+4

, "

About the Book

...... . Dr. Israel spent a total
of three months with infor-
mants, and collected in this
time sufficient material to pro-
vide a full, accurate and authori-
tative description of the lang-
uage. In particular he has been
able to establish a system of
transcription for the language
which accurately renders the
phonology and replaces a l l
previous attempts in this dire-
ction. The morphophonemes
and morphology have been
worked out and presented in
satisfactory and comprehensive
detail. A series of valuable and
interesting texts have been pre-
sented in transcription and
translation, and vocabulary
more complete than all pre-
vious vocabularies combined
has been made available. For
Dravidianists Dr. Israel's work
should long remain a standard
work of reference as well as a
model for the study and des-
cription of the non-literaty
languages.
l .. . .. ... the main task of provi-

i ding a full and accurate acco-

unt of the principal dialect of

i Kuvi has been admirably per-

formed by Dr. Israel. It is an
!
i
important contrib"tion to Dra-
I vidian studies, and it should
i
1 . long remain in use as a stand-
i ard work .for the students of
Dravidian linguistics.
-- Prof. T. Burrow
University of Oxford
THE KUVI LANGUAGE
(WITH TEXTS AND VOCABULARY)
 G R A M M A R OF
THE KUVI LANGUAGE C.

(WITH TEXTS AND VOCABULARY)

BY
M. ISRAEL
Madurai Kamaraj Univeis,ip
,

Madurai-625021

DWAVIQIAN LlNGUiSTiCS ASSOClAnON

Tolkaappiyar Hall, Kerala Paapini Buildinss
V~nqhiyoor, Trivandrum, INDIA.
Dravidian ~inguisticsAssociation
First Edition: id00 Copies (March,
.. .... .>.
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Copyright @ 1979 by 3%. Israel

All Rights Reserved

Published with the Gxants from NMZ, Hamburg

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C o g i e s can be had from :

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Madaarai-625001, India. '

PPice Rs. 751- India

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Printed a t the Sangam Printers,.

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 Preface
This work is the outcome o f an intensi-be as well-as extbn-
. sive field study o f the Kuvi language undertaken f r o m 1 9'7l'to
1974 and a careful scrutiny of the linguistic material collected
already at various intervals, till 1977. Field work was mainly
confined t o the place called Saptarnaha near Putisil and ~ i r e ' n ~ -
podra villages drawing the main informants from these and
other neighbouring villages. Thus the area of fie14 w o i k is
situated o n the Deomali hill1 and is located approximately 20 km.
>
I
north-east of Sembliguda,8 . .
.
a small t o w n on the ~izianagaram-
. deypore road, 126 km. from Vizianagaram (and 176 km. from
d.

Vizagapatam) towards west and 48 km. from Jeypore towards

east. In this area the standard dialect of Kuvi, .which is the
most widely spread form of the language is spoken. Much
valuabie samples o f material from other dialects of Kuvi are also
gathered at different p d t s of Koraput District. 4

Among the various informants, w h o assisted me during

m y field trips, a special w o r d o f thanks and appreciation has to
be recorded to Mr. Binondo K. Manding of Narengpodra village-
Mr. Manding aged about 28, thohgh phykically handicapped
as a result of polio attack i n his child-hood, was untiring i n his
interest and help t o provide 'all information about' his own
people's language, way o f life, etc. Much data was also pro-
vided by the informants Prokas Meleka (28). Anondo Meleka
(23) and Premo Taling of Putisil village. Narendro Manding (22)
of Narengpodra village and pastor Koleka (25) of Kumdasil
village also assisted me in providing information. A l l these
v

men are thanked for t h e i i contribution.

This monograph provides a large corpus which can be
utilized t o acquaint the developmental personnels, w h o are in-

1. DamuZi (5,486P),alao known as Dudhari, whose twin peaks

can be clearly seen from Korapt m any fine day, is the
highest goznt in the district as also i%the whole of Orissa
%ate.
 terested in the study of the language with a view to piomdte the '
social as well as spirttual life o f Kond people who' speak the
$ 2
L

Kuvi language.
- - ' I L ,a .
,

During the recent years interest in the study of Dravidian ) I .

languages has increpsed considerably and quite afew scholars. have

evinced a keen interest in their comparative study also. Kuvi
' l

preserves several features of Proto-Dravidian and o f ' Protc-

Central Dravidian afi'd hence it is of immense philoldgical and '
etymological interest for comparative Dravidianists. ,
J

Though it was, indeed. my intension t o publish this work li 1

as early as in 1975, it could not be done due to various difficul- l!

ties. However, I hawe a satisfaction at least to the extent that
the long,delay has helped me to clarify some of the problems of
grammatical description for myself and thus to. improvethe ,

quality of this work. Even then, I am fully aware of certain e

limitations, for which I owe an apology t o the persons w h o are l

interested in the study of the l a n g u a g ? a o d to the Dravidian
i
scholars.
b , ll
I welcome this opportunity of expressing my sense of , .. 1

deep indebtedness t o the Rev. lan Kleinig and Mrs. Enid Kleinig-2 i
l
l
an Australian missionary couple, stationed in Jeypore from 1966
to 1974, for their work among the Konds of Koraput District.
They not only undertook the responsibility of my hospitality .
: 4

l
r'
during my field trips, but also generously placed at my disposal
t the whole of their valuable collection of Kuvi words based o n
I
their 1,anguage study mainly concentrated o n the Kond villages l
1 in the Deomali and Meyamalj hills.
,

l
l dwe a special debt of gratitude $0 the Narth Eibian .
Mission Centre of Orhniarschen, 'Hamburg for their ehcourage-i;? ,h..
ment to carry out these stildies'and'their readiness to support
' . : ,I

. They returned to Australia ia 1974 a~zdare' now e n h g e d irz

pu~toraland teaching icork ir 'the i7oo~alpyndisilict * j Solith '
and underwrite all expenses connected with the project, which
act of kindness made it possible for my venture.

I t is with great pleasure 1 record my deep sense of gratitude

to my Professor T. Burrow of the Oxford University, for having
kindly offered some valuable suggestions after perusing the
entire material in i t s manuscript form, when I was with him
at t h t Oxford University for a year during 1973-1974 and f o i
having contributed a foreword to the book, thereby enriching
its value.

i am particularly indebted to my guide Dr. M. Varadarajan,3

formerly Vice-Chancellor of our University, to whose memory
this work is dedicated as a humble token, for his personal in-
terest and encouragement in my academic career. I express my
grateful thanks to the authorities of the Madurai-Kamaraj
University and to Dr. M. Shanmuyham Pillai, Professor and
Head of the Dept. of Tamil Studies for their kindness and encour-
agement. Dr.R. Kodandaraman deserves to be thanked for his
constructive suggestions on the syntax part of the grammar and
also Dr. M. Ramaswamy for preparing the map showing the
distribution of the language.

I am thankful to my students Dr. N. R. Mohan, Messers

M. Manivel and A. Athithan for their readiness to assist me in
the correction of proofs.

Mr. V. Balakrishnan, the proprietor, and also the staff of

I

Sangarn Printers, Madurai-625001 deserve my sincere gratitude

for their co-operation in completing the arduous task of printing
this work with utmost care.
- M. lsaael
3. I t ia with profo'u~nd grief thab I record here the demise of
.
DP. M. Varadarajan ira Xouernber 1974.
 Contents
Preface
Contents
Foreword by Prof. P. Barrow

Introduction xix

Part I: Grammar 1
.--
I. Phonology I
1 . l . Segmental Phonemes 'D
I2 Supfasegmental Phonemes . .
2
1.3. Phonetic Qualities . 2.
1.4. Distribution of phonemes 3
. .
1.5. Diphthongs 8
1..6; Contrasts :.. : 8
1 1.7. Consonant clusteis 13
1.8. Three Consonant clusters 26
. .
1.9. Syllables 27
2. Morphophonemics
2.1 . Internal Sandhi
2.2. External Sandhi
3. NGum
Gender L

Number
Case
Postpositions
Personal Pronouns
Reflexive Pronouns
Demonstfatives
lnteirogatives
 l'

i
I

l
l
xii

3.35. Numerals
3.4. Noun Derivation
3.44. Appef lative Nouns
.3.45. Participial Nouns
3.46. Verbal Nouns
3.5. Compounds
3.6. Adverbial Nouns

4. Adjectives
4..1. Descriptive Adjectives
4.2. Derived Adjectives
! 4.3. Compound Adjective? . ,

. . , ,
5. Verbs
. I

S'imple Stems
Complex Stems
Classification of Verb stems and Suffixes
Intransitives, Transitives and
Transitive-Causatives
Personal Object Stems
Plural Action Stems
Motion Action Stems
Finite Verbs
Tense
l

Negatives
Imperative Verbs
Desiderative Verbs
Optative Mood . ,%

, 5 44. Hortative Mood

5.45. Habitual Mood

 xiii

Potential M o o d
Permissive M o o d
Aspect
The Compound Tenses
Frequentative Aspect
Continuative Aspect
lterative Aspect
Definitive Aspect
lntensive Aspect
Reciprocal Voice
Reflexive Voice
Non-finite Verbs
Resultative Non-finite Verbs
Causative Non-finite Verbs
Conditional Non-finite Veibs
Concessi\le Non-finite Verbs
Simultaneative Non-finite Verbs
Adverbial Participles
Completive Adverbial Participles
Continuative Adverbial Participles
Adverbial Expressions
Simultaneative Non-finitive Verbs
lterative Non-finite Verbs
5.8'. ' Adjectival Participles
5.91. infinitives 4

5.92. Defective Verbs

5.93. Compound Verbs
5.94. Noun Verb Compounds

t
6. Adverb
6.3 , Simple Adverbs
i
 6.2. Complex Adverbs
6.6. Compound Adverbs
$
7 . Connectiv~ #!
+
*-
7.1 . CO-drdinating Connectives 'l'
X
ir
7.2. Sub-ordinating Conjunctions P2'

8. Clitics 1
C

!.:
9 . Interjections, Vocatives and Particles of Address li

.
9 .l Interjections Y-
1.4
9.2. Vocatives '1

,4
9.3. Particles of Address
10. Onontt topoetic Expressions -
10.2- Echo Words
11. Syntax
i I
Part II : Texts with Translations , S

1 . The Story of a Widow

2. The Story of Two Thieves
3. The Story of a Cowherd 270
4. The Story of a Brahmin Woman and Her Son 274
5. The Story of the Foolish Domb 276
6. The Story of a Miserly Wife . 276
7. The Seven Magic Gurus and a Boy 282
8. The Wild Pigs and Seven Brothers 292
9. The Story of Seven Blind Daughters 294
10. The Story of Miserly Woman 298
11. An Old Man and a Blind Jackal 300
12. An Orphan Boy and A Gourd 314
13. An Old Man and a Bell Taro 318
14. The Old Man and the Tiger 322
15. he Jackal and the Crow 324
16. The Seven Maidens, the Tigei and the Rat 324
Part III : vocabulary
Bibliography
 Foreword
BY
Prof. T. Burrow,
Boden Prafes;or of Sanskrit, Oriental Institute,
OXFORD UNIVERSITY, OXFORD, U.K.

Kuvi, the language of the Southern branch of the Kondh

tribes is spoken in the Koraput district of Orissa and the adjoin-
ing regions of Andhra Pradesh. It is closely related to Kui, the
language of the northern and more numerous branch of this
people living in the Kondhmals or Kondh Hills, the hilly region to
the west of the Ganjam plain. In spite of their close relation-
ship the two forms of Kondh speech are to be regarded as two
separate languages rather than two dialects of the same lang-
uage. Together they constitute one of the most important of
the non-literary branches of the Dravidian linguistic family, and
their thorough investigation is one of the more important tasks
awaiting the attention of students of Dravidian philology.

The Kui language attracted attention early in the last cen-

tury, and short handbooks of the language were published in
1831 (J. P. Frye) and 1876 (J. McD. Smith). It was not how-
ever until the publication of W.W. Winfield's Grammar and
Vocabulary of the Kui language (1 928-9) that a comprehensive
and reliable account of the language became available. As for
the Kuvi language its independent existence, as a language
separate from the Kui of the northern Kondhs, was for a long
time not realised. There is no mention of it in the Linguistc
Survey of India, Vol. IV, which gives only specimens of Kui. The
first accounts of it to be published appeared independently
about the same time. These were (1) F.V.P. Schulze. A Gram-
mar of the Kuvi Language, Madras, 1911, and vocabulary of the
Kuvi-Kond language, Madras, 1913, and (2) A. G. Fitzgerald,
Kuvinga Bassa, The Kh'ond language as spoken by the Parjas of
the* Madras Presidency, Calcutta,' 1913. Although providing

* _ .,." . -.
.&h , -
! xvi
much valuable information, the works of these t w o authors wera
defective in many ways, and, particularly in the matter of trans-
cription, left much t o be desired. The Kuvi entries in DED were
based o n these works. Burrow and Battacharya studied the
Kuvi spoken at Sunkarametta, east of Araku Valley in Andhra
Pradesh and published a short account of the language in 1lJ
6 , 231 - 289 (1 963). This material, and field notes collected in
various localities was incorporated in DED Supplement. Another
account of the language, written in the Oriya language, b y
Gopjnath Mahanti was published in 1957. The extra rnateiial
avai1able.fron-i this source was also incorporated in DED supple-
ment.

In spite of a l l this published material the Kuvi language still

needed a full, detailed and reliable description based o n modern
linguistic methods. This has n o w been piovided by Dr. Israel.
and it is based o n field work conducted at various intervals
between June 1971 and February 1974. His work was greatly
assisted by the local Christian mission stationed in Jeypore, the
same mission t o which the Rev. Schulze, who gave the first
account of the language belonged. Thanks to their hospitality
he was able t o contact the Kuvi speakers who acted as his in-
formants and to travel about in regions difficult t o teach. he
main work w a s concentrated in Putisil and Nareng2odra villages
both of them situated o n the Deomali hill at Sembliguda Tahsil
(some 20 miles east of Sembliguda), though some visits were
made t o other regions in Koraput District. Dr. Israel spent a total
of three months with informants, and collected in this time sufficient
material to provide a full, accurate and authoritative description of
the language. In particular he has been able to establish a system
of transcription for the language which accurately renders the
phonology, ind replaces all previous attempts in this direction. The
morplhophonemes and morphology have been worked oat-and. pre-
sented in satisfactory and comprehensive detail. A series of valu-
able and interesting texts have been prejented in transcription and
translation, aad vocabulary, more complete than all previous voca-
bularies combined has been made available, Por Dsavidianists
 i

xvi i

Dr. Israelss work shoal$ long remain a standard work of reference

as well as a model for the study and description of the no~literary
languages.
The Kuvi language is not without dialectal diveisity, for
the investigation of which further work remains t o be done. The
form of language described by Dr. lsraef is essentiajly the same
as that desctibed by Schulze and Fitzgerald and as that studied
by Burrow and Bhattacharya i n Andhra Pradesh. It is the most
widely spiead form of the language, and may be regarded as
the standard dialect of Kuvi. Geographically it occupies the South-
eastern(and largest) portion of the Kuvi-speaking area. 0n the other
hand the language described by Mahgnti i s slightly different;
the most notable variation being the termination of the masculine
singular where eyu (nireyu 'alive') and, ayu (rispigatayo 'beggar') n

appear in place of the forms -esi and-asi in the main dialect.

Similar forms were noted b y Burro~vand Bhattacharya while in-
terviewing the Tekriya Kondhs near Paprahandi. These forms
correspond.regularly with Kui -enju, -anju; on the other hand the
-esi and -nsi of the standard dialect are difficult to explain.

There is a further dialect, that of the Dongriya Kondhs

living in the mountains west of the valley leading up to Bissam-
cuttack. Forms from this dialect are frequently quoted. . by

Mahanti and some speakers of the dialect were briefly inter-

viewed by Burrow and Bhattacharya in 1966. It is ctoser t o Ku i
than the other dialects and would repay a special study.

Thus there remains something still to be done, but the

main task of providing a full and accurate account of the principal
dialect of Kuvi has been admirably performed hy Dr. Israel. It is
an important contribution to Dravidian studies, and it should long
remain in use as a stsndsrd work far the students of Dravidisn
linguistics.

. .
.. , ,
T. Burrow
 Abbreviations
, -

Terms

nbl. ablative i?zterroy. interrogative. .

acc. accusative lim. f imitative , "

add. part. particle of address loc. locative ' , ,

' adj. adjective ' m Irnasc. Ikiasculine

> '

-adv. adverb Nn. In. noun

adv. n. adverbial n&n nom. nominative '

>
attr. attributive U.
~ Z im numeral
m$. v. auxiliary verb obl. oblique
c$. clitic ono. onomatopoetic
c.m. case marker per.lpers. person! personal
wmp. comparative phr. phrase .
cclmpl. complement P$- phral
con. connective1 connector poss. possessive, .
pr,/pron: pronoun .
dat. dative ref. .reflexive .
def. v. defective verb sg. singular
dem. delnonstrative SOC. sociative
excl. exclusive var. variant
f.Ifem. feminine V.\Y. verb
gen. genitive v.i. verb-intransitive
incl. inclusive v.t. verb-transitive
inst. instrumental voc . vocative
imp. . . .imperative
int . interjection

Generalia

approx. approximately 0. Oriya

, f. following @g.) P: page
ff. following (pl.) PPm pages .
irreg. irregular R.D. Rayagada Dialect
lit literally S.D. Southern Dialect
o~ig. originally viz. videlicet, namely.
 . .

INTRODUCTION
Name of the Language: Kuvi, one of the Dravidim lang-
uages, is neither enumerated in the Linguistic Survey of India nor
dealt with as a dialect of Kfiyi. There is no specimen of the
language available in the volume.
The name Kfivi was first recorded by F.V. P. Schulze in the
'Bible History and Dr-Luther's Smaller Katechism in Kuvi Lang-
uage' (Madras, 191 0) and latter in his monograph on Kuvi lang-
uage (191 1). He has used the term Kuvi -Kond in his book on
the vocabulary of the language (1 913) and it occurs in his transla-
)etic tion 'Luke in Kuvi-Kond' (Madras 191 6). A. G. Fitzgerald has I

sonal named the language as Kuvinga Bassa (Calcutta, 1913) in his

book on the Grammar of the Language. In the year 1928
W. Winfield vividly distinguishes the Kfivi language from Kiiyi
(Kuj) while enumerating the works on Kiivi Language already
published, presenting a list of the then extant literature in the lang-
uage and attempting a discussion on the Knvi speaking population.
Kiwi is not recognized and identified as the name of a
mother-tongue in the reports of census until 1961. However,
KhondlKor~dh is recorded as a separate mother-tongue in the
census reports from 1951. KhondlKondh and Kui (Kiiyi) arc
i ve, enumerated separately as two different mother-tongues in the
e census reports of 1951, 1961 and 1971 and the numerical strength
of Kfiyi is always higher than that of the former in all the reports.
Further, in the 1966 Orissa District Gazetteer for Koraput Khortdl
Kondh is identified as Kavi, although it is enumerated as a dialect
of the Kiiyi language. In the 1971 census report Kiivi is indicated
as an alternate name for Khondl Kondh. Thus Khond IKondh can
evidently be identified with Kiivi Here, a name of the mother-
tongue is returned after the name of a scheduled tribe. Apparen-
tly Kiivi speaking Khods ,prefer to return their tribal name as
their mother- tongue.
KandhiKondh is often used as the designation for the
speakers of Kiiyi and Kevi languages by their neighbouring Oriyas.
K6yi (Kui) is the speech of a m3jor section of Kond tribe mostly
concentrated in the central parts of Orissa, whereas Kiivi is spoken
,,> m

by the other major section of the same tribe which is, 'settled
k < . .

mainly in the
r south-western parts pf the state.

Name of the Tribe: The people who spezk , - Kiivi languzge

3

are generally known as Konds,though often they call themselves

P f i v i ~ g aiKt%vina/Kfiviri
or Kguiyii A man in the tribe is idenfi-
fled
. as Rave~esi and a woman as K~veni. They would call them-
S

selves by the name Kond also. Thus the term Kond is used to
refer to the people of the tribe and' their language.

Furthermore, these people are also identified as Kundh(n),

Kondh(oJ by Oriyas, as ~ o n d u ; ,Kondztlu (Kondslu), KotuvandZu,
K6ds K6dulu by their Telugu neighbours and as ~o~onds, Khonds,
Kbogds b y Europeans. KandhlKnndh in Orissa is generally used
to designate Kuis as well as Kuvis and Khandi to denote their
language. KondulKondulu and Kddu/K6duZu have become the
different local names i n the Telugu area for tbe people, who are
> S

known as Kfivi in their language. ~ h u the s Telugu names are not

sufficiently general in application. The Telugu speakers often dis-
tinguish the speakers of these two languages by the terms KondaZu/
k ~ d u l uand Kogdulu both meaning highlanders/ hill men. The
former refers to the Kiivi speakers and the latter the KGyi
speakers. W o n d seems to be the Eurppeanised corruption of the
Oriya terms XandhlKondh and Khorjd is the Europeanised form of
the word kogda which means hill in Telugu. KhoMi is a corre-
sponding term coined by the Westerners as appliFdto the iqpgpage.
~ h u dye
s to variations in pronunciationsf theierms Kandh,
. Kondh,
1 I r i

Khond, Fhond, Kon& etc., meaning simply highlanders have

gradually come to be used as designqfions of many ., local tribes,
even. t h o ~ g hthey have beep speaki& mutually unin~elli~jbie
v , I . , I lang-
.. A.

uages.

l terms are reflexes of PDr .~ U Q ~'hill'(DED.

~ lthese U 1548).
Tarn, tu~cu,Ma. kunnu, Ka. gudda, Tee k o ~ e a , KO&, goton,
 xxi

: + kondi.
Pa. . Furthermore. in Kanarese -kunda is often suffixed to the
n? ames of liilly places.

Kiivi, Kfiyi, Kttbi (Kopda) are the three very closely related
anguages spoken in Orissa state. The speakers of these languages
S* . a

livk adjacently as well as intermixedly 'in Koraput district. The

above terms referring to the hilly people and their language a're
formed by combining the base ka (< kb*) 'mountain/hilly and--i,
a suffix used t o denote people, with an intervening glide -V-,-y- or
-b-, which prevents the hiatus. Tarnil k 6 means mountainlhill
(DED. 1811). In Kiivi the adverbial noun, ku?; (p.126) means
up, above and in KGyi kuyi (p.26) means above, upon. Though .
the first vowtl of this word is short and that of the tribal names is
long, the names of these tribes can be related to the word kusil
kuyi occurring in the above languages.

The similarity in the three nativznames suggests not only

their original idmtity as a single speech community but also their
cultural homogeneity. - l

Habitat and Population : K e v i is spoken mainly in Kora-

put district and also i n the adjoining districts, viz., Kalahandi,
Ganjam and Baudh-Kondhrnal; of Orijsa state and in the neighbour-
ing border areas of Andhra Pradesh. ~ h r t h e ra handful of Kfivi
d

speakers are sporadically spread in a few more districts of Orissa,

and also in ~ s s a mand West Bengal.
Earlier census reports do not differentiate the KGvi speaking
Kmds but inclpde them under Kiiyi. ' In 1911 F. V . P. Schulze,
on the basis of t h e figures obtaioed from the Vizagapatap District
Gazetteer (1995) estimated them as foilows :
b %

In Vizagapatam round Palkonda 66,000

In Vizagapatam Agency 150,000
.1n Jejfpore 9 1,000
 i :;
* i
i

l
i
xxii
" i
I ; But in 1928, after a carzful scrutiny, W. Winfield has arrived at a
conclusion that of the peoples included under Kandhi or Kui in
the 1921 census probably about 150,000 must be reckoned as k ~ v i
i t speaking Konds.
. 1,
$
! I

As per 1961 census report the following are the distribution

and figures of khondslkondhs, i. e., Kiivi speakers :

India 168,027
Andhra Pradesh ' 22,730
Orissa 144,923
~ssam 224
West Bengal 150

As per the 1971 census the population of khondslkondhs is 195,409.

Dialects of the Language : Klivi language is not free from
dialectal variations. It has several dialects spoken imdifferent areas.
They mainly differ from each other by their associa~ionwith and
due to the influence ~f other languages. T hough a thorough
investigation of the dialectal diversity remains to be done an
attempt is made here to enumerate the important dialects and their
areas. There are four major dialects of the Ktivi langclage and they
are : 1. Northern Dialect, 2. Eastern Dialect, 3. Centr a1 Dialec
and 4. Southern Dialect.

Northern dialect also know11 as Rayagada dialect, has pres-

sure from Oriya and Koyi and this has caused quite a few phono,
logical shifts as the following In/ > /v/ e. g. /nTnu/ > /nivul;/e/ > /a/
e. g. Ikeyui > /kayu/; U /> io/ e.g./mungeli/ > Imongeli/;/?/ > l $ /
e. g./kyasni/ > /kyani/. This dialect is spoken in Rayagada, Bissam-
cuttack, Kalyasingapur, Kashipur and Arnbodala areas and also in
Baliguda agency. It is only this dialect of Kavi which has pre-
served the old llymns and 'ballads.
5 .

Eastern dialect has too much pressure from KClyi and Sav~tra
This dialect has a number of itehs from the neighbouring langua-
 ..\.
xxiii
. , .
W

ges. This is spoken in Gudari, and Gunupur areas and: &whin

. j am agency.
Gan. . . ...
L\

. .

Central dialect is regarded as the standard dialect of K6vi

and it is comparatively the pure form of the, ,language. . This %dia-'
lect is spoken in Koraput, D lqarnzntapur, l&kshmipur, ~ a r a ~ a h a -
patna, Sambliguda, Papadahandi, ~ e n i ~ l i k h u n t i ,Jeypore. .and
Borigummaareas and it is the most widely spokkn form.of the lm-
guage. The grammar of the KCivi language in this volume is mainly
based on this dialect. , ,

Southern dialect is very much influenced by Telugu which is

the neighbouring language. In this dialect frequent use of Telugu
words can be heard. This is spoken by the K6nds who live mainly
in the southern borders of Orissa State, viz.. Pottangi, Nandapur,
Malkangiri and Mathili areas of Koraput district and also in the
northern borders of Andhra Pradesh.

Earlier Attempts on Kuvi: As early as in 1869 D.F. Car-

micheal in his "A Manual of the.District of Vizagapatarn in the
Presidency of Madras" (Madras; 1897) has presented the vocabul-
aries of Highland Khond and Lowland Khond and has compared
them with Telugu, Gadaba and Savara (pp. 457-471) . In thelist of
vocabulary the Highland Khond is identical to that of Kiiyi and
the Lowland Khond is that of Kiivi. In 1872, E.T. Dalton in his
' 'Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal" (Calcutta, 1862) has listed a
few vocabulary items from Kandh language (pp. 302-304). These
items are also evidently of Kfivi. Then in 1874 G. Campbell in
his "Specimens of Languages of India" (Calcutta, 1874) has inclu-
ded quite a few vocabulary items from Kiivi (pp. 95-107).

Attempts were first made to publish detailed accounts on

Kiivi grammar and vocabulary by F.V.P. Schulze in 1911 and 1913
and then follow.ed an independent attempt to publish a grammar
by A. G. Fitzgerald in 1913 itself. Another account of Kavi ,
language in Oriya by GspinZith Mahiinti was published in 1952.
i
. In 1963 Burrow and Bhattach,arya studied the Kbvi spoken at
Sunkarametta, east of Araku Valley in Andhra Pradesh and pub-
lished a short account of the language in IIJ 6, pp. 223-287 (l963). -
The Present Study: This volume aims at presenting an
.. !' exhaustive grammar and vocabulary of the language. It consists
of three parts; Of these the first part deals with the grammar, the
second contains texts with.translations and the third gives an ac-
count of vocabulary of the language. In part two there are sixteen
stories given from the Kiivi language with running translations and
there are about 4,000 entries included in the vocabulary under part
three.
..
L
 -
.Part I Grammar
 1. Phonology
%.

The Phonemes
1.0. Kuvi has the following segmental and supra-segmental
phonemes :
1.1. Segmental Phonemes
l . l l . Consonants

1,E2. Vowels
Front Central Back
High IP
Mid. 8
Low
1. 2. Suprasegniental Phonemes
.
1 21. CO-vowels b

Length 1- I , Nasalitation /h/

1.22. Tfangitian Features

' I I ,

Utterance initial and final silence # / is marked by a 1.1

fioallyr which i s characterized by a non-abrupt fall in pitch before
the final pause.
# r6 raja macesi -Sf 'There was a king. 9
NOD-final pause after a phrase may be marked by /;l
which is sometimes preceded by a slight rise ia voice pitch.
Internal open transition l+ / separates phonologi~al words
within a phrase. Normal transition from one segmental phoneme
to another in a phonologidal word contrasts with the open transi-
tion 2nd is unmarked.
Interrogative sentence which may be marked with /?l is
characterized by a mid-level or slightly rising pitch if it is casual
and by a steeply rising pitch if it is more stressed (3.34),
nfnu imbiti vlti? 'Where do you come from?'
Gvasi ambaqasi? 'Who is he?'
Imperatives are generally characterized by a falling or ab-
ruptly terminated pitch (5.41).
The marking o f transition features is often ignored in t h e
transcription of examples and texts.
-
1.36). Phonetic Qualities Obser~ationg
1.3 1. Generally sell consonants when occurring 10 the iaitial
position or intervocalically between two short vowels of a stressed
syllable are noticeably sharply articulated and heode they are fortis
in quality. The stop component of the affricatd'/c/add /j/ [ts,dif
is generally weaker than that of the sibilant, although the stops
are sharply articulated in the syllables carrying phonetic stress.
Voiced-voiceless opposition is distinctive chly among the stops
and affricates,
 The glottal stop which is always voiceless is phonetically
like the check of breath tbat all Tamil, , Telugu, Kanarese and
Malayalam speakers unconsciously introduce in between each of the
pairs of short and long vowel alphabets in pronounciag them,
e.g., a72, i7i, ~ 9 6 etc.
,

/r/ is a voiced apico-alveolar flap or tremulant while /F/ is a

retroflexvoiced flap. However /rl in the intervocalic position
freely varies with a trill consisting of two o r more taps,. When it
occurs word initially, It will often be preceded by a slight vowel-
onset, the vowel being [i] or the same a s in the following syllable.
/v/ is a bilabial continuant with a little friction, i.e., the
articulation of /v/ is quite relaxed, thus resulting in the pronun-
ciation of /W/.
All the five vowels (listed above) / i , e, a, U, ol contrast
with the corresponding long vowels and therefore carry a co-vowel
phoneme of length. The clear.cut contrasts between the short
vowels and long vowels have been observed generally in the initial
syllables of words. In the medial and final syllables generally
the short vowels are often found to occur.
In Kfivi nasalization is an additional co~vowelphoneme.
I n the final syllable of words there are cases of nasalization of
short vowels especially when they are preceded by consonants
/d y v h ?I and in the case of pluralization elsewhefe. Each of the
short vowels has been found to contrast with its corresponding
nasalized vowel (1.62.3). Thus nasalization may be treated as a
marginal phoneme because i t is found in restricted environments
and infrequently .
1.4. Description and Distribution af Phonemes
1.41. Consonants
The phonetic properties of the consonants are evident from
the following description.

/p/ is a bilabial voiceless stop f t occurs initially and medially.

palu 'to~th'
tapu 'wrong, sin'
 /b/ is a bilabial voiced stop. I t occurs initially and medially.
burha 'old man'
k6bi 'cabbage' ---,

5ba father, man'

g

It/ is an apico-dental voiceless stop. It occurs initially and

aedially .
tangi 'sister'
giiti *mouth9
/. d.l is an apico-dental voiced stop. It occurs initially and medially.
dcru 'shoot9
Edi 'she'
I
t is a retroflex voiceless stop. It occurs initially and medially.
1o.f.o 'side'
iu$i a stomacb9

Id/ is a retroflex voiced stop. I t occurs initially and medially,

dalu 'small animal9
k6di 'cattle'
/k/is a dorso-velar voiceless stop. It occurs initially and medially.
kokasi 'boy'
Sku 'leaf'
/g,! is a dorso-velar voiced stop. It occurs initially and medially.
gunji cowl9
agata *more
171 is a glottal voiceless stop. It occurs only medially.
isira 'soil9
ha~la 'COW- shed9

/ c / is a lamino-palatal voiceless affricate. It occurs initially and

medially -
salni 'seive
kBca 'carrying sticks
/jl is a lammo-palatal voiced affri~ate. It occurs initially and
1 1, 1 medially .
! i
L

1!l!1i 1 . jaqva 'twinsP

l'/, ;

(1 / &ji 'hail S t o ~ d
' l!/

l! l
 /S/is an apico-alveolar voiceless sibilant. It occurs initially
and medially. X.,

sepu 'chappal '

aaa ~a 'rainy season'
/m/ is a bilabial nasal. It occurs initially and medially and
rarely finally in a few borrowed words.
minu 'fish'
ama 'paternal aunt'
rakom 'kind'
In/ is a dental nasal. It occurs initially and medially.

niinu 'I'
In/ is a retroflex nasal. It occurs only medially.
piina 'authority'
janva 'twins'
/d/ is a dorso-velar nasal. It occurs medially an3 finally in
certain plural format ions (3. 12).
anegi ' C O U ty
~ ard'
ulin 'onions'
kijdin 'CO W S'
/l! is an alveolar voiced lateral. It occurs initialiy and medially.
limbu 'white ant'
alu 'potato'
tau 'skin'
/ r / is an apico-alveolar voiced flap. It occurs initially
and medially.
rondi 'one'
risni 'two days'
m&ra 'custom'
is a retroflex voiced flap. It occurs initially and medially.
quki #ox'
mefi "'plough'
/v/ is a bilabial voiced fricative. It occurs initially and
medially.
'vegu ' 'fir.e-wood'
drova 'basket'
/y/ is a lait~ino-palatal fricative. It occurs medially a d rarely
finally in voca tives.
iy a 'mother '
akey 'address form used towards young'er girls'
/h/ is a glottal fricative. It obchrs initially and medidll$.
harsu 'mustard'
kohopi 'elbow'

A 11 consonants except /R ? y / occur in the initial position

and all of them occur in tervocalically arid in clusters.There is
no regular word-final consonant. However In/ is observed in the
final position of plural forms of nouns, / y / is rarely in a few
of the address forms and / m /in a couple of borrowed words.
Ia most of tbe words / i / or / U / occurs finally and it dis-
appears in inflection when followed by consonants (2.1 1; 3.12.2).
which process evidences their secondary nature. The auxiliary /i/
and / U / are of secondary origin and are non morphemic (sub-
morphemic).
/c] has a very limited dislribution in the initial position.
In words it is followed by three vowel qualities, viz., /H/ /; hod
/U/ only. /n/is not followed by /U/. /V/ is not followed by the
back vowels, short or long.

