssey of Spirit (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1997), 217.
10. Only, of course, to include them later in his conception of the "highest good," in which hap
piness is given in proportion to virtue. Consider this Kant's acknowledgment of the return of the
repressed.
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J. M. Bernstein 39
common space of appearances that emerges solely through words and deeds.11
For Agamben, this structure of the inclusive exclusion of bare life is constitu
tive not just of the political but of the political as the deepest expression of
Western metaphysics. Identifying the inclusive exclusion of bare life with the
severing of nature's authority provides the needed depth to Agamben's thesis,
allowing it to be separated from his more speculative claims about the notion
of the homo sacer itself (the sacred man who may be killed [that is his mode
of inclusion] but not sacrificed [his mode of exclusion]).
The second broad thesis orienting Homo Sacer elaborates and radical
izes one of Foucault's thoughts: "For millennia man remained what he was for
Aristotle: a living animal with the additional capacity for political existence.
Modern man is an animal whose politics call his existence as a living being
into question."12 Foucault is here insinuating his conception of modernity as
biopolitics, the transformation of the sovereign state's interests from a power
over life and death to an intrinsic concern with human life as such. This admin
istering and calculating of biological life occurs when the individual as a sim
ple living body becomes what is at stake in a society's political strategies.
When the state cares about birthrates and the physical well-being or not of its
citizens, when population shifts matter, when in general the nation's health
and biological life become a focus for sovereign power, then, at that juncture,
however obliquely and indirectly, bare life is brought within the bounds of
the state's interest: "The entry of zoe into the sphere of the polis?the politi
cization of bare life as such?constitutes the decisive event of modernity and
signals a radical transformation of the political-philosophical categories of
classical thought" (HS, 4).
Now, as Andrew Norris rightly notes, the "bare life that politics sloughs
off is never precisely defined by Agamben";13 rather, and this forms the pivot
that connects Homo Sacer with Remnants, the Muselmann exemplifies bare
life, the best case of the homo sacer. This is not an accidental identification,
since Agamben equally believes that the Nazi death camps are the fundamen
tal paradigm of biopolitical power: we need to read the state through the lens
of the camps rather than vice versa. For Agamben, this thesis is intimately
connected with an implausible account of the meaning of sovereignty that he
11. Labor and action are mediated, so to speak, in Arendt's scheme by work: the fabrication of
things in accordance with ideas.
12. Michel Foucault, An Introduction, vol. 1 of The History of Sexuality, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York: Pantheon, 1978), 143.
13. Andrew Norris, "The Exemplary Exception: Philosophical and Political Decisions in Gior
gio Agamben's Homo Sacer," Radical Philosophy, no. 119 (2003): 11.
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40 Ethics " after Auschwitz"
borrows from Carl Schmitt.14 But we need not follow Agamben's analysis of
sovereignty to come to think that there is something exemplary about the
camps and hence about the instance of the Muselmann. If I was right in my
contention above that, beginning with Greek democracy, modern moral
political thought is premised on denying nature's authority and that the
notion of bare life as the rationalized remnant of life's sweetness has been,
always, included through exclusion, and if we then think that Arendt's analy
sis of totalitarianism demonstrates how modernity's rationalization of reason
comes to entail the administration of life as it is carried out in the camps,
then we might equally recognize that this inclusive exclusion comes to its
fullest expression in the camps. I am unsure what the relation between bare
life and sovereignty has been, but at least from the perspective of Adorno's
critical theory, enlightened reason has from the start equated the living with
the nonliving; it is just this that is involved in making reason?with its drive
to lawlikeness, universality, and abstraction?sovereign and hence in suppress
ing the claim of bare life in favor of the good life.15 The good life becomes,
as enlightened reason develops and becomes hegemonic, one that, in its far
thest reach, does not live. Even if it is true that from the perspective of politi
cal sovereignty, the administration of living is a departure from premodern
forms of sovereignty, as Foucault and Agamben suppose, this state of affairs
is a natural continuation of the overall inner developmental trajectory of West
ern reason and rationality; biopower is nothing but the political form of the
suppression of animal life that enlightened reason has been aiming at all
along: biopower is mythical fear radicalized.16 Arendt's threefold destruction
of the human as a mimesis of the destruction of sensuous nature into qualita
tiveless mathematical formulas is meant to demonstrate precisely the moder
nity and novelty of totalitarian rule. Hence, in this setting, it becomes deeply
plausible to begin thinking of the living dead, the Muselmann, as the exem
plary instance of life that does not live, of a living that has been usurped by
the demands of instrumental reason or bureaucratic rationality, and so as the
locus for the claim of bare life, zoe, against the good life, bios. Some deep
thoughtlessness, that of reason itself, is thus staked out in that interconnec
tion of the irrational rationality of the camps and its most extreme product,
the drowned.