/d/ is a marginal phoneme because it occurs often in free

vatiation with the nasalization /--I and sornetiaoes with /fig1 and
t occurs iafrequen tly.
1.42 Vowels I

All the five vowel qualities occur in the initial posi~ion,

i . e , /-C ...I, medial position, i.e., / ...C--C.. .I and in the final
position, i.e., /...C-I.
/ i / is a short close high front vowel. It occuri in all positions.
ilu 4hausa'
kiloxi 'k'houting'
vali "tone'
I .'
 /g/ is a long close high froat vowel. It occurs initially and
ajedia!iy.
?ta spear' L

hiru *rooty
kits 'place where a tiger kills a person' I I

/ e / i s a short close mid front vowel.It occurs in all positions.

eski S up- hill'
key U 'hand'
vi?e * tomorrow'
/B/ is a long close mid front vowel. I t occurs initially and medially.
Ey U C water'
keri 'kidney'
/a/ is a short low central uprounded voygl. It occurs in all
p~sitions.
a rna harves t'
kakva 'vomit'
kaja 'big'
/a/ is a long low central vowel. It occurs initially and medially.
5ku leaf'
kZta 'hook'
/U/ is a short high back rounded vowel. Is occurs in sll positions.
uli onion'
kuja 'short'
k6hu 'history '
/G/is a long high back rounded vowel. Xt occurs only initially and
medially.
iiyu 'meat' / I

kiiru boil'
. 101-is a short mid back rounded vowel. It occurs in all positions.
orli 'rat' '
koyu 'fowl'
korgo 'hollow'
I
161 is a longmid back rounded vowel. ~f occurS only initially and
medially.
i 6du 'part'
 All the five short vowel phoaemes li e a o U/ occur initially,
medially and finally in words. It is generally in the initial sylla-
bles that all the short and long vowels occur. .-
1.5. Diphthongs
KGvi does not have diphthongs or vowel clusters. There-
fore whenever two vowels occur in a sequence, there is always a
boundary between them, e . g . ,
Svasi inesi 'He says'
( 2.11.Rule 4)
1.6 Contrasts
1 61. The environments in which consonant contrasts are
illustrated are # -V .,.... / (initially after silence) and
J ,..... V- V .. ... (in tervocalically, single). All consonants
except In/, l y / and /m/do not occur finally.
1.61.1. Stops
/PI : /b/
p5lu 'milk'
balu 'bear'
sopa 'name of & tree*
soba 'wet field'
/tl : ldl
toya % type of fig tree'
doya 'please'
kutu %stitchs
kudu 'cracked rice *
It1 : l@/
Qy U 'place9
aayu 'afterwards'
kaia 'hook*
ks@a #time of deathd
ftl : 141
tijde @friend9
$6$a 'young fruit tree'
kati wall"
 Idl id/
d uka 'discass in rtops4
guka 'log'
a d a ' 'half'
ada 'a unit of measure'
lkl :l g l
kata 'matter'
. ..
ga t a ' C O M ~ O Smanure'
~
,, , 8

p5ka 'large rock3

Pgga 'weather'
iw : 191
iiki 'leaf
Bse .'is not'
marks trees'
mama 6mongoo~e*
1.61.2. Affricates and Sibilants

'to choose'
'hail stone'
calni %eivei
jali- 'to throw out3
/ c / i ,'S/
ctilni 'seiveP
saldi 'mid -morning9
kiica 'carrying stick'
kasa 'ploughed field '

'branches for making fence'

'to block out light'
kaja 'big'
kasa 'blood'
P .61.3. Nasals
Jmi : In1
minu 'fish'
ninu ',you'
j6mi- 'tb reste
j8na 'corn'
In/ :/Q/
jeni . 'priest'
'standard harvest '
--\,

j8gi
m1 P I
ama 'paternal aunt'
banara "goldy
1.61.4. Flaps
-
Id : /g/
r?- to fally
~1- *to cry*
mera
mGg-a
l A l . 5 . Flaps ; Lateral
/rl : 111
16h- 'to marry9
Ibh- 'to bend'
pzri #reedsy
pili 'shoot of trees'
1x1 : P I
gbh- * to light'
16h- "to bend'
tbtm companionp
t6lu skin'
1.61 .6. Fricatives
/v/ : lul
jivu #spirit, lifeg
jSyu 'path9
Ivl : /h/
vati 'wick'
hati elephant'
'grain like
wound '
lul : /h/
giya *voice'
vihTL fly'
 19 d q y /
do aot occur initially and-there are no regular
word-final consonants except lfil in plurals, / y l in , a few
vocative frorns and ( m 1 rarely in some borrowed words. *

l . 62. Vowels
The eavironinknts in which the vowel contrasts are illustrated
# -C ...... /i(iaitially. hfier si1ence)land C- C ......
(medially between two consonants) l

1 .62. 1 . Short :Long

/i/ : l?/
ida sleep'
id i "she or it9
hih - 'to shhrpea'
hih - 'to split fire-wood"

cuphill'
6thir~t9
rnenda 'knee'
mends 'sheep'
lal : h1
ah- 90 hold'
6to answerP
kasa 'blood'
klda ploughed field'
/U,' : /a1
ub - 'to pound"
fih - to put oil dn hair'
ktija 'short'
kEja 'jug'

'bank of a river9
'part'
kore 'also'
k6ce .twenty'
 12

l . 62.2. Higher : ohe er

7il : lel \

ih- to bolt the handle'

eh- *to pick fruit'
vih- 'to slap on'
veh- to tell'
/?(: /G/
hiru 'root'
hEru 'pair of oxen
id i Cthis'
Edi 9hat'
l e l :lal
eh- 'to pick fruit'
ah- 'to hold'
getu back-load'
gatu &edge (of table, field, etc)'

'they'
'side'
keya (shrike bird'
klya 'testicle'
/U/ : 101
ur- 'to butt with horn'
or- 'to put up with'
. puti-
, to become mouldy'
poti- 'to shut (eyes)'
/G/ : 161
iih- 'to put oil on hair'
6h- 6tosmash or break'
. . riih- 'to pat'
TT> h- 'to light'
lol : l a l
otu 'thickness'
atu 'grand-mother'
koma 'branch'
kama 'work9
 161 : l&/
6lu 'damp9
tlu 'potato'
kdlecle 'easily with n?o effort'
kllecle 'always'
1.62.3 Oral : Nasal

uda - 'wet"
udg 'a variety o f grain'
'leech'
'cashew nut tree'
wife'
'large frog'
ssmall bundle"
side '
'fig tree '
intestine"

'upon"
having done'
"than5 (comparative)
Nasalization seems to occur in the final syllable of a phoao-
logical word only, and mostly after the phonemes I d 9 y v h 1,
along witb. the short vowels. However there i s only oae exceptiod
to this available in the data.
bbra 'beatla (large black) '
1 .7. Coasonant Clnstets
!.70. In Kavi all consonants occur in clusters. However
Jc.j yv/ are not often found as the first member, though they
occur in the formation of reciprocal v i o ~ eor habitual mood of the
 ,
i"+j

!'

! verbal stems ending with them; /c y I are found in only one combi-
nation, each a s second member and In/ never occurs as the second
member. -
j .j :
~j
: 1
Kiivi has both initial and medial consonantal clusters, the
.I ,.?I. j . ,
, .
latter occurring more frequently and in diverse combinations. New
I j
! l ;
!.i
! /
combinations by metathesis appear to be in the process of entering
.j/ :.
the system. especially in the initial position, ei g.$
' /'

.,l
:j
, .!, g@- * to knock against something'
, '
i
, > .
: ij.
.
gnii- 'id'
:
.. ,
;,
,
1,. drova 'basket'
' . 'I/
I .

'1
, ,
..
I
knupa 'berry of a tree'
'1' j
L,.!
.
/ /
c,
ktupa 'id'
!j ;
;1
,
.,,
.. /, There is no clear-cut single versus double consonantal
'
. :,'i
1.
contrast in the language and hence it has become possible to
l';

,
., .!a.
i
analyse the double consonants phonemically as single. Thus
,.
I
!
. i

I'
)
clusters of identical consonants are not .recorded in the phonemic
i
j
i,,
;:
transcription.
,. ,,, ,:
/

, ,,.
.,,/:i.
. ,;l:,,,
\'
In Kiivi all consonants may be divided into two classes:
( I ) Obstruents: stops, affricates and sibilant in which the voiced
,;t',/i,~;! .
., l
8, '
-voiceless opposition is significant, (2) Sonoran ts: nasals,
::l'.)I. - . in ~ h i c h
lateral, flaps and fr~catives,whichare generally voiced and
the opposition of voiced:voiceless is inoperative. Thus t here
: 1,
;,j! are twelve obstruents (0) and ten sonorants (S) in Kiivi.
$.N.
,",!
&,i,

..
.,. ,..
<.,,
.'i!
:.?
?'!,l
<
1.75. Allithe twa-consonantal clusters can be treated under the
,i'!t, following four classes:-

a) Obstruent + ~bstruent
b) Sonorant + Sonorant .
c) O b ~ t r u e n t+- Soaorant
d) Sonorant .+ Obstruent
fa) obstruent f Obstfuent

C2

f f may be noted that, generally, clusters of voiceless obs-

truents are more numerous than those of the voiced ones. / c c j j /
do not occur with any ~bstrueotas first members or as second
members. / g ,ldoes not occur as first member and 1 b / does not
occut as second member with any obstruent.
(b) Sonoraat + Sonorant

/mr h) have wrder distribution as first members of clusters

and /msv/ as second members; /a/ never occurs as the first
members of a ~lnsterand /n/ never as the second member.
 . . .
+Sonorant
'

( c ) Obstruent

16 y/ do not combine with any obstruent as seeorid menhbers,

J p t k/ have wider .distribution as first members of c1ustersan.d
1 1 r v/ as second members.
 '(8) Ssnorant 3. Obstrnenf

/y v / do not occur as the first members af clusters. Botb

* a h d an6 vofceless obsoraents occar after sonorants a8 secon$
bembers of clusters / m l r I have wider distribution as first
members of clusters and / p L s d / as second members. /n/ is
followed by mly its hornorganic stops Ik g/ . It may be note8
that four nasals /m n p d / cmtrast before /k/, /m n p / before
I d / and / m n / before / p t S @/ . /c/ never occurs as the second
& e W k ' ~wf a clwteg.
 A comparison of the actual clusters with the possible
clusters for each of the four classes of combinations of consonants
\.

set up is as follows.
Possible Actual

(d) S +0 (10 X 12 =) 120. 46

A study of the preceding charts show tbat the consonant

clusters of classes (c) and (d) are more numerous than those in
+ +
which consonants of the same type (0 0 or S S) cluster.
Among the obstruents, the combination of voiceless and voiced
consonants is rare and infrequent. But any obstruent, voiced or
voiceless, can occur in combination with a sonorant.
1.72. Examples of two consonant clusters:
japdu teach' (pl.)
apka dorrly' .-
g6poeri "grass hopper'
jiipamu a teach' (sg.)
jiipnasi 'teacher'
gopw 'catapult'
kupli 'hillock'
pras- " 0 sell'
pyi3nu ;,bone'
hiipvi- 'ta spit'
jiiphesi "taught-he'
dobga 'valley'
dabna 4,1id' . .

tabla 'metal oooklng pot'

kabru 'news' .
dabri 'quickly '
ubvi- 'to have indigestion'
 Two-Consonantal Clusters in Kfivil

The above table iod icdtea all the two-consonant clusters

that are found in the language. An asterisk indicates that a
sequence occurs in' the language and a blank indbates that a
sequence does not occur in it,
 Gtpi % - 'to quarrel'
:ratdu 'cut' (p].)
. atku 'step' ...
pit~uni ''tail of a bird'
,

ratmu. 'cut' (sg.)

totnasi stammering person'
tpi?- 'to twist'
potlesesi father-in-law'
katri scissors'
t@lu 'fleshy part of pumpkin'
petvi- 'to attach to thread' '.'

rathesi 'cut- he'

kudgu 'thigh'
gidgori ki- 'to tickle'
padau burb a I to become middle aged'
gadli 'a kind of hair-cu t '
kudru 'top of fire place';
dhova 'basket'
hicu gudva 'flame of fire'
badbara g- 'to boast'
matpi a- 'to plan'
etke 5- 'to becsme separates
pusigatasi 'strong and healthy man'
katnaresi 'name of a' tree'
mf@a 'hammer'
tijtra throat'
'spoon'
'made drink- he'
H e did not return'
'hillside slope'
* t obe launched up'
'open' (pl.)
'bed- bug'
'steam'
'open' (sg .)
'three stringed violin9
 tGkla 'festidious person'
kakri 'angry person'
kgavni 'tiger'
-.
kakva 'vomit'
Ekhesi 'opened- he*
'to stab'
'to be ,astonished9
throat'
'to become loose'
to quarrel'
'bring' (p1 -1
'not-he9
;usrna tick*
kacrnasi 6~at~hman'
gesla 'cheek'
hews 'cake'
kiidva
kacvi 5. 'to bite each other9
ajvi %+ 'to be afraid of
each other9
'to quarrel9
visteri 'leaf plate'
iiska
6sga 'eaves' .
osri diilem
iisvi- 'to 1-0l'1
aO C C ~ ion'
S

' where'
samdi 'affinal relations'
simla c to~lgs'
kumda 'pumpking
iamki @ drum"
demsa 'dance'
'dances- she'
arrnf~l'
'to make friends
with, 9 0 practise9
 'to be able'
'to jump'
kontori "interest'
anderi 'dark'
dsnka 6a type of drum'
k5nca 'glass bottle'
. IFnju 'month'
b ippa razor *
endu 'cupy,our hand (pi.)'
vanta 'exertion'
rncnda 'sheep9
kanka 'eyes'
Enmu "cupyour hand(sg )'
mansi "human being9
janva 'twins"
panha 'jack fruit'
kusical instrument'
to open the mouths
'young man'
Tuesday
palpu 'oxen collar'
halbesi 'let him go'
saldi 6mid-mo~ning'
balti bucket"
pilka "grass'
balsuri 'sand'
palsi "name of a bush9
balmise "slowly"
kalvi 8 - 'to unite'
kal hi- "to cohabitv
gorgo 'shell of tortoise'
parbu 'Yest ival'
parti '~ott~aa"
 j' j
1;
1. :
1 ,
1: '

iI (a tivoitiati who ha5

!
l lost her huskand'
I
i. karda "stem'
, / i .,
kurkuti 'fire-fly'
I: korgo
mir7esi
'hallow of tree'
'80 n'
j/.
1 korja per; 'to glean'
I1 ,

/!'
irsa 'jea~ous.~'
jl
!l
Brmeli 'period o f heat'
/i
/ arna 'harvest'
I/
gorno 'wind-pipe'
,I.
Ij orli &ratb , .

!'
.p
parfi "wild bee' '

'l
! karvu Q famine'
I
garheka *alarge measure'
1 .

l
piyta 'a small clay. pot9
1
kardi 'slope4
!,
parkin ,$armpit'
korgi 'hoe'
miriolm 'evening '
kurji 'a type of .graini
kurpa 'berry o f tree'
Ihdrmti enter' (sp.)
korva Vat'
dirya @softpart of
baby's head'
burh a 'old man husbandd
ayvi kid, to make cool'
,
s5bri arbi 'a kind of
, m
'. '
rat'
.: ,,,

4 /, ' ahdu %ol a' (p1.)

'

,
, ,
> '
fiehsu'ri 'dog'
, 1:
i! ahmu 'hold' (sg.1
(,

/ I/
1 a'hnayi 'holding'
1

/l/ sahgi Er~~f'

iE lv:
1
?! Itoh1"a 'graind
uhvi~ $10 plant'
l!

:
;
/I ' , l
it
ii
3' l.!
 t The combinatorial freedom of each of the twenty two
consonants can be 'measured in terms of the nurnberr)of other
consonants with which it occurs, either ss a first member or as a
~econdmember. Each of the consonants can occur in a ixhximum
of 43 different t9ustersL A Comphrison of the actual clusters with
the possible clusters will evince the fact that most of them occur
1' in only a few clusters; The following chart will be an index. of

L
I
;j
the relative freedom or testrictiob of the occurrence privileges of
individual gh onernes ih two- consonha t clusters.
4 Phoneme Number of combinations total
 From the above chart i t is evident that /r/ bas the highest
freedom index (29143) and / c y/ have the lowest freedorn?2,/43).
I t is interesting to note that the palatals /c j y/ and the velar a

nasal / b / enter into a very few combinations as first and second

bembers of the clusters.
X8 Three-CoasoIllant Clusters
Kiivi has quite a few three-consonant clusters, which
occur only in the noneinit ial position and between the first two peaks
in a phonological word. i.e., / ( C ) VCCCV ...I. There is an audible
release of C2 before the onset Cg in ail such clusters. Even phone-
mically the syllabic division falls between Cl C2 and Ca. Thus
structurally ic is convenient to treat all Cl C2 C3 clusters as
sequences of Cl C2 plus a voiced obstruen t or sonorant as C3. It
will be evident from the following examples that the third con-
sonant belongs to tbe next syllable.
mbl jambli 'bail'
mbr arnbri- 'to be excellen e',
m?!@ sampda 'trellis'
sl tr rnon t ri 'king's advisor'
n d ~ bind pa 'small chisel'
ndr kiindru 'one who cries always9
nmb inmbu . 'saying'
4d1 updla 'wave'
~ d r kandru 'tears'
ndv jandvi j a ~ d v aH 'to be squeezed'
grnb munmbu 'area of work'
oqligo 'name of a tree"
njgr !angru 'bald man'
rmb tern bi- ' to roll about'
rnj k a r t - i marnu karnja tree'
rig sarhgl 'violin' 5

:fig juqngb 'a variety of beensy

hsg mehsna tang1 - 'cross cousin sister "
h9: sah9~omi. 'chicken hawk'
 Only sonoiants see& t o ocdur as Cl, and comparatively
more obstruents (though some of them are voiced) than sonorants
occur as C2. In contradiction t o the formation of two-esnsonant
clusters In/ is found t o occur as second member in a few three-
consonant clusters. /?/ occurs on13 as a second member and In/
is the only phoneme that occur in all the three positions in the
whole system. I t is interesting t~ note t h a t /p k t c S/ among
obstruents and / y / amoog sonorants are not involved in Cl C2 CB
clusters in any position.
When the verbal stems of class I (5.45; 5.61) ending in two
consonantal clusters take 1-vil as causative, reciprocal o r habi-
tual suffix, a few more types of three-consonant clusters are formed
and all of them will have /v/ as Cs Though all of them are not
analysed, a few of the examples are cited hereunder.
]P algvi- 'to get hold by a evil spirit'
rgv argvi- 'to digest9
figv anigvi- to stop one from goings
ajv anjvi- 'to promise'
rku urkvi- 'to dance'
mbv firnbvi- 'to fly'

1.9. Syllable
Every syllable in KCvi consists of a vowel (short or long)
which is the peak and may consist of either an onset or a coda or
both. Since there are initial consonant clusters in the language,
the onset is also sometimes a double consonant. The coda may be
single o r a t w ~ ~ c o n s o n a n t cluster.
al
Tbus a phonological word in K5vi consists of one t o four
syllables of the following types.
open V closed VC
CV cvc
ccv vcc
cvcc
CCVC
I j CCV, VCC, CVC, CVCC and CCVC types do not occur
/
l
I t

finally in words. VC type is also rarely seen in the final position

I I

1l j of words.
i ' -,'
I I
The employment o f syllables is illustrated in the following
il ' words (periods separate syllables).
+ l ' Monosyllables
/i / Monosyllabic words (with an open syllable) are only of v
1 ,i and CV types, .e.g. ,:B, i, a, va, may key etc. (all olitics)
b

:
SI i
V i this,
-
E 'that'
. i CV ma 'probability' ke 'used in reported speech'.
I

II
l
I
,
Disyllables
V.CV B ba 'father' i.ya mother
I
'
!
1
1, CV. CV. nii.nu 'I' p6.ya 'mother-inmlaw'
CCV. CV.
l

11 . ' mni.ka 'fish', trii-yu 'head'

11 :
I
VC. CV.
CVC. CV.
ap.ka 'only',
kab,ru 'news',
at.ku 'step'
van.ju 'fifiger '
i
1 1 ' CCVC. CV. kca?.ni 'tiger', k ~ a s . l iclarge axe'
1 , VCC. CV. und.la 'wave', inm.bu 'saying'
t i CVCC CV. Samp.da 'trellis'. s a r i gi Lvio?in'
j Trisyllables
1 I
l
I
i
V. CV.CV. a. va.si he', e .va.ri c they'
1 CV. CV. CV. k u . gu.ri 'dove', ka. ju. ri 'palm tree'
l
VC. CV.CV. an.de.ri 'dark',
1
I Ii
CVC. CV.CV. barn.be.li 'bitterness'
1) CCVC. CV. CV. krib.ge.li 'cricket'
i\ VC. V. CV.
CV. CVC. CV.
air.e.pi
kii.vii.ga
'courtyard'
*Kond men'
i
'I CVCC.CV.CV. sahv. t o .mi 'chicken hawk'
Four Syllables
VCC. CV. CV. CV. agd vi te.si 'used to help-he'
CVCC CV. CV. CV. tiing.vi. te.si. 'used to hang-he'
VC. CV. CV. CV. em ba.9a.si 'who'
CVC,CV. CV. CV. pot.le.se.si 'father *in.law'
CV, CV. CV. CV. ha.le .seasi 'servant'
A few disyllabic words are found in the following pattero-
also. (C)VC.VC.
a;.ey 'hey boy' (voc.)
rak om "kiud'
/'
 2,l Internal Sandhi
2.10. Internal sandhi, which operates between two bound forms
oja free form and a bound form, becomes necessary and is more
frequent in Kuvi, though it is often of the non-automatic type.
In general the processes involved as morphophonemic
changes in internal sandhi are the following. 1. elision 2. sim-
plification 3. insertion 4. assimilation 5. dissimilation
g. metathesis 7. shortening of vowel, etc.
2. 11. Elision

Rule 1: - { y I-+ flI(CIVC-ka

Rule 2: -{ 31
A ]--+g
/#C/VCVC-ka
,\

Many nouns with final - U, -i or -a lose the vowel before

the plural morpheme -ka. However, all the ocouarsnces of final
-U, 4 and -a are not affe~tedby these rules. Thus they are re-
presented by the morphophonemic symbols UIA respectively.
d6rUaka - dbr-ka 'names'
ilU-ka - -. il-ka. 'houses'
valI-ka - val-ka 'stones'
biley I-ka - bileyeka.
--+ 'ca t S'
sivesbka - sfves-ka . 'pus'
udarA-ka udar-ka 'loans'
tuval A- ka - tuval-ka ctowels'

@,-l{ 1 1
-+

Rule 3: a: :
(C)V-hga
jariya-ka jari-ka 'money purses'
bendiya-figa -+ ben@ figa C y ~ben9
~ ~ g
jfyu-liga - 3 ji nga 'paths'
iiyu-figa -4 a-liga 'rnea t'

I The loss of final vowel is accomplished by Rule I

 Rule 4 - - - g ,

trZyu-ka -4 tra-ka 'heads'

marnu-ka --. mar-ka "recs '
murmu-ka- -. mur-ka nose- rings'
I
l
I
I
I
1
l
Most adjectival stems and a few noun stems with final -a, -
/ ! l or -e lose the final vowel before the noaainalizing suffix or deriva-
' l ;
I tive sufEix with initial - B or -e. This type of elision is always found
I
I
'/ I
l
I
1
befort the feminine singular derivative suffix eqi. - h
'a
i : ; kaja-asi -4 Raj-asi 'big man' B
,i 1 !
It

! /
!I nebi-asi -3 nehoasi 'good man' 1
S

amba-asi -3 amb-Bs~ 'who' (masc.)

r ~ q c j i - t ~-i -+ rQd-epi widow'
S 1
I kiivi- epi - 3 kiiv-epi 'Khond woman' a
1%

$
B
8
{
I
/
l
I hone-esi -4 h~n-esi 'son-in-law"
1
/
'
l
Kuvi does not permit any vowel cluster. Hence an elision
or an insertion becomes obligatory in cases where a morpheme
I
I
/ ' j with a final vowel is immediately followed by another morpheme i
; I
E!
with an initial vowel. The criterioa of the choice between the two
[ is sometimes morphological. B
t i ib

Rule 5:

Except before the tense markers (i.e., before morphemes with rI

initial vowels and consonants other than tense markers, verb il

etems of the syllabic structure (C)VGV with final -i (ClassiI) lose

abe final vowel.
'i
11 l

i
l
 . - + &a~;& %avibg bitten'
kaci -i
kaci-u
kaci e
--
- -+ kac-i

-- kac U
kac- e
S
bi ting' (dural ike)
bi ting' (verbal noun)
"biting' (frequents tive)
Y

hiipi-ki -.-. hiip-ki "vomiting' (plural action)

biipi-vi - h6p-vi 'spitting each other'
(reciprocal f
Rule 6: =-9 -==---C 01 -P
Here P stands for plosive which takes care of kt C, t, p and*
Verb stems with 6nal * 7 lose the glottal stop before morp-
hemes with initial obstruents.
t a% ka
'ta+c%
---
-
-+
taka (mu) 'go and bring'
t ac% 'having brought' ' .

tas- ta - tata(nesi) 'He brings (it) to meb

talt- p- - -. tepyesi) 'Let him bring (it)'

2 'r 2. Sitnpliiicaltiolil
In Kuvi there is no contrast between sibgle ahd double con.
sonants. Thus when two identical consoaants occur in a sequence
they are simplified to a single consonant.
Rule 7: k - O/-ka
aku-ka .a-ka
'leavesb
The loss of final -n is accomplished by Rule 1
Rule 8: -.;L, @(-h
tin-n-esJ . tin-esf "eats heb
Rule 9: P' --+ @/-P
jlp-p-ssi ja-p-esf 'let him tea&
Rule 1'0: S - 4 B/- S
't(is-sa - 4 t 6 s a 'havibg shown'
MS-si --+ t&si ' xshowing'

The change of t6h- into tbs- is accomplished by rule 34.

 Similarly the formation of certain consonant clusters is not
allowed in Kuvi. Hence when the consonants which are not
permissible in a cluster occur in a sequence, one of the consonants,
usually the former is dropped.
Pule l I : -k --. I-@
mek-ga -4 me-ga (-mu) 'go and pluck (it)'
dik-ga di-ga . 'go and break (it)'
--
-3

Rulel2: -n g /-c
tin- c-esi ti-c-esi 'ate he'
Rule 13:
-1
-C-

hal-ju - -+ ha-ju 'you go' (pl.)

hal-ja -4 ha-ja 'having gone'
hal-ji. -3 ha-ji ' going'
hal-c-esi ha c-esi went-he'
Rule 14: -n 0 / B- --+

The non-past tense marker -n is realised as 0 afier - the

verb stems with final -n
t6n on-esi tan-esi 'kills be'

Rule 2 5 : 90 ---+ 91 -
As mentioned already, since the vowel clusters are not
allowed in Kuvi, the vowel in the non-past negative morpheme -?o-
js lost when followed by a morpheme with an initial vowel.
kaci9o-ayi - -
1 . kaca-9-ayi #We will not bite'
kaci-9o.e -3 kace-9-e 'It will not bite'
k a c i - ~ o ; ~ - --t. kaca-?-U "They will not .bite9
Rule 16: -30 -4 90 -1
Rule 17: -I -3 fl 1 9 0 -
 Thus in the first person singular non-past verbs tbe personal-
suffix-% loses. the voael when it is preceded by he qegative
morpheme -?a-
'1 will not do (it)'
ki&?io*T
hhio-l --
-+ ki-96
hi-?a @ will
I not give (it)'

Verb stems with final -n or - I Iose . their f i ~ a lconsonant

when followed by the first person singular marker in the non-past
tense.
ven-I ve-I '1 shall hear'
hal-"1 ha4 'I shall go'
2.13. Insertion
Rule 19: liJ ---. v / . b , . V - V . . b .
To avoid a vowel cluster a glottal stop is often inserted
between morphemes with a final vowel arid those with an initial
vowel.
n8nw-%. n&na-v%- a me'
Cdi 21 eda-9 - 2L. 'it' (acc.)
Cni Zi ena-9-Ti ' what'(acc,)
evari-'i evara-9-1 ' them'
kokari.1 kokarael-1 boys'(acc.)
amba. asi am ba- 9-asi who'
pEnu-esi pgne-9-esi ' deceased"
kfivi-eai kiive-9-esi dkhoad man'
rf-ari r i . 9 ari two men'
rnL asl' ma-3-asi #ourman'
$uQuFe gudu-9 Q: 'stick' (emphatic)
v &a ~ 6 . 9a- '
slc~rne
bajali-e- hajall-P e '(while) going'
kacu-e kacu- 9.e 'continuously biting'
v&=eri vQ- o-eri 'come' (pl,)
 The assimilation of the vowel is accomplished by the
Rules 22, 23, 24 and 25. b

Rule 20 :
0-4a~- ).-I neg
imp. 1
Verb
. .
stems with final - n and - I take a connecting vowel
-a- before the negative and imperative suffixes.
ven-a')-t . e ? " e - - 4 venoa-?a- t-e3"e 'I did not hearg
ven-?a-ni
ven-?a- du -
ven-mu
-
-4
--F
ven-a-')a-ni
ven-a-3a-du
ven-a-mu
'don't listen' (sg.)
'don't listeng (p].)
'listen9 (you sg.)
hal-qa-ti -4 hal-a-99-ti 'you did n o t goq (sg.1
hal-?a-ni ---t. hal-a-~a-ni 'don't go' (you sg .)
hal-mu -4 hal-a-mu "0' (YOU SE,)
RgIe 21 : g--, y / ki a
ki-a k iya "do9(it)

Many noun stems with final - e or - i either naturally af

after the replacement of the nlasculine singular marker undergo a
vowel harmony change in the final vowel when followed by the
plural morpheme - y 8
batnne~esi-y% - bamga-y 3 'Brahmins'
go tevesi-5 "a ---F gota-!g e~~~~ ts"
flafine~esi-y% - da3naey% 'young mea'
goti- y% -4 gota-y% 'glnestsi
Rule 23 :

Noun stems with final - i ar -U change their endings to - 8

when followed by the accusative suffix - d
evi. "a -+ &a+-% 'themg
rn8vi.g - + mSva v-% 'ours' (acc '$
eni-"a --+ ens-9. Sii 'what' (ace.)
n2nu-G --P nana-? % 'me'
The insertioo, of a glottdl stopis acoompllsbrd by @ule 19,
 35

Rule 24 :
1:l a --e,- { 1: } -\

Nouns denoting persons with final -a, -i or -U wben

follwed by personal derivative suffixes with initial - e change their
ending t o -e
karnsala esi ---. kamsalepesi 'goldsmith'
havun ta-esi - 3 havuntevesi 'head man'
ktivi- esi -4 kfivesesi 'Khond man'
goti-esi - gote'lesi 'guests'
j6fu esi - 4 joyeaesi 'one in a pairP
Rule 23 :

Stems with final vowel a, or -0 often undergo vowel

harmony change when followed by the clitic be
imba-e -+ imbese 'here'
baya-e ---+ bayeve 'stupid'
giifeka-s: ---p. gg~eke~e 'shortly'
eni-e
- sato-e
"&+

--
eneve
sa teqe
'what'
'truly3
In certain cases vowel harmony does not operate and
hence: the same vowel is retained.
mehi-e
Ieko-e
-+
--- nehi3e
leko~e
'nicely'
'up above'
The insertion of a glottal stop is accomplished by rule 1%
Rule 26: ga

Verb stems of the (C)VC (C)\t syllabic type with fioal i or

'

a (either in the case of connecting vowel or i n the case of personal

,

l
object stems) undergo vowel harmony change in their Cnal position
L-
when followed by the negative morphemeb
 The loss of o in ?e, 7u and ?ayi is accomplished by
Rule f 5:
kaci-sa-t-eoZ --c kaca-sa-toe% 6 I did dot bite'
kaci-so-i - kaco 9-6 'I will not bite'
kaci-so- ayi -3 kaca 3-ayi 'We will not bite'
ven -a -so-e -+ ven-e-7.e 'She will not listen9
kaci-so-e ---t kace 9-e 'It will not bite'
kaci -so- U ---c kaca-9-U 'They will not bite9
hiya-?a-t-esG --- hiya-sa-t-ess '1 did not give you9
hIya- s-01 ---+ hiyosTj 'I will dot give you9
hiya-70-e --+ hiyese . 'She will not give you9
hiya-?o-u -3 hiyasu 'They will not give me,*
Rule 27: a
rd-asi --
o/rB-
-4

ro e-osi 'one mang

The shortening of the vowel in the stem and the insertion
of a glottal stop are accomplished by the Rules 43 and 19 respec-
.
t ively
Rule 28:
-(N)
. B ---L+ P/-

N = hornorganic nasal with the following obstroea t:

B = voiced phonemes b, v, d , g, 4;
P -
voiceless obstruents p, t , k, t.
The rule reads that either a voiced obstruent or. a sequence
of hornorganic nasal +
voiced obstruen t becomes the correspond-
ing voiceless obstruent before a voiceless obstruerna.
ambu-ka
bvu-ka
6du-ka
--
--.

---+
ap ha
6p-ke
jit-ka
'arrows'
'small bundles'
'par t s 9
kodi k i --. @having brought many
kogmki
things'
kandu-ka ---+ kGt-ka 'rnu~hroorns~
jEsigu. ka - jEk -ka+ je-.ka 'heads of rice''
Here the loss of stern final - U or i is sccornplisbed by the
R&es l and 4.
Rule 29: -nj

vanjwka - + vas-ka fingersc

pioji-ki-n u --+ pis-ki-n-U 'spring- they "
Rule 30;

vegu-ka 4-+ ves-ka. %re-wood"

r 5cu-ka ---+ rgs-ka 'snakes'
piyu ka -4 pis-ka 'rain'
kruhu-ka -4 krus-ka 'deer'
The lose of final vowel is accomplished by Rule 1,

kanu - ka -4 kaq ka 'eyes'

pFnu-ka -3 peg-ka 'lice'
tin-mb.esi --. tinmb-esi 'let him eat"
Rule 32:
--t.

tarn-
mtimbu-ge mgm-ge to as' (dat.)
mirnbu-go mgm-go to you' (dot.)
t%mb~-g(~ tlm-go atfiem3 (I~cc.)
Rule 33:
 In thepersonal pronouns the final consonant -n o r -m which
occurs after the loss of the final vowel or -bu by Rule 32 change8
into hornorganic nasal when followed by -ge or-go. .-

ngnu-ge -+ nafi-ge 'to 'me'

ninu-ge Ad+ niii=ge 'to you'
' m3mbu-ge --. mafi-ge 'to'usb
The shortening of the stem vowels can be accomplised by
9

Rule 44.

tCh-ka-my - tbs-ka-mu 'go and show it'

vah-ki-n-e - -. vas-ki-n-e 'fries well-she'
goh -sali --+ gss-sali 90 drink'
doh- t-esi ---+ dos-t-esli "built-he'
veh-p-esi - ves.p.esi let him tell'

ven-dm ven-ju "is ten*

hal-du ha-ju 'go'
The loss of 1 can be accomplished by Rule 13.
Rule 36:
-G --;-p. s/aki
kaci-ki- t-e kas-ki- t--e 'bit intensively-it'
kaci- ki ki- kasdki ki- 'ta cause to bite'

The loss of final vowel in the stem can be accomplished by

the Rule 3.
Rule 33:
.B "-"p li/&ga
ven-ga - vefi-ga "0 go add hear'
tin-ga -+ tifi- ga 'to go and eatd
Rule 38:

hop-t-esi - hotmesi 'ran he' -

-
hEp t-esi -4 hEt-esi 'saw-he'
5 Dissimilation
Rule 39:
-i -- 1:; 1
a/-
1
.'

kokari-f kokara -7-3 'boys,' (acc.)

ambari-ki ambara-ki 'to whom'
Gdi- ni eda-ni 'that' (acc.
2.16. Metathesis
Rule 40: CVCV -4 CCV-/ka
d6ri- ka ---P dr6-ka ropes'
minu-ka -+ mni-ka 'fish'
pEnu-ka --c pnE-ka 'lice '
The loss of S tern final-u can beaccumplished by Rule l .
Rule41: -k+p- -3 -p+k-
gok-pi-n-esi - -. gop-ki-n-esis 'cough t continuously-hes
mek-pi-t-U
kak-pi E-
nik-pi ki
-
-
-
- + mep-ki-t-U

-+
kap-ki a-
nip -ki ki-
'plucked- they'
'to laugh at each other'
'*to cause to stand'
ok-piki- --op kiki- cause to carry'
tiik-poesi - + tiip-k-esi "et him weigh'
huk-p-esi -+ hup-k-esi 'let him remove it'
21.7. Shortening of Vowel
Rule 42:' n5
m5
nz
.m? .,
.+
[Laa
ni
mi
1- 11; 1
 naqasi 'my man9
nisasi L yman'~ ~ ~ '7

masari 'our men'

misari . "our men.' . .
na'lari #mymen'
mivasi 'your men'

Rule 43: r6 asi

IT, 1- ari
royosi *one man'
rilrari 'two men'
The change of a to o is accomplished by the Rule 27..
The appearance of the glottal stop is accomplished by

1 1
Rule 19.
Rule 44: aZnu nanu
ninu -+ niou '
mgmbu mambu
mymbu mimbu
The loss of final vowel -bu and the assimilation of'
- U or
final consonants into hornorganic nasal are accomplished by the
Rules 32 and 33 respectively,
2.18,
Rule 45:
Others
~t -- a/-p
Verb stems of the syllabic structure CVC-i ending in-i have
their final vowel changed to . a before the permissive morpheme
-p-.
kaci-p-esi --+ kaca-p esi 'let him bite"
h8ti-p - esi --+ hlja-p-esi 'let him call'
vaji- pde -+ vaja-p e *let her cook'
Tbe morp'oophonemic changes described above explain most
of the variations in the phonemic representation of morphemes in
Kiivi. However, these are not exbaustive. There are exceptions
to some of these rules, ard the mast frequent of them are
described in the form of allomorphemic statements of concerned
 41

sterna or suffixes. Some of tbe morphoghonemio changes of limited

application are discussed at the relevant places of -concerned .
word-classes.
2.2. External Sandhi
2.20, External sandhi, which occurs between two free forms
or words is infrequent in KBvi. It is not obligatory in the sense
that its operation 3s not inevitable.
2.2 1, Elision
a) -V #
i

+ #T -4
-
V-
When certain words of CB type are followed by certain
words with initial vowel, the initial vowel of the following word
is dropped.
mii-gba -- m%-bse 'our fatherg
mi-ijo h.+ ml-jo 'our house'
m!- lya ---+ m?-ya 'your mother'
r i - ijo -4 ri-jo ' skcond house"
r6-iceka ---+ rd-ceka 'a little'

b) V, ---+ @ /(C)VCVl # V, ......

/gCVICVCVI # v2 .....h

W hen certain words of (C)VCV or CVCVCV type are

Followed by certain words with initial vowel, the final vowel of the
preceding word is dropped.
kaja-lya L-L5$ kaj-Eya 'uncle' (elder)
iya iiba
m%na ekh
j5ru- eka
--
-+

-G+
. q-aba
m5n-eka
j6r-eka
'parents'
*one thousand'
'one pair'
johora-iya -=+ johor-iya "greetings'
(to woman)
johor-3ba "greetings' (to man)
'fa/-tub-
When the auxiliary verb tub- FoPlows certain verb sterns,
the final consonant. of the preceding stem is lost.
halm tuh- -LS. . habtuhb 'to go completely"
kut- tuh- ----$. ku-tuh- 'to shift completely'
v&- tuh- P-+- vs-tuh- "to beat tap'
 2.22. Loss of syllable
As a general rule, the compound verbs denoting perfective 1
and durative tenses contract in rapid speech. However, in the
first person singular, the compound verbs denoting non-past
perfective and durative tenses do not contract. The loss of vowel
1
g
in the initial syllable of the following word takes place when tbe !
peak is preceded by 'm9and loss of the vowel and the preceding
consonant takes place when it is preceded by 'h'.
P
kuga manesi -4 kugamnesi 'He has been sitting' -r
-6

kugi manesi -4 kugimnesi 'He is sitting ' *;I

kuga hilo?osi --+ kugalo9osi 'He has not been sitting' \
l
kugi hilososi
haji manji
---+

-4
kugilososi
hajimji
'He is not sitting6
'(You) are going'
li
9
ninu kama kihi
rnanji ki - { ] 'A re you working?'
1 11,
!l :l 2.23. Haplology 8
li li S
I
i~ 1 Io certain cases if two words with syllables of identical
'
1
/ l
1, I
phonemic constituents occur in a sequence, one of the identical S
I 1,
,I syllables is dropped.
j
l/

1 11 11I/ :
i
l/ 11 bro-rondi --+ 6rowJi 'an0 ther one' l
I

I/ ii i

manesi
} - Zhajimnesi 'became- he'

2.24. Vowel Harmony .,

In Kuvi vowel harmony plays its role in consecutive wor ds

also.
a) ele -t elalii-
ele icesi 'said (he) like this'
ela iitihl , 'if it is like this'
sari ela &hivemaceri 'they became alright9
 b) .i jake
-.+
laka } -\

rogdi rondal jake 'one also'

rinci rir;lda / laka 'two each'
c) In e~pressions like the following S tern have -a ending
when they are followed by the auxiliary verb 5. 'to be' and have
a i endirlg when followed by the auxiliary verb ki- 'to do'.
dara 8- 6to fall asleep'
dari ki- 'to make one fall flat'
pada 5- 'to grow'
gaQi ki- cto make grow'
 Nouns
3 .Q. Nouns are a class of words whose stems are inflected,
or are capable of being inflected for case. They may also be
inflected for number or number-gender.
'

The position classes of the lexical and the grammatica1

categories that occur in a noun are arranged in the following order:
stem + numberlnumber-gender + oblique formative $. case.
3.11. Gender
There is a twobway distinction of gender id Kiivi, viz,,
masculine gender and non-masculine gender. The twoiway
distinction of grammatical gender appears in the inflection of
nouns, pronouns, numerals(nativs) and verbs.
Masculine Non-masculine
Gvasi 'he' Edi 'she, it'
ambasas i 6~ho9 ambayi 'who, which'
rososi 'one man9 rogdi #one woman,
one thing '
kokasi 'boy'
v%tesi *came.he9 vgte came '-she/ it9
Though most of the nouns do not have any overt marker
for gender, the gender of any noun can generally be determined
by i t s meaning. All nouns denoting male persons belong to the
masculine gender, both in singular and pural; all others - those
nouns denoting female persons and non-persons like animals,
birds, plants, objects, etc. belong to the non-masculine gender.
Masculine Non masculine
aba
tay i
'father' iya
'younger brother' p6da
'mother'
'girl'
1 female
persons
mnEha 'man9 khja 'monkey'
psbu 'paternal uncle' k6di 'COW'
koyu Yowl'
uli 'onion'
pi ka cigar5

f n the declension of cases, especially in the oblique formad .

tions, tbe feminine gender, singular as well as plural, is regularly

distinguished from the neuter, singular as well as plural (3 I3:2U).
With regard t o taking different case forms, the masculines and tke
feminines are mostly treated alike. I n other words, nobs denot-
ing persons, whether male or female are distinguished in the dec-
ension from nouos deao ting non persons, i.e., animals or objects
(13.13.2 1 ).

In the neuter nouns the dative suffix is mostly added after

the oblique formative - ta-, whereas in nouns denoting persons i t
is added direct o r after a different type of oblique formation.
k o d i taki 'to the cow' kddin taki 'to the cows*
ilu taki 'to the house3 ilka taki 'to the houses'
'for the house' 'for the houses'
kokanaki ' t o the b o y * kokaraki 'to the boys'
syanaki 'to the woman' iiyaskaki 'to the women*
Furthermore, while the neuter nouns have five case forms,
apart from tke nominative o r stem form (i.e., genitive, accusative,
dative, ablative and locative), the inflections of nouns denoting
persons are confined to three case forms, namely the genitive, ac-
cusative and cjative forms, beside t he nominative form (3.13.1).
The markers for the masculine singular are -a, - (e)si and
-(a)si and for the plural - (e)ri a n d -(a) ri (3,12 ). The neuter singu -
Par nouns are not overtly marked. However, the feminine singular
i s often marked by - i or -ni (3.12.3). Furthermore, the feminine
plural is regularly distinguished from the neuter plural forms of
nouns by the use of the suffix -ska\-sika (3.12 3), which contrasts
with other neuter plural terminations. These are all clear-cut
indications of the gradual development towards a separate feminine
gender from the non- masculine gender Thus, one may be inclined
t o consider that there are ttiree genders in Kfivi, namely masculine,
feminine and neuter, because of the extent to which the feminine
gender has developed in the language.
But there are several factors which vindicate the two. way
distincticln of' gender in RCvi. The gender of any word can gene-
rally be dzterrnined by replacing it with the demonstrative pronoun
of the concerned gender, as the demonstrative pranouas represeat
the clear-cut distinction of gender system in the language.
Masculine Non. Mascn1in;e
Sg. Evasi 'he, that man' idi 'she, it, that womans
that object'
'

PI. Evari 'they, those men' Evl 'they, those women,

those objects'
I n addition t o the regular nouns, all pronouns (excluding
personal prououns) , appellative nouns, participial oouns, native
numerals and verbs regularly carry overt markers of only a two*
way contrast of gender.
Masculine Non.masculine
Sg ambasasi 'who' arnbayi "who, which'
PI. ambasari 'who' -ambasi 'who, which'
Sg kajasi 'big man' kajayi 'big woman/anima19
B1, kajari 'big men' kajasi 'big woanen/animzlls'
ilugaf asi 'a man who Hkagatayi Wee with leaves*
, possesses
a house'
ilugatar~ 'men who %kagata?i ' trees with leavesJ
possess a
,houseg
.
hioasi *man who gives" hinayi 'woman/animal who
gives'
hinari 'msn w h o give9 hlnavi ' women/animals who
, t give9
rososi man' ro@i 'one woman, object,
animalg
vgtesi 'came-he9 viite 'came- shelit
vzteri 'came- they '(men) v5tu - '
' ~ a m ethey

3.12. Number

3.12. 0, There is a two-way distinction of number in KBvi, viz.,

singular (denoting one) and plural (denoting more than one)
Except in the case of a few masculline and feminine nouns, the
singular nouns are mostly unmarked. C\

kokasi 'boy' -si 'masculine singular'

kana 'blind -a 'masculine singular'
man'
rEigde11i widow .gi "feminine singular9
k5n1 blind i 'feminine singular'
woman'
mirsesi 'son3 besi "masculine singular'
kaj asi 'big man' -si 'masculine singular'
Tbe fotlowing are the examples for the unmarked singular
hOUtlS,
tayi 'bbpst her' (masculine)
p6da "girl' (feminine)
palu "00 th" (neuter)
r5cu snake3 (neu terg
The plural nouns are mostly marked and tbe plurality is
Pepresented by three diffeferent groups of suffixes, of which the Grst
one is exclusively f o r masculine nouns, the second one is mainly
for the neuter nouns and the third one is exclusively for the
feminine nouns.
Tbe plural aouh-marking suffixes vary, depending upon the
gender, the syllabic structure and the endings of difYerent noun-
stems. Thus plurality may be discussed under the three different
genders, vie., masculine, neuter and feminine. In nouns, feminine
plural forms are clearly and fully distinguished from the masculine
as well as the neuter plurals, though the feminine singular is not
distinguished from the non- masculine singular gender.
3.12.1 . Mascbline Phral
1, -ri occurs as .plural tepiacive morpheme onjy in the
masculine .sirmgalar chara~terieed nouns which are marked ~vith -

final -si,
Evasi . "e-that man" 5vari " they- those men'
kokasi boy' kokari 'boys'
 embaiasi 'who' (masc. sg,). embatari L ~ h o(masc.pl.)
'
roiosi 'one man' ri?ari 'two men' -l

maclasi 'OUT man' ma?ari 'our men'

,

kajasi 'big .man' \ kajari 'big men'

nlrotasi 'man of viilages niitotari 'mcoof village9
ilugatasi 'man who possesses ilugalari 'men who
houseg P O B S ~ S S housed
. .
punasi 'wise man' punari 'wise men'
2. Many of the masculine singular nouns, mostly disyll-
abic, wirh final vowels take - yI (-, W ) m-ria-ngalfia t o form
the plural,
aku "rand father' aku-y8
a ba "an, father9 aba-y"a
k2ga "blind man' .kiina-y
kuja 'short man' kuja-y%
dokra 'husband' dokra-y2
dofia *thiefg dofia-y%-
ta) i 'younger brother4 tayi-y8
tanji *father' tanji-y%
pabu paternal uncle' plbu-ya
bat0 elder sister ' S husband' bate-y2c
burha 'old man' buqha-y%
be bra #dumb man' bebra- y
mnEha 'man' mne ha-y I
These masculine singular nouns are not oharacterized by the
masculine siugulai suffix and they are recorded with two to three
plural forms, even upto four, all of which are permissible, according
to the informants :

3. A group of masculine singular nouns indicating the nodns

of persons in terms of their caste, profession, or relationship taks
 the aIIomorph - ySi (--) only to form the plural, after the loss of
characterizing suffix-esi (2.14. Rule 22).
L,

Caste Names
dome~esi. 4manof the Dcmbo Caste' doma-y TI
bamnecresi ' a Brahmin' bamsa-y Zi
goleqesi 'a man o f the shepherd gola- y Fi
ciiste'
4 a man of the weaver caste-era-.yl
'a man of the Sundi caste' hiindi-y%/:
himda-y8
Professional Names
dalinesesi 'servant' daliga-y5
kaligrecresi 'thief' kangra-y Zi
kiirnbrevesi blacksmith' kambra-y%
medrecresi g mat-maker' rnedra-y%
havun teclesi 'headman' havunta- y% - a

g o tesesi ' guest' gota-y Z%/gotZi

marnde~dei S wife's younger brother' marnda:y8
samderesi relation by marriage' sancda-y8

4. A group of masculine nouns mostly borrowed from

other languages take -nga (-afiga) alone tu form the plural, imme-
diately after the stem after the loss of the final vowel or of the
masculine singular sufflx, as the case may be.
Direct to the stems
- .
okila 'advocate' okila hga
jakera 'shoemaker' jakera hga
davadari 'accuser' davadari hga .
disera 'astrologer' disera-liga
p5tila 'dwarf' p6tila-nga
I badiya 'carpenter' ba$y a-ngalbaginga
banviya 'hunter' b a ~ v i a-ngal
y banvinga
ll *
 bgbaji 'holy man' bgbaji-bga
bendiya c y ~ u n gman' bendi-nga -,
mavuta 'mahout' mavut a-liga
qudeyaX 'accused ' mudeya-nga
sgnena 'prostitute' (m) ssnena-nga
haliya 'servant' baliya- figa
After the loss of final vowel anga
t6nesesi 'friend' t6neses-angq
miineyi 'man' miiney-abga
honesi sonmin-law9 hones-afiga
After the loss of the masculine singular suffix -esi
rwdeqesi 'widower9 riindi-nga .
hale7esi 'servant' hali-figa

5 , A few masculine nouns have been recorded as forming

their plural by the addition of the suffix -ka,us~allythe pluralizing
suffix for neuter nouns, either directly to the stems or after the
masculine singular suffix is 10s t.

karpdiya 'person with hairlip' kandiya- ka

gQ u a sbephered' g6q-kalgrS >ka
kiibesesi "police-man' k6s-ka
potlevesi father-in-law' pot-ka
' .
.
guru 'priest'
.

$urusesi
mine , .
mirsesi 6sod*

3.12.2. Neuter Plural

The allo-morphs of the plural morpheme which occur with
the different neuter nouns vary, depending upon the syllabic
structure of the sterns, their endings and also their penultimate
consonants.
5 .

1. Almost all the disyllabic noun sterns endiqg with the

vowels -a. -i and -Q and a few with final -U take -yB a, -li(a-
--)
to form the plural. This is the commonest way of pluralizat~qa
. ,.

in Muvi,

With final' &a

Ssva "duck'
f \a 'tile'
ina 'sine W'
uqdla
kata
kamga .. 'park'
k6 nja 'monkey'
goca "bush'
jomba 'low stool'
'money'
'pot'
naka 'jackal"
pirva pigeon'
bapla 'bat'
mQa 'creeper'
ringa %charcoal9
viha 'By'
'plate3
homa "bison"
With final -i
iji 'hail stone'
kati 'wall'
kandi 'S tick'

kuti 'nail' kufi-y Zi

paji "pig' paji-y%
puci %nt- hill" paci-y Zi
bepi 'pig- tail' bEgi-y %
magdi 'plate'
ruki
lihi 'carvings lihi-y%
bikpi 'chain" bikpi- y2i
 With fiaal - o
korgo 'hollow' korgo-y8
kono 'corner' kogo-y"a ..
kijlo 'engine' k6lo-yg
jbko 'uvula' jbko-y%
16ngo 'hole' Iongo-
With final - e
5fu "oft9 atu-yii
6 mapgot'
ipu rpu-yzi
guPu 'egg' gudu-y'%
jfyu "ath9 jiy U-yzi
da PU 'small drum' .dapu-yzi
.
necu 'day' necu-y%
sepu 'chappal sepu -y$

Except ions
#stalk' karda-ka
"upstair building9 rnera-ka
val i "tone' val ka
-i{ , ,

ledi %eel9 Et-ka

Though .the allornorphs - yd and-ii (m- vary freely,

d )

the suffix -y% occurs with many nouns, whereas the allomorph -fi
is preferred in the case of a few nouns, as in the Following:
ul i "onion' ufi-Ti
rnanji "ain9 manji- A
kudi paddy' kucpli- ii . !

Many of the nouns have been re~ordcdwith two or more

l
l plural forms, all of which art acceptable to the informants.
I
I ksdi 'cow' soba 'rice field '
'

lI ksdi-y% d ~ saba-y8
~ ~ "rice fieldss
~ '
l
kadi-ia soba-n
i l
l k 04% sob%
 53

Some of the above neuter nouns occasionally take ongal - n a

also as the plural suffix in addition to the other allomorphs.
ul i 'onion' ulianga -*.,
k6di 'cow' kOdi-nga
bans ' h air' b8na-lia
rnanji 'grain of ricep manji- iia
In a few neuter singular nouns with final - U and penultimate
- y - only -nga occurs as the plural suffix, when the final -CV of
the stem is lost.
5yu ' flesh' ii-riga
kkyu "beans' (SE.) kg-figa
gfaYu ' hole' gya-rigs
jiyu 4path' ji-hga
t5yu ' lace' t5-nga
Except jiyu 'path' all other froms take 4 g a alone to form
the plural.
Exceptions
kayu 'fruit' (unripe) kiiy -anga
miiyu 'sarnbhar' miiyu-4%
may ik5yu 'sesorne seed' maykg ka

Many disyllabic noun-stems ending with final secondary - U

-](U) or -s(u) take

.
preceded by the consonants -!(U), -n(u), -p(u), -m(u) -r(u) , -r(u)
-ka to form the plural after the elision of final
-U, IT the final eu~ciativevowel - U is discarded or ignored, ali the
following words can be treated as rnonosyllabis stems with fioal
consonants (2.1 l. Rule 2) .
gatu 'edge' gat-ka
gutu 'stumpr gut- ka
kanu 'eye' kan- ka
hgpu 'thorn' hgp-ksa
komu 'horn' kom ka
dumu 'large bone' dum- ka
kiiru 'boil'
 g6ru 'clawi gbr- ka
jPru ' 'pat h' jir-ka
dEru g~1200t' dFr-ks
d6ru 'name d 6r-ka
hiru 'root' bir- ka
her U 'ox- teem9 hPr- ka
h6ru 'rnoun tain9 h6r-ka
giru 'mouth of pot9 ka
p6ru 'chaffg par-kat
lPru 'eagleg IF!- ka
ilu 'house' il. ka
kel rn "feather9 kelaka
k6lu . "oouding stick' kiil- ka
gall2 'young a~irnal' @l- ka
t0lu 'skin' tijl-ka
pal U 'tooth9 pal-ka
b5l u * bear ' bal-ka
mriilu a hareg rnfgl-kar
velu "owV vel- ka
holu 'fire- place9 hold ka
"horny bamboo9 rnn?as-kar
Exception (with final - i) vali ' ~ t o n e ' v a kat
l~

When a group of disyllabic noan-sterns with final - U and

penultimate consonants -g(u), -c(@, - Q (U), - y (U), -v(u) 9 r
+(U) take the suffix -ka to form the plural, the penultimate
consonant is changed to voiceless phoneme in addition to the loss
of EBe enunciative vowel mu (2.14. Rule 30).
vegu afire-wood' ves-ka
j2cu *sp(son5 jas- ksa
gicu bboundary' gis-ka
p.5:~, "snake' r2s-ka
6du *partq . bt-ka (6--+ g)
pb@u *pimpley piif.-ka
key m *handy kes-ka
 koyu * fowl'
nay u 'v illage'! n8s -ka
PiY rain' pis- ka "
6vu *small bundle' 5p-ka (v --+ p)
kruhu 'deer: krus-ka
mfihu large monkey'
g miis- ka
Exception (with final -i) . ledi 'heel' letka .

A few disyllable noun-stems ending in -u preceded by a

nasal + a voiced hornorganic obstruen t substi lute the correspon-
ding voiceless obstruent for the final sequence when they take the
-
suffix ka (2.14. Rule 28, 29).
khju 'carrying yoke' kas. ka
15nju 'month' l& ka
vapju 'finger' vas-k a
kiindu *mushroom' BrC t- ka
ambu 'arrow' ap-ka
gijmbu 'heap' g5p ka
dimbu gou sd' dip-ka

When the plural suffix -ka follows noun-stems with 'final ku,
-gu, o r -ngu, the stem final velar phoneme is assimilated and
merged with the velar voiceless obstruent in the plural formations:

gk(u) 'leaf' 9 ka %k-ka

iirgu la kind of grain' arka * i r k - ka
jEfigu <head of rice' , jcka * j ~ kka-
When metathesis takes place in the plural forms, -ka i s
added direct to the metathesised noun- stems:
OBri 'rope' driika drii-ka
minu 'fish' mg7ka mni kia
pEnu 'louse' gpeka pgE- ka
 ,I
When the suffix -ka is added to a metathesised singular
1 noun-stem t o form the plural, the final .C(V)o f the stem is lost.
i

'ear' kri-ka
'head' tra-ka m

'bone'
'wet (rice) field'

/l In the case of the following two noun-stems, the final -CV

/ /',/ is lost beforz - ka.
ll
i !I[
marnu tree' mar-ka
j
l i t murmu ' aose-ring9 mur- ka
i /l
! ' l
Except ion
::\l .
5,
j /!
ji
drahli 'rag' drapka
:(Ill
1

' I)! Almost all the trisyllabic noun-stems ending in a secondary

1; j; vowel -i take -ka t o form the plural, when there is fluctuation in
: i;/ the presence and absence of the final secondary vowel -i of the
? 1 ;l!
stem.
3 1 hI Ii

?
I
Ill!! !
l However, when the final -i is preceded by the consonants
1
i ill:
- ( . n ) , m ) i ) -v(i), the secondary vowel -i is
, 14!; generally retained.
1 %lil
l

I
I
,

,, ;!;
I kurkuti 'firefly ' kurkuti- ka
I l; [l, korkoti aight-jar bird'
@ korkof i-ka
i '
1 l, ,
kocot i "spider' kocoti-ka
pirputi 'stomach' pirputi- ka
kiseni 'castor oil seed9 kicregi- ka
kohopi kohoii- ka
Qarpe~i darpegi-ka
Ifse pi 'drum' 17sepi-ka
digdeni 'bladders dindeni-ka
digduni "single stringed dinQuni- ka
'vi~l~n'
suponi 'ring* ruponi-ka . .

huguni 'omen' huguni-ka

ademi sdemi-ka
 15'lomi , ,
'lock'
naromi nerve'
nEromi 'fault'
Exception (with fluctuation)
alomi "ginger* alom -ka/alomi-ka
juveri ' yokz' g'uveri-ka
d evori 'temple' devori-ka
paduai * bat' padufi ka
piruci 'flute' pirufi-ka
rnandovi 'platform' maggovi-ka

When the final - i is preceded by 'the consonant -y(i) or

- s ( i ) , the final vowel is generally dropped.

pii~eyi frui t' p a ~ e yka

-
bileyi 'cat' biley - ka
bilresi ' pimple" biires-ka
mutsesi warf' mut~es-ka
murvesi 'back bone9 murses-ka
sivesi 'pus' sives- ka

If the penultimate consonant of the stem is - t or - l , the

final vowel is regularly retained in some, though not in all, vowel
ending stems; in other words, it fluctuates unpredictably.

In the following few .reand - 1 ending trisyllabic noun+stetns,

the final secoadary vowel - i is always retained.
asuri 'huge-monster ' asuri- ka
kundeli 'cone-shaped kun4eli-ka
container'
gdpperi 'grass- hopper' gCp9eri-ka e

jonjoli 'seive ' jonjoli-ka

lepori 'head-scarf' l~porl-ka
duveri 'door' duveri- ka
nbmeri 'fever' nbmeri- ka
 A few nouns ending in final -i when preceded by - r or - I ,
fluctuate in the final vowel -i either by its presence or absence be-
fore - ka. .I,

kambeli 'name of a bush' . kambel(i)-ka

nziigeli cplough' nHiigel(i)-ka
n @eli G ~ ~ ~ ~ n@eli(i)-
~ ~ ka t '
kontori interest' kontor(i)-ka
pubuli 'butterfly" pubul (i) -ka
mufigeli 'nose-ring " mungel(i)-ka
pipeli 'knife' pipe1 (i)-ka
himbori cloth' himbor(i)- ka
hepori 'broom' hepor (i) - ka
Exceptions
pciyuli worm9 pf4ka
vivuri ' thatching grass ' vika 'thatch7
A few trisyllabic noun-stems ending in . a also take eka,
when in some of them, the final syllable -(C)V is lost.
koliy a jackal' koliya-ka
gudiya 'dry field9 guQiy a-ka
dukana 'shop' dukana-ka
paniya "comb' paniya-ka
paciy a ' t h i ~clothe' paciya- kq
simniya 'large axe' simniya-ka
rakasa 'giant monster ' rakasa- ka
utiya 'male pig' utiya-ka, uli-ka
jiixiya 'money purse' jati- ka
udara ' ldahp udar-ka
tuvala ~owels tuval- ka
Exceptions
si1er.a
sir~a
, 1, ,
khange'
(coins)
bbcono "wordp boconi- ka

A few plural forms of some singular nouns have acquired

special importance in the language. Hence they are generally
used as plural, though a few of them h'ave theit singular forms
seldom used with some specific reference.
--.
kuj 9 'jowar -like grain'
kiifiga 'beans' bsyu beans (sg.)
gohb/gohoy% 'wheat'
ku?lin/ku711y% 'paddy o r rice?
jururi]juruyI "gruel'
pilka 'grass, branches
of grass9
priska 'sparks' pcisi 6 a spark'
- pihga $excreta9
pendornka "ice wine'
balay $ 'peas'
b6pdti/bOncjan "lacen ta'
muguy% 'a variety of dbal'
landay8 'rice - wine'
vi ka 'thatch3 vi3uri 6grass for
thatching'
Two noun-sterns have been recorded with two plurals, both
of which are permissible, according to the informants.
oclori %beer8 ovori-y%/o?oti-ka
nehvu~i 6dog' nes- kalnehvu~i-ka
3.12.3. Feminine PlnraH
Generally, feminine singular nouns take ska to form the
plurals. Often -sika occurs as a free variant of the feminine
plural s u E x with several of the following feminine singular nouns.
atu 'grand -mother3 atu- ska
am8 'sunt' ama-ska
%ya 'woman, wifev , sya- s ka
iya 'mother' fya-ska
kkni 'blind woman9 kiipi- ska
guruqi ' 8 female guru' guruni-ska
kut iya' 'daughter-in-law' kuyiya-ska
kilve~i 'kuvi woman' . ktive~i-ska
 dokri dokri-sks
t aiigi ounger-sis ter ' t afigi-ska
-\

tali 'mother' tali- ska

n Zna 'elder sister' n5na-ska
pdya 'mother-in-law' . pbya-ska
burhi 'old woman' burhi-ska
b6pi 'younger sister' biipi- ska
ra7a 4young unmarried
girl' rawska:
"they-women' Cva-ska
Exceptions
rniifiga 'daugb ter ' mas ka
pBda "girl' pod%,pbdafi, p5daria.
The feminine part i:ipial nouns generatly take the form
dsika t o form the plural.
hanapi : 'she who goes'
, hana-sika
hinayi 'she who gives' hfna-sika
vstayi *she who came' v 8 ta- bika
ticay h 'she wbs ate' t tca- sika.

3.13. Case
3.13.0 There are six regular cases in Ruvi, viz., nominative,
genitive, accusative, dative:, ablative and locative. There is a six-
way contrast of inflection found in the neuter singular as well as
plural nouns, whereas only a three-way contrast cao be noticed i n
most of the nouns denoting persons. This explains the absence of
case-inflection in the case of nouns denoting persons for geni tive,
ablative and locative cases. The genitive case is regularly expressed
by an oblique-genitive (3.13.21) stem formation in the case of
neuter nouns and of feminine singular nouns, and by the bound
oblique stems in thc case of all ~ t h e rnouns denoting persons
(3.13 21) . The ablative and the locative cases are expressed by
the addition of the postpositions tagati 'from' and tana '-at, bys
t o the oblique-genitive stems of all nouns denoting persoas
1 , .
1 C3 13.24, 25).
il
 3.13.1. Nominative Case
All noun3 in the singular and in thc plural, which can occur
free without an overt case marker, are said to be in the, nomina-
tive case. The nominative case is not marked, while all other
cases are marked by suffixes which ieuresent different cases. Thus
the nominative contrasts with other cases by the absence of any
marker. A nominative form of a noun is free and uninflected.
A nokm in the nominative case occurs, or is capable of occur-
ring, as the subject of a senterice.
kokasi vatesi 'The boy came'. .,
-it abayg kuqliyti iojahhnantjiya tateri.

f
l

'The men brought paddy and ragi' C

piyu v5yali?e evasi i!u hacesi. 'As i t raincd, he

. went to his house'
buchi d6kati &he. 'The woman opened the pot"
ninu enati peyu pati? 'From where did you get the flower'
evari tami ilkaga haceri. 'They went to their house'
raja tani poti) a ~ hstitesi.
i 'The king called his servants'

3.13 20. Oblique Formatior~s

In the case of many nouns the case suffixes are not added
directly to the noun stem which occurs in the nominative case.
The free as well as uninflected stem occurs in the nominative case,
whereas in the oblique cases the stern is generally bound. Tbe
stem, to which case suffixes are added, js called the oblique stem:
and the augment added to form an oblique stem may be identified
as a formative or as an oblique suffix.
The various formatives added to the noun stems, singular
as well as plural, to form the oblique stems for different cases
#

tare discussed here.

-ta- occurs in the neuter nouns, singular and plural before
the dative case suffix.
 ilu 'house' ilutaki 'to the house' ilkataki to the houses'
nehvuri 'dog' nehquritaki 'to the dog' neskataki. 'to t h e dogs'
I
l ~ dative suffix - ki added directly to t h noun-
~ c c a s i o n a l the ~
stem.
2 .

neskaki 'to the dogs'.

sob%ki * t o the rice-fields'
iluki 'to the house'
-na- occurs in the feminine singular nouns and in the neuter
demonstrative pronouns and participial nouns before the dative
case suffix.
Qya 'woman' iiyanaki . 'to the woman'
pbda 'girl' pbdanaki 'to the girl'
Edi 'it' Edanaki 'to it'
hinayi 'that which hinanaki 'to that which
gives' gives'
- t- occurs in the neuter singular oouns befole the accusative
and locative case suffixes.
iluti 'the house' (acc,)
iluta 'in the bouse" (loc .)
nehqluti 'the dog' (act
ne hsuri ta 'at the dog' (loc )
occurs in all the non-masculine plural nouns and after
-p-
uncharacterized masculine plural nouns before the accusative suEx
and also only in the neuter plural nouns before the locative case
suffix.
ilkani 'the houses' (acc.)
ne'skagi the dogs' (acc. )
sobanilsobay%ni a the rice-fields' S (acc.)
ayagi 'the women' (acc.)
p6dani 'the girls' (a cc.)
mneha?li/m~Ehay%ni'the men' (acc .)
abani ' the fathers' (acc .)
ilkana 'in the houses9 (loc.)
neskana *at the dogs' (l oc.)
 ; :' *
.. ,-,.-.
C..
..
- n- occurs in the feminine singular nouns and in the ne;ter
* .
*

participial nouns befork the accusative sufix.

aya 'woman' Ziyan-i 'woman' ' (aei..)
pbda "girl' p6dan- i 'girl' (h&.)
hiitayi 'she who died' hiitan-i 'she who
died' (acc .)
m5nga 'daughter9 miirigan-i 'daughter' (acc.)
Edi 'she8 ~dan-i 'her'
hinayi t hat which g ives' hinan- i 'that which
- gives' (acc ) .
9. occurs in the masculine singular and plural nouns (except
in the pncharacterized masculine plural nouns) before the accusa-
tive suffix .Iand also in the personal pronouns before accusative
,
case suffix -is
kokanasl 'the boy9 kokara?~ 'the boys'
n5naqi c me' ninasl 'you9
-7 -
occurs
:,. in the neuter singular and plural demonstrative

pronouns also before the accusative case suffix %.

ed a?2L 'it' Gvas8 'they'

The final -i in the personal nouns and demonstrative and

interrogative pronouns regularly becomes - a before the accusative
case suffix but varies freely with = abefore the dative case suffix andl
in the genitive case.
.. .:I' i . .
kokari 'boy' kdkarasi (acc.)
(kokariki, (dat,)
1kokaraki
kokari:
kokara ,

e vasi 'be" Evanacri (acc.)

(dat .)
 The final - a in tbe personal pronouns also regularly becomes
-a before the accusative suffix -8.
nlnu 'I' n8nasg mey

The fioai - sji) of the characterised

! . .
masculine singular nouns
changes into q ( i ) in the oblique cases.
evasi 'he9 evana?T , "him.'
i5vanalCv.aqi 'his'
evaqaki 'to him9
k okasi 'boy?' kokagarl 'the boy '
kokeqa/kobsni 'the boy'sy
kokagaki 'to the boy'

In the Feminine singular nouns the phoneme - n - in the obli-

que formative occasionally varies freely with its retroflex counter-
part -g-
raginaki 'to the queen'
raqinaki 9 S

hf nani %she who gives' (acc.)

hrna~l S S

iyanaki 'to mother'

iyagaki r i

A few pouns have special oblique bases.

niiyu 'villagef niito/oiifa (lot.)
ilu 'house' ijo '(loc.) ij-
jEou "back' jeco (loc.) jes-
3.13.2 1.. Genitive Case
-% -& , .

The genitive case is expressed by the addition of -ti directly

t o neuter noun ste'ms and -ni to the feminine singular nouns and
also to the neuter demonstrative pronouns and participial nouns.
ilu- ti 'of tne house' ilka- ti
' 'of the houses,
marnu 'of the tree' marka- ti 'of the trees'
kada- ti 'of the river' kadaiigalti 'of the rivers'
The neuter nouns with the plural s h i x 4 - - y g-- bga are
usually not marked for the genitive case.
kOdiy%havla ' 'cow-shed', 'cattle-shed'
sobayl kuvlin 'paddy of fields'
kadaq 3) Ey u 'water of the rivers' .
5y a-ni 'of the woman'
poda-ni 'of the girl'
' .
Eda-ni 'of her, it'
hina-ni 'of her who gives / of it which gives'
With regard to all other nouns denoting persons the genit
aive case stem is mostly similar to the nominative stem excep.
with slight alterations in certain cases and as such, for the most
part, there is not much distinction in form but there is clear-cut
distinction in function as well as freedom.
,.
5ba- 6of the father' abari- ' %of the fathers
mneha- 'of man' rngEhay%- 'of men'
evana-/Eva~i- %f himi Evara-IEvari- 'of them'
kokaga-Ikokapi- "of the boy' kokara-/kokari- 'of the boy'
VC tana- lvetani- 'of the man v5tara-1vi;tari- the men
who beat' who beat'
arnbtini-lamba?ani- 'of whom' amblri- jamba~ari- 'of whom'
The personal pronouns take a different type, of genitive
stems which are as follows:
na 'my' 'our'
nT 'your' (sg.) mi 'your' (pi.)
tasli 'his,her' tami theis'
 The noun in the genitive case which appeats to be the basic
oblique stem not only serves to expiess the genitive sense., in the
morphological construction but also acts as an attribute to a
following noun and takes different post positions to indicate more
specific case relationships. Thus when a genitive forrnatiorr follows
a noun-stem, by way of marking or not marking, it is a morpho-
logical construction, but when a noun or postposition follows tbet
genitive case stem, it becomes a syntactical constituent as adjecti*
val or as something else (1 1 4. 11; l1.5),
kada 'river" kadciti 'of the riverq ,

kacjati eyu 'river- waterg

ilu 'house9 iluti vika 'thatch of tbe house
nil iluti muh8 'upon my house'
evas i 'be9 eva~a-l - "his9
Evaqi-
Zvaqa ilu 'his house' evana t a ~ a'at his placeq

n2 taaji 'my father' n3 tar!a 'by me*

(nQpo 'by my side)
Thus a noun in the genitive case has much more importance
than tbat in other cases. Hence, instead of treating case inflection
for the genitive case, an a1ternative interpretation that the geni tiva
suffixes are the basic oblique formatives and that the genitive case
relationship is expressed by the basic oblique formation seems to
help our analysis in a better way. Accordingly, tbe basic stern
denoting genitive case-relationship may be treated and termed as
oblique genitive sterns in order to convey its varied function and
facilitate its descriptiono
Mani mirqesi nayuti k6$iqB mecali hacesi 'Her son went to graze
..
the village-cattle'
..
Guasi kaaati barigrs p ~ y umesresi 'H:saw a. goiden river &owerq
 67

9.1 3.22, Accusative Case

The accusative case is formed by the addition of - i tb the
oblique stems with final e t (with neuter singular. noqns), -J?
(with all plural nouns, except characterized masculine plural) and
bn (with feminine singular nouns and neuter participial nouns), -i
to the oblique stems with final - 9 (with all masculine singular nouns
snd characterized masculine plural nouns) and -Pi to the - 7 ending
obilque stems of personal pronouns and neuter demonstrative
pronouns. -
Formed on the oblique stems with final -t
keyu-t-i 'hand' (acc.)
marnu- t-i 'tree' (acc. )
ilu - t-i "ouse' (acc.)
k54id t-i %ow9 (acc .)
neh9uy.t -i 'dog' (acc.)
Formed on the oblique stems with final - g
lika-n -i 'houses' (acc.)
marka- g- i trees'
C (ace .)
neska. p-i Vogs' (acc.)
5bti.n-i 6fathers'(acc,)
mneh%-pi 6 m e ~ ' (acc.)
W here nouns take the plural suffix -n-- -ya- hga, the
occurrence of plural suffix is optional before the oblique suffix - R .
kodi ,g-i k6diya- q-i 'GOWS~ (acc.)
soba-R - i sobaya-g-i "ice-fields' (act.)
Formed' am the oblique stems with final -m
Bya-n. i 'woman' (~cc.) '

poda- n-i 'girl' . &%CC.)

cda- n 4 'her'
,
hina-n-i 'her who gives3
I
Occasionally the ilnflected feminioe singular demonstrative
pronoun is alternatively used with the neuter singular demonstrative
pronoun..
3da-n-i it' (am .)
69
3 .