14. In "The Exemplary Exception" Norris does an excellent job of showing just how curious
and wrongheaded is Agamben's attachment to Schmitt.
15. Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. Edmund
Jephcott (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002), 11.
16. Ibid.
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J. M. Bernstein 41
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42 Ethics " after Auschwitz"
17. Wolfgang Sofsky, The Order of Terror: The Concentration Camp, trans. William Templer
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 294.
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y. M. Bernstein 43
the Muselmann is that limit as itself a practice, as itself a form of life, indeed
the very paradigm of daily life (RA, 49).
This is underlined by the prisoners' attempts to hide their sickness and
exhaustion; in so doing, they were covering over the Muselmann "who at
every moment was emerging.... everyone in the camp recognizes himself in
his disfigured face" (52). The Muselmann is thus the paradigm and exem
plary figure of the meaning of the extermination camps, the one on whom we
must rest our gaze, impossibly: "That at the 'bottom' of the human being
there is nothing other than an impossibility of seeing?this is the Gorgon,
whose vision transforms the human being into a nonhuman. That precisely
this inhuman possibility of seeing is what calls and addresses the human, the
apostrophe from which human beings cannot turn away?this and nothing
else is testimony" (54). The thought that what is offered is an apostrophe, an
address to us who are not there, is lovely but perplexing, since the question is
whether the Muselmann is indeed addressing us. What would it be for such
a being to address us, and in what sense can we not turn away? What is this
insistent demand of the inhuman on the human? And in what sense, exactly,
is the perception of him impossible?
It is at this juncture that, rather than harbor an ethical concern or engage
ment, one might become skeptical at what Agamben is presenting. At no point
does his account veer off from the space of impossible sight to the wider ter
rain: from the victim to the executioners, to the nature of the camps, to ethical
dispositions of those set on reducing the human to the inhuman. Just the inhu
man itself fills Agamben's gaze and hence ours; such is ihz pure desire to bear
witness.18 To claim that what is occurring is an address feels both right, there is
something horrific before our eyes, and untoward: what could such a being ask
of us that has nothing to do with judgment or responsibility or guilt? If there is
to be such a thing as testimony, we still are no closer to what that could amount
to; on the contrary, the anxiety must be that by apparently denying all medi
ations we will be struck as dumb as the victims, becoming what we behold.
What Agamben now wants to say, in partial response to queries like this,
is that ethics is possible only if we can recognize the inhuman in the human
that the Muselmann represents, and we must recognize this waste or garbage
18. In essence, this is the compelling critique of Agamben offered by Claudine Kahan and
Philippe Mesnard, Giorgio Agamben ? l'?preuve dAuschwitz (Paris: Kim?, 2001). In an earlier
version of the present essay, "Bare Life, Bearing Witness: Auschwitz and the Pornography of Hor
ror," Parallax 30 (2004): 2-16,1 argue that Agamben's strategy involves an aestheticizing of the
Muselmann. For a related set of criticisms of Agamben see Debarati Sanyal, "A Soccer Match in
Auschwitz: Passing Culpability in Holocaust Criticism," Representations, no. 79 (2002): 1-27.
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44 Ethics " after Auschwitz"
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/. M. Bernstein 45
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46 Ethics " after Auschwitz"
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J. M. Bernstein 47
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48 Ethics "after Auschwitz"
19. Jacques Lacan, "The Mirror Stage as Formative of the T as Revealed in the Psychoanalytic
Experience," in Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Norton, 1977), 1-7.