Formed on the oblique stems with final -9

kokana- 7-1 'boy* (ace.) .,

Cva~a-?-I %im'
ambd~a-l;r% who' law.)
~Etana-T 'he who &zat' (act*)
iiba-7 I 'father' (acc .)
$oka-7-1 husband' (acc .)
lkokara-9-f 'boys9 (a cc .)
evara-? i "hem'
ambgra-9-1 #whof (acc. )
vetara-9 I "them who beatp
Formed on the oblique stems with final - 7
aanu * I" n8na- 7.a 'me'
nTnu 'you' ni'aa 7-Fi 'you9 '
rniimbu c we' m%ma-?-8 US'.
rnirnbu 'you9 mima- ?-S 'you" (PI. 1
edi "t* eda s-?4 @it' (act,)
evi 'they.' Eva 7-8 'them9 (aeut.)
6ni *whatg Gna.7 - % 'wbat; ., (acc.)
n adi "mines (sg.) niida-9-ZY 'my thing' (acc.)
navi "mive' (p].) ngva-9-2E 'my thingss (acc.)
Th+accudative case of the, personal pronooos is alternatively
expressed also by the addition o f the suffix - g e l - g o which appeats
to be the original dative suffix to the oblique stews with t&a
short radical vowel.
nad-gelnaii-go 'me' mad-gelmad-gd 'as'
nib-gelnifi- go 'you' (acc.) rnifi- gelmifi go 'you' (acc.
The direct ohiect is, frequently expressed without any ind
section: the fact $bat i t is the object being clear fro& its position
in the seutence. Thus, except for the chafacteii~edmasculine '
norms, tkie use of accusative case suu@xis optional.
evs~siireskii4k'&$itksi 'We biough t h e - wood '
@di o$$a vaji mane 'She is cooking rice'
,

gvari ilu Qohncri 'They build ow&' a

 &nu @ a r m i i i ~ h e 9 e - '1 cut the tree' .
Bvasi kadata pfiyu mestesi 'He saw the flower in the river'
The use of the accusative case suffix is mahdatory f o r
characterized masculine nouns.
r6 b a m g e ~jiyuta
i kokagovi 'A Brahmin woman gave-birth to
p%te a son on the road' ..
Evari rajasi gaayrata metheri 6Thera tm put the king in the
big holeD
When specific reference or attention is given t o sorhe object,
the inflected forms are then usually preferred.
niinu i ma~nedtitBghesZ 'i scat this tree'

3.13..23. Dative Case

The dative case is formed by the rdditiori of -ki directly to
the oblique stems of nouns denoting persons (except feminine
singular nouns), after the oblique suffix -na to the feminine sing*.
3ar nouns and neuter demonstrative pronouns and participial
nouns, and mostly in conjunction with an oblique suffix-ta 80 &be
stems of neuter aoaans.
'to the father"
90 the fathers9
6to the husband9
"to the men"
'to him9
"tothem9
'towhom9
90 one who beat some m e "
90 the women wbo d i d 5
Formed on the obligae stems with -ma
I

iiya-aa-ki ' "to the womanb -

p6da-na-*ki . 'to the girly
Sdd-na-ki . 'to her, to it'
h5%sb~a-ki 'to the cuoaoen/it who died'
 . For.nouns denoting persons, and with pronouns, and parti-
cipial nouns. the ablative case meaning is expressed by tbe addition
of the post-position tanati 'from' in which the ablative suffix -fi
is added t o the, postposition tans 'at, by' to the genitive-oblique
stems.
kokana tagati 'from t5e boy" ' 'kokra tanati' 'from the
boys'
Evana tag@ Vrom him' Evara tanaf i 'from them'
Bba tanati cfrom father' BbayZi tapaii 'from fathers'
nZi tanati ='from me' . ma tanafi 'from us'
ni taqati 'from you" m'i tzrnaf i 'from you'
. tanj tagati 'from him' tami tanati 'from them9
- ayana tanagi 'from the woman' ayaska tanati 'from the
women'
vEtagi t a ~ a f i "faorn the one: vEtari taqati 'from those
who beat' who beat'
Ihatana tarpsti 'from the woman/ hataska tagati4from the
anirnil who women who died/the animals
died " which died'
gvasi iluti vanesi 'He comes from the house'
nfnu irnbiti vsti? 'Where did you come from?'
e tayuai vatesi 'He comes from that place'
dabui ma tapati v2tu T h e money came from me9
evaqa tapaf i dabue p@omi 'We got money from him.'
ni taqati vgtesi 'Be came from you'

3.13.25. LocaXive Case .

The locative case is for mcd by tbe addjtibn of -a to the
-
neuter nouns, after the oblique stems formed by adding t- with the
pyeuter singular nouns and -F- with the neuter plural nouns.
ilu-t-a . 'In the hoa;ase9 ilka-p-a 'in the houses"
marnu-t-a 'in the tree' ma~ka-p-a $in the trees'
nebsu~i-$--a 'ia thedog? ~eska-0-a 'in tbe dogsv
 For certain neuter nouns with special oblique stems the case
suafix is -0.

n5yu 'village' nat-olngt: a 'in tEb village'

ilu 'house' ij-o Oin the house'
jCnu 'back' j ~ co- 'behind'
rB ngyuta rcT randeni iya mace Ice. 'There lived a widow
in a village9
evasi bafigara pfiyuti 'He brought the golden
: ijo tatesi. flower t o his ,house9
Evasi gOli rnutata haccsi. 'He went to the last house
in the line9
oznu hiifsata haji rnav'i. 'I am going to the markets
ninu nlta haji manji ki? 'Are you going to the village?
pErata hirnbori mane 'There is cloth in' the box9
For all nouns denoting persons and for all pronouns, the
locative sense is usually expressed by the addition of the post
position tans "at, by* to the oblique-genitive stems (3,13.21).
kokani tapa kokari taqa
Evapi taqa , gvari tana
padani tags ., p6dani taqa
cdani t a ~ a evaslca taqa.
v e t a ~ itapa vetari tana
hinani t a ~ a hfnaska taga
nK tana m& tana
n? taqa rnl taga
Qanitaga , tami taqa
n2 taqa vgrntil T a m e to me, come near me'
tanji tava balarnp 'Go to your fatherq
eveasi tani .rnirse~at a ~ abanasi 'He goes .to his son9
The oblique s t m formations, the preseoce or absence o f infb
edion for the various cases aod the differnce in the oblique suffixes
show a different kind of gender distinctioo when examined, from
the point of ease decleatsion. i

In tbe sjngular, the feminine singular nouns have developed

an' inheperdent position from xndsclvline and neuter nouns'in regard
to the oblique stem formation,ia. the Feminine siagaslar nouns are
regularly distinguished from the neuter dngulqr nouas in the obli-
que formation. Even though the feminine singular ngpns maintain
a separate place from the masculioe siagu"lat nouns also -. in the
oblique-genitive stems which mark the different oblique cases,only a
three way contrast of case-inflection is noticed in the feminine sin-
gular as well as plural. This explains tbe- infrequent use of case-
inflection in the feminine nouns, which.is a feature in the masculine
nouns also.

Geneialty, nouns denoting persons, whether male or female,

are distinguished frorn'nouns denoting animals or objects in the
declension of singular as well as plural nouns. The distinction is
that whereas in the neuter nouns the dative case suffix is added
mostly after the oblique suffix - ta. in nouas denoting persons i t is
added directly. A further distinction is shown by the fact that neuter
nouns have more case inflections than those of nouns denoting
B)efSOdS

3.20. In Klivi sewera! independent wordsii. e., m s t l y adverbial

nouns (3,6) occurring after oblxque stems or, on rare occasions,
after certain case suffixes, function like case markers by establish-
ing different kinds of relationship between nouns and other words,
particularly verbs in sentences, and indicating case meanings like
with, in company with, on account of, instead of, for the purpose
o f , for, below, above, along, upon, from, till, like, etc. These
post-posi tions are used partly as a1ternatives to the case- markers
and partly to indicate a more specific relationship between words,
i. e , especiakly nouns and verbs. They can be classified, on
semantic grounds, as post-positions deaotiqg sociative-instrumera-
tal, dative, ablative, locative, limitative and c~mparalivemeanings.

on^ thenumerous post-positioos used in KBvi the -

commonest ..and most important is tole . 'with, in company with9

which occurs in both an instrumrt~tai and a sociative meaning,
There is do inflection for the'sociatiue or instrumental case id the
language and hence sociative-instrumental is not treated as B
separate case in the morphological part of grammar, though its
case meaning is recognized syntactically, as the sociative as well as
instrumental sense ie regularly expressed by the addition of to16
'with, in company with9 with the noun stems,
kokasi tani iya tole haji manesi 'The boy is goiag with his
mother4 (soc.)
'You come to fey pare witb
me' (soc.)
6vari mii tole jdlantsi 6Hediscusses with me'(soc.)
kracili tole dgsrnu 'Cut with an axeJ (instr.]
Pdi heci tale manjiyg kroste "be cleaned the rice with
the wianowjng tray'.

With all nouns denoting persons, participial nouns, and

pronouns (except in the case of neuter demonstrative pronouns)
tole occurs after the oblique formations whereas with all neutet
nouns, it is added directly tcr the basic noun stems.

koka" ttole with boy' kokara tole With boys'

8ba tole <wjthman* gbay%tolc With men"
iyani tole 'with woman' ayaska tole 'with women '
Cvaga tole *with hims Evara tole with them'
ambgna tole "with whom' a m b r a toic 'with whom"
.nB tole @withme* m& tole with us'
vEtaga tole "with the man vctara tole 'with the' men
who beat' who beat'
hanani tofe 6waithr the WO- hjnaska tole "with the
man who gives/ women who
with the ani- give/ with
mal which the ani-
gives ' mals which
give'
 'PS
The ~ e u t e participial
r nouns go with the feminine participial
tlouns. CI

himbori tole 'with the cloth' himborika tole 'with the clothes'
doveli tole 'with the sickle' dovelka tole 'with the sickles'
marnu tole 'with the tree' marka tole 'with the trees'
kbdi tole. 'with the cow' . . k6dih tole "with the cows"

For the neuter demonstrative pronoun, it is added to t h e

ive case form.
a~cusat ..
-c

Gdas%tole 'with that" Idas%tole 'with th'is'

:
:

apara 'on one's account'

jfsu rna upara hatesi 'Jesus died fop us9
evasi tani tayi upara 'Hewent to jaii for his
joyili ta hacesi brotlfet"
k6somf 'for, for the sake of'
evasi dabub kbsomi v l t e s i 'He came for money.'
baduli "instead of, as substitute for"
nii baduli ninu halamu 'You go irmstead of me9
idani baduli Edani hiiyamu 'Give me tbat one instead of
this one'
taki 'for, on accountb (3.13.28)
kuli taki v atomi cWecame for coolie work'
laka 'for*
sHri !aka laka p: soka ko$itesi. 'Hi:bought that shirt for
f'ou t rupeesb

X23, Ablative taqati (frem'

F& nouns denoting persoas the ablative meaning is
expressed by the post position tapati (3.13.24). Here actually the
ablative case marker 4i is added to the locative postposition ta9a
'at, by'.
3.24. Locafive
For nouns denoting masculine and feminine nou~s,'which
have limited cage iddektion, the post-pasitions are the only means
of expressing certain case relationship (eg., locative, ablative, etc.)

. . - :
atala 'that side? I ,
,. 5 .

tan1 nHyu h6ru atala mane 'His village is on the othei

".
side of the mountain"
jeco 'after, behind'
Evasi nii jtco vEtesi: He came after me'.
d5yu behind, after'
na tayi na 45yu vgnesi .My brother will comebebiad
me5
gage/ - c)agre 'nears
ilu dage kokari. p6dah kahi 'The children are playing near
S P

rnanu. tbe house5.

dari 'near, along"
Gvasi nH dari kuga maotsi
ka4a dari marka many
%e sits near me*
. 'There are trees
, . .. along the iiver
. ,

side"
tilepi 'below, underd
ni koQa tsleni hapu mane 'There is a thorn under your
I

oakits "in front of, before9
evasi nfi n6kita hanesi
madi bet seen'
r j marks madi r6 jiru mane
mohf aupon9against, in opposition to9
nb ilo mubt vika manu
bitrii %side"
Q6ba bitri orli guru guru
kite
feetf
W e goes befare me'
'Between the two trees there is
a path"
$There ate thatdhea on my
house'
'The rat made rattling sound
inside the pot'
l~ki/tC?i 'under'
bala r67i baltiyg manu (The buckets are under the tible'
L\

jako/leko 'above, on the top9

kokari boru Pako gfira 'The boys built a Irut an t h e top
kepitesi of the mountain'
.pahga!a *-iost.side9
ilu pahgeta bayuluyg manu 'Outside the hoise there are
paddy fields'
a

8atU sar~~ad
duvcri sutu gadi j a ~ amanu -There are many people around
th'e: entrance9
bakl/vaki sside9
evari evagli vaki baeri 'They went to his side'.
mafula #in cover of'
e naka mbkuti rb goca rnetula BhahH kugah.5 karali hika mane.
'The jackal took the rope into the cover of a.busb, sat down
and started chewing it there.
tans 'at, by'
ivasi rajataga hacesi 'He went to the king'

Of the many post-positions used in the locative sense, taqa

is exceedingly common and it is the ordinary means oT expressing
~ocativesense with masculine and feminine nouns.
The forms vaqi, vayi, kuqi, @i, etc.palso occur a6 goath
postitions with the locative signification.

patekalpetekal 'until, for, upto, as long as'

lkatera
p6sa lenju patekalkatefa mH desata manomi, 'We shall
stay in our country until January'.
epe 'upto, until' , - I

trlyutire k@ayh
.
I > .ahgata gbh21 $test ' '
epe evaqi
'Me had sores all over his body. from head 'to feete>
3.26. Comparative
kihg 'than' comparative market
vaha macaqi kihi nQa rnanasi nehasi L

"The man in the village is better than the one who has come.'
. .
leba "like, according to'
1" marnuti l e h ~bare marka ratmn ,

'Cut all the trees like (in the same way as) this one',

kimaha 'like'
bileyi kirnahii tinji mane 'Something like a cat is eating it"
3.27. - po is special type of bound post.position which is
found to occur with the oblique stems of first and second petaoa i
pronouns only.
naps 'on my side'
mapo @onour side' . .

nipo 'on yaur sideq

mipo 'on your (pl.) side'
3. 3 1. PerscunaI Prcmdaas
2.31. 0, There is a suboelass of aonns called personal pro-
aouds wich ate regularly nsed in the first and second petsons,
They are distinguished for number but not for gender, and are
inflected for case.
Corresponding third persobal prnomioal forms, which are
also distinguished for number and case but not for gender, seldom
occur as personal pronouns. But when they occur as pronouns
they are nsed to refer to human beings, male andlot female only,
They are often used in the reflexive sense (3.32). The most
sonamon third personal paonouns are all pronouns derived
from the demonstrative and interrogative roots (3. 33.34).

3.31.l . The first personal plural pronoun has two forms:

inclusive which includes .the party spaken to and another excllasiv~
w h i ~ helkcludes the: party spoken to.
 The first personal pronouns with their aeclined forms are as
follows (2.14Rule 32, 33; 2.17. Rule 42, 44). y

Sg' P1.
Nomi a&nu 'I" mambu 'we' (excl .) miiro c we3 (inol )
Qen, n z 6myb m% 'ourB
Acc. nSt;nas?i. 133.8rnas8
nafigo 'meP mango h9
nahge maiige
Dat. naiige 'to me' rnanige P to usb
Abl. II%ta$a;i 'from me' m8 tagat! #fromus"
$oc. nii t a ~ a meb m'; taga sit] us'

The first person inclusive plural pronoun is mat0 'we' and

the same declined forms as there for the exclusive plural pronouns
d m b u 'we' are used for the inclusive plural also.
3 31.2. The second personal pronouns with their declined
forms are as follows (2. 14; 2. 17).

Sg P1.
Nom. ntnu 6 y ~ ~ b ~llirnbu syo~' mBrn
@en. ni 'yourb m1 'you'
Acc. n?naq% mTrna93
/
niiigo 'you' rnifigo 'youb
nihge miiige
bat. niige 'to you' mingc 'to you'
Abl. n'i tagati 'from you m? tanati 'from YOU'
Loc. nitaQa 'inyou' no! t a ~ a "in yoiu'

miru 'you(p1 .)'is frequently used in some areas as an a1tet-

hate form ib the second person plural. l[t is borrowed rrom
Telugu.
Sometimes, the declloed forms like nahge taki 'for me',
matige taki for us', niiige taki 'for you', mibge taki 'for youb(plI)
are used in the dative sase.
 3.31.3. The third personal pronouns with their declined
forms are as follows (2.14; 2.17).,. . . r ,

sf3.
I-\

PI.
Nom. . tany - 'he,. she9 tgmbn , 'they '
Gen, tani , 7 i 'his, herg tami 'their9
Acc. tHnar2 t%ma?%
tahgo 'him, her' tafigo ' t hem'

Dat. tafige a to him, to her' tamge td tfiemg

' ,
AbP. tani tagati 'from him, tami tanati 'from from'
-.
from hkr' A

Loc. tani tana 'in him, in her' tami tana "in them'
' tanu ijo hacesi. '.He went t o the house'
tann ijo hace. 'She went to t be house'
taou tani kama kipeai 'Let each one do his own work9
tam'bu v8hi maneri 'They are coming' . . .

A s pointed out earlier tgnu and t b b u in the above sentences

refer t o the persons only.
*I
.,
When the above forms occur in the reflexive sense they can
refer to nouns of all genders, both masculine and non-masculine
but in agreement with thcnumber ( 3 32),

Special Usage .
when a husband q wife refers to his or her spouse in a,
conversation, be or she u$es t8nu to refer. to the spouse. 14 the
reference is to plural they use t8mbu 'they9.
.,
dokra man~siki? 'Is your husband here?'
..
ham tanu manesi ' y e s , be is9
mi dpkrirka manu kl? . 'Are your .wives here'?'
> / L < - I
"
V
0 I '
3.32. Reflexive Pronouns
Often the third personal prono-11~soccur as reflexive
pronouns, regardless of genders, b u t expressing full agreement
with the subject in number.
The forms tsnu 'he, she, it' and tiimbu 'they' with the
addition of the emphatic clitic -e occur as reflexives for third
personal subject, when the verb is in the reflexive voice.
I

evasi tsnuqe data k6di tesi *Hec u t himself'

Fdi t5nuse kinha kodine 'She combs herself'
nehvuri tnnuve kaca kodine 'The dog bites itself'
evari tgmbuse banaiiga 'They cut their hair' themselves'
ratha kodineri
neska tsmbuse kaca kodinu 'The dogs bite themselves'

Very often the oblique.genitive forms of tanu (tani) and

tgmbu (tami) occur as reflexive pronouns along with the subjects
of all genders of both numbers 'but they a1ways agree with the
preceding subject in number.

raja tani dokrioi hgritesi 'The king called his wife''

!
edi tani ilu hack 'She went t o her'houses
tali koyu ta'oi hipaqi meci 'The mother-hen is looking after
mane her c h i c k e ~ s '

evari tami kama kiperi 'Let them do their work'

mEgday%tami g5cu vaki 6The sheep are going t o their
, haji manu A shepherd'
t3nu tani k@makipe , 'Let each one do. her own work'

It should be noted thai even when these third personal

pronouns occur as reflexive pronouns. they d o so only in reference
to the nouns in the third person:
 .. ,, , .. .
3 . 3 3 . Demoostratives
3.33.0. The following are the morphologically bound
variants of the demonstrative adjectives (4.12) iodicati;g varying
degrees of remoteness or proximity.
f. this9" ?- i;
e ?hat9 5- B-
f "hat over there9 6- Ua
hi?! 'that yotidec, that et a greater distance' he-
he 'that yonder, that at a greatest distance9 ha-

hB and b e are practically corresponding forms to t and 6

respectively expressing a further degree of remoteness. .
3 -33.1. The demonstrative pronouns can be derived from
the demonstrative roots with long vowels by the addition of
appropriate suffixes. In the case of masculine pronouns, the
norninaliziag suflix, and 1be personal suffixes are ideo tical to those
for the appellative nouns (3.44). But in the non-masculine pros
nouns, the absence of the nominalizing suffix and tbe presence of
different personal suaxes are significant.

ivasi 1-v-a-si 'he, this mans

ivari i-v-a-ri 'they, those ~ e n '
l ,

Pdi z-di' &she,it, this woman, this thing'

ivi i-vi 'they, those women, those .
' things"

evasi e-v-a-si 'he, that mah'

1 ,,
" Cvari ' E -v-ari 'they, those men'
Zdi g-di 'ahe,it, that woman, etsat*
thingd
S- ii 'they, those women, those
things'
~ntermediate
iivasi 5-v-a-si 'the man over there'
.-\

iivari ii-v-a-ri the men over tbere'

adi 5-di 'the woman/ thihg over thekg
iivi 5-vi ' ' 'the womeh/things over there'

Most Remote
hevasi he-v-a-si hiivasi hii- v-a- si
hevasi he-v-a-ri hiivari hii-v-a-ri
hedi hE-di hiidi hii-di m

hevi he-vi hiivi hii-vi

The demonstrative pronouns are declined as follows: .

Maacnline Gender
Norn. evasi 'he' evari 'they'
Gen. Cvagi/evana 'his' evari/i?vara 'their'
Acc. evanasi 'himf Cvarasi: 'them'
Dat. evanaki 'to him' evaraki 'to them'
Abl. evaga t a ~ a t i'from him' Pvara taqali 'from him'
Loc Fvapa taga 'in him' evara tana 'in him'
Though there is no, distinct ion between the feminine and
neuter in the nomioative forms of demonstrative pronouns, the
f eminine pronouns are regularly distinguished from the neuter
forms in the case o f oblique forms. TSe distinction of fernmine
gender is developed in the oblique formation t o such an extent that
in certain cases, the oblique forms of the feminine pronouns have
come to be used for the neuter pronouns also.
Feminine Gender
Nom. edi 'shefEvi/(tva/Evaska, 'tbey, .thase
,
evasika) women'
Gen. edani 'her' evaska "heir'
Acc. Edani 'her' evaskapi 'them"
Dat. edanaki 'to her' evaskaki 'to th'em'
Abl. Bdani ta9at.i 'from her' tvaska talrali 'from them'
Loc. edani tai; 'in her' - evaska, tapa
I, 'in them' '"
Neater Gende~
Nom, Gdi 'i tQ 8vi "hey"
Cien. e'dani 'its' Zvaskct 'their'
- Acc, EdasH 'it9 &as$ 'them'
Dat. Pda9"aakil "or it' Eva72i taki 'to themd
Gdd taki
Abl, Zdani tfvaska

(The italicized forms ate actual oblique forms of the

feminine ptonouns,) ,

3.33.2. Adverbial Nouns Derived from the Demonstrative Roots

._- '

Adverbial nouns indicating location, time, quantity, etcd -

are derived t rum demonstrabive raots;

i- itala i- tala "his sided
'irnbavZ4 i-mba% #here9
imbe~e i*mbe-e hered
imbalimbc i-mba here'
inika idni- ka "ere, this side, this directiong
iceta i-ce-ta "at this timed
icijta i-c2S- t m *at this time9
3cek a i- ceka "his much little'
ico ~a/ ido fa i-cora licotot 'this much, this many'
3ca y i idcayi 'this much' (small)
iceka i-ccka ' this much very little'
f - iyona 1-y-ona 'this year'
e- ernbava e-mba03 Wered
embeqe e-mbeqer 'tb ere'
embalembe e- mba 'there'
enika e- ni- ka 'there, that sicletthat direction'
sceta e-cc- ta 'at that timeJ
eclta e-ceita 'at that time'
w a y i, e- cay i "that much' (small)
 U-tala 'thdt siae over there'
'there' (far) +\

U-mbaclZi
U-iiiba 'thexe'
U mbe-e ' there' (far)

d.ni- ka 'there,that side, that

direction'
u - ceka 'tha t much'

hti-mba?3 'there ydnder'

hii-mba 'there yonder '
hiimb?e hii-mbe - e 'there yonder
hiinika ha- ni -ka 'there, that yor~der
sideldirection'

Another derived noun formed from the demonstrative

bound root a-'that' has also been recorded.
atala a-tala 'that side'
3.33.3. Adverbs formed from the dcmonstratives (6.21)
The following adverbs are formed from the demonstrative
roots.
i- 'in this manner, like this,
ile, ilekihi, ileki, ilaki
this way3
e- ele elekihl, eleki, elaki 'in that manner, like that,
that wayN
ha- hale, hiilekihl. hqleki, 'in that (yonder) manner
hiilaki that (yonder) there, that
yon'der way'
-kihI is an adverbial marker.
-kihi > -ki in ileki, eleki, etc.
'

*
3.34. Interrogatives
The interrogative pronouns meaning 'who' are formed by
the addition of the noainalizing suffix (3.44) and the different
personal suff~xest o the interrogative stem ambi- wembi- imbi--
'who'. Tbe personal suffixes are identical to-those of the appellative
nouns (3.44).

ambavasi (masc. sg.) amba~ari' (masc. PI.)

ambayi (non-masc sg.) ambaqi (non - masc.pl.)
Sometimes
,
in normal speech but often in rapid speech, the
masculine pronouns are heard as ambtisi and ambiiri.

Often the non-masculine singular interrogative pronoun

ambayi 'who' i s commonly used i n questioning !who' for all
genders and both numbers, especially when' the person and numb&
are not eviden t,
Though all the above pronouns can be inflected for different
cases, the inflected forms of masculine plural pronoun ambaqarl'
"ho' are commonly used invariably for all persons, g e ~ d e r s and
numbers. However, the inflected forms of t h e masculine singular
i~terrogative~prononn for genitive and azcusative cases are alter-
aatively used in the masculine singular.
ambasssi *who9 (masc. sg,)
ambaoani '.who+ie'
ambiinavl "Whom9

Thus, only the forms inflected for cases heard and recorded
are enumerated .here,

Masc. Sg. Mssc. PI.

(Worn. ambabasi) (am bac~ari)
Gen. ambzqani arnba~ara91
Acc. ambaqanad strnb%racli
 The following are the common usages without regard to
Person, number, gender, etc.
ambara vayi 'Whose is this?'
ambariki 'to whom, fox whom?'
ambayi 'who'
ambari
ambasari imbeqe hilosori ' ~ o b o d yis here'

Of the interrogative stem variants, viz., ambi-, embi. and

imbi-, the latter, is seldom heard but the former two seem to be
used freely and widely even by the speakers of the same area.
sg* PI.
Masc, ambasasi -ambasasi
emba7asi embasari
imbasasi imbasari
Non-masc. ' ambayi ambasi . .

enlbayi cmbasi
imbayi .. imbasi
Tbe interrogative pronouns referring to objects are gai and
Pni 'what'. There are derived neuter interrogative oronouos
formed by the addition of the nominalizing suffix to neuter
suffixes to Pni.
S!?. PI.
Enayi 'what'
'which'
They are declined as follows.
.( ahL
zn f enasi 'what'

Nom. enayi, Ena, &i

Gen. cni
Acc . enaql
Dat. Eniki 'how'
'Enataki 'for whatr
ha93 taki 'for what'
Abl. enati 'from what'
Loc . Gnata 'at what*
 The interrogative pronouns referring to the gascu!ine gender
are also formed from the stem Eni 'what' by the agdition of the 7
appropriate suflxes.
enasi 'Which man?' Cnari 'Which men?'
Wbat is .he?' What are they?'
'What kind of man?' What kind of men?'
When enquiring about caste, profession, character, nativity
eic., of a person or persons such a form is often used.
Another type of interrogative pronoun used to question
specifically with regard to type or location (meaning which o r
where) can be formed by the addition of the appropriate .suffixes
to the adjectival stem amini -- iminiAemini 'which9. Though
these three stems vary freely, the forms with the stem emini are
not heard frequently.
S& Pi.
Masc. aminasi Which man?/ aminari 'Which men?/
iminasi Where is he?' iminari 'W here are they?'
eminasi emipari
Mqn-masc. aminayi 'Which thing/
I > ' I aminaoi 'Which things/
woman?' women?
imiaay i iminavi
eminay i 'Where is itlsbe?' eminaoi 'Where arc they?'
The interrogative pronouns questioning tbe 'location' of a
person or a thing are formed by the addition of the suffix -t-.
denoting location, to the interrogative stem ambi--- embi--
imbi-, followed by the appropriate suffixes. They are discussed
under appelllative nouns (3.44).
Adverbia! Nquns (3.6)
The interrogative adverbial noun used to question the
location (where) is formed by the addition of the suffix -ya to the
lo terrogative stem arnbi-lembi-limbi-.
, .
 The interrogative aaverbial nouns used t~ question the
quantity are formed by the addition qf thr; bound stems -coral'?

-core, -ceka, -cEka or -cayi to the interrogative root e-

ecorolecora 'how mu~h', !h.pw many'
ecgkalecEka %ow much'
ecay i 'how much'
The interrogative adverbial nouns used to question the time
are formed by tbe addition of the bound stem -aelal -ccta 'to the
interrogative root e-
ecela
, . 'when' eceta 'at what time'
The following forms are also derived from the interrogative
root e-.
ece bGla 6at what time'
ece\ ava 'never, always' (used only in the
negative seqse)
The use of interrogativee
evasi amba?asi? 'Who is he?'
ambayi kuvlin usi mane? 'Who is pounding rice? '
(fcm. sg.)
i mihi manu?
a m b a ~ Eyu 'Who are bathing? '(fern. pl.)
ambariki nali mane? 'Who has a gun?'
jTruta vghi macati 'To whom did you speak
ambasara??'(ambsrasi) while coming on the way?'
j6li ti?
The interrogative pronoun is used in the negative sentences
also.
embasari E tlyuta bajali 'No one was able to go to
gdaaateri that places.
ambasari imbese hilovori 'No one is here' ,

embaaayi jiici k i ~ e 'No one will load it rap'

 Further, the interrogative pronoun is used to put the
question expressing indefiniteness in a group or totality. L.
. ,
ernb'a?asi manjifi kodali 'Did anyon&,oometo bbg
.,viitesi ki? rice?'
nijmeri taki ~nariva 'Did anyone die of f e v e r ? " .
h%,teriki? . ,

ambari va idas%mesteri ki? 'Did anyone see this?'

aminani va tiinmu 'You cut down anyone'.
Gni kiidi s;ti va t a ~ m u 'Bring any kind of food'.

The interrogative pronoun is used in making statements as

the following.
ambaqasi tfinesi f vasi jakela 'Whoever kills will also die'.
hanesi
h a ? %venji Pdas%begi 'W ha tever you hear, you
bana 5di ' quickly forget'.
embtisi C barbgyani 'Whoever will kill those pigs
gayinesi Evanaki o5 ma5ga will give my daughter to
bs'ha kisE him'.

Aherbial Nouns
balti ina biya iti t iP "Wheredid you put the
bucket?'
ecora kbdin nehi manu? 'How many cows are good?'
ninu ambiytz hajimji? 'Where are you going?'
ecela vtlti? 'When did you come?'

3.35. Numerals
Numerals are a sub-class of nouns, since tbey are usually
ihflected for case. Ruvi has native numerals for 'one' and 'two';
the numerals used for other numbers are of IndoeAryan origin,
i.e.. borrowed from the Qriya laaguage.
 The simplest form of the first numeral is r6 'one'; of the
second it is r i 'two'. These are metathesised forms of the original
aumerals in Dravidian and they really function as adjectives.
rb kokasi boy, ri kokari 'two' boys'
r6 k5c;ii 'a cow" rT k6did "WO COWS"

Numerals belongiag to the non- masculine gender are used

both as nouns!in t h e nominative case and as attributes to the
following head.

ripdi vgtu 'two women/ani~alscameD

r o d i Qya 'one woman'
rondi k6di 'one cow"
risdi p6daii two girls'
rindi neska 'two dogs'

r'btse first two numbers are declined as follows:

Non-rnascs~line Femiriine Neutet

(fern &neut,)
Nom. ronQi 'one' rindiska 'two' . ripdi 'two"
Oen. ro~dani ri~diska rindani
Acc. rondais ri~diska~i ri~dacrg
Dat. rondaoaki ringiskaki ripdanaki

The masculine appellative numerals are also formed by the

addition of the appropriate suffixes (3.44) t o the adjectival stems
of the first two numbers.
robosi 'one man3 ri'2ari 'two wen'

These are declined like other tegular masculine nouns (3.44). .

The follohing complex words are also formed from the

first t WO numerals,
 ro9onilrooni 'day befbre $est6tdayY
-,
rokoni 'apart from one place'
robecre 'together, jointly, in one accord9
roiorotari 'one by one'
rtileoe 'of the same size'
rocekar 'a little', a few'(ro-ideka)

rr"- 'two'
rilfal 'two days'
rihr Ltwice'
rijo 'next house, second houseT

For the numerals after two, Oriya a u m ~ a l s are used.

Even for the two the Indo-Aryan words are used in counting. The
following are the basic Indo-Aryan numerals used in Kuvi.
liibo 'one' (lit. profit)
diiyi #twoy
tini 'three'
siiri a four'

pass Gfive9
S ii 'six'

nO/niiho nine'

The word eka 'one' is also used for the first numeral.
The word used for twenty is kO~i/kS;e 'score'. Occasio-
nally it ,is said as li6reka (k@i +
eka 'one score')
In Kuvi beyond twenty is not counted, except in the multi-
ples of twenty.
 k6ri doso 'thir tyB
r'i k b ~ i 'forty' \1

r i kbri doso 'fifty'

tini kBpi 'si~ty'
pasa k8yi 'hundred'
r6 vanja 'one hundred'
plsa koyi and r6 vanja a& aiternatitrely used
p Por oae
hundred,
The word for thousand is mhneka. It is a coahbination of
two words, viz., mkna 'measure' and eka 'one'. liojaro 'thousand'
is also alternatively used for thousand.
The numerals (except the first two) a n always construed
a Connection with personsi and ofted
with the enumerator j a ~ in
with gota in connection with things,
t i n i j a ~ karma
a gatari 'three poor people'
sgta jana gurka 'seven gurus'
dhyi k6ri j a ~ nHtotari
a 'twenty villagers'
sata jaga poday% %even girls'
sari gota pfinga 'four flo wen'
tini gota d6kay% Yhree pots'
ssta gota banda ggokotl %even heron&
sata gota glnja koyu 'seven roostersb
sgta gota guduyg 'seven eggs'

4 . Noun Derivation e

3.40. In Kuvi there ate different types of aouns derived

from various roots by the addition of one o r more derivational
suffixes. These derived aouns are morphologidally complex steins
and they behave like simple stems in entering into inflections of
number, gender and cases. The formations of the different classes
of derived nouns are discussed here.
 3.41. There is a class of nouns, in which the derivative
morphs indicating the difference in thd sex of the - involved
are derived from free or bound roots. The derivative mo'rphs
involved are { -esi a-a 1 'male' and 'I -&i CO -i 'female'.Most
of these notans cmsist of pltirs of stems, one dsnoting the
masculine gender and another the feminine.
By the addition of .esi and -eni
kangra- kadgreiesi 'thief' (m) kaiigre~i 'thief' f f )
kiimbra klmbrevesi 'blacksmith'(m) kgmbreni 'blacksmith' (f)
k.iivi kiivesesi . I 'kond man' kiive~i fkond woman'
koh- .kohsesi . 'police man' kiiheni,
gah- gahevesi 'man of the gaher!i 'woman o f the
gahesi horse keeper horse keeper
caste' caste'
g%- gahesi 'man who buys gaheni %ornan who
old vessels' buys olavesseIs9
goti gotesesi 'servantf(xn) goteni 'servanti (f) '

gol- gglesesi . 'man of the goleni 'woman of the

shephered shephered
caste' caste9
!W%@- E!ogdo 'tall man' gogdeqi 'tall woman'
guru guroesi 'guru' (m) gurupi 'guruB(f)
Qom- d o m e ~ e s i 'man of the dome~ji 'woman of the
Dom caste' Doin castes
ger - deresesi 'weaver' (m) de~cni. : 'weaverP (f)
cs~rceress'
bampc- bamnesesi 'Brabmint(m) b a m p e ~ i 'Brahmin9(f)
medri- medre~esi 'mat- m e d r e ~ i 'mat- makers(f)
malter'(m)
r5n@ riindevesi 'widower' riindeni 'widow'
samdi sa rnde9esi 'relation by samdegi frefatiort..by ..i
' -'

marriage'(m) marriage' (f)

haliya . . halesesi 'servan t'(m) halegi 'servadt'(f)
. ,

havunta . havudte?esi, 'headman' 1 h a u n t e ~ i 'head.,woman9. - . I .

'woman of, the

Sulndi caste'
<, ..
 To some, cases only one stem (either of masculine gender or
of the feminine) is in vogue or is recorded..
\.

kamsaIa kamsale?esi "~ldsmitlh'

j6ru j6ye9esi "one. man in the pair'
&ripe- $aiueoesi young man, servant'
tone ~t6nevesi "friend9 (m)
pcnu pcnevesi 'deceased person3
- bejeqi 'shamanin' .
potl- potlesesi : father-in-law9
b5nj - bsnjeoi "barren woman'
bfma- .bimeqesi Y r a i n - g ~ d. '
rnarnd- marndesesi wife's younger
brother"
By the addition of - a and -i 'i

kan-(kanu) kana 'blind man9 ' kdni "blind woman'

kuj- kuja "short rnan-uji 'short woman'
kol- kbla % "man with koli "woman with
deformed deformed
hand9 hand'
eul-(g0 ti)
L
gula 'dumb mhnv guli 6dumb' woman'
jagl- jagla 'fool' jagii ' 'foolB(f)

taimgr- tafigra 'bald man' taAgri 'bald woman"

dokr- dokra "husband' tjokr i 'wife"
604- dola 'child' (m) doli 'child' (f)
tevl- tevla 'proud manp tevli 'proud woman'
tPkl- tekle "as tid ious aekli Y'astidious
person' (m) person' (f)
nag- nagra , "naked man' magi I 'naked woman'
bananj- bananja , 'nephewP bananji 'niece'
burh- butha (old man' burhi 'old woman'
be bg- be bra "dumb man' bebri . 6 d ~ m bwomanP
imutk- mutka ' . 'person with rnutki 'woman with
. . deformed. deformed
fingers' (m) fingers'
-l' mur'f- murla 'man with murli 6woman with
crooked ear' crooked ear'
siineq- siine~a 'prostitute'(m) s5neni 'prostitute' ( f )
sot- sota 'lame man' soti 'lame wo&an'
PG$- pstila 'dwarf' (m) pijfi 'dwarf' (f)
Kinship terms when they are used in special reference to
third person, always take the derivative suffix -esi.
hone honesi son. in-law'
mirve mirsesi 'son'
samdi samdeses i 'relation by ri arriage'
3.42. There is a class of stems derived from nominal or verbal
roots by the addition df certain derivative suffixes. In the following
derived nouns, the roots are overtly known and are active but the
suffixes are not-
3. 42. 1. Nominal Roots
iiyu meat' iiski 'desire for meat9
Zyu water' eski 'thirst'
kanu 'eye ' kandru 'tears'
jivu *life" ji tomi 'salary', jipka 'profession'
jGnu 'back' jEco 'behind'
3. 42. 2. Verbal Roots
kakv(i)- 'to vomit' kakva 'vomit' kak-va
kug(i)- 'to sitp kugi 'seat' kug-i
n&k(i)- 'to lick' naki 'palm of
hand9
nak- ki

nb- :'to pain' n6hi .

. 'pain' n b -hi
pap- 'to receive * pggvsa 'first horn9 pig-va
hig- "to shave' higpa 'razor ' hin-pa
.hiip(~)- 'to spit' hfipka 'spittle' h5p-ka
mah- .'to be dirty9 m2ci Virt' msc-i
re&g(i)- !to be brokeny rekq 'section' rek-ku
rup(i)- 20 tie a r o u n d Y u p o n i 'ring ' rup-oni
guk- 'to cough' goki 'cough" gok- ki
musk- 'to bark3 usku 'barking' musk-u
rnupk(i)- 'to urinate9 munka "urine' rnul!. ka
rii- 'to plough, ruki 'ox' lu-ki
vig(i)- * t o -thatch' vika 'thatches' vik-ka. .
veh- C t o become vEk i 'hot ' vE-ki
hot'
ha- - 'to die' h5ki 'death' ha- ki
vand(i)- 'to t%ste' vapda , 'taste' vagd-a
3.43. Active suffixes of nominal d e r i v a t i ~ nare very few ia Kupi.
Most of the suffixes have become unproductive but occur in ih- .
herited words, many of which, perhaps, would not call for analysis.
Such unproductive suffixes are numerous, but they are represented
by a small number of examples. The analysed roots d o not occir
in isolation.
- u ~ :i lekuni 'chisel' hanuqi 'basket'
jgiiuni 'tail'
-uni : pj tsuni Ctailo f a bird' - ,

.uli : kuduli 'log' kskuli 'miserably poor.'

p~iyu1.i 'worm' pubuli 'butterfly'
hefiguli 'itch'
-uri : neb?pri 'dog'
-eni : bundegi 'name of a pihegi 'flat sieve'
tree'
pilleni 'novel' befeni 'head-pad' .'
*emi : ademi 'mirror'
-eyi,: pgqeyi 'seed' ' rn6deyi 'name of a tree'
-eri : tBmberi 'lotus' visteri 'leaf-plate'
-ehi : lapefi 'chin '
-eli : armeli 'period of heat' kambeli fbit terness'
kundeli 'cone shaped kringeli 'cricket '
container'
kundeli 'tuft of hair' tiirpbeli 'tortoise'
niirigeli 'plough' si he1i 'small c10 t hes"
-esi : mutqesi 'wart' myrsesi 'back bone'
-eai : dindeni 'bladder'
-oni : koto ni 'slezpiness' ko h o ~ i 'el bo W'
govopi 'jews harp'
-0ni : \ o c oi~ 'riddle' ciconi 'go U t.d9 .'
- ,

pusponi . 'story' muconi 'upper tail of a

bird'
 "huse-hold g a t i a t ~ m i 'b&abtyb
'wax' s a h v ~ o m i 'chicken hawk'
..,
ospori 'burden' k6sori 'bonus''

gidsori 'tickle' tEpori . 'roof'

eendori 'foil gued tOpori g head-scarf

'lohori ' 'food' kilofi 'shouting'

'leafy' jonjoli %eve'
'crab ' pemboll 'foam *
'shout iog' pif ovi "rong'
m%tovi 'temptation' muklovi 'release'
'twist' retavi 'smootbnessd
"rine' r Zka 1
vengeance'
dobga 'valley *
korgi $hoe'
korgo 4hollow ira
the treei
'pumpkin:' dumda "having loin
9trelliss cl0 t h'
6eaves' kam~a '~sQv~,
'catapult* jarna "spring'
"are' dabpa %id d'
'small poad'
'chain9
wind&pipe'
s h a r ~t!'e ~
4 ~ ~ 1 1, g
'two days' n'e9cni 'yesterday
"ay before hiesni %hie in the
yesterday' rtnor tar
"skull"
tortoise'
pi: 'do W nd kcrpi "small clay
-
p0 t'
munrntu %rea of work'
ku&i 'hill- side, slopsd
- ru: kutru 'stzl k' kudru 'top :of $ireapIaceD
.g: sip~i 'container made of leaves' . a . 75,

-1a: undfa 'wave', ggokla .'throatt . '. .

4: kupli 'hillock' jam bli 'bail'

drahli 'rag'
3 .

A va : kopa 'fat' r6wa C ~ ~ ~ .t a.

hukva 'dried fish'
.
- VU:
,
' t
karvu 'famine' .
',

The derived noun-stems formed from the demonstrative and

. I .I

interrogative roots by the addition of appro,priate su'ffixes are . '

discussed in separate sections(3.33,34). < .

The most common and productive type of derivation i s

formed bq. the addition of r he various pronominal suffixes t o rhe
nominal; adjectival and verbal roots. By this derivation the
,

appellatlve nouns and participial nouns (3.44,45)are forked.

, .

Nouns derived from the personal pronouns and numerals

by the addition of appropriate suffixes are a l s o discussed under
the heading appelliative nouns (3.44). .. . . . ,
The two types of verbal nouns dealt with separately (3i46.1.2)
are aiso types of noun deriva tlon. .. ,.

Compounds ~ l awhich two or -more roots or 'stems are

combined to act as single morphological nucleus replaceable by'simple
noun stems may also be taken as a type of noun-derivation(3.5). :
3.44.0. AppelIa t ive Noulas
3.44.0 Thesimple nouns generally do not distinguish
person, whereas obe appellarive nouns regularly show the distinction
. .
of person and number- gender like finite verbs. The appellativc
nouns are formed from the noun, adjective, adverb o r adverbial
naun stems often by the addition of a nominalizing morpheme
followed by various personal suffixes. . .

gurut e?< '1 am a guru' . ,

LajatesG 'H a m a big person'

 C iflteteoa 'I aisl a different person'
dgyutes: 'I am the last one'
3.44.1. The nominalizing morpheme bat* occurs in the first
person and secoed person and -a- in the third person. /-at-/ has
WO other allomorphs. -ot- which occurs when preceded by a stein
with final -o and a t - when preceded by a stem with final vowel,
while /-a-/ has the allomorphs -odoccuring after &o ending stems
and $ after the noun stems.
nehi 'good'
1st sg. nehate~g 2nd sg. nebati 3rd sg, nehasi nehayi
1st pl. nehatomi 2nd pl, nehateri 3rd pl. nehari neha~i
nehatovi

ro~otesg 'lotheone rowti 'youathe one4 roqosi 'he -the

one
ghru 'ptCe8t9
guruted 'I-tbe guru" . gurdti 'youdthe garu' gurubsi
'he- the guru'
3,4420.All appellative nouns distinguish person, but a
number of appelstive nonns denote the possessive or l a c a t i ~ erea
Pationship of a person or an object in addition t o the persond
These appellathe nouns take an additional morpheme denoting
possession o r location, which occurs between the stems and the
nominali~ingmorpheme.
3.44.21. The appellative ocruns referring ta gossessian
(ownership), relationship, etc. are formed from the nonns and
adjectives by the addition of gat- denoting possession followed
by the oominalizing suffix and various personal sufhxes.
Bosaessior~ .
Nonn stems
1st sg. ilugataterd (person possessing a house)
1st pl, ilugaiatomi
 lstq.51. . *. ' iluga1atbvi
2nd sg. ilugatati
2nd pl. ilugata teri
3rd sg. ilugatasi
3rd sg. ilugatayi
3rd pl. ilugatari
3rd pl. , ilugatdii
herugatasi 'theTha,nwith 'the
plough'
'the tree with leaves'
'she the wise person'
'he -. the fat man' .
Adjective stems
muskigatasi 'a stingy man'
~ i l i g a t a iy 'a blue ob;jedtt
iminigatas i ' w h a t kind of main- he'
Relationship
dokrigatayi 'wife' ,

tanjigatayi 'father'
burhagatasi 'old man'

In the appellat ive nounsdbnd tiog relationship, the possession

of some quality or relationship is referred to an,d hence they ?are
not inflected for negative. . . ,,

But in the case of 'appeltative nouns expressing the owner-

ship of some external possession, the negative can be expressed by
inserting a negative relative particible of the auxiliary Bil- to be
not' and in some cases by inserting the negative relative participle
of 5- 'to be' between the stems and gal-
aka hilavagstayi 'the tree 'without leaves'
ilu hilava e d a b i "tlie man without a house'
kokari pbdali g?a gatayi the woman without*chi1,dren'
3.44.22. T h e appe1latii.e nbhns ik'ferriog 'to ,location o f
place, time or t)pe are forked from ihe notin, adveib or adverbi,al
-
ooun stems by the addition of -t- denoting location, followkd by
the oominaliziog morpheme and personal suffixes.
*

Stem-based classification
noun
joypurutasi 'a man of Jeypore'
putusiltasi 'a man of Putisil village'
6 niitotasi 'a man o f that village'
adverb
lagextasi & abad maaP
ila t asi tb'is kind of mand
etke tasi tbe different man'
adverbial noun
883 U t asi 6the last man'
jPco r asi 'the following man*
ni~jutasi 'the person of to-day'
tolitayi 'the first one*
mad i t asi "he middle one' (masc. )
r

ambitasi 9vhich place-he belongs tog

am bitstri 'which plase-they belong to'

Isrcatim 04 place
ambitayi "where is she horn?'
leko task 'the man from above'.,
: , ~ b ~ i t a f 3 'the one from rmderneath'

foiatim o f time
' ', reqenitay i 'the one belo0gifig to yesterday"
I : $ '

. ofnjutayi' 'he one @eloogiagto to-day

." .
f&afisa d type
! 1 lagerrtayi.. , 'the bad one,$ . k
,
*

ila t ~ i ".4bis ~ ,ofd <ease'

, t 9 * . , L
- The sppellative nouns denoting location will be con$pted
as follows. ,
Y
nayulnzito- 'village'
-. . * ,
sg= PI* ..
1st person n8to tate9"e n8to tatomi
niifotatovi
2nd person niltotatati n Q o tateri
3rd person nato tasi ngtotari

. .
l- 3,44.3: Personal Suffixes . .

-3.44.31. The personal suffixes for the first and second person
appellative noun are identical- t o those of tbe 1st and 2nd person
past tense finite verbs (5.3 1.21 .)
c .

sg PI.
kaja 'big' 1st person kajatevg kajatomi
kajatovi
2nd person kajati kaja teri
3.44.32. The personal suffixes for the third person appellative
nouns are the following.
-(e)si mas. sg.
-(e)ri mas.pl.
-yi non-mas. sg.
-oi nonamas. pf.
sg P]*
3rd person kajasi kajari
kajayi kajavi -a[
- esi -
eri - -a -ri
3.44.33. In the case of third persbn masculine and feminine
appellative nouns that are derived from simple nouns and that
denote only person distinction without referring to a possession o.r,
location, the third personal suffixes are:
kiivevesi -esi (mas.sg.)
kiivinga -6ga--yB---n (mas. pl.)
kGvepi ieni (fern. sg.)
' 2,

ktiveniska ,' -eniska (fern. p].)

 5.44.4. Anofther type of pp*ppqllqtive qopq is, fqrm,e,da fr,om
the oblique-genitive stems of the first and second person by the
addition of the suffixes of the different demoqstrative . , . pronoun^,
, . 5 ..:
i
i i i e take ~tbi
-asi, -ari, -di, and - v i . When the ~ b l i ~ u e - ~ e n i stems
non- masculine suffixes, the nominallzing suffix is absent;
, r . S - ; l t
. ..
whereas
' i

when they take the masculine suffixes. th; stem-final voviki is

shorteeed before the nominalizing suffix, which is preceded by a
glottal stop corni~gin between the stems aod the suffixes. I

nasasi na-?-a-si 'my man' nasari na-o-a-ri .'my men'

nrdi nii-di *mywifc,thing' niivi nii-vi 4
% qwives,
~
t h-iqgs'
masasi 'our man' maoari ' o h men' - "
EdSdi 'our thing' m%vi 'OUT women,
things'
niqasi 'your (sg.) man' niclari 'your (sg.)
men'
nidi 'YOUC (sg .) nivi (sg.) '.
wife, thing' wives, t hings'
misasi 'your (pl.)maa9 rnicrari 'your (pl.)
.. ..men' .
midi 6 y o ~ (rpl. ) mivi 'yqur . .
+ l -

wife, t bing ' women,

things'
3.44 5 . Appellative nouns are formed by postposing -vayi
or -va?i to the oblique stems of t l a u 'he, she, it' tPmbu 'they'
and to those of demonstrative pronouns.
tani vayi 'his o w n thing, his' tani vasi 'his own things'
(PI*)
tami vayi 'their own thing, theirs' tami va?i (pl.)
Pvaqa vaqi 'his thing, his' C v a ~ avasi (pl.)
evara vayi 'their thing, theirs' Evara vasi (plc)
Appeliat ive Nouns > a

3 44 61. Noun Stems

nista iistatecr~' :I ,am lazy '
mTjo mijotasi '+aIJI~~LJof your Rpuse'
,: I F

miya m3ya teo3 'I a@ your wlh@

*X ,
 kiivi
ameri ka
kiivena te%
amerikatasi
"+ 2 aarp kuvi'=
' S >S.S

maifrom ~ r n e b &
3.44.62. Ad jectirsl stems .-
a. proper
*-. . , -
ici icasi 'small person'
ktogi krogi tes8 'I. am
_ very young'
* , . % I ~
. .

'I5 am this person' ,

'I am that persog
!
'I am the over
there' :trl

c interrogative
S.&!*
eni 'what' 1st person &natesG
2nd person Enati
3rd person enasi enari
enayi Enasi
imini Cwhich'I st person
, . ., iminates: iminatomi
2nd person iminati imiaateri
3rd - ...ers son r i b

imiliasi iminari
iminayi
( I
iminaqi
ambi- 'who' 1st person ambatesz ambatomi
2nd person a&bati irnCater'i
3rd person ambasasi ambasari
ambayi ambasi
ambi-t- #where, of which pIace'
l s t person
. . ambatate% ambatatomi
2nd person ambatati ambatateri
3rd person ambitasi amtbjtaii
ambi tayi ambitacri
d. numerals
rb 'one' ri 'two' C D

1st person rooo te?Z

. .. riqatomi
2nd person ro?otj riqateri
3rd person rososi risati
roqdl rindi
106

3.44.63. Adverbial stems

lagese lageqetasi . L..
'ba$Plnan: >
I' $

t olise tolitasi . 'tkd

, first man'
nijkese n6ketasi \/'the front man, leader9

3.44.64 Adverbial noun stems

imbese imbe tasi 'the man of this place
kusi kus tari 'people from above'
heko beko t ayi 'the distant one'
day U diiyutasi 'the man who comes
after'
3.45. Participial Nouns
3.45 0. The participial nouns, occuriog in all tbe three persons,
are formed from tbe different teose stems of verbs by the addition
of a aominalizing morpheme and appropriate person suffixes.

Though the appellative nouns and participial nouns are

nouns derived from simple stems, the participial nouns distinguish
themselves from the former by beiag formed from the verbal stems
and by showing the tense distinction also. However, the partici-
pial nouns may be treated as' a sub-class of nouns in the language

The verbal nouns denote only the action, whereas the parti-
cipial nouns denote not only the action but also the actor, althoughL
,
both of them are derived from verbal stems (3.46).

3.45.1. The paiticipial nouns show person, number - pod

tense distinctions. . .

Singular Plural
? . .
h.
1st person . hi tates"e hitatomi
hinatesz hiaatomi
hi tatovi
hjnatovi
 2nd petsob h! tati httaterj
? .
hina t i dinate;!
<< '
3rd person * hitasi hi tari
hfnasi hTn af i . 7

hitayi hitagi a
hznayi hl'nasi
3.45.2 Persoha1 su'ffixes rot the participial' noun'$ arc the
'same a s those' for the appellative nouns, i . e., for the first and
second person they art identical t o those of the past finite verbs
(5.31 21) and for tbe third person, a. diffsreot set of personal
suffixes as already described (3.44.32).

3.45.3. . Participial nouns take a nominaliziog suBx, between

the tense suBx and personal suffix, wbich has t W O allornorphs eat-
nccurring in the first ahd second persons and -a - occurring in the
third per sob^
kCpi- 'to buildb, 'to makc'
raaltSIu kgpitated '1, the ohe who made itb
n%nu k~pinateqi *I, the one who bakes it' -
n?n U kepitati "ou, the one Who made it'.
~Inu kepinati $You, the o ~ makes
e it'
evas5 k6pi tasi rBe, the one who made it' -

Evasf kepinasfi #]He, the one who makes it'

participial nouns are farmed from the durative and perfective

tense 'verbal stems also;
vtihi macasi Ihe who was comingP
&hi manasi %he who is coming'
vaha macasi %be who had come'
vgha mhnasi , 'he who has cam' .(

f 45.4. hJegati've past participial nouns are farmed by

Waxing the negative morpheme immediately after the verb stem
hnd in the Case of past dbrative and perfective participial nouns
by converting the auxiliary man- 'to be' into hil- 'to be nots.
 (past) ka&a k isatasi 'he who did hot :workf
(past duratiye) kia'ma kihi hilaqatasi 'he who was not doing+,

'work'
(past perfective)
kama'k'ibs hilasatasi 'he who bad not worked'

Negative non- past participial nouns are formed by conver-

ting -tbp verb stem into negative non-past stem and by
combining gat- to it, with appropriate suffixes.
'he who ddes n6t work'
! l
i In the case of non past durative and perfective participial
'I i
nouns, the negative non-past stem of h i l to'be not' replaces man-
4tobe', followed by gat- and other suffixes.
(non-past kama kihi hilasa gatasi 'be who is n o t working'
durative) . . . .

kama kiha hilasa gatasi 'he who has not worked'

3 45.6,'~ii~ic;'pial
'h8iiris 'are regularly forbed from the personal
obj;kArb'ste'&s
...,I C
a

hi- 'to,'give' ; ' h,ila- 'to give' (persooal object stem)

11 ! hitasi bipatasi
l I
htdasi hiy anasi
jap- 'to teach' japba 'to teach' (personal abject stem)

'll'
$1

li
h
3.45.7. The following enamples will illustrate the formation of
l11
participial nouns from different verbal stem classes.
I1/i Class I .jBli- 'to speak6
Singular ~ l ~. r- a l
l st person jalitates: j6li tatomi
j6litatovi
 2nd pdsons j0li tati jblitateri
3rd perS6b j6lit asi j6litari
.-~
jditayi jalitaii ,

Class 11 hi- 'to giveb. The different forms are already. o i t d

( 3 45.1)
Class 111 rat- 90 out'
l st person tatbate?$ ~athatomi
rathatovf
2nd person ratbati laathateri
3rd person rathasi rathari
. . . rathay i rathasi
Class IV tin- 'to eat'
1st person ticate95 ticatom5
t icatovi
2nd person ticati t ica teri
3rd person ticasi eicari
t icag i t ica9 i

(Class v de3- " 0 open'

1st persob deta te98 de tatomi
detatovf
2nd persoln detati detateri
3rd person detast t i e tari
detayi det a ~ i
Ciass V1 doh- 'to build"
I st person dos ta test dost atom$
dostatovi
2nd person dostati dostateri
3rd person dos tasi dostari
dostayi dostaei
The third person non-masculine singular par ticipia! noun
a n d the verbal noun (3.46.1) are identical in form, though the
former denotes not only the "action" but also the "actor" and
the latter denotes the "action' ' alone. Also they. differ .considera-
bly in their usages a t the syntactical level.
 Participial nouns may also be described as being formed
from the adjectival participle stems by the addition of the appro-
priare personal suffixes. . \

I\

3.46.1. Verbal Noun

*

The tense-related verbal noun is formed by the addition of

/-nayil to the verbal stems.
jiip(i)-nayi 'learning'
hi-nayi 'giving'
kak-nay i 'laughing'
tin-nayi 'eating'
ka?-nayi 'watching'
goh-nayi 'drinking' (2.12 Rule 8)
Tbe suffix /-nayil may further be segmented as - n ayi and
these may be identified as
non-past lease mar.kcr and
verbal noun marker
The segmentation of the suffix onayi into constituents is
further supported by the rare occurrence of also the past tense
verbal nouns, which are formed by the addit ion of 1-tayil or its
allomorphs to the verb stem.
v & - * t ocome' vgtayi "he having come9
kep(i) - *todo7 kepi tayi 'the having done'
hal-'to go' hacay i 'the having gone'

The suEx ,ltayi!

- and its allornorphs can be segmented into
past tense morpheme and verbal n&n marker -ayi. Though the
use of the past verbal
. . noun is allowed in the language, it is seldom

used.
This type o f verbal noun is capable of being preceded by the
adverbs and verbal participles. Fur tber; they occasionally o c c u ~
as predicates ' also, though not necessari ty agreeing with the
subject.
koja nenje takayZ :vii knayi. '(They)bave to pour money to
fiil the foot-prints'
 -ggg3

Only the nos-past verbal noun which is frequent in the

language is used in the obligative mood (5.46).
.
niinu joypuru hanayi wane 'I must g o t o Jeypore'
This kind of verbal noun is tense as well as action related
and is hence mid-way between the verbal nouns formed by thl:
addition of the s u f f ~ t/-vu/ o r its allomorphs and participial
iuouns (3 44). . +

5.46.2. Verbal Nohh

A different type of vetbal noun, which is not related to
any tense but to action alone, is formed by adding the suffix
I ~ V or
U ~its allomorphs t o the verb stern. This may be .identified
as aspect-related verbal noun.
pervha per-v u 'liftingb
halvu hal-v u 'going'
The allomorphs of the verbal noun suffix are L- - U which
occurs after the stems of class I, bvu which occurs after those of
class II[ and those ending with final -l and -1, -mbu which occurs
after the stems of class 1V and -pu wbicb occurs elsewhere.

End(i)~ endu "dancing"

kut (i)- kutu "S titchingb
f 61(i)- 561u 'speaking'
p%c(i)- p%cu 'singing'
p-it(i) - pttu 'passiag wind'
batk(i)~ ba tka ' "iiving'
Lah(i)- viiha g weariness'

ki- kivu "oing"

\g- &vu 'corn ing'
h1 - hivu
gok- gopku 'coughing' (2.16 Rule 41)
ggak- gbapku 'stabbing'
j a p- j l pu 'teaching:
mit- mC tpa "bathing'
 sir- sirvu 'going bad9
pGp- pD@pu 'ob taiping'
in- iqmbu . 'saying' -\

pun- pu~mbu 'knowing' (2.14. RuIe 13)

yen- venmbu !asking'
ah- aspu 'hold ing'
goh- gospur 'driaki~g'
meh- mespu 'seeing'
3.5. Compoonds
3.50. ' A word consisting of more than ose stern is called a com-
pound, i.e., in a compound two o r more stems are oombined toge-
ther t o form a morphological construction t o act as a single nucleus
capable of being replaced by a simple noun-stem.
A compound can clearly be distinguisbed from a phrase on
the following g&unds2:
5. Acompoundasaconstit~ltewitbitsconstituentmembers,
as a whole, behaves like a single word.

2. Iprertioa of any phonetic break or pause is not usually

permissible between the coast itueots of a compound.
3. Ia essence, it is not possible to expand a compound by
inserting anothel stem or word between its constituents without
nullifying its compound nature.
4. Certain compounds may show irregular morpbophone-
mic variants of constituent morphemes, dot otherwise foi~ndin
tbe language.
In Kuvi mosi of the compounds take noun-stems as beads
-h,\

d ~of the sami distribution as simple

and thus those ~ o & ~ o u aare
nouns, i.e., they have the same external privileges s s their noun
hcdds. ~ufthkr,'almost 'all compouod constructions are endo-
centric and thus ihe members of compounds form immediate con-
stituents among ihehselv~s.
 Ail the endo-centric compounds in Kuvi can be divided
into twa claSses :
1. Sub-ordinate compounds
2. CO-ordinate compounds
3.5 1. Sub-ordinate Componnds
3 5 1 .O. A sub-ordinhte cornpounif consists of two dobstituents.
'

Usually the prepound is a noun or an adjective which acts as an

attribute to tbe following posipound head. The sub ordinate
compounds can b: sub-classified into various groups on the basis of
the semantic relationship between the constituent mcmbeis and the
extent of the freedom of occurrence of the member-constituents.
3.51 . l . The most common class of compounds in ~ u v iconsists
'
of names of trees, plants, birds, fruits, animals, months, etc., in
which the prepound denoting a specific name is folldwed by a
postpound denoting a generic name or a classifier.
(a) marnu 'tree' .
karn ji martlu 'kam ja tree'
kisi marnu = akind of tree' :

kendu marnrr 'ebony tree'

tifi marnu 'palm tree' ,
teku marnu ' teak tree'
dameni marnu 'dhamon tree'
pipe~imarnu 'pipal tree'
prodi marnu 'banyan tree'
mardi marnu 'saj t:ee'
limba marnu , 'neem tree*
leli marnu 'tamarind tree*
vengeri marnu bija tree'
hargi marnu 'sal tree'
(b) knca 'greens, vegetables, etc.'
kena kuca 'grass like greens'
kspa kuca ' 'leaves of kopa plant used for cook-
ing'
'
1114

giiresi kuca cress9

a

knesesi kuca # a kind of vegetable9 c\

mara kuca 'a kind af greens9

hgpu kuca 'leaves of thorny plants used fot
cooking9
(C) kona 'root, edible tuber, bulb'
pmdo kuna .a type of forest edible roots .
mfilu kuna 'sweet potato'
ragi kuna 'sweet potato'
dsiadi kuna .edible tubers
hbpa kuna
(d) kaya 'fruit'
pllu kiya "papaya'
mayi kaya/k8yu 'berry used for edible oil9
limba kgy& 'lemon fruit' , .

(e) Q n 'water'
4sa Eyu 'spring water'
kaQa eya 'river-water'
g6no &yu 'muddy water'
pula Gyu tamarind water9
sala gyw. 'butter milk'
(p) niyri 'oil, honey, etc.'
kriyP nhytX 'honey' (bee)
piiki niya 'honey' (flower)
bsmi n3yO 'kerosene oiln
mayika n5y 0 'gingelly oil'
(g) plyu 'rain'
jimbri piyu Wrizzle'
varda p3yu 'torrential rain"
(h) s5pa 'chick-pen*
saga kind
% i of peas"
bkmi sZqa ' 'peanut'

(f) pvqa 'bird' .

karguqi pota
bira p o p
 kuperi pota ccuccoo bird' -. .
krasni pota , ,'tiger bird'
jeta pota 'sparrow' h

piporofi pof a 'king fisher'

ad. . harguni pofa . . 'wood-pecker'

(j) kati 'small bird'

cicini kgfi . ' warbler bird' .
j ~ t akati sparroW '
dupa kari .'a kind of bird'
(k) -poti 'fish, fish-like animals'
pana poti - ' tadpole'
pita pot] ' a kind of fish'
(I) vihg 'bee, fly'
tEkeri vihg 'honey-bee'
piiru vih% 'sma\t fly'
(m) riicu 'snake'
k6ia r5cu 'python'
n5ga racu "0 bra'
(a) knpi 'crab, crab-like'
kaca kupi 'scorpion'
hijru kupi 'a type of crab' I S

(8) orli 'rat, mouse, etc.'

kbca orli #field rat"
d6ni orli 'mousep
tili orli mongoose'
mnaski orli 'a kind of rat' l

ssivri orli 'a kind of jungle rat' .

hireli orli * a kind of rat'

(p) vanju 'finger:
kgna vanju 'little finger'
hiita vanju 'index finger'
;8
bQa vanju 'ring finger'
(q) dBka 'pot'
loira d6ka clay-got9
 Cyu d5ka 'water pot'
ggtiya daka 'metal-pot'
holu diika 'ke ttle' c\
?

c;) iln 'boose'

kayidi ilu 'jail'
kotu ilu 'granary'
gotay3 ilu ' 'visitor's house'.
(I) Ienju 'month'
usom IEnju 'summer month'
hireyi 1Gnju ' ~ ~ r month'
i l
(t) vtya 'time, season, - hood, etc'.
kara vEfa 'summer season'
~ i s k avEra 'rainy season'
peni vFla 'cold season'
trgyu vPra 'noon'
kokri vera 'boyhood'
ici vEra 'child hood9
(Q) penu 'god9
jakeri pGnu 'god of food'
jola p&nu 'stream god9
(v) vali 'stone, slab, e tc'.
boyeri vali 'slab for pouqding'
feka vali 'sharpening stone'
hicu vali 'fire-stone9
piriya vali . 'marble- stoneg
h?nga vali , 'pounding stone used for turmeric
and oihir spices'
(W) pg-tau 'bone'
qloveli p r h n '

trggu prCnu 'skull'

pandra prenu 'rib'
(X) bisa 'pain'
L

buka bisa * 'chest-paing

bandi bisa "stomach- painv
palka bisa 'tooth- pain'
 i

127

(3) -manda 'special place'

bEroni manda 'village-meeting place'
mahani manda 'burial place' -
(2) barga . 'stick, stick-like' I

bisa b a ~ g a 'weighing scale'

beti barga 'cane'
huturu barga 'straight stickmade o f ' bambbo'
heti barga 'stick used for carrying sheeves'
3 51.2. Another sub-class of sub-ordinate compounds
consists of a prepound indicating male or female and a postpound
generic name of an animal or a bird.
osri dilu - 'female calf3

ggnja koyu . "rooster'

<ali koyu 'hen'
tali mEgda 'ewe9
duba gori . "a kind of sheep"
~ 6 t umfla "ale goat3
baca dalu g male calf'
bokga gori "ramZ
3.51.3. Another sub-class of compounds denoting kinship
is formed by a noun or an adjective as attribute prepouad and a
noun as head post pound.
ava pOya @sister- in-law' (elder broa herbS
wife)
tayi potlescsi 'brother- in-law'
tanga mgnga 'grand mdaugbter'
tafigi poya 'sister-in-law' (younger brother's
wife)
tayi mMga %we3
tayi mir9esi "nephew'
rneh~1,atahgi 'cousin (cross) sister'
mehena tayi 'cousin (cross) brother3
fci iya 'dmaternalaunt'
6ca iya 'S tep-mother'
kaja Bba - 'uncle' (father" sder brother)
3.51.4. The fourth sub class of sub ordinate compounds of' con.
stituents, both occurring free elsewhere in the language. The pre-
-,
pound is generally a noun functioning as attribute or a n adjective.
Some of these compounds have developed idiomatic meanings,
which may be different from those of tbeir constituent members.
a) Noun + Noun
,
mandiya kupa 'stack of cut ragi'
pota b6no 'bird's nest'
hicu gudva 'fire-flame'
k5di dalu 'cow calf'
koyu hipa 'chicken'
gPndu gnduyg 'aluminium anklets' .
murli kriya 'deformed ear' '
Eyu g6ka 'water pot'
Gyu aara 'water channel'
kiivifi naym 'Kuvi village'
eaburi jiiriy a 'money- purse'
kodiii hada 'cattle. shedg
I n t bese compozlnds the perpound is in the plural form.
kada rava 'new tg
kawa jijna 'maize'
tali nbmeri 'mall pox9
pfna gieu POt sherd'
hicu b h d a 'torch'
b) Adjective + Norno
kcogi deru "amboo- sboot"
Tci kokasi 'very small boy9
p u ~ n himbori
i "new clothe"
oehi p6da '~;ood
.L- girl9
PG vanja &onehundredv
kaja marnm %ig tree"
upka mirll~esi 'adopted son"
krogi leniu 'new moon'
arc, deba "once again, (lit, another time)
3 51.5. There is another sub-class of compounds in which either
the prepound or the postpouod is unique or extremely restricted
in distribution, while the other is relatively free. C\

With re stricted head

kaau mats 'eye-lid'
kanu bQru 'eye- lash'
p8Ia cnaki 'palm of the band'
riicu huka 'snake's slough'
arna $&a 'grain products,
'
10ho gondi 'tools for working with iron' * I

jininga je7ls 'handle of the bell'

bbpgtt jesla 'heart'
soba rnunde' * t o p entrance to rice fields"
With restricted attribute
'wild dog'
k(isri gudiya 'fallow field / prepared fieid'
rava gall 'whirl wind'
Zsi k ~ y u 'teal9
vela uli' 'white onion9
rrisakata 'hard word'
sila paciytt 'dhoti3
j d i kodal8 , , ,4webbedfeet" a ' l

mup& u11 c'garlic3

kisi bagla ' s w ~ f tbird9
kisi marnu %I kind of tree9
ko!u ilu 'granarys
Zca rnafiga 'woman'
There are a few sub. ordinate compounds which have . both
the constituents occurring in mutually restricted distribution.
Neither of the constituents occurs in isolation.
ahga para "front yard of the house'
oko paaa 'back yard of the h9ase9
karsa kambi "ear-ring worn by females'
kijnja pirputi 'algae'
k6f.i kara %ook used for working with
. , straw"
 Finally, there are a -very few rub- ordina te compounds with
heads occuring as prepoutids.
*\

kravli dipa 'small axe'

g61i muta 'last house in the lane'
3.52.1. Co-ordinate Compounds
A co-ordinate compound has two or more nuclear
stems and they are pronounced as a single word without any pause
between the constituents. Further no conntctive denoting 'and' is
marked.
kuna kuc6 'edible tubers and vegetables'
jsyu kuca 'vegetables and greens'
keyu kglu 'limbs'
tayi tafigi 'brother- sis ter' (siblings)?
tali tanji 'parents'
b'gnja b h j i 'childless parents'
bufha buthi 'old folks'
hatva jScu 'cooking utensils'
kodi gori 'cattle'
kokariqpodaii 'children'
dokri- dokra 'couple' (husband. wife)
mirka m?tnga 'sons and daugb ters'
vegu Bku 'fire-wood' (sticks and leaves)
dbka mandi 'kitchen utensils9 (lit. pot and
plate)
The fused type of co=&d~natecompounds i s dealt with
separately (3.52.3). . I

3 52.2. ' Intensive Compound

This is a special type of compound consisting of at least
one free constituent followed by a unique bound constituent which
is generally formed by repeating a part of the free'constituents and
which in tensiijes its meaning.
dara mara "rice, etc'
baja g%ja 'musical sounds'
rgha baha 'great pleasure9
 . ' ,

. 16ku bska 'people of all k i d '

himbori diiki 'c10 t hing of various kinds9
koyu moyu 'chicken, etc.'
'\

uli muli "nion and others'

heka duka fibre'
Bstibiisti . 'property, etc'.
Ssti biiri 'property, etc'.
These intensive compounds are similar to the cosordinate
compounds, though one of the constituents in them is always
bound.
Echo-words formed fsom the noun-stems can also be treated
as intensive compounds and as cases of noun-derivation as
we11 (10.2).
3.52.3. Fused Compound
In this compound both the prepound and postpound are
fused together to such an extent that either or both of them show
an irr'egular morphophonemic alteroaot which is not otherwise
common in the language,
iyaba 'parents'
iyona 'this year'
vsnona 'next year'
qiindu 'last year'
~ondu "ear before last year"
kajiya 'aunt' (maternal )
arondi 'another one'
bgekoti 'paddy bird' bnc- koti
gnokoti 'a kind of bird" gpo-koti
rZjo lnex t house', 'another house'
maya "my mother" mlya 'your mother' (sg. & p1
'our mother'
"my father9 miba 'your fatherv (sg & pl,)
'our father'
'my house' mljo 'your house9 (sg. & pl.)
'our house'
 rnspru 'god'
.
. (great person)
r oceka 'a few, a little, something"
\

Formed by the addition of the postpouod -eka 6ooc9 which

is borrowed from Indo- ~ r y a n .
garheka 'a large measure"
viireka 'a full week'
mheka 'thousand' (full)
pompeka 'armful'
groqleka 'a double handful9
jiireka 'one pair9
g areka 'one moment '
kijraka 'one score'
5eceka 'one winnow full of9
3.6+ Adverbial Nouns
3.60. Usually nouas are not only inflected for different cases but
also distinguished for number, viz., singular and plural, But
there is a sub-class of noun-stems in Kuvi, simple as well as deii-
ved, denoting time o r place, which are not distinguished for
number-gender but are inflected for certain cases. They ete.,reel
nouns on the morphological level, although they all function as
pure adverbials at the syntactical level. Some of them take the
adverbial characterizing suffix - e also when they function as
adverbs syntactically.
3.61. They are, herein, identified as adverbial nouns and are
grouped separately- Along with some of them the relzvarat
genitive-oblique sterns or their usual case inflections are also
enumerated here!. ,
atala h a t side" atalf i %f that side'
atalti 'from tbat side9
ambiya 'where' ambiti 'from where'
itala 'this side' italti 'of this side'
it alti 'from this side9
 imbayg 'here' frnbati . 'f'rom here'
i mbiya 'where' imbili 'from where'
-\

'iy ona 'this year3 iyonati 'of the year' ,

f y onati "from this year'
'there' umbaii 'from over therev
'there' embati 'from there'
'wherep tmbitt 'from where'
'behind' jeco ti 'of be hind'
jPcoti 'from behind"
'near gagreti *of near'
xjagreti "from neary
'after9 tjayuti "ofafter9
gayuti 'from after'
dari g near' dariti %f' near'
n i9c lnketi 'of now'
niqeti Yrom now'
to-day9 nlojuti 'of to-day"
nlnjuli 'from to -day'
Soutside' pangati < o f outside'
pangali from outside'
'"dayafter ma?e ti "of day after to-morrow'
to- morrow9 maseti 'from day after to-morrow"
madi 'middle, betweenbaditi sof middle'
rnaditi 'from between'
'against, upon' muhi?ti "of upon'
mubaki 'to upon"
rhni "two days" risniti "of two days'
ripniri %since two days" 1 :
"day before romniti 'of day before yesterdayv
yesterday " rogoniti "since day before yesterday'
'last year" rbguti "of last yeaf
'year before @jgguti 'of year before Iasf year'
last yeai I

'udef . ~akiti 'of under9

1;,6kili "fromaader"
lako/leko 'above' lako ti 'of above"
lakoti 'from aboved
lakok i Eto above' --\

lasi "morning' la~iti 'of morning'

vgnuna 'nextyear' vgnonati 'of next year'
vile 'to-morrow ' viseti @ofto-morro W'
' vi~eti(.re) 'from to-.morrow*
. .
sutu 'around, side' sututi 'of around'
sututi ' from around'
h8m ba??i gyonder over hiimbati "from yonder over there'
there' '

beko 'distance' hekoti 'of distance'