20. Charles W. Bonner, "The Status and Significance of the Body in Lacan's Imaginary and
Symbolic Orders," in The Body, ed. Donn Welton (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 235. Although there
are hints elsewhere in the large Lacan literature, Bonner's careful exposition showed me how I
might adopt Lacan's theory for my purposes.
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J. M. Bernstein 49
in terms of the intact and self-moving embodiment that is, at least, our idea of
animal embodiment. Now exactly what we are to achieve in relation to this
image/idea is in some sense indeterminate, because, again, we are organically
incomplete permanently: the kind of organic completeness we manage is
never completely factual, like the animal's, but always normative and therefore
mediated. This is why it is both correct and necessary to say that the mother's
image bestows on the infant a completeness it does not have.
For Lacan, the significant psychoanalytic narrative concerns how the
imaginary order of immediacy, unity, and completeness must give way,
through entry into the symbolic order, to difference, multiplicity, incom
pleteness, and mediation. While this alteration might be necessary within
the order of desire, it masks something essential about maturation, namely,
that in some sense we do and must achieve some version of bodily intact
ness, completeness, and self-movement. Not only do we achieve these ends,
but we do it so thoroughly that it is common to regard these achieved states
as themselves natural rather than social accomplishments, as independent
achievements rather than mediated states forever dependent on the recogni
tion of others. From this angle of vision, the entry into language is not a break
from the imaginary order but rather the manner through which its normative
image of (animal) wholeness becomes satisfied. So we come to have owner
ship over our bodies, to be able to claim "this" body as "mine," through a
coordinated series of physical developments and social accomplishments in
which those around me mark off my body as mine according to the demands
for self-movement and physical integrity. I require not only the possibility of
relative self-movement (what becomes idealized in competing conceptions
of independence and moral autonomy) but such movement as to free my
body from systematic physical interferences that would cause it pain (and
that become idealized in the moral norms regulating social interaction from
the negative commandments against murder and rape through the positive
duties of aid and beneficence); that is, each social construction of embodi
ment must reconstruct the coherence of the animal body to acknowledge suf
ficiently the hardwired psychophysiology of pleasure and pain that regulates
a body's relation to its physical and social environment. It is just this fact
that makes the imagined body the normative realization of the animal body:
no matter how thoroughly mediated, our bodies are animal bodies subject
to the liabilities of animal existence: its needs, pains, and pleasures. This is
what I mean when I say that it is a transcendental or functional requirement
that any society recapitulate in a normative mode the completeness of the
animal body.
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50 Ethics "afterAuschwitz"
So the original model of the integrity of the self or ego is necessarily writ
ten in the image of the intact or complete body. But if we are the kinds of beings
who come to have the body we already are, then the idea of the self or person
can be nothing other than a reiteration of the idea of the body's integrity at the
level of reflection: the subject that has a body is accorded the integrity of the
body it has because it necessarily is that body. Therefore the so-called dignity
of the person has never been anything other than the integrity of the body
it is in a reflective and normative mode, even when it has been given names
that deny the body altogether: soul, subject, moral person, autonomous will?
all nothing other than wildly mediated reimaginings of the body's integrity.
The body is truly the sense of all senses, because the stamp of the imaginary
body is indelible in any possible set of social norms that is not immanently
self-defeating, since what the imaginary is of is the animal body we each must
achieve to survive. One might say that the animal body's authority is perpetual
in its (symbolic) eclipse. In a sense, it is just the narrative of that eclipse and
then the return of the repressed that Hegel repeats in his accounts of the master
and slave and the unhappy consciousness, and that Nietzsche tracks down as
pervasive in his genealogies of the formations of self-denial we call morality.
Although it is terribly abbreviated, if this hypothesis is anything like cor
rect, it allows for direct and simple criticisms of Agamben's scheme. It is evi
dent that there is literally nothing unseeable about the Muselmann; hence the
sense in which the Muselmann cannot be seen is normative: he represents what
must never be seen, that is, the dismembered body, the body in fragments,
the body that fails the ideal form of animal embodiment. Something of this
is implied by Arendt's depicting the Muselm?nner as "ghastly marionettes."