' hekoti ' 'from distance'

The adverbial nouns denoting time and place can be cl assl-

fied into three sub-groups, namely simple, complex and compound
forms.
a '

3 62. l. Simple stems

Time ..
jeco "afterwards'
dayu 'after' -
nioe dno~y
nfnju 'to-day*
mare *day after to- morrow"
'momining'.
'night'
c to-morrow' '

jSco 'behind'
dagreldage 'near'
@yu #after'
dari 'near, along the side of9
. ,

pahga %U tside'
madi 'between'
 mabg 'upon'
;~0kilg6?i 'below'
lako *upon' ...
vaqi *beside, by the side of'
su$u 'around'
heko 'distance'
3.62-2. Complex stems
Time
rimi 'two days'
m e ni yesterdsy'
ro9oni *day before yesterday'
her oni two days ago'
l asisise 'early morning'
In some cases the ablative morpheme a t -and the adverbia
characterizing suffix - t are added to the adverbial nouns.
rignithe 'since two days'
ecet ise since, thereafter'
niset ise *now'
embathe @andthen'
revenitijre since yesterday'
vivetiye $from to-morrow9
Place
atala that side'
itala * this side'
utala thither'
imbasg 'here'
embat?% there'
hfimbasg 'yonder there9
ambiya
embiya wheres
imbiya
imbati?e 'from here'
embaxioe '
#from there'
 l

1
i
In the above two forms. the ablative suffix -1- and the
adverbial characterizing suffix -e are added.
I
1 inika b. 'this side'
\
i
unika 'that (far) side'
,l enika 'that side'
ii hiinika
kusika
'that (yonder) side'
'upper side'
.I
I
I cicrika 'lower side'
l

l
In the above forms the suffix -ka denoting side or
I
d jrection is added to the stems. - ka may be considered as a variaa t
I of dative case marker.
i
I

l
3.62 3. Compounds
I Time
l iyona 'this year'
1

l vanona 'next year'

I ~ 2 n d ~ ']fist year'
I
@ndu . 'year before last year'
iceta 'at this time'
ll ece ta 'at that time*
, ecela 'when'
I
The above ones are fused compounds with bound con-

ece-bEla 'at that time'

kara vEra
trsyu vEya 'noon'
agala mase 'two days after to-morrow9
Place
inika enika 'here and there' . . .

imini kanda
emini kanda 1 'where'
5

Qkiyu vasi 'behind'

 4. Adjectives
.I

4.0. An adjective is a word that syntactically occurs in attribu-

tive construction with a noun which it precedes but that does not
agree with the noun, which it qualifies, in gender or number. In
Kuvi there are a number of monomorphemic words which are ex-
clusively used as attributes to nouns. They are real adjectives, of
which some of them are native Dravidian and others are borrowed
from Oriya.
Appellative nouns are not usually derived from the adjec-
tives borrowed from Oriya.
All adjectives may be classified, on morphological grounds,
into three types, viz., simple, complex and compound.
4.10. Simple adjectival stems
They may further be classified, on semantic grounds, into
descriptive adjectives (adjectives proper), demons1rative adjectives,
interrogative adjectives and numeral adjectives.
4. l l. Descrf ptive adjectives
ambri c ~ ~ ~ r ' 'hard "
ici 'small' 'very small'
uje 'f fee' iipa Cs~all'
iilu 'damp' osara %wide9
kangala 'dirty' kam 'last'
Btiiriya 'black' kopoli 'i ucky '
krogi 'young' gad@ 'red'
gur ri 'leaf lessv jormoli 'leafJy'
Qumda 'white' Qefi 'blunt'
tf ba "sweet' tZy e 'straight'
ter i 'different' duma 'fat'
nima 'fat' 'nili 'blue'
nehi 'goodb patu 'shiny '
pusni 'new' peni 'cold'
pulv i 'proud' bare 'all, every"
bek 'very good' b6ju 'heavy'
lamba 'long' iikii 'brtiken'
varcri 'empty' vel p\u 'wide' .-.
sash 'cheap' liapli 'insipid'
hitri 'cold' ho&u capgobite'
hi71i Cgreenfresh'
4.t2. ~ e m o a s t r a t k eadjectives
E '!haty
1 'this'
B 'that there'
hE 'that yonder' (that at a greater
distance)
h= 'that yonder' (that i t a greater
distance)
The bound forms of these adjectives form stems of the
demonstrative pronouns(3.33).
4.13. Interrogative Abjectives
amini amini ilu 'which hbuse'
amini 'which' emini kokasi 'which boy'
emini
Ini (what'

4.14. Numeral ~d jtetives

16 'one' ri 'two'
t ini 'three' siiri 'four'
6ro 'another'
4.20. Derived Adjectives
All abjeotives consisting of a single root but more than one
morpheme are termed as derived adjectives.
4.21. a, Derived from adjectival roots(dersonst rat ives and interro-
gatives)
icay i 'this much'
iceka 'this much'
 iceka k
* this much small'
uceka 'that much'
icora '%his much' .
iconair' this much'
ecayi 'how much'
eceka 'how much'
4 22. b. Derived fr6m nouns
1) All the oblique-gepi tive stems of nouns, singular as well
as plural function as atljectivals when followed by other nouns.
rnarnuti koma 'branch of tree'
m5 ngyuti jaqa 'people of our village'
kadati Eyu 'river- water'
Evani ilu 'his house'
evari ilu ~'their house"
markati Zka "eaves of the trees'
2) The oblique Stems of personal pronouns nP 'my'. ma
tour', ~i 'your' (sg;), mi 'your' (pl.), tani 'his, tier, its'. tami
their' when followed by nouns, ust~ally function as ad jectivals.
nii tanji 'my father'
mZ ilu 'our house'
nT keyu ' 'your hand'
mi niiyu 'your village'
tani diiru 'his name'
tami dPsa ' their couutry'
4.23. c. Derived from verbs
ada 'wet'
naka 'first'
All the adjectival participles function as adjectivals at the
sy ptactical level 15.23).
diiti 'very old'
S

pikni hezvy'
Ojiti 'nice'
4.24. d. Other derived adjectives
pbtromi . 'funny'
bijsomi 'perishing'
mLtromi 'only'
 Though the conctituerlts of these forms are diEcult to be
identified, they are evident as derived forms.
- \

lage?e t i 'bad', 'evil'

Here -ti is added to the adverb lageve 'badly'
4.25. Nominal Adjectives
Many.basic nouns fuoct ion as adjectivals -in eadoceatric
compounds, where they occur as prepounds witb noun heads.
Except some adverbial nouns(3 6) and uninflected pronouns, all
other nouns can occur in the adjectival position. The following
are tbe few examples of the constructions where the preceding
nouns occur as attributes to the following noun' heads.
leli marnu 'tamarind tree'
bapdi bisa 'stomach pain '
rnagdiya kupa 'stack of cut ragi'
i?ira daka 'clay pot'
osri dZlu 'female calf'
trsyu p ~ E n u 'skull'
kokri vPra ' 'boy- hood"
t i n i jaqa 'three people'
rindi iiyaska 't W O women'
4 3. Compound Abjectives
Except a couple of forms in the data collected, all the
other compound adjectives are iterative adjectives.
t5ri biigda ' tan, reddish brown' !

bisi bayeli 'wonderful'

gati gati ' huge'
gadu gadu "len tifti19
kaja kaja 'very big'
icici 'very small'
The followiag forms seem to be onomatopoetic expressions
1

functioning as adjectives. P .

gaka daka 'very hard9

kici kica . 'very very bad9
mala mala 'lazy, slow"
 5. Verbs
5.0. Verbs are a class of words whose stems are inflicted or
capable of being inflected for tense and/or mode. In finite verbs
the position classes of lexical as well a s grammatical categories
occur in the following order-: stem $ tenselmodal afflx -l-personal
suffixes. Verb stems are either simple, or complex, or compound.
5.1 1 .
Simple verb stems ,
All simple kerb stems are monomorphemic roots. They
may be codified by the following canonical patterns.
5 1 1.1. Monosyllabic:
1. (CjV sading in vowels a, i, U, e; these are j a - 'to start',
ki- 'to do', tu- 'to give way', e- 20 reach', ve- 'to burn'.
a 2. (C)V e n d ~ n g i n vowels a, i, e, e. 6 ; tbese are a- 'to
become', h&- to die', hi 'to give', rii= ' t o plough', j E - 'ta wipe
g

off', 6 - 'to take away.'

3 - ccv ending in i, u; these are kgi 'to comb' pru 'tq
snatch '.
4.
C C ending
~ in 5, i, B; these are mns- 'to take awa) ',
kri 'to screech', brfi- 'to touch'.
5 . (C) VC ending in. cosonants k, t, t, p, n, r, 1, h, 9; these
are like the following ek- 'to increase wages', kak- 'to laugh',
af-'to mix', net- ' t o make bun (hair), ep- ' t o completee, bap- 'to
taste no good', kot- 'to hoe", pun- 'to know', ir- a to throw stone',
sir- 'to go bad', kal 'to mix', doh- 'to build', ahG7- 'to hdd', de7-
'to open'.
6. ending in consonants k, t, t, p, r, 1, h and 7 and
these are &k- c to open mouth', d a k - 'to take out', mgt- ' t o begin',
-
mat 'to ,train animals', t6p- 'to. Ire', p6r- 'to enquire about
secretly', etc. +
v-
7. CCVC ending in consonants k, p , h, 7; these are prek-
'to search for louse', mnip- 'to juggle', mrih- ' t o make friends
with', tniv- ' t o twist', ky6h- 'to sift using a winnowing tray':
5 1l . 2. Disyllabic
8. (C)VCV ending in secondary vowel -i, which is irnmedi-
ately preceded by any consonant other than -n,-D, -n, -siand - 7 .
These are aji- 'to be afraid', kaji- 'to become solid', oci- 'to
guess', kaci- 'to bite', seki- 'to scrape wood', kahi- 'to play', etc.
I

9. ( C ) ~ C Vending in secondary vowel -i, wbich is preceded

by any consonant other than -n, -p, -9. These are fiki- 'to blow',
jiki- 'to swal16w7, Bci- 'to choose', pici- 'to milks, egi- 'to b:
open', 18gi- 'to scold', etc.

10. (C)VCCV ending in secondary vowel -i, which is

preceded by various consonant clusters. They are eligi- 'to climb',
vangi- to bend', pondi- 'to be appropriate', genji- 'to 'be torn',
dambi- ' t o be split', batki- 'to get on well', turbi- to tramples.
g

( C ) ~ C C V ending in secondary vowel -i, which is

1l.
preceded by various consonant clusters. They are iinji- . 'to pro.
mise', jinji- 'to fan', iimbi- to fly', t6mbi- 'to be well-known,'
Ersi- 'to separate', etc.
12. (C)VCCCV ending in final - i, which is preceded by
three consonant clusters; total 3. They are ambri- ta be excellent'
and termbi*'to roll abouts.
CCVCV ending in secondary vowel -i, which is preceded
13.
by t5e consonant k, g, j, d or b. They are druki- 'to roar', trogi-
'IQ fall', traji- 90 scratch' , pradi- 'to run away', drebi- 'to belch'.

CCVCCV ending in secondary vowel -,i, which is pre-

14
ceded by any of the following consonant clusters.
-nd- prondi- to be alight'
-nj- drunji- 'to be connected'
-fig- g~oligi g to be bad (of eegs)'
:I

5.11.3. Trisyllabic.
There is one trisyllabic verb stem found in Kuei. It is ih
the following canonical form.
 l33

15. VCCVCVC - abgala9- t o open mouth'

5.12. Complex stems
A41 complex stems have a t least two constituent>, viz , a
root (simple) and a derivative suffix. The derivative suffixes are
generally those which form the transitive-causative, beison21
object, plural action, motion action o r recipro~alsteas'.
Verb Stem Derivatisn
The following are the various types of complex stems
derived from the vcrbal roots.
The most common and simple type of the derivatioh of t h e
S terns is concerned with voice: intransitive: transitive-causative.

The formation of this type of stem is at least in part .productive

in all the Dravidian languages. Causatives are made partly by
alternation, and partly periphrastically wi tb the auxiliary verb ki -
t o do' (5.21.4).
Like the verbs in Pengo and Kui, Kuvi has the two-way
distinction of verb stems, general as welt as special throughoutc

the verbal system. T h e special stem, i e., personal object stern

which is used only when the object is first or second person is
made by the addition of a derivative suffix (5.22).

1 addition, Kuvi like the above languages pxsesses two

other types of derived stems, one denoting plural action and an-
other which is concerned with motion action, formed by the
addition of different derivative suffixes (5. 23, 24).
Reciprocal action is expressed by a periphrastic formation,
the first constituent of such a formation is regularly a derived
stem formed by the addition of a derivative suffix (5.61).
I Thus tbe structure of finite verbs in Kuvi may be elaborated
by the following order of formation (5.30).
1 2 3 4 5
intransitive personal object mode personal
rr;llaa

L
root transitive- plural action and/or suffixes
causative motion action tense
5.13. Classifica!tionof Verb Stems and Suffixes
All of the verb stems and the suffixes can he classified by
the inflectional 'at terns. Attempting t o utilize the haximum
number .of motphophonetnic difirences, two major classes can be
posited, regular grid irregular.
There are six sub classes of nhe stems of' regular verbs, each
of which occurs with particular series of suffixes. The sub-classes
are shown t o be cornplemeotarily distributed with various suffixes
by the morphophonemic features of the preceding stems. Thus
not only in terms of the series of the suffixes which the stems take
but also in terms of morphophonemic features of the stems, the
classification is justifiable
Those stems and suffixes which, in one way or another, do
not permit inclusion in this scheme, are posited as irregular verbs.
The classification of both regular and irregular verb is pre6
sented in the f0113wing charts.
 Q).
>:
.-
U

' C ,
s.V)
0 CO
Z@-
 ga
a w -
cI

e
aa-e

t3
'U-
c.
5
-*
a.
C-
*'PS

L
0
'CID
0
Y
Y

4
3.
X-
I
U B

--
'U
rr;:
I
cd.
G.
\
I
d. N
IQ) e
a 4
 ! .

~ ~ $, 1 . sitive-~ransitiiesand ~ r ~ s i t i v ~ - ~ a n s a t i v e. ..s
f &an
5.21.0. In Kuvi all verb stems are .either intransitive or transitive.
All lbose wr'bs which are capable.af taking.. g.direct object are
\called transitives ancl all t'hose whick are not capable of taking
a direct object are cdled int~ansitives.' Thus, a clear-cut distinc-
'

tion between the imtransitives and the transitive8 can be discerned

only at the syntactical level. . , ,

The following are the few examples of intransitive roots

from which transitives are not derived.
ha1- 'to go'
. v& $140 come9
kak- "to laugh"
taki. 'to w a l r

inberent OX derikd nature.

The. tramsi~iveverbs are off*eitbe~:
i:

There are a number of transitive verbs wkich are not morphologi-

cally marked but are iaherent.
tin- 'to eatq Q - 'to. drink"
gob- " 0 drink' ki- 'to do3
at- 'to m i ~ ' meh- 'to see'
The derived trsnsitives are 'formed from the underlying
intransitives either by the replacement of the endings of toot$ or
by the addition of a transitive marker. , i

5.21.1. The most common type of forming a transitive-causative

stem is'by replacing the ioot-final voiced obstruent or combi-
nation of nasal and voiced obstruent by a corresponding voice-
less obstruent .
: In the following examples the root-final voiced obstruent is
replaced by a voiceless obstruent.
iid(i)- I?o become wet' , t t - 70 make wet"
k;d(i)- "tomove' kut- ' t o move'
pid(ii- ' t o burst5 pit- to cause to burstb
S

pod(i)- ' to become a hole' pot- to make a hole"

S

med (id- 'to be put down' met- 'to put downb

 od(i) - to- beclean'
2t % - OJ; 't o ..cleag'
n@@)- ' t o be alive' nit - 'to make alive'
pad(+ 'to crack' Pal- a t o smash' L,

vid(i) - t o be shifted' vit- 'to shift'

Fg (i)- t o be open' ek- t o open'
to fall' trok- 'to make fall'
* t o be covered" p!ik- ' to cover'
meg (i)- 'to be moved' mek- # t olift up'
rfg (i)- 'to be broken' (pots) gik- 'to break' (pots)
rug(i)- 'to be hidden, guk- ' to ,hide'
t o bide onself' ,

A few intransitive roots wbere. the final palatal -j/-y

converted to - b in the corresponding' transitives, have t o . be
grouped here, since -h represents orginal -S which is preserved
elsewhere (i. e., in the past, infinitive and other non-finite forms).
m%j(i)- 'to be ripened.' . mBh- 'toripen'
vij(i)- 'to be broken into pieces' vih - 'to tread on'
oy(i)- 'to be broken' 6h- 'to break'
rby(i)- 'to ,stay' ~i5h 'to put into'
Here belong also a few other intransitive roots whose .final
palatal phoneme is replaced bytsome obstruent in the transitives.
mFy(i)- 'to, graze'
. I me?- 'to herd:,
kiiy (*)- 'to become hot' kat- 'to heat'*
rfiy(i)- 'to melt' (intr.) riik - ' ti o melt' -(tr.)
-
lej(i) "to hang' (intr.) le? - 'to hang' (tr.)

For the, replacement af the-combination of nasal and voiced

stop by tbe unvoiced obstruent, the followiog are the examples.
iimb(i)- 'to, fly': tip-. 6 t o causz to fly,to
winnow'
damb (i)- 'to be split'
+ dap:' 'to break o-ff'
dumb(i)- 'to be extinguisted' dup- 'to extinguish', m

tamp(i)- 'to ,be quiet' t apt 'to quieten9+

 Endci) - 'to dance' kt- *to cause to dance'
!'b~o't- 'to light'
S ,

prond(i)- 'to be alight'

gend(i)- 'to lean against'
(iotr.)
gef -
"to i e h iilgaaitlst ' '(tr.)

tendi(i)- 'to be uneven' tet- 'to place something

unevenly"
nand,(i.)-. 'to go underneath' nab 'to put something
underneath '
and (11- 'to be mixed' at -
'to mix'
vend(i j- 'to return' (intr.) vel- 'to return' (tr.)
eng(i) - 'to climb up' ek- 'to lift up'
jsdg(i)- 'to be lost' jsk- 'to Ioose'
@ng(i)- 'to be crooked d6k- 'to bendb
tiing(i)- 'to hang'(in tr,) ttik- 'to hang' (tr.)
dSng(i)- 'to be shaken' dak- 'to shake' . .
ning(i)- 'to get up' nik- 'to cause to get up'
rnneng(i)- 'to be destroyed9 mqek- 'to destroyb
ring (i)- 'to be loosened' rik- 'to loosen'
vabg(i)- 'to be bent' vat- ,
'id beh'b S

vgfig(i)- 'to leak* vak- 'to pour'

vErig(i)- 'to be published9 vGk- 'tb firiblis'h'
hufig(i)- 'to beclome loose9 huk- 'to loosenb
With these are to be clasied the intransitive roots with a
final combination of nasal and voiced affricate which is replaced
by -h in the corresponding transit ives , since--h represents original
-S.
,'i,, .
krenj(i)- 'to. war m,.oneself' kreh- 'to dry' up' by fi'n'
genj(i) - 'to be torn'. geh- 'to tearb
tanj(i)- 'to app6ar' t6h- 'to show'
drunj(i)- 'to be connected' druh- 'to connectb
nehj(i): 'to bei filled' neh. 'to fullb
-
mun'j[~i) to be immersed' muh 'to immetse'
tdqn$gt * .
rinj(i)* 'to1blhze? 6

I~nj(i): c to 'beWhik b&ht' ~bfi: qdq6ko&i

0.21.2. A second type of forming a transitive-causative stem
by the addition of a .morpheme of transkion/causatiorr, ( - p , t, - B)
to the i~ttansitiveroot, >. 7
i

'P'
ggw- &tocress" ' . gnap- *to make to cross'
D@- S "to stand up' nip- @tomake to stand up'
b@- 'to gog.off'(gun). brip- 'to rhot with a
r8- "to be finisbed' rikp- 'to 5nish'
I

re- ' t o go down' rep- '9.0lower' '

h&- 'to go 0wtF ' h6p- 'to cause to go out'

.6to take oui'
e- 'to reach" W- 'to take possessioa'
to cause to reach'
at
rnh ' t o Bathed mi t- 'to give batby
15- ' to cryd rit- ' t o rnake'tocry'
-k
8%- "to be brokeny(wood) d5k- '80 break' (wood)
bb- 'to be spilled * b6k - 'to spill'
prid ,to hatch out' grik- ' t o Ibredk open'
some of the above transiiive stems, in iddition to
In
suffixation, the shorterning of the vowel also takes place. -
9.2k.3. In Kavi, ihstances ere found in a couple of forms
for the third type of.transiti~t.causativeformation, where the use
of different allomophs of the tense suflxes &m thase of iniraasi-
tiwe verbs is found to express traasitivc;oausative meaning. L

p - t n 'to learn' jlp-(-h -;n-) 'to cause to

I I)
learn'
Clul(i) (-t-i *n-) 'to fall down' dul- (-h-;a-)' a t,o cause %p
fall down'
a

The employment of different allomorphs of-tense suffixss~to ,

express inttaisitive- transitive distinction. in Kuvis i s . a shared-

feature with'thiit of a few South Dravidian Languages.
Ta. mey (-V-, -nt-) 'to graze' m6y (-pp-, -tt-) 'to graze'
Ta. piri (-v-, -nt-) 'to become piri (-pp-, - tt-) to
par t?d' . separate (tr.)'
Ma. (-urn, -5fi )
piri 9 9 piri (-kkum, -cc-) ,,
KO. piry- (pir- c-) 93 pir-c-/(pir-c 9
3

Kod. piri (-v-, -nj-1 p9 piri- (-p-, -c-) 9,

All' the above formations are made fro& the intransitive

verbal roots, whereas in the case of the following two stems, the
pure causative formation is made from the transitive verbs by
alrcring the final' consonant and leagt hening the vowel.
un- 'to-drink' iit - 'to muse to drink', to give to drink
S

i n- 'to eat" tih. 'to cause to eat', 'to feed' .

5.21.4. The periphrastic causative
I n addition to these morphological formation of transitive-
causatives, Kuvi has developed a new periphrastic type of causative
which is being used much more frequently than t h e old morpho-
lagical type of transitive causatives. This type of causative proper,
involving an action caused by the actor, is normally formed
by the addition of the causative suffix 1-vil or its allomorphs to
the yerb stern, and by folloyiog the auxiliary verb ki- 'to dp* drith
its appropriate suffixes,e.g., balvi ki- 'to cause to go'; iiyi ki- 'to
make cool' (water).
The allomorphs of the causative morpheme are -i, -mbi,
- -
vil bi and -pi
/ o i l occurs after stems belonging to c'lass I
ayi ki- S to make cool'
krenji ki to make warm9
kaci ,ki- ',%tocause to bite'
. hfipi ki- c to cause to spit'

kugi eki- "to cause to sit'

onpi .ki- 'to remind'
kambi ki- to ripen'
hati ki- " 0 send for'
 -mbi occurs after the stems of class 1V ending with -n
tinmbi ki- 'to cause to eat' Z

punmbi ki- 'to inform'; ' t o cause to under-

- stand'
venmbi ki- 'to cause to listeny
-manmbi ki- 'to cause to remain'
l-vil occurs after all:1 the vowel ending stems in class I1 and after
stems ending in -p, -1 and -r in class III
kivi ki- 'to cause to do'
hivi ki- '.to cause to give'
vavi ki- to cause to come'
havi ki-. 'to cause to die'
,., 4

japvi ki- - 'to cause to teach'

karvi ki- fto make to dig' ...

* c

kalvi ki-
. . .
'to cause to mix'
. . f
I-,bi/ occurs after the stems ending in - l and - r in,free variation
with -vi
halbi ki-/halvi ki- 'to cause to go'
turbi ki-lturvi ki- . 'to tie round'
/-pi/ occurs after all other stems (i. e., stems of class V 8r VI and
also the stems ending with * t , k and 1) in cliiss 111).
e t ,

tapi ki- 'to cause to bring'

k3pi ki- 'to cause to wait9
dospi 'ki- 'to cause to bui!dy
aspi ki- 'to cause to catch' .
ratpi ki- 'to make to cut] . . ., i
,

vetpi ki- 'to cause to retura'

kapki ki- ' to cause to laugh' (2.1 6.RuIe 4 1)
opki ki- 'to cause to carry9
honpi ki- ''to cause to run'
nipki ki- 'to arouse' (2.16. Rule. 41)
kupki ki- 'to cause to sit' (2 16. ~ u l e41)
Two alternative causative formation have been found for
the use with kugi 1) kugi ki- 'to cause to sit' 2') kupki k i . . In
the lat ter'the causative suffix -pi is 'added and thus the preceding
- g has become voiceless and thereafter due to metathesis kug-pi
has becorne,kupki. *1

. .All t'hese suffixes normally function as causatives, e.g ,

cvasi r6' ilu dos tesi . ' .'.'Hebuilt' a house'
ev'asir6 ilu dospi kitesi ' 'He had a house built'
evasi' biirikasi hltitesi 'He called the village messenger'
'

evasi bgrikalri hgti kitesi 'He sent for the village messenger'
'

But there are instances where the periphrastic formations

can be regarded as transi tives rather than causatives.
vayi ki- 'to dry'
Syi ki- 'to cool'
- .
ati ki- 'to join' I

aji ki- to frighten'

-
niiki ki- 'to lead' (in singing)
As.stated earlier in the causative periphrastic formation,
the plural action verbal stem with the causative allomorph of
class I ste-ms, m a y prdcede the auxiliary ki- 'tp .dos,in the place of
simple causative formations(5.23.3).
It may be ooticed that there are a few periphrastic causative
formations for which the simple f'orms are not found to occur i a
tbe language.
eji ki- to count'
kuti ki- 'co heap' 'to put in a heap'
gufki ki- to nod head '
S T2. Personal Object Stems
5.22.6. In Kuvi, as in Kui and Pengo there are two. kinds of
verbal stems, a general stem used when there is no object a t all,
or when there is an object referrihg to third person and a special
stern used when tbe object, direct or iadirect, is referring to the
first or second person. Thus the special stem i s determined by the
personal object which a verb takes.
A morpheme added regularly to the general stem to exclude
the third personatobject or the absence of any object is termed
 here as the third person -object exclusive morpheme and the special
stem thus formed may be termed as personal object stem as it is
based on the first or secpnd personal object, direct or indirect*
To explain the nature of the personal object stem further
one can say that it is formed when the direct or indirect object is
t h e first orcsecond person, i. e., part of the body, house or other
oassessions, etc. or where there is some reference to first or
second person, not necessarily ,expressed.. Further, it can be
pointed out that for a special S tern though the subject may be a
first, second or third personal pronoun or a noun, the object must
be something of first or second person,since the verbal action may
denote something done actually upon the f lrst or second personal
object, or it may be something done for, or something given to
the object. C

5.22.1. The personal object verb is formed by the addition of

/-tat or its allomorphs to the general stem, followed by appro-
,

..
.
,
-. -
.
1
exclusive morpheme are 1-ta
class V and VI) &ding
- -
priate suffixes. The allomorphs of the third person object
-ha -ya -- -ja -
-a/. Stems (of
aspirant and glottal take -ta; those
(of class 11) ending in obstruents /-ha/; those (of class IV) ending
in ;n take I-ja/; those (of' class 11) ending in vowels lbya/ and
others (class I) a ; The 'distribution of these alkomorpbs
provides a basis for the morphophonemio classification of all verb
stems.
Class I
-a- kac(i) "to bite' kacal esi
L . , ,. , L

hiip(i) 'to spit' h iipanesi" ' "

. : . . m - .

Class.I1 .
-ya- hf- 'to give' hfyatesi
Q* to takev 6yanesi . .

Class 111
-ha- rat- ' to cut. rathatesi .
jgp-. 'to teach9 jfiphancsi
 -Jam ven- 'to hears ven j a tesi
in- 'to say' ~njanesi y

Class V
-
ta- ta9- 'to bring* ta tates l
k as- 'to watch' ka tanesi
" .
Class V1 I

*tan g6h- to hbnd over' gas ta tesi .

veh- 'to tell' vestanesi
Tbe infinitives and the adverbial participles do not receive
this exclusive morpheme, nor do mostly the first person plural in-
clusive verbs. 0therwise the general and special distinction affects
the different types of verbs, i.e., the positives as well as negatives,
including also the relative participles and the desidera tives. ' ~ h e s e
different types of inflections are illustrated by the foliowing
examples.
hi- 'to give'
General Special ' l 2

Past d ..

hi tesE 'I gave' hiya tesg

hiti 'You gaves hfyati
bftesi 'He gaves hiyatesi
Non past
h fisi 'I will give'
bfdi 'You will give'
hinesi 'Me will give.'
Past Negative
hisate% "l[ did not givep hiyasa tesf
hisati 'You did not give' bryasati .' i.
hisatesi 'Hedid not give' hiyasatesi
Non-past Negative '

his0 'I will .not give' hiy osb - .

hisot i 'You will not gives hiy osoti

hieosi 'Be will not give' hryooosi
Imperative
b i mu 'You (sg.) give'
bidu 'You (pl.) give'
Negative Imperative
h??ani 'You' don't (sg.) give" hiy aqani
hivadu 'You don't (~1.jgive' hiyavadm , .
Desiderative
bipesi 'Let him give' hlyapesi
hiqapesi 'Let him not give9 hfyafapeai
~d jectikl Participle
" htti 'that which was given9 hiyati
hfqati 'that which was not giveng hiymati
hTni 'that which is givenq hiy aai

hba . 'that which is plot given9 h iyafa

5 22.2. In the periphrastic formations made by combining the

auxiliary verb man- be' with perfective and dura tive partici-
ples to denote different tense distinctions, it is always the auxi-
liary verb which receives the stem formation and not the partici-
ples of the main verb. There is no personal object stem for thesa

General Spsctab
Past Duratite
hihi mace?$ '1 was givingg hfhi manjateqd
hihi maci 'You were givingq hi hi manjati
hfhi macesi 'He was girjhg* hfhi manjatesi -
Rsn-past D ara tive
hXhi mavi 'I a a giving' hPhi ixianjav3 .
hEhi manji 'you are, giving' hihi, manjadi
,

brhi rnanesi ' @ is giving' h5hi manjanesi

Past Perfedtive +

hiha maceog 'I had given' hiha manjate??. .

hiha maci 'You had given' b5ha manjati ,;

biha macesi 'He had given' hiha rnaajnfes?

Non-past Perfective . r'

hiha maoi 'I have given' hiha manja7"l . ,

I 1.

biha manji 'You have given' hTha manjadi

hiha manesi 'He had given' hiha .manjaneai . .?

NEGATIVES
. I
f

Past Dnrative ' !

hihi hilasateoz '1 was not giving' h i hi rnanjaqatevg

Non-past dorative
. c
hihi hiloo0 '1 am not giving' hihi rnanjoi0
' 0

Past Perfective
hfha hi1076 'I have not given' hiha rnaajos0
5.22.3. The vowel in tbe third person exclusive morpheme is
mostly affected by vowel harmony, when i t is fa{lowed by a
negative marker I-901, as is noticeable in tbe non-past negative
exclusive except in the case of the allornorph /-ha/ in the first
person singular and third person neuter plural verbs only.
Exclnsive allomorph /-ha/
jiiphasd 'I shall not teach (you)'
j 5 p h o ~ o t i 'You will not teach (me)'
jiiphososi 'He will n o t teach (youlme)'
jZp hecre 'She will no: teach (youlme)'
japhosomi 'We shall not teach (you)'
j ~ p h o q oteri 'You will not teach (me)'
jZpho?ori 'They will not Bach (youlme)'
j5phasu 'They will not teach (youlme)'
5.23. Plural Action Stems >

5.23.0. The plural .action stem is formed by ad,ding -k- or i t s

allomorph -p- to the primary verb stem to express an action done
many times, repeatedly, concentra tedly , thoroughly, vigorously
forcibly, or intensively, etc. It is possible that one and the same
plural action stem mLy denote more than one aspect o f ~ h action
e
done, i.e., intensively and repeatedly, thoroughly and forcibily,
etc.

5.23 1. The plural action suffix does not occur with every verb
stem, but only with the verbs with which its significance of
multiple. intensive, repetitive, conceo t rated or frequentative action
would have any relevance. The plural action morpheme is not
found to occur with verbal stems of conjugation classes 11, 'IV and
V but with a sole exception in class TI.
ki- 'to do9 kepi- 'to do', 'to make'.
5.23.2. The plural action morpheme has two allomorphs &k and
-p. H o w each rvot behaves can be gathered only from its ending as
i~dividualroots make up the plural action stem according to one
or other of the two allomorphs, not from both. Tbe two
allomorphs d o not freely vary, but are in mutually excluside dis-
t r i b u t i o ~ . It may be noticed that the verb stems of class I take
only - k and those of class III and V1 only - p.
The following verbal stems take the allomorph -k.
hCi@(ij- "to shoot'. hfitk- 'to shoot repeatedly'
kar (i)- 90 cbew' kark- to gnaws
get(i)- ' to jump' getk- 'to hop'
pinj(i) 'to springq pisk- 'to spring in numbers"
rat (i) - "to write" rask- 'to Pimn'
vend(;) - 'to return9 vetk- 'to writhe'
mFnj(i) - "to take by force' mfsk- .to tug'
med(i)- , 'to pushq
I . meik- 'to shoveq
kat (i,)- "to cvt tree$. katk- ' t o chop into
branchesg pieces, repea tedly9
"to rams "to attackd
' to buy". 'to make purchases"
* to'kissu 'to kiss with sexual '

E.ustf
kacqi)- a to bite' kaSk- ^ 'to bite intensively
and repea tedlya
hiip(i)- ' 'to spit9 hfipk- 'to vomit' ,f
\-.

..
pa?(i) - S to' search'
. .
park- ''to feel one's way
in the dark'
pac(i)- td scratch' pask- "to sciatch
frequently'
bEc(i): '90look at' - . . besk- .?toview'
huc(i) - gto put on loin husk- "to dress upT : :
.-

cloth'
j~c(i)- to carry load jiisk- 'to carry many
on head' loads'
cac(i)- to sew' ciisk-
jal(i)- to speak' jslk- 'to discuss'
pEl(i)- 'to talk sweetly' p'Eik- 9 0 talk of love
affairs'
kic(i)- 'to pinchB kisk- a to pinch forcibly/

repeatedly'
The.following verb stems take the allomorpb -P.
kot- 'to hoe' kotp- 'to dig'
et 'to scold' e tp-
, 'to quarrel'
eg- cup hands to Egp- " t o beg'
receive something'
hog- 'to run9 hoqp- 9 0 fleev
kal- 'to mix' kalp- "0 mix'; 'to blendw
uh- 'to pound' usp- "to grip'
6h- to break' ~sp- 'to break many
things into pieces
vah- * t o fry9 vasp- 'to fry many tbings,
to . fry tas tiiy '
vih- 90 step on' visp- ' 9 0 knead' - .
h8h- 'to distribute' hasp- d to share o e t food"
hah=- 6t.othrgsh' . hasp- '*to beat with short-
:
.

, C
quick strokes9
r
hih- 'to $it firewood' bisp- " 0 split wood'

pih- t o leave' pisp- ' $ 0 avoid'

a h- 'tb put oil on hairJ h p - ' # to smear with
cow-dung9
veh- Cto tell' vesp- to speak' L

tah- 'to pat' rfisp-/ to strike'

riisk- 6 t o fight3
ah- to hlod' asp- 'to bold in fighting'
tah- ' to scrape wood ' tasp- to polish wood'
ti h- * t o feed3 tisp- to feed frequently
5.23.3. All tbe plural action stems take final secondary -i and
thus they are in every respect conjugated according to the stems of
class I.
In the case. of a few verb the plural action stern is more
commonly used rather than the simple stem,
e.g., kadp- 'to mix'
kark- & t o chew9
It has been noticed that occasionally the derived plural
action stem occurs in the language without the corresponding
simple stem beside it. Thus the simple stems seem to have gon'e
out of use.
g, OnP- a to think; to remember'
munk- 'to urinate'
mask- ' to exchange'
gresp- 'to mimic'
gutk- " 0 nod head9

The plural action -k is added to the traositive:causative,

without adding much apparently to the sense and in some cases it
is more commonly used than the simple periphrastic causative
stems (5.21.4).
kac- ' to bite' kaci kaski
pac- :to scratch9 paci paski
Mp- 'to spit' he pi b&pki
j61- 'to speak' jGt i jsilki
.: .
' I .
,
!
 I n a few cases aa alternative expression of reciprocal 'action
is based on the plural action stems.
e.g.,
-
ka'cvi anu 'bite each other' kaski 8nu
hapvi Bneri 'spit each other' bapki .aneri
5.23.4. T h e periphrastic formation with reciprocal meaning ii
not often based on the plural action stems, though reciporcat
action 'cionot be interpre;ed otherwise than plural action. 3'be
addition of plural action morpheme apparently changes its
meaning.
nof kitesi tohabi ted-he' noqcjvi gteri 'kissed each othei'
j6lki tesi 'discussed-he' jGivi iiteri 'spoke to each
other'
hiitkineri 'shoots repeat- hiidvi aneri 'shoot each other'
ed ly- be'
kiskine 'pinches freque- kicvi gnu 'pinch each other'

A clear-cut. distinction between the plural action stems

and the habitual action verb stems is also found in Kuvi. The '

plural action tnotphecoe does not occur with all the verb stems,
but only with those whicb have some relevance to the actions .
described already (5,23.0), whereas the habitual action morpheme
can occur with all the verb stems, as most of the actions can also
be historical as well as habitual (5 45). The morphemes for these
two categories and their allomorphs noticeably yary.
e.g. PJural action Habitoa 1 action
kac(i)- 'to bi tee kask- kacvi- ,

hiip(i)- 'to spit' hopk- htipvi-

kal- 'to mix' kalp- kalvi- .
5.24. Motion Action Stems
5.24,O.' lo Kuvi, a complex verbal constructio~ is regulariy em-
ployed either to express a sequence of the actions or to express the
purpose of the mo tioq 'going' which is contained in the actionrof
the verb, by adding the motion suffix 1-kal (which appears to be
a co-ordinate morpheme) to the verb stem and adding appropriate
suffixes.
 kakamu 'go and watch' 'go t~ watch'
, tifigamu 'go and eat' 'go to eat'
goskamu 'CO and drink'
L. 'go to drink'
In such cotistructioas the suffix/- kal receives the additional
meaning of 'go'; 'Thus the suffix-ka appears to be used either as
member of the co-ordinate compound verb which indicates two
successive actions or as a suffix of the verbal b$se which is capable
of serving as an infinitive meaning' 'in order to' or 'for the
purpose of'
5.24.1. -ka has two allomorphs: -ga and -ka. -ga occurs followin.
stems ending in sonorants (-n,-Q,-r and-l) and obstruent -k
-ka occurs after stems ending with aspirant (-h), all vowels and
the voiceless obstruents (- 9,-p,-t and-!) -ga occurs in the following
examples.
tin- 'to eat' tinga (2.14. Rule 37)
in- 'to sayp ifiga
'to stay' manga
'to ask' vefiga
'to shave' higga
'to cup hands to Ggga
receive'
-@Q- 'to kill9
up 'to clrink' ugga
por- . 'to wrap :p9 porga
nor- 6to wash' norga
ker- 'to fence' kerga
per- 'to chase3 pErga'
k&- 'to dig' ksrga
kal- 'to mix' kalga
4~1- 'to knock down' dulga
$Zk- 'to break' diga k/ga - -,g/ga
mek- ~ btopluck9 mega
-ka occurs in the following examples.
doh- 'to build-' doska
meh- 'to seeF meska
goh- 'to drinkB gosks
 wh- "to tell' ves'ka
?uh- 'to throw" tuska
ah- 'to hold" aska
- to give' fi:ika
h5- =todie' hBka
kii- 'to refuse' 'i9riika
6- 'to take' aka
ki- "to do3 kika
yii- 'to plough' ~Gka
mi. "to bathe' &km
t a?.- "to brings taka
k59- "to watch9 %"aa
dev- 'to open' deka
mesa "to herd' meka
$UP- "to ex tinguish9 dupka
jap- "to teach' japke
gep - "to break' $epka
rap- 'to complete' rapka
rat- 'to cutb ratka
mit- 'to give bath' mttka
Put- 'to make a hole' autko
prot- "toalight' protka
lit- . 'to feed, to give to drink' iifka
vet- 'to return' vetksa
ot - 90 filter' stka
mat- "to begin' miitka
5.24.2. Although the motion su%x is frequently employed With
the imperatives in conversation!, it also occurs in the indicatives
and in the adjectival participles of all tenses, both positive and
negative, It does not at all occur in the infinitives and in the
verbal participles.
hikamu #go and give9(sg.) hikaraai 'do not go and give' (sg,)
hfkadu ' 'go and give9(pl.) hikagadu 'do not go and give'(p1.)
Past . a

hikate~i! 'I went and gave' hfkaqate?~@fdid not go and give'

 hikati 'You went and
gaveJ 1 hfkaqati 'You did not go and
give' I
bjkaoi 'I will go and givey hrkocr0 'I will not go and
give'
hikadi 'You will go and give' hikoqdti ' 'You will not go
and givey '

Adjectival Participle
hikati bikarati ,

When the motion suffix -ka can occur with a verb, it may
be suffixed to all tbe above types of verbal act ion and it is used
equally appropriately w i t h different tenses,perso ns, number -genders
etc. However, the motion suffix does not occur with every verb,
but only with t h e i e r b with which its particular significance of
*motions would have any relevance. The motion suffix does not
occur in the stems of the Class I (of the conjugat ional sub -classes)
though it is the most common verbal class in Kuvi.

Further, i t must be noticed t h a t as a general rule the motion

suffix does not occur with the stems which exclude third person
(5.22) and also with the plural action verbal stems (5.23).
5.24.3. An alternative means of forming za similar construction
to express the same type of compound meaning as well as successive
actions by adding -ka to a verb stem, and following the construc-
tioa' with another verb stem (positively v& "to come' or hal- 'to
go') plus appropriate suffixes is found in Kuvi.

ven- 'to hear' veriga halamu 'go to hear' 'go and hear9
goh- 'to drink' goskavamu 'corns: to drink' 'come and
I drinky
tas- 'to bring' ' taka halamu 'go to bring' 'go and bring9
tin- ' t o eat' tifiga vsmu 'come t o eat' 'come and eat9
 $0 'to shoot' jika halamu '
k6- 'to pluck needs' k6ka vSmuc '

dab- * to light' , daska hafarnu

v&- S to beat' vSka vamu
-
There is one moltion action verb stem ega- 'to arrive', for
which there is no corresponding simple form fouhd in the taoguage.
This stem would have lost its simple stem.

5.30. Finite Verbs

Both morphological and syntactical criteria support the classi-
fication of verbs in Kuvi into two categories, viz., finite verbs and
non-fioi te verbs. Morphologically, finite verbs generally denote
person and number-gender, while the non-finite verbs do not.
Syntactically, the finite verbs function as predicates; whereas the
non-finite verbs do not.
There are eleven types of inflection of finite verbs in Kuvi
involving simple as well as complex stems. They are enumerated,
as follows, with the constituents involved but their relevant
allornorphs are described and discussed under concerned hiads.
1. Past Finite Verb
stem -i- / I t 11 + person marker
2. Non-Past Finite Verb

stem 4- I l d I / -l-
2nd person marker
// l/ Ist, 3rd person marker *

3. Past Negative Fiaite Verb

stem +-
I / ?a / / - L 11 t / I + person market
Q. Non~PastNegative Fiaite Verb
stem + 11 70 11 +- person market
.. ,
5, Imperative
) "

, .

. , . . . 1.1,mu //:singular I .
stem 3-
/I du //-plural
6. Prohibitive' (Negative Prnpzra tivQ

7 Desiderative rl

stem+//p//+pzrsoa marker (3rd person only)

8.. Negative Desiidersrtive
stem+/i?a// + //p//+person marker (3rd person only)
9. Optative
1/i/ / ~ e c o n dper808 singula~
stem -f-
//eri/ -second person plural

+
stem+ //n/l / /Q// -first person in~lusiveplorak
11. Habitual Mosd
. ,
. //fl/
+
stem l/vi// t. + person marker
/ I n /l
Of these, the first four types may be considered as distia-
guished by tense, while the remaining types are distinguished on
modality.
The past, non-past, negative non-past, prohibitive, permissive
and hortative Bnite verbs have three constituents each in- the
following order; stem f tense1 modal /negative a$x+ personal suffix.
The negative past, negative desiderative and habitual finite
verbs have four constituents each in the following order: stem -P
+ +
negative/modal affix tense personal suffix.
The imperative and optative finite verbs have two consh,
tituents each in the following order: stem 4 modal-person suffix.

9.31. Tentre ~ ..

As in many other Dravidian Iaagdages, Kuvi shows a clear.

cut twoaway distinction of tense, viz,, past and non-past.
5.31 f . The Past Tedw . S

The past tense is used to denote t h a t a n action, as an

..
historic fact, took place in the past.
The past tense of a verb is formed by the addition of the
rnorpheae 1- t- 1 to the verb stem, followed by persaaal suffixes.
h i t.esi "ave (i t)*he'
ta- tdesi 'brought @)-he'
The allomorphs of I-t-1 are I-t --C.- h-/, Stems ending
With vowels, glottal stop and aspirant take/-t-l;. those ending with
sonorants take / - c -/ and those with obetruents take /-h-/. The
examples are cited hereunder on the basis of the steffi classes.
class I: /at-{
-
kac(i) - 'to biteP kaci- t -
hhp(i)b spit' hiipi- t ;
hat (i) - 'to call' hi$- t-
kug (i)
Bd(i) -
- 'to sit'
' t o be ableb
kugi~ti
5di-t;
h6k(i)a 'to chew' h6ki- t-
bnd(i) - 'to belp' andi- t;
jap(i)a -'to learn' jiipi. t-
hiid(i). 'to burn' 'hiidib t -
it (i) - 'to put' iti-t;
Class 11 1 t.1
vs-. to comet vii- t-
ki- 'to do' ki-ta
hi- g to give" hi-t-
i5 a to take" 5-t-
Class 1II /-ha/
ko ta 'to peck3 kot-ha
vet - to return' vet-h-
jap- ' to teach' jap-h-
kak- 'to laugh3 kak-h-
kal- 7 0 mix' ka1.h-
kar= 'to dig' kgr- h-
non - * t o draw water' non-h;
 Clars 1V /-c-/
tin- 'to eat' tin-c- ti-c-
p~n- 'to know' tin- c- pu-c-
in- * t o say' in-c- i- c-
man- 'to remain' man-c- ma-c-
(2,12. Rule 12)
Class V 1-t-1
vEs- "to beat9 ve-t-
les- S to hang' le-t-
nis- 'to stand' ni- t- (2.12.Rule 6)
Class V1 1-t-l \

guh- 'to swalloy' gus-t-

gih- 'to leave9 pis-t-
ah- 'to hold' as-t-
tOh- 'to show' t6s-t-(2.14. Rule30)
5.31.2. The Past Netgative Verbs
The past tense negative verb is formed by the addition of
1-va-1 to the verb stem, followed by past tense suffix and personal
suffixes.
I kac(i) -' t o bite" kaca-sa-t- (2.14.Rule 26)
I1 v% 'to come' v&-?a-t -
111, kot- *to hoe' kot-?a-t-
IV tin- 'to eat' tin. a-saw-t - (2 1 3 . Rule 26)
V VS?- 'to beat' ve-?a- t-
V1 guh- 'to swallow' guh-?a- t-
5 31-21. Personal suffixes
Finite verbs in the past tense are derived by the addition
of the following personal suffnxes to the past stem.
Person Singular Plural
I - es"e (excl.) - omi
(incl.)- ovi- -ay i (-0)
I1 -i , eri
111 -esi -eri
e -U
hi-'to give' tas- 'to bring9
1st persod hit=e?S 'gave-1' -
hit=omi 'gave we (excl.)'
tat-e% 'brought-I' tat-omi 'brought - we (excl.)'
hft-ovi 'gave awe Oncl)'
tat-ovi 'brought we (excl.)'
2nd person hi t-i 'gave-you' bit- eri 'gave-you (pl.)'
tat-i brought- tat-eri gbroughtmyou(pl .)'
you'
3rd person hi t-esi 'gave-he' hit-eri 'gave* they'
tat-esi 'brought-he' tat-eri 'brought- they'
h! t e 'gave-she' hi t-U 'gave- they'
tatSe 'brought- tat-U 'brought- theyy
sheb
5.31. 3. The Nondpast Tense:
The non-past tense is used to denote either present, future
or habitual action,
The non-pas t tense verb is formed by the addition of /bna/
to the stem, in the tirst and third persons and by the addition of
1-d-l in the second person. In the first person singular verbs, the
non-past tease is not overtly marked. Thus while /-n-1 has two
allomorphs, viz., 1-9-1 after the stems of verbs in the fitst person
singular and 1-n- [ elsewhere, whereas /-d-l has the allomorphs
1-j-l occurring after the stems of class IV and lad-! after the stems
of other classes.
Class I kug(i)- 90 sit'
sg* Pi.
1st person ; kugis% kugirhomi
kuginovil kugioay i
2nd person kugidi kugideri
3rd person kuginesi kugineri
kug ine kuginu
Class I1 ki* 'to d o P
1st pzrson k is1 kfnomi
kinor ilkinayi
2nd person kid i kider i
, 3rd person kinesi kincri
kin6 kinu
Class 111 jap- 'to teach'
1st persod jap9i ,r japnomi
jlpnoviljlpnayi
2nd person jiipdi ' jiipderi
3rd person jiipnesi j9pneri
japne '. . japnu
class IV tin- 'to eat5
1st person tisi (2.12. Rule 18) tinorni
, tinovil tinayi
2nd person tinji tinjeri (2.14. Rule 35)
3rd person tinesi t iner i
Q ine tinu
class. V tas- 'to bring'
1st peison ta91 tasnomi
tasnovi] tasnay i
2nd
. .
person taw5 aasderi
' . 3rd person tasnedi tasneri
t aone tasnu
dass V1 doh- to build"
1st person dohs1 dohnomi
dohnovi/dohnayi
2nd person dohdi dohderi
3rd person dobnesi dohneri
dohne dohnu

5.31 d31 , Personal suffixes

The personal suffixes of the non-past finite verbs are identi-
cal to those for the past tense finite verbs with a sole exception
that the first person singular sufflx in the non-past is 1-
5.3 1.4. The Non-past Negative verbs
The nob-past negative verb is formed by the addition of the -

negative marker /-so-/ t o the verb stem, followed by a different set

of personal suffixes employed only in a no'n-past negative combi-
nation. The teoae is not at all marked in the non-past negative
 The negative h r b is formed by the addition o f /-?a-/ to
tbe verb stem, followed by appropriate suffixes. The negative
morpheme has' two allomorphs, viz., /-PO-/ which occurs in the
non-past negative finite verbs only and / sa-1 whicb occurs in all
other formations. The vowel in I 90-1 is dropped (2.12. Rule 15)
when' it is fpllowed by a vowel.
e.g., kupeve '(She) will not sit down'
kugavu '(They) will not sit down'
'

Tn the personal object verbs, the third person exclusive

morpheme (5 22) occurs between tbe verb stems and negative
morpheme. The struhure of different formations of negative .

verbs formed from the general as well as .the personal object

stems are described and suitable examples are citkd to iliistrate'

5.32.1. Indicatives
The structuri5 of the past negative verb is: stern+negative+
+
tense person (5.31.2).

Class I hiIr(i)- 'to call' General Special

1st person (sg.) h&ta?ate?5 hataoa te?Z
'(PI. 1 hitasa tomi hiita?atomi
2nd person (sp.) bafasati . - .h%f.a?ati. .
1 ., , hgtamteri hiltasateri
3rd person (sg.) b Btasafesi hiiIasa tesi
~PU PlQa?a teri Mtac~ateri

There is no overt difference in the coajugatiad~of general

well -.asspecial . verbal stems of class I . Hawever, /-a- l. which
~ g e u r sbetweeo - the general stem and negative suEx has to be
,

interpreted as a coohecting vowel, whereas the same in'thc personal'

abject verbs has to be treated as tbird persdn object exclusive
morpheme ( 3 2 2 1 ) .
Class I1 ki- 'to do' i, .i .. . ".
.>
s t persbn (sg.) ;. kisatevz biyaoatesz .. ,
(pl.) kisatomi . kiya9atomi
2nd :person (sg.) S.kisati tkiyaqati .
(pl.) , kictateri kiyacrateri
3rd ,person (ag.) , kiqatesi ki8awtesi ;
! m

(p1.j kisa teri kiyasat eri

(SE.) , kipate kiyaoate
(pl.) kisatu kiy asatu
The verb stems of other classes are also conjugated . in thg .i

above manner (5.31.2).

The structure of the non-past negative verb is: stem +negative
+person. The tense is not. marked in the non-past negati& verbs.
a s 'mentiohed before, the non-past negative verbs take a different
set of personal suffixes '(5.3 1 .4).
I
Cllass I kac(i)- 'to bite'
1st person (sg.) kacosb kaco96 P , 4

(p].) kacosomi kaco9omi ,*

2nd person (sg.) kacs~oti kacoso t i \
f
(pl.) kacoaoteri kacosoteri :
. 1. , -
3rd person (sg.) kacosoi;i kacososi
L .

kacosori
%

(pl.) kacosori )

(sg.) kacex kacese

(p1 ) kacasu kaca~u I

Class III vet- 'to return' .q

1st person (sg.) vets0 vetha90 ,

. . .
.. . .^

" ( . (p1. ) ve.!qom i vetbocromi

2nd person (sg.) vetsoti vethosoti r .
. - (p1.) vetso teri vethovoteri
3rd .person (sg.) vei?osi ,. ., ,ve$h,o?asi
, . . !I . ,a .
(p) velsori vetho~ori
.
S . , . ., , . .
,
.
L

l' .:.. . . , \,

. (sg.) vet?e vet hese . .

:
,
. , .0 . ;
i'
(,P!.) ve!iu %e!ha'?u ..
, . ., . . , . . , . .
,' . .' ' .. , . : . ':. : .
 Class 1V pun- 'to know'
1 s t . person - (sg.) pun096 punjo~d
. .
-\

. . (pl.) puno9orni punjosomf

2nd person (sg.) punoloti p~nj090ti
(p].) pdno9oteri puojoeoteri
3rd person (sg.) pilnosssi punjososi
(p. yuno9ori punjooori
(sg.) puneee punjese
(pl.) puna~u punjaqu
Note 1 . be' vetbai stems of other classes ate also conjugated 1i1
the above manner.
2. The connecting
- vowel &a- (2.13. Rule 20) which occurs
after the stems undergoes rowel harmony change (2.14. Rule i b ) ,
when followed by the negative allomorph / -7o.1 with the vowel of thd
following morpheme. But /-a-/ is tetaiaed when foHoaed by -U,
eg .,punam, punjam.
3. The same type of vowd harmony is eiperieaed ia the
tbird person object exclusive morpheme also except in the case of
allomorph Idhal, while occurring in the first person singular anly.
(5. 22. 3).

The structure of the negative imperative verb is: stem +

aegatlve +
imperative marker. They are discussed along with
the regular imperative verbs (9.41.2).
5 3 2 . 3 . Desideratt~e~:
The st iueture of tbe aegdtioe desideratioe verb is: stem' +-
negative -k desiderative +
third person morpheme.. T h q are
discussed elaborately under the desideratives (5.43 $1,

9.3%.$1. A&e&al. Participle (5. 72. 1 I)

The -strut ture of the negaf ive adverbial participle of comple"
the i& stem+ negative 4- parti~ipltemarker ( ~ n a / - n a h % ) ~
S:
 'I. , ., '. 'b&vjag .. $,i'$- :"
bltt@d'!
! *,

Class 1 kac(i)- 'to bite' kaka9aoa I.

.
.
.
. ....
. . i t -.*. d . " kacaoanahg . ' . ,. \ S
.a:!.

cla&
11 : :
: ki- gto d$ :
.i
kiiana .
.I . . . . . ......................
' 'havlng nO't 'donet J . : r
.
. - i . .
'

. > :,
. . . . . . . . 'Bi::ianah$
. . . L : 9. ... . .. ' : ...: 2
1 . .
.'li"'
:
: . . . . . .
I .

' I . ' I; '.

..
Class 1V ; a~~:know~.,:::
. . . . . . .
gunasana
..,. : . .
'
,>i.) , %

..-.. : .. 5 C
,- . . 'having
. . . khoyh'
not . :'i' . i ! ;
,; punaoariahs .
.
7

: '. > ' :- : . , [l.!

, 'L. A *' ,':

Class V tae- 'to bring' ts?ana "having not.bro's@&:"':

... - tasanahg ,
.

Class V1 meh- "to see" rnehcrana "having noti iseen'

mehsanahii - i
. ri l .h

5.32.42. Adjectival Participle (5. 85)

The siructure of 'the past neiitivd adjec~ival participle is i
+
stem oegaiive $ tense jrparticiple marker; whereas the structure of
the nonbpast negative adjectival participle is.: stem+negative.
The tense as well as the participle is not marked in the non-pas3
. ,

adjectiral participle. 4 .

. . . -. . . . .,. .
. ", 8

;General . Special
.. .
.
@lass H hl$(i)- 90 call3. (past) ., .ha$asati hS$a9a;$[
3 : (non-past) hadam , bstasa, :

Class I1 hi= 'to give" (1pas0 hhati hfya98ti;

(non-past) hfaa biyaaa
Class 111 rat- 'to cut' (past) satsati " aatbadsati!
. (non-past) ratoa aa t baqa

Glass I V ven- 'to listenB (past)) venaqati , venjaqati

' (non-past) vena9a V enjasa

Cl a s s Y vf+ 'to beatg (past vt3ati vZta9ati .

(non- past) vEsa v45 tasa
Cfass V1 meh- 90 see-past) mebsati mesta9ati
(non-past) mehsa mestaqo
5.32.5. Negative stem bib 'to be not9
The negative stem hil- be not' occurs as a main verb im
all the persons and numbers. In the past and-non-pagt, it i s
conjugated identically with the stem of any other verb (5.31.21: 5 ) .
In the past tense the negative verb formed from hil- 'to b:
aot* has four constituents, viz., stem+negative+ tcnse+person,
e.g., hi1 (-a)-?ad- el? 'I was not'; whereas it has three constituent3
in the non-past conjugation, e.g., hi1 (-0) -90--.'l am not'(9.32. l ) .
Past Tense
nraazn hila?ate?~ 'It was not'
oiou hilasati 'You were'not" '

evasi hilaqatesi =Hewas not"

sdi bilasate ushewas not"
mambu hila~atomi ' w e were not'
mgro hila9atovi were not'
mlmbu hi1a.a teri 'Youwerenot* -
Cvari hilauqa teri 'They were notd
evi krila?atu T h e y were not'
Non-Past
nSnu hi1076 'I am not, I shall not be' ,

nlnu Inilomti 'You are not, You will not be'

Evasi hilo~osi 'He is nut, He will not be'
Edi Riledce . - 'She is not, She will not beS
rngmbu hilo~omi 'we are not, w e shall not be"
m%ro hilo9ovi ''We are not, We shall not bed
m5mb.u hilo9oteri 'You are not You shall not be*
evari hilovori 'They are not, They shall not be' J

2vi bilam .They are not, They shall not be'

Since tbe.negative meaning is contained in tbc root (stem)

kself, the add i t iooal negative inflect ion in all these conjugated
forms is redundant. It'is presumably due to the anallogy of other ,$

aggatire vesbs and is of se~ondaryorigia,

 The negative hil- 'to be 'not' does not take the infinitive
form, whereas all verb stems are identified by their occurrence i n
'the infinitive form (5.91). The stem hil- 'to be not' 'does dot
form
,
the basis for the durative and perfective participles also
(5.51.8),
,
while all verb stems can occur in the durative and perfec-
tjve participle forms. Further this stem does not have a corres-
ponding personal object stem (5.22). Tbe corresponding negative
imperatives are formed from the stem man- 'to be'.
manaoani 'do not be' (sg.)
manavadu 'do not be' (pl.)
.. ,
5 32.6. The Auxiliary Verb Stem hil- 'to be not'
,
The cor,responPiog negative compound tenses to' the posi-
tive compound tenses (5.5'1) can be formed by combining the dura-
tive and the participles with the past and non-past
tense forms of the auxiliary verb hil- 'to be not', followed by
apprdpria te personal suffixer (5.31 )
The four negative compound tenses are: (1) pastcoatiauone
negative, (2) present continuous negative, (3) pluperfect negative
and (4) perfect negative.
kug (i)- to sit'
kugi hilasatesg 'I was not sitting'
kugi hi1096 'I am not sittinge
kuga hilasatesg 'I bad not sat'
kuga hi3096 'I have not sat'
ta?. 'to bring'
taci hilasate 'She was not bringing'
t aci h ileoe 'She is not bringing'
taca hilasate 'She had not brought'
' taca h 11ese 'She has not brought'
>
. .

Although the negative auxiliary stem is hil-'to be note,man-

'to be', the corresponding positive auxiliary stem ~ 4 t hnegative
. .
. . personal object verb
inflection regulaily serves in ail t h e negative . . . .
. . ,
,
,
, i.. 1 . '
combinations
- l! in compound tenses, in view of the absence of a
z , I :

korkeipodiino -personal object siem for hi1 ;(5.22).

, . i . > ' :I

hi- 'to give: .hihi, manja9atesi

I , '(He) was not giving ( y ~ u l m e ) ~
. ... ,..
, . . i :. - ..bihi
:;. .:
C., ., m a n j o ~ o s i
;
'(He) is ?ot giving ( y ~ u l r n e ) ~
;
hiha
.
-manja?atesi
. :
' '(He) had not given (youlme)'
. . .
' 'I

j;:
..;;'i*-j.,I:
hiha
. .. manjoqosi. .
' . '
'(He)has not given (youlme)'

There is &other peculiar form B7e which is often used in

the conversation to deny the ekisteacc of something, especially of
some quality. This often expresses the meaning 'id not so9.
This negative verb is formed by the addition of the negativq
morpheme /-?a-/ t o the verb stem 3- 'to becomeg followed by 3rd
person n~n-~rnhsculine singular marker 1-e/ (2.12. Rule 15).
~ v a s i kajasi 8% 'He is not great'
1 : edi 4
nehayi ,iise 'It is not good'
f

gadi piyu v l h i mane 'Torrential rain comess. B9e 'no'.

1Enju tbnja 5te 'The moon has become visible', g ~ 'no'.e
&nu baji niavi. aiau v5di ki? Q?e. '1 am going.
I
Will you come or not?'
Sometimes the stem a- 'to b e v s conjugated to the negative
forms of other genders also.
hosi he is not' awai 'they are notv
a3u a they are not'.

These forms are ra&ly:used in the language. % %

5.41. Imperative Verbsr

5.41..0. The imperative verbs are formed b y the addition
,

of /-mu/aah.,/-dul io the second,persoo singular and diural res- I:.

.
pectively. . ,

.
,
, I' ' . '.l , . 5 4 .

e.g., vii- .I 'tg,comk"

. . . .: I .
v5m.y. ,... P ~ 5 - m ~ . acorne' (you, $,g.)
.. . ,

v ~ yd vii-du 'come9 (you,

. .-
p~.)
.c' , , :, ..
1: mu/ bas the phonologically conditioned Ariants
5.41, I . . .. . , :

. . . . oicurs.-afteribe verbal stems of class I and XV an@

;(arnul,, which . .. . ., ,

1-mu/ whbb &curs elsewhere.

 pZc(i)-amu 'singD . ', ' ki-mu 'dofit) ' . 7

llc(it - amu 'measure(it)' tijh-mu 'stiow(it)'*

. . , '?,: . :

ven-a& 'lis tenB: . de?-mu 'open(iijY. . - .- ,.

i _. )I ... hal-amu "0' . . , . .'
& , . . rnek,-mu$ift(i~)~
.., ...: . . . I.

1.du l has the phonologitcallg conditioned variants 1- adul whicb

occurs after the verbal stems of class I, I - j a l 'which .occurs after
the stems of class IV and /-dui which *ocqqrselsewhere.
.;' ; .; ., 1. -.-l,
.
-,. ,:;
end(i)-amu *dance3 (you, pl.) b i - d u 'give' {you, pl.) *
,

.
,,

. ..
. . .. . . ..i
;. .d , * ,,l. , ' ; :

bec(i)-aqu 'look', (,you: pl.')_ pak-dp

, : l: . ,. . 'divide' (YOU, p1 )' ,' l. .. "

,-..$
ven ju 'listenP (you, p].) taq-du 'bring' (you, pl.3; v ,
,

ha[l)-ju 'go' (you, pf)' ' " . ' d ~ h ~ 'bbiia'

du (you,,'pl.)-
! !: n! . ... . I .,. . ..
. 3

5.41.2. Negative Imperative (Prohibitive) 'f*r

!' .
.
.
:..F
.J+

The negative imperative verbs are formed by addiag to the

verb stems, the negative dorpbeme /-sal. followed by /-nil in the
second person singular and /-du/ in the plural. . > l., p

sg. "
, . , ,
. , . , * .
.'.
;
; " pg
kic(i)- " o pinch"
..j
k:icJa,aoi
,.,. . , .
.
,

'dd hid pinch9

..
kicabadu ;,
'S
mi- 'to bathe3 rnivani *do not bathe9
c S I t

tap- 'to stop' tap~ani "0 not stopli t)" tapvadu

ven- * to listen' ven aqarni "0 not listen' 8
-
.
,vena?adly
/ I.

' c , , $87 'to cutD dzsan i 'do not cut(it)' ,db;edu

t6h- 'to show' t 6 hsani
'do not show(itj9 - 'tOh?adu,
" I

(Vide 2.13. Rule 20, 2.14. Rule 26aad 2.11.. Rule 6)

5.41.3. The affirmative as well as negative imperative verbs
are formed from the personal object sterns (specid bases), also .by
the addition of "appropriatesuExes, ,
Class I S&!. P1.
h i f (i)- to call' hiitarnu ccall(me)'- hatadu
hsta?ani 'do not call(me)' bwasadu
 In the case of itnperatives formed from the stems 6f Class I,
there is no overt difference between the conjugated forms of general
and special stems. This may be interpreted in a d~fferent way.
/-a-/ in -amu/-adu after a general stem is a connecting vowel,
whereas the same.vowt1 after a special stem is third person object
exclusive morpheme-' . , .
pac(u) 'to sing' pacamu 'sing(me)' piicadu
pscaqani 'do not sing (me)' plca.radu
Class I1 .
hi- to g h e , ,hfyamu ~ ~ i (me)'
v e htyadu
biia7ani 'do not give (rnklW hiyavadu
Class I11 -
1

jap-'to ttach' japhamu 'teach (me)' j8phadu

jSpha7ani 'do not teach (me)' jlpha7adu
I

Class IV
v&- 'to hear* venjamu 'ask (me)' venjadn
vcnja~ani'do not ask (me)' venjavadu
Class V
d2s- 'tocut* datamu 'cut(me)' dztadu
d i t a ~ a n i'do not cut (me)' d i tasadu
Class VZ
ah- 'to hold' astamu 'hold (me)' astadu
as taqani 'do not hold (me)' asta9adu
I

9.41'4. A Few Rare uiagesW

Like many otber Dravidian Languages, in Kuvi the verb
stem -also occasionally occurs as singular imperative verb.
vii 'come' (you, sg.)
jt 'shoot' (YOU, sg.)
a Frequently the various terms of address with their initials
droppkd, are suffixed to these stems (9.3).
vi~a v5 afa , 'come' (boy)
vaka v8 aka 'come9 (girl) ,
vsba I , .
v8 5ba 'come' (man) C

vlya va Byi *come* (women)

halia bal aza "0' (boy)
 A few forms, with suffix which occur as singular im-
/-a/,
perative verbs have been recorded. After vowel ending stem
often the glottal stop /r/ or rarely jyl is inserted to pr;~ent the
hiat us.
banda tie' ve3a 'beatb
m%ra beat je?a >jeve 'move away9
ina "ay' hBsa 'go out'
v 8?a 'comeB kisa/kiya 'do (it)" . .
t a?a 'bring'
f t is worthy of notice that Konda regularly forms the imper*
alive singular verbs by adding /-a/ to the verbal stems. L :
:

A peculiar type of imperative formation by adding the

plural suffix' 1-bgal to the plural imperative verbs is rarely used
towards persons of respect; . This is a kind of double plural for6
mation used in honorific siogulat .
. .
tinjuniga 'eat'. (please)
vaduhga :, u ~ ~ m (please)
e' , . :.
,

biduiiga "give it, (please)

Such of' these forms are often used towards the daughter-
in-laws.
In the conversations the second person indicative verbs are
~ometimesused as imperative verbs.
vldi 'come' (yau, sg.) vlderi 'come' (you, pl).
kidi 'do itb (you. sg.) . kideri 'do it' (you, pl.)

S 42. Dasiderati~eVerbs
S-!

5.42.0. The desiderative mood, which expresses the -'desireb.

,
ot 'permission' of the speaker, occurs only in third person-of both
tnumbers. 'It is formed by the addition of I -p&! or its allomorph
to the verb stems,, followed by the third person marker. E~celjt
a few stems ending in J - a / and 1- 11 taking the dlomorph 1-mb-J
or its altered form /-b-1 ,in free. v.iiriation, . a11 other stems take
the allornor pb - p-/.
- p-eri let Bim.corne' 2 ':;vii-p-eri .let thkm 'come9 *

v5-g-e diet her some' v2 p U '1st them comb:

-. . .. > , " --.: ,i ., '
. 5.42.3. The de&deiati\;e
, ,.; . , .
,'is occasionally . expressed b) a
. : C<. : ?.- 2
8 .

co~tibction:'by sddmg another impciatiie verb ds.;the

kugspesi :' @:teN

,hi& to sit (le*t sit)' ,
,,
:
: ,
. .

, .
hfyapesi vehmu tell him to give it ( t b m;$,
- .
. . .., . . ..
. .... ,
;>
, , . , .. . ,.
::.. -, . . .... -:1a - !et hfm give i t ( t l i me)'
tinmbu v e h r n ~ . 'tell them to eat (let ; t h e m eat) * -. ..
S - .-..

5.42.2* The forms ; in, the desiderative mood. are non - past
in time teference, although they' do not .take \any tense marker;
They can be formed from the personal object stems also and may
be inflected for the negative too. Tho, -usagepof verbal stems of
different classes in the,desiderative mood in their general as well as
special base (personal object stem. 5.22) and in their affirmative
as well as negative boajugatiba (4.32.3) is shown as fo~!ows.
+ *
7

General Syecf i l
Clas& ' Stem Positive c Negit ive " Positive Negative
I kacia 'to bite' kacapesi kacalapesi kaoapesi kacaqapesi
,
., .;...: .
% i, ,
; ..'$ ' . ;
:
. .. i/

IT hf - 'to give'
. I / :

biped ' hf?apbsi..I hfyapesi 'hiya?apesi ,,.,. ,l,

III jap to teach* jlpqsi

a . jlpqapeai jgphapesi jilphasapesi
(2.12. Rule 9)
tbk- "to weigh' tiipkesi ' thk~rpesi &khapesi takhalapea
(2.16. R'ule411) '
. I I *

'2
,

IV venk ' 'to listen' veninbesi . vena~apesivcajapesi vcnja7apesi

I

hal- 'to go' halbesi ' halasapesi hajapesi hajasapesi'

f

p - . 'to
fa?-' . bring' tapesi tayapesi : tat apesi tat a?apesi
l71 ah -' 'to hold' aspesi ah9apd'si astaped astapapesi
 h may be notickdthat the sterns bf class I take I-akJ as a
connecting vowel in the general conjugation and that there is no
diperence betweeh the general and special'conjugatioa'in the overt
Forms (5.22. l), though there is difference in meaning between
them.
3.43. Optative Mvod ..
A special type oif optative verbs is formed by the addition
of 'the secoxid pereonitl suffixes, singular and plural, directfy to the
berbal sterns . Thus these optatives are found used only in the
second person. Sometimes they serve to express some kind of
permissive meanhg. Tbey are characterized 'by the absence of
tense markers, wbich distinguishes them from the indicative verbs
of the second person.
kiih~i 'don'tdoit' (to pmhibit)sg.
k l h'eri 'don't ,do it' (to ,prohibi.t)pl.
jeq.]i "YOU (s'g.1 P138Y

je.9-eil ' 'you. lpl,.) &ay go'

The secohd wrsob singalar sbffix i s oPtela nasalhed. The

hbsence of a tense marker in between the stem and suffix is
compe$saled by a glottal stop which pfevenlrs 'the hiatus.
1
:nPn~ k i9'I 'You (sg.) may do ii'
mimbu . kiqeril 'YOU( p l r ) may do it' ,

1 ninu tinaql 'Yon (sg.) may eat it"

mfmba tine~eri 'You (pl.) may eat itqD
~ j n u h a1a d 'you (sg ) may g o .it9
mf obh hale9ert "You (pl.) may gob
I #n bSa& sach a type of optative verbs o f l n oCcOrs i'n the
plural.
hf yeqe'ri "loo (p1.3 may give (it)'
t aseri .You (pl.)may brins (itf
v83eri 6You(pl.) may come' -

Often ch.ese optatives are Followed by vrurious partgcles 'oT

d d k s s depending apon the zoatex t (9 3 ) .
'
 /j
- waseri-fa 'You may come! boysp
jl
I
;
l$
1 vZ9eri-ka
viiseri-ba
'You may come! ladies'
'You may come! men' b

. . g .

5.44. Hor4ativce Mwcf

There is a type of hortative verb which is often used in the
first person inclusive plural to express an 'advice or wish' of the
1i speaker. This is formed by adding the su&x DO, which occurs only
; //
1r in the first person exclusive plural after the non-past stem of a
i
!i ! 1
verb. Thus the verbs in the hortative mood are always non-past
il
. 4
i~ t-ime reference.
I * h?no 'let us give (it)'
l , :
It L kino 'letusBo(it)?
,l l, I
gobno 'let us drink (it)"
1 . ;
tasno 'let us bring (it)'
8 1 .