If the Muselmann corresponds to anything, it would be a procedurally ren
dered version of the Lacanian real, but the real is a retroactive determination
of the premature, fragmented body from within the frame of its imaginary
and symbolic articulation. But this is exactly to deny that the Muselmann is
a norm within himself, that he is the only norm; on the contrary, our horror
and disgust are infused with our sense of the normative overlap between the
minimum of psychophysical coherence and completeness, on the one hand,
and some notion of dignity, on the other, since, again, the latter is simply the
normative inscription of the former. The Muselmann is a being that has been
normatively undone, in that the camp procedures are nothing but systematic
forms of misrecognition, that is, orderings of existence that systematically
deny to the individual the ideals of intactness, self-movement, physical integ
rity, and so forth; they are symbolic forms, sets of practices, that consistently
negate rather than realize the imaginary ideal that every symbolic order must
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/. M. Bernstein 51
satisfy. Because those norms are not acknowledged, the individual's animal
being is not acknowledged, and therefore the minimum necessary conditions
for human dignity collapse.21 The Muselmann might well be described as a
desubjectified subject, yet such a subject is not the living being in the absence
of the speaking being but the negation of the normative integrity of the living
being that occurs through the negation of the speaking being.22
This is why I framed the account of the Muselmann in terms of Arendt's
three-part analysis of the destruction of the human. Seen from the opposing
angle, we can now recognize that the symbolic ideas of the active individual,
the moral person, and the juridical person are a complex of symbolic forms
and practices through which the original imaginary idea of the intact, self
moving being becomes socially actual; they are the forms of recognition through
which the infant attains to the possibilities of intactness, completeness, and
self-movement originally envisaged in the mirror image. The persuasiveness
of Arendt's account derives from its allowing us to comprehend the logic of the
camps as, terrifyingly, almost exactly a step-by-step undoing of the develop
mental path through which the individual becomes a full social agent. Through
out history, the norms that hold the human in place, give us a place or standing
in the world with respect to one another, have been ignored, abridged, trans
gressed, abrogated, canceled, rendered nil; nothing is more human. The ter
rible genius of the camps was that they constructed an order of daily practice
through which the normative constitution of the human was undone piece
meal in a mirror image of the construction of the subject until only the exter
nal form remained, a form lacking everything that it in its original imaginary
idealization implicated and demanded.
Some argument along these lines is necessary if anything like Adorno's
urgent thesis that the Enlightenment equates the living with the nonliving is
going to have explanatory force with respect to the Holocaust. But even if
this argument could be elaborated in far greater detail than I do here, making
compelling both the general relation between animality and the human animal
and how that relation was undone in the logic of the camps as a realization of
21. To demonstrate this thesis, I would need to show how my normative claims tally with, for
example, the account of the logic of camp life found in Sofsky, Order of Terror.
22. I have not found an adequate explanation of why Agamben made, and continues to make,
such a crude mistake. One hypothesis worth testing is that despite his acknowledgment of the
necessity of animality to the human, the scaffolding of his theory so thoroughly depends on a Hei
deggerian conception of language that animality keeps being overturned in favor of something
more closely approximating the standard Christian model of the speaking animal. Certainly, noth
ing in Agamben, The Open: Man and Animal, trans. Kevin Attell (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer
sity Press, 2004), explicitly contradicts that hypothesis.
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52 Ethics "afterAuschwitz"
modernity's rationalization of reason, we would still be left with the first lacuna
in Adorno's account, namely, an account of the relation between philosophy
and the Holocaust. But perhaps the real lesson of the failure of Agamben's
conception of witnessing is that there is no perfected expression of this rela
tion and that the attempt to construct such a relation?making some feature of
the event of the Nazi genocide of the Jews somehow metaphysically or episte
mologically or ethically privileged?amounts to a denial of the event. Adorno's
unwillingness to make Auschwitz into a metaphysical trope or a philosopheme
is perhaps his most fervent lesson: events take on whatever significance they
can have through the ongoing quality of our response to them, and no gener
alization can relieve us of that responsibility. But that responsibility is noth
ing other than to judge and reflect, to make something ofthat terrible event, to
arrange our thoughts and actions so that nothing similar will occur: a demand
that we have thus far failed to satisfy.
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