I irnba9g vaja tino ' l e t us cook -and eat herd

I
I r6 kumda ape tino !Let us eat at least one pumpkin'
l
bareti kiba ksjabaki r6hno 'Let us marry her to the
I , , eldest9
I
i
.
nato hano va 'Let us go to the village'
B u a a m8hgaqaki gota haoora Triends, let us visit
the old man's daughterj
jamu 'ltihl gota hano 'Start, if it is so, let us visit'
tava barha rnapdi onQa tin0 'Old man, bring the
plate, let us eat some rices

5. 45. Habitual Mood

I
1l
There is a regular type of usage b y m ~ o ofs a special kind
i: of morphological formation which indicates the existence of a
//
'condition or state in the @ast7tirneas an historical phenomenon or
1 I
11 ,q:
of an action or state which has been continuing as a habitual thing.
11
II
I :
Thus such a forrnatijn helps to express an historical, habitual or
I! I
I continukus doing ,or state in Kuvi and it is bcrein indentified as
i !I I habitual action verb. *

.. :The habitual action verb is formed by the addition af

morpheme /evil to the verb. stern, foilowcd by various suaxes.
 The allomorphs of this morpheme ate indtri~icalto those of the
reciprocal voice (5,61.1).
.-
evari marka ratpioeri 'They are accustomed to cut trees'
Pvari ja pviteri 'They used to teach.'
poday%rnah?% ti~mbinu'The girls are accustomed to eat .
mangoes' .
ni tayi sifi pangvitesi 'My brother used to send let&rsT
.. -
Class I hfip(i)- 'to spit' biipvi-
aqd(i)- 30 send' . aq@vi-
payi- 'to beat" payvi-
Class I1 bf- 'to give9 bivi- I .

5- to take' Gvi-
ka- ' t o harvest' k6vi-
' ' ! . . :
ClassliH kot- 'to hoev kot pi-
tii k - 'to weigh' tiikvi-
.
hoq- ' t o run' ' hon p i i
pPr- 'to chase' pzrvi-
kal- 'to mix9 . kalvi-
Class TV man- ' t o remain'
t ini- 'to eat'
in - to say
Class V kZ9- "to watch' kapi-
de3- 'to open' depi-
t a? - "to bring' tapi-
Class V1 %h- "to answer9 Sspii
bah- 90 smear9 kaspi-
p5h- 'to spread* paspi-
. > .
I C Kiivi there is a clear-cut distinction between the use O$
habitual actionverb and that of the plural action verb. The
differences in the formation of the sterns sad in the meanings are
already ,explained. (5.23)
. X .
 Kuvi there are two differest types of periphrastic con-
itructions used to express the sense of obligation. The obligative
expressing obligation (must or should) is formed by combining the
infinitive f ~ of~ ma verb wit h t i e auxiliary I- 'to become', lol-
lowed by the *on- past iense marker' I-n-l snh' the -third bersoa
non-masculine siagular morpheme /me/ (5.31.21; 5.91.24).
i kokasi oso tiojali l n e ' 'This boy must t a k e medicine9
r
n3nu ilu vigali Bne 'I must thatch' the-house'
mHmbu r8 piija k i ~ a l iZine 'We must offer a puja'
Another type of periphrastic construction denoting 'musts
or 'should' is formed by combining 'the verbal noun forms of the
verbs with the auxiliiry verb man- .'to be', followed by the non-
past marker /-n-l and third person non-masculine singular mor-
pheme I / - e / l.
hdi gadi ogda tinayi mane 'She must eat much rice'
i kokasi oso tinayi mane 'This boy- must take msdicine'
nfnu i valka vesnayl mane 'you must break these
stones'
mar0 10 k o j u hipa rakliiayi mane 'We must sacrifice
a chicken'
d m b u ' i -kama japinayi mane 6Yousmust learn tbis work9
Thus, in all these constructions, the obligative mood em-
ploys a finite verb. funct loning syntactically a s a predicate, which
does not necessarily agree with the subject.
5. 47. Prohibitive Mood I

5.47.1. The prohibitive denoting 'must not' b r 'should

not' is opposed in meaning to the obligitive described already
(5.46)., - , . I I f

This is expressed. by a periphrastic construction whigb..is

formed by combining the infinitive form of any verb to. the I

auxiliary kud(i)- 'to b t possible', followed by negative marker and

third person non-masculine singular morpheme /-ei (5 91.24).
 kud(i)-vane > - kuqeqe
evasi pika gosali kudeqe 'He must not smoke'
ninu i kama kiyali kudeqe 'You must not do this wsrk'
m5ro ga4i ogda tinjali
kuGe9e 'We must not take too much rice"
I n the prohibitives also, as in the obligatives the predicate
does not agree with the subject.
5. 47. 2. Sometimes by combining the negative adverbial
participle (completive) or the negative resultative non-finite verb
instead of the infinitive form) with the auxiliary verb kudeqe, some
kind of very strong positive thrust is expressed in 'the 'language.

{ \
viga9an? kude?e. Lit. 'It is impossible that
nenu ilu vigavak~
I should not thatch the house" 'I should thatch the house
by all means'.

{
ninu i kokapaki dabuyH hi,aki } ku,ije?e. Lit. 'It is im-
possible that I should not give money to this boy'--'I must
give money to this boy by all means'
evaraki ro kPsu korap;tu mane. vi?e { ~~~~~~q 1 kudere
'They have a court-case at Koraput. They must by all
means go to-morrow'
5.48. Potential Mood
Potentials expressing 'ability' are formed by combining the
infinitive form of a verb with the auxiliary verb rdi- 'to be able',
followed by tense suffix and appropriate personal suffixes in con-
cordance with the subject (5.91,24),
ntinu i valka vecali 5Gsi 'I can break this stone5
ninu.E kama kiyali a diti Y o u could do . that work"
evasi joypuru hajali Pdinesi 'He can go to Jeypore'
 Negative potentials expressing inability are formed by com-
bining the infinitive form of a verb with the auxiliary verb stem
3di- 'to be able', inflected for negative, followed. by appropriate
suffixes.
.
,_...::. ;o,nda
n8nu.I ti~jali.:iiQo?Ti:~ 'I: canaot eat this rice'
eyasi .kama lkiyali a da~atesi 'He could not do work'
ninu nailge dabuh hiyali Bcjo?oti 'Can you not give me
k i? . money?"
5.42. erm missive Mood
Permissive is regularly expressed by il periphrastic formation
also (5.42), which is relevant to all the three persons. It is formed
by combining the infinitive form of a main.verb to.the Auxiliary
verb hi- 'to allow',"to permit7 (literally means 'to give') followed
by appropriate s u b e s (5.91.24).
n m u evanalti dabuli taca kodali 'I allowed him to 'bring
h i t e ~, ~ money for himself'
nTnu evanavi hajali hivani 90not allow him to go'
rnimbu rnihge Pndali . hi-y07orni 'We won't allow you to
dance"
Pvanasi miyali himu 'Allow him, ,to take a bath"
a I

m8ro pi;daqi picali h'inovi 'We will allow the girls to

sing'

5.50. The durative and the perfective function as the most

prominent aspects in Kirvi, indicating the perfect and*continuous
actions. A few ather aspects formed of different combinations
occasionally lwith+theuse of durative and perfective partiaiples also,
are also employed in Kuvi to denote various kinds of actions.
5 5 1 0. The Compound Tenses
In;addition to *thetn70morphological constructians denoting
past and n o n - k t tenses (5.31), there' are four periphrastic const-
ructions which denote different tense-.distinctions in K,uvid The
 299

different tense distinction arespast durative (past continuous), non-

past durative (present continuous), past perfective (pluperfkct) and
non-past perfective (perfect). These are, herein, identified-as cod-
pound tenses. The constructions are formed by combining the dura-
zive and the perfective participles with the past and non-past tense
forms of the auxiliary manm'to be' I hil-.to be not" which is foilo-
wed by appropriate personal suffixesexpressing fu'l'l concordance
with the person and number of the subjects which they take.
Thus, the two special types of verbal participles, viz.,
durative and perfective serve,as the basis for the different compound
tenses. The durative participle of a verb is formed by adding/-hi/
or its allomorphs to the verbal stem, whereas the perfective is
formed by adding /-ha/ or its allomorphs to the stem. They have
similar allomophs, sharing the identical complementary distribu-
tion and they are enumerated as follows:-
Dura tive Perfective
Class I par(i)- 'to search' -i par1 -a para
I1 hi- 'to give3 -hi hihi -ha hiha
111 kel- 'to sing3 -hi kerhi -ha kOrha
..
IV pun- 'to know' -J J punji -ja punja
V k29- 'to wait' -ci kaci -ca kiica (Rule 6 )
VI t6h- 'to S~OM~' -si tbsi -sa t6sa
(Rule 10,34)
5.51.1, The Past Durative (Tbe Pa'st Continuous Tense)
This tense is 'used to denote an uncompleted action, which
was going on in the past, when another action took place.
1 The past durative is formed by ~ o m b i ~ i nthe g past tense of
the auxiliary verb man- 'to be' with the durative participle stetll
of any verb. . .
kug@)- 'to sits kugi: m.gceq$
, ~~'~ sitting
k;i- 'to:
.j:,zp- 4bdo3 kihi:mace@ ,. 'I:.was doing'
j %phimace93 , . 'I was teaching'
'13$ai.:ljit$-ihg
ven- 'to iiste,n?. ~ e h jmace98
i . .
,

Sa7- 'to bring'. , . t a ~ mace9C,..

i . . ' I ~ \ ~ .bring.&?
, Y.~S .;

P
',j.jb.&inp
. gj$. mac&,g'' 'I was drinkingv
5.51.2. The Non-Past Durative (The Present C!ontinuous Tense)
This tense is used to denote an action actually going on at
the present moment. C\

The non-past durative is formed by combining the non-past

tense of the auxiliary verb man- 'to be' with the durative participle
stem of any verb.
. kugi manesi 'He is sitting'
kihi manesi 'Hk is doing'
j rphi manesi 'He is teaching'
, ,

venji manesi 'He is listening'

taci manesi 'He is bringing'
, gosi manesi 'He is drinking'
5.51.3. The Past Perfective (The Pluperfect Tense)
This tense is used to denote an action which had taken place
in the past, before another past action.
The past perfective is formed by combining the past tense
form of the auxilary verb man- 'to be' with the perfective partici -
ple stem of any verb.
kuga maceri 'They had sat (down)'
kiha maceri 'They had done'
jiipha maceri 'They had taught'
venja maceri 'They had listened to9
taca' maceri 'They had brought'
gosa maceri 'They had drunk'
5.5 1.4. Non-Past ~erfec'tive( ~ h e ~ e r f e Tense)
ct
This is used to denote actions which had taken place in the
past, and the effects of which continue to remain, even till now.
The perfect tense is formed by combining the non-past tense
form of the auxilary verb man- 'to be' with the .perfective partici-
ple stem of any verb.
 kuga mane. : . 'She has; sat(d~wn).~
. . . .. : , : . .

hiha mane.. 'She. has given' '

: , , '> .,

'Jgpha mane 'She has . . taught' ... , . . .:! . . .. .

.h\. , . ,

venja mane - 'She. has listened to'

taca ?mane
....
, . . 'She....has.brought'
, .. , , , , , ., :

gosa m,ane She has drunk' ,

, The auxiliary verb man- 'to be' takes --the, third

,

object exclusive morpheme also according to the context (5.22.2;

5.32.6) as the durative ,and ,perfective participles do not show such
a distinction as general and special conjugations.
Corresponding negative tenses are also formed by adding
the different tenSe 'foims of the auxiliary verb"hil- 'to be not' to the
,
durative and perfective participles. 3

hihi liilasatesi . ' '(He) was .hot giving9

. .
' hihi hilovosi '(He) is not: giving'
. hiha hilasatesi '(He) had not given'
. . ..
'I. , hilia hilo,?osi, '(He) has not given'
In the ordinary speech, the compound tenses are often con-
tracted by eliding the vowel -a- in the auxiliary verb man-'to be'
and by dropping hi- in the auxiliary verb hil-'to be not '(2.22).
kuga.maci > kugarnci T o u had sat down'
kuga hilasatesi > hugalatesi 'He did not sit'
As a general rule, the following forms do not contract, i,e,
v

the first person singular form of the non-past perfective and the
non-past durative.
kuga m,a?I '(X) have sat down"
. . :
'
.
'
,

. kuj$',mal~
. . .
' '(I) am sitting' '

, . . , ' 5.52. Frequentative Aspect .. . .

The frequentative aspect refers to an action; either of

5.52.
a short' or long durdtion,"whicA is frequenily repeated, : i.e., inter-
vals or interrjiptiotls frequently: gegment the action. It is formed
by the addition of *the.emphaticciitic -e to the durative participle,
followed by the ,wxi,liaryverb' man - 'to be' .or:hi1 Yo be not' and ,- 1

l, progriatt'!:su@~es,..:,:.]~:;
.::! ;. : .: . . ... ... . . , ' , : ,
 i nehquti kace mane 'This dog always bites',
'This dog often bites'
Evasi hihe manesis 'He keeps on giving', -,,
'He often gives'
evasi rathe macesi . 'He kept on cutting'
Gvari japhe hilo~ori 'They never teach'
By the use of the auxiliary hil-, the action is completely
. denied.
rnCim5u venje manomi 'We keep on listening'
evasi gospe hilo9osi 'He never drinks'
The final vowel -i of the durative stem is dropped, when the
clitic / - g / is suffixed (2. l l. Rule 5).
In all these instances the continuative" sense is marked by
1-e/ which i s regularly suffixed to the durative participle, in the
present and past continuous compound tenses. Thus the presence
of the emphatic ,/-e/ marks the difference between the forms of the
durati ve aspect and the forms of frequentative . aspect.
. . ,

S. 53. Continuative Aspect

The continuative aspect refers to an action which continues
(in the mind of a speaker) either over a short .or long period of
time. The negative may best be expressed by the meaning 'rarely,
seldom or does not make a practice of'. In certain cases it almost
tends to become a customary negative.
This aspect is formed by combining the verbal noun form
of any stem taking clitic 1-e/ with the identical stem, followed by
appropriate suffixes. The verbal noun form, referred to here, is
formed by adding the .suffix . ,-vu/ or its allomorph to a verb stem
43. 46.-2?)*
Evasi rispuse ristatesi . 'He continually begged' me' - ' ,

.iinehsuri kacuse kacese 'The dog never bites'

$@i$inmbh?e tineve - 'She never eats"
f kiidi sirxu9e sirve ,'Thisbfood never goes badiv' l

evasi veska ratpuve rat?osi 'He never chops woods

 183
The distinction of various compound tenses may also be
expressed in this by combining the verbal noun form taking the
emphatic clitic /le/ with durative or perfective participk of the
stem identical to that of the verbal noun, followed by the auxiliary
*rb man. 'to ~be'lhil-'to be not' with appropriate sufiixes.
evasi hivuse hihi manes; 'He will be always giving'
I neh?uli kacuse kaci mane <Thisdog often bites,
continuously bites'
svasi tatpuve ratha hilovosi 'He has never cm'
iidi jiipuqe japha hilese 'She has never taught"
svasi gospuqe gosa hiloqosi 'He h.as never drunk'

5.54. Iterative Aspect

The iterative aspect is formed by the combination of con-
tinuative and frequentative aspects, the constituents of which are
enumerated already (5.52,53), i.e., verbal noun 4- -e + durative
participle +
-e + appropriate suffixes.
evasi g o s p u ~gose manesi 'He is a confirmed chain-smoker'
evasi r i s p ~ rise
e manesi 'He is an out and out beggar'
cvari tinmbuqe tinje maneri 'They are out and out gluttons'
Pvi v&vusevahe manu 'They keep on comingg
plyu rivuve rfne 'The rain keeps on and on3

5.45, Definitive Aspect

The definitive aspect expressing completeness, thoroughness,
oertainty, eta, is -regularlyformed in two ways. The more common
way is by combining the ordinary form of the mmpletive adver-
bial participle (5.72.1) of any verb stem with the auxiliary verb
stem tuh- 'to dispose of', 'to finalize3 and adding the tense suffix
and appropriate personal suffixes f n full agreement with the subject.
.<
I I Although the definitive aspect indicates varied other shades
,
of meanings like intensity, finality, entirety, carefulnes~,insistence,
etc., also, ;ben the tense of the auxiliary verb is past, it generally
. . and when it is nonapast, it dqnpte~certainty.
denptes comptetengss
 ' evasi tinja- tustesi : : 'He liaaseaten up a11 the.food'
' evasi tinjn tuhne : . - 'He will eat u p all the food' ., . ,
'
,
3

. ' p6da haja tuste ' 'The girl' has gone 'already' , "

* ,: . . p6da. haja t.uhhi . :'The girl will certainly go' ' . '

pejeni perm-perha tuste 'The shamanin has completely '

, . . :expelled the evil spirit" ,

embathe naka hota tuste 'So the jackal 'ran off' . .

dabuyi jgkha tustu 'The inoney'is lbst' ' ' ,

The alternate way of expressing definitive aspect is by com-

bining a verb stem with the auxiliary verb tuh- 'to dispose of',
followed byFappropriatesuffixes.
kasi gostustesi 'He drank it (completely)'
Pvari hicu hcda pistusteri 'They set it ablaze entirely'
Evasi koskani Tapa tintustesi 'He ate up all the chickens'
burha e' nakati huturu 'The old man beat the jackal with
baigato'le vFtustesi a long stick
piyu viiyalige jikeve 'Even though it rained she went
rPpasanahg hatusi mane on without putting it down'
nPyfi tole vastusitha ' "having ffied well in oil'
bare Ssti biisti nestus% ' 'having put all things inside'
. .
5.56. Intensive Aspect
When the auxiliarjr verb hal- 'to go', followed by tense
suffix and appropriate personal suffixes in concordance with the
subject, occurs in conjunction with the ordinary form of the com-
pletive adverbial pariiciple of a main verb, in certain cases it adds
the idea of finality, completeness, certainty, intensity, etc., to the
meaning expressed by the main verb. Thus such a construction is
, .
used for expressing an intensive aspect.
. .,.

bare jaqa' haha haceri 'Many 'people died9 ( f i i ~ l i t ~ )

. r5cu.h6di hate' .
*, .
,
h he snake
.,
has entered the hdle9"
. . , , ... . . .. . . : . (completely),
\ .

.
!'!
c kokarihibi qhaceri
.. .. ., '
, .,
I . 'These .boys are spoiled':
. . , ,.
' : . .... :.. , .

8
A
,
,
,
. , . . . : ,, ,
,
fbompletely)
. . . : .

, ,

' c marnu.~ j h bhack : : ; :

! 'That tree is split?.(intensively)': 1 i i
 i dofiga munja hsce* 'That boat is sunk' (completely) .
gfira v4ha hace 'The horse became tired' (fully)..
Fvasi h5ha hanesi 'He will die' (oertainly). ! i

riicu hods hane 'The snake will go inside' (certainly)

: t kokari hedahaneri 'These boys will be spoiled
.. .
(certainly)
, . . . ., .
It may be observed that when the auxiliary verb is in the
past, the construction generally denotes completeness or intensity
aid when it is in the non-past, it denoties certainty.
This auxiliary verb is generally used with the intransitive
verbs. However it is occasionally used with transitive verbs also
, .
Pvasi karna kiha hacesi 'He did the' work comp~etkty9
. I.

Reciprocal Voice
'5.61.
5.61.0. The reciprocal action is expressed in Kuvi by a
special type of periphrastic formation which is made by the addit-
ion of the morpheme I-vil or its alternants' to the verb stem,
followed by the auxiliary verb a- 'to become'. with its appropriate
suffixes. . In the reciprocal voice a plural subject acts reciprocally
and it always agrees with a plural predicate,
kokari hiipvi gneri 'The boys' spit at each other'2 )

dokra-dokri lagvi Bhi ' 'The husband and the wife scold,
maneri each other'
5.61'. 1. The reciproca~moipheme has 'the following allomo-
a

rphs I-vi, -mbi, -pi, -i/ which a;e the same as are used iq.the for-
mation of habitual action vetbal stems (5;45).
-vi occurs after the stems of classes I, 11 and I11 (with
endings -p, -1,'-r and -k).
Class I pac-vi kOnjay8 pacvi ahimanu 'TKe monkeys are scra-
I, S tching each other"
nopd-vi Pvari nondvi shipmaneri 'They .are kissing each
other'
dig-ii kbkari-b8day8 digvi ahi 'The boys and girls are
maneri touching each other'
Class II hi-vi ayaska jayu kuca hivi ahi niadu "The wowed are
giving greens to each other'
Class 1, j r p 4 cvari jiip~ishi maneri 'They are teaching each
other'
prekivi paday8 banay8 prek~i ahimanu 'The girls
are delousing each other' .
." kabvi nilska kalvi ahl manu 'The countries are united"
ur-vi maska pneka uivi Bhi rnanu' 'The daughter
aie delousing each other'
&mbioccurs after the stems of class TV, i.e,, with final -n
Class IV pun~mbi rvari pug mbi Bhi maneri 'They know each
other'
ven-mbi
fajaurani venmbi &himaneri 'The king and
the queen listen ta each, other'
-pi occuis after all other stems (i.e., after stems of classes V;
VP and 111 (with endi'ngsl-t, a t , an and rarely bk);
Ciass V v&pi Wafi vbpi gteri ' he^ beat each other'
'

d8-pi abayti dapi Bhi maneii 'They are cutting each

ather9
Class VI' ah-pi evari aspi &himaneri 'They afe holding each .
other (fighting)'
vehspi talistanji vespi ihi maneri 'The father. and
mother are talking with each other'
Class III fat-pi kokari bZnay8 ratpi Bhi lnaneri "The boys are
cutting each others hairJ
mappi Pvari matpi ahi maneri 'They plan with each
other5
$tippi kiaii atefi "They killed each otber" '
.
tiiad ,

, ' Bak-pi > kafiki . kokariip~daylkapki iihirnanerl

I 'The
, . :I
boys.and the girls are
, . laughing at. ~aaoh
, d s u ' I .. .
..... 1 : ,. .. .
dtlieid
.I..... ,
4 1 .
- .. I .
 The stems with finaj -k mostly take - v i in the reciprocal
formation but rarely -pi (also), when the conjugated stems will
always be metathesised. ..=
.. .-c* .-."P

e. g., sikvi- 'to rebuke (each other)'

gnakvi- 'to stab (each other)'
F
okvi- 'to carry (each other)'
kak-pi- > kapki- 'to laugh (at each other)'
-i occurs after the stems which take the plural action msrA
pheme (5. 23.).
hiip-k-i kokari htipki ahimneri 'The boys are spitting at each
other'
kac-k-i neska kaski Gnu 'The dogs bite each other frequen-
tly'
mfnj-k-i evari rniski %himaneri 'They tug each other forcibly'
pom-k-i sGyiy?i bayiska pornkj 'The boy friends and girl friends
5nesi embrace each other'
' A

5.61.2. Even though the reciprocal action cannot otherw.ise ,be

interpreted than plural action, the plural action mor@~emeis
often added to the reciprocal stem to indicate the multiple, frequent,
intensive or repeated nature of the action. e. g.,, , 8 ,

rfiski a- 'to fight (cock) with each'other'

A few more examples . . ..,

gupvi Q- 'to knock at each other'

pelvi 5- "0 discuss .with each other"
beta. avi 5- 'to meet to-gether'
. . hfqvi a- . 'to call at each other' . ,

zndvi G- 'to be .friendly to each other'

5.62. Reflexive Voice

The reflexive, which involves the subject acting upon one-

self is regularly firmed by combining the p,erfect parficiple for&
(5.51.0) with the auxiliary verb kod(i)- 'to bring', followed by tense
suffix and appropriate personal suAtixes, expr~ssingfull .agreement
l

a ith the subject. Inlthe reflexive - voice the subject is also the
recipient of the action.
 i . ' , ' nanupayd5 ,>.k$ivi : : : ! . . '1 beat myself . ,

..
i

. .:., . . ninu hiha koijiti . . . . . . 'You gave-yourseIf . ,

nlnu kipha kodamu 'You comb yourself' .

ceasj jspha ko@inesi -'He teaches himself" il r

Fdi &a kodine.. . . S h e hofds herseif?

n anu venja
. . k o d i ~'i "I ask myself'
Generally t a ntr ,:himself, herselc itselif h n d tambu 'them-
.eli.~s5,fo1lowqd.bythe emphatic. particle -e occur after the third
*ersbn singular and pluraf subjects respectively, to emphasize the
. . . . . . , .

reflexive meaning, X..,_ , ..

I
,
'
. . a ,
. a .
2
evaii tahdqe'hati koditesi ., 'He &led himself'
! ' I '

evari tiimbuve b5n atiga 'They cut their own,hair'

ratha kocjineri
'
evasi tiinuve dica koditesi
f
We cut lzimself' .
nkhquri tanuve kaca kodine 'The dbg dites itself'
/
. .
I
5.7, Non-finite Verbs
5.70. -As indicated earlier (5.30) the non-finite verbs are distin-
guishable from the finite verbs on morphosyntactic grbu&s.
Morgihb~o~icall~, 'the finite verbs generally possess person and
numljer'er-genderrtfferehce'in' agreement with the subject, while the
. ,

nonhfinite verbs do hot; '

SyntacticaHy, the finite verbs function as predicates in sey-

tences, while the don-finite verbs do not. The non-finite verbs
Serve as head of sub-ordinate phrases or clauses in either an adverbial
or adjectival manner, The adverbials mainly mark the sub-ordi-
nate clauses,
All nowfinite verbs seem capable of being classified into
two types: tensebrelate'cl and aspect-related. Those that are tense-
related are formed from stems which carry tense-distinction,
Those that do not . .fit .
into the tense-contrasts
. . are aspect-related.
I . . :. . .. .. .. . . . . . . * . . !I
, ,

. .
. f
, , . ,, I .

3.71, There are six types:.. .o f tensearelated

. nonefinite verbs . including !
..
. ,
, , I ' I

the.,adj,ectival
. . p,wticiples
., . . constructed,
. o n verbal
. +
. . . . ;They...aqe;
stems., .I..,
...,l
,
: '\' 7 >

:. - 1. "Resultative Nonafinite Verbs (5.71.1). .. , l

.I
. , ? S <
 3. Conditional Non-finite Verbs (5.71.3)
4. Concessive Non-finite Verbs (5.71.4)
5. Simultaneative Non-finite Verbs (5.71.5) .., t

6. Adjectival Participles (5.8)

5. 71. There are four types of aspect-related non-finite verbs.
They are:
1. Completive Adverbial Participles. (5. 72. 1)
2. continuative Adverbial Participles. (5. 72. 2)
3. Simultaneative Non-finite Verbs. (5. 72. 4). '
4. Iterative Non-finite Verbs. (5. 72. 5)
5. 71. 1. Resultative Non-finite Verbs .
5. 71. 11. The resultative non-finite verb is regularly
formed by the addition of the morpheme 1-atiltp the different tense
stems of verbs, positive or negative. Its meaning can be expressed
.PI
, .=
by "when" or "after", in as much as it is the first of two actions
:I
..,
.C.
related as cause and effect or as events in a chronological sequence.
n5nu oso hitati ninu v57ati 'You did not come when I gave
medicine'
ninu oxpja tinati n5nu vehv'i 'When you eat your food, I shall
tell you'
--G?
Evasi kama kitati ilu hacesi 'He went to his house after doing
1;

4
the york'
nanu emba?%haji manati 'I shall see him, when11 am going
Pvana9I mehp1 there'
i bakra hEpinati saps nikmu 'When you sweep the room,. lift
up the mat'
nBnu opda tinji macati 'When I was eating, he came'
Evasi vZitesi
5. 71. 12. Another type of resultative non-finite verbal
expression is formed by combining the postive f o r k of the past
adjectival participle with the particle -sari/-sare (7. 27).
Evasi viitisari ljica matinesi 'As he has come, he will sow the
seeds'
S

r6 lPnju hacisare vasi 'I shall come after a month'

karmagatanaki d5na hitisare 'As a result of giving tothe poor, -
; mahapru tapa hanayi ' ' . , we .will go to heaven'
. ,
 ambitani . taca.
.-* . .
hiyanqmi hilavaki sP ,pari v ~ h a manomi
'From where shallwe bring it to you. Because it is not
., . ,.we h i e cqme searching'
available
n3nu vafaki kah%paga vate 'Perbaps because I came t'he gir I
came'
ngnu kanaki saha ninu vsdi 'Because I wait for you, you
come'
Occasionally the causative is expressed intermixedly with
the conditi,&al meaning.
peju macaki sa oso hftesi 'If there was a priest, perhaps he
would give medicine'
kuci macaki
. 6
sa dar+ decali 'If there was a key, (perhaps)
ane the door could be opend'
5.71.2. Causative Non-finite Verb
The causative non-fiinite verb is formed by the addition of
m n ~ p b e q e1-ski/ exlressing the meaning "because" to. the differ-
ent tense stems of verbs; positive or negative being used.
piyu ritqki bica rnatite7~ 'Because it rained I sawed the:
seeds'.
. n&nuj6linaki evasi kama 'Because I tell him, he will do
kinesi the work'
. B burhi jeta muski anaki 'Because she was not allowing
: j,eta ala mane ke others to use her grinding stone
it stuck to hery
kaja piyu rivataki penda- 'Because it did not rain heavily
jam hacomi . , we went to Peadajam'
&iqbu
,
l ( * vehqaki. imba?% 'Because you have not told me
masl I am here'
- . veska hisaki5 veska
qvasi 'Because he does not give ,fire-
ata
f
manu 3
wood, it sticks to him'
-?a-[-aki
- , .> -71-aki
&.I
element
. , of. uncertaidty or doubtjs .added to- tb,e!sense,
I t 8 .

by using the' paiticle -sahg]-sa after the causative non-finite verbs.

 5: 7 1. 3. Conditional Non-fi~iteVerbs .
The conditional non-finite verb is formed by 'thk ' &Idition'
of rhe morpheme 1-ihilorl-eh5/meaning "if" to thbZ'pasttedse verb
stem.
Positive: Negative
class I kaci-'to bite' kaciti hi kacasatihl
kacatihi kacasatih?
class I1 hi-'to give' hitihi hivatihi
hiyatihn hiyasatih'i
class 111 jap-'to teach' japhihi jgpgatihi
japhatihi' ' jiiphasatihi
class IV tin-'to eat' ticihf tinavati h?
tinjatilif ' tinasatihl
class V de-'to open' detihi desatih? '

detatih1 detavatihi
class V1 t6h- 'to show' tbsiihi ' tshv$'tihi
tbstdtihi tijstaiatih
The conditional non-finite forms of the verbs are formed
from the personal-:object - stems a1so;for which corresponding
examples are cited above under different verbal stems.
r
)'5
U The conditional non-finite verb marks the sub-ordinate
-r
clause, meaning, "if".
T
evasi vgtihi takaya pniivnesi 'If he comes he will get money9
6yatihl'viinomi 'If'(you) will take us, we will' come'
'1 This form of the non-finite verb often expresses the .
meaning 'when', especially when it is followed by a main clause in
the non-past tense, or imperative,
halata hacihi pEja kodarnu 'When you go to the market buy
son-fe tori~gltdc%'
,

bakra hepiti'hi sapa nikmu 'When you sweep that room

lift up thevmat'o'
rispagatasi vgtihi dabuyli 'When the beggar comes don't
hioani giveihimmo%ey3"
pqa.deti9hJBitri burhti , 'When the box was opened, her
manesi husband is inside'
 The conditional in the past tease is always expressed by
adding the particle -ma to the past finite verb in the main clause
of the sentence, .
byatihl viitorni ma 'If you had taken us we would
G v e comey
e kokinavi mestihi v&t1?2ma 'If I had seen that boy I would
have beaten him'
However, the clitic -ma is often added also to the condi-
ional non-finite verb expressing a wish or irreal condition in the
past tense (8.5).
dyatihl ma vltomi ma 'If you had taken us, we would
have come' .
6 kokanasi mestih'i ma 'If I had seen that boy, I woulp
vete?; ma have beaten him'
mimbu sobu dina nehi 6iga 'If you had eaten good mea
ticihi ma b~Byugteteri ma everyday, you would be strong'
ninu tolive v5ha macihi ma 'Had you come earlier, I would
nanu opga hiyate9"ea have given you some rice'

5.71.4. Conces'sive Non-finite verbs

The concessive non-finite verb i s formed by adding the:
clitic 1-va/ (8.4) to the conditional non-flnite verbs. It expresses
the meaning 'although'. I

In ordinary connected speech the condition21 su&x 1-ihil

is often shortened to 1-11 before the clitic -va.
nange mestatihi va 'Although he saw me, he did not
(mestati-va) johora kiyaqatesi greet me'
n5nu gvapavi vEti@ va rivosi 'Although I beat him he does not
cry'
nanu oso hltihi fra nehi asosi 'Though I gave him medicine,
he doesn't get well'
Pvasi joypuru viitihI va japasa- '&Althoughhe went to Jeypore
tesi (he did not learny '

ecora b@lahi%!ihi va'venjavati Although I.called you so many

times, you did riot.'b,eai me'
 5.71.5. Simultaneative Non-finite Verb
\

The tense-based sirnultaneative non-finite verb meaning, ., t 3

'while, at the time of, during,' is formed by the addition of . -ati

... to
the verbal stems of different tenses. ~ c c a s i o n a l the
l ~ emphatic -G
which helps to intensify simultaneaty is added to the suffix, -ati.
L .

E kokasi hacati s5ta jaqa 'While the boy went, the seven
gurka maceri gurus were sitting'
hanati enga onomi v5nati 'While v;ie go we will ride and
eliga tanorni while we come we will bring
it (to you)'
kunayg kfirhi macati kuna 'While he was digging for taros
grayuta jiniliga beta Btesi he found a bell in a taro hole'
evasi dimbu perhi%6hi rna 'while' he was lifting ahd taking
. .
caji Byite the gourd, it broke'
piyu vava rnaca!ioe haga 'Before the rain caine, there'
mniste ' was lightning'
haja macatbe ke burha vatesi 'While she was gone, the
man came'
ens taki asa kiyati burha 'She asked, 'why are you hold-.
hakithe manji manati, ice ing, old man, while I am hun-
E~Y"

5.72. Adverbial Participles

5.72.0. Under the terminology adverbial participles, two

types of aspect-related non-finite verbs are discussed. They axe
called completive and continuative so as not to confuse them with
aspectual categories marked by perfective and durative participles
and further, to differentiate their meanings
,
from those of perfective
L

and durative participles (5.51.Q).

The perfective and durativ.eparticiplespes are always followed

by man- "tq be' /hil- 'to be h o t b s S2 and in that case they (i.e.,
I s L h

S, and S,) are constituent members of compound verbs, whereas an

adverbial participle may be followed by various stems as S* and
such a combination may have to be taken as a sequence of non-
finite-verb and finite verblnon-finite verb, because their order can
be disturbed without affecting the grammatical or semantic struc-
ture of the sentence, but in the case of a compound verb which,
perfective or durative participle occurs as a first member, the order
isrigid and hence any change in the order will affect the gram-
matical as well as semantic component of the sentence.
Gvasi taci viinesi H e comes bringing'
6hT tamesi 'brings taking (he1'
. evasi vihg ticesi 'Having comz, he ate'
tinjahTi vanesi 'having eaten, (he I will come'
Fvasi kama kihi manesi 'He is working' (durative)
pvasi kama liiha manesi 'He has workedY(perfective)

- . The distribution of the allomorphs of the adverbial parti-

ciples (viz., completive andcontinuative) are parallel to those of
. . perfective and durative participles respectively.
the However, the
adverbial participles have various alternative extended forms also,
which are more frequently used than the basic forms arid they
occur as iteratives, whereas the perfective and durative participles
neither have extended forms nor they occur as iteratives.
It may be noticed that even the completive and continuative
non-finite verbs can occasionally be expressed in perfective and
durative aspects.
Bngani lapa tica macihi viitesi 'Eating all the meat, he came'
ilu vigi macihi evasi vrtesi 'While thstching t5e house;hecame7

. 5.72.1. Completive Adverbial Participle

5.72.10. The completive is used to express an action antece-
dent to the action denoted by a succeeding verb in a sequence, the
meaning of which can be best expressed by 'having or after'.
5.72.11. The completive adverbial participle is formed by rthe
addition of /-ha/ or its allomorphs to the verb stems. The suffixes
of these ~oitqletiveadverbial participles can further be extended
by idding --, -h%, -na or nahl to the basic suffix /-ha/ .or to its
i

allomorphs. '

The allomorphs of the completive adverbial participle

morpheme which occur with the different classes o f verb stems
knd their extended forms are enumerated as follows,
Class I -a c2 - bahfi -aria -anah%
Class 11 &ha ~hil -hah% -hana chanaha
Class 'III &ha -ha hhah% -hana -hanah%
Class IV -ja -,j ii ~jah% -jana bjanah~
Class V -ca -cg bcahii ..cans -canah"a
Class V1[ bsa ksg bsahg bsana - sanaha
In common speech, except before the auxiliary verbs ha$
'to go', his 'to give', kod(i)- 'to bring', tuh- 'to dispose o f , etc.,
the extended forms of the adverbial participles are freely used as
alternate expressions.
Class I kac(i)- 'to bite' ksrca
kaca
kacha 'having bitten"
kacana
kacanah~
Class II hi- 'to give' hf ha
hiha
hihah3 'having gf veng
hthaila
hihanah2
The stems of the other classes also take the different forms
of the participle in the same manner,
n3nu ha ti lEkLunimesa vPha ma71 ? have come after seeing the -

. dead people"
c buthi kBpa ahl dabri vlte 'The old woman got angry .and
came quickly'
 ernbathe r6 necu evasi ambu - 'So one day, hzving taken the bow
veiu asahi kgpu hacesi and arrowthe went to keep watch'
'-,

gEra mpihana sahara sufu 'Having changed into a horse he

rGjihI manja manesi has wandered - about the roads'
he negative adverbial participle is formed by the addition of
the negative morpheme /-?a-/ to the verb stem, followed by the
participle suffix /-m/ or / -nah?ijonly (5.32.41).
2-
,.
hal- 'to go' . halasana not having gorie'
halag anah"a
5.72.12. An alternate type of completive adverbial participle is
formed by the addifion of the suffix -sava, -savah?i or savana to the
bontinuative participle sterhs (5.72.2).
hihi savz-. taci sgv%
hihi savahg 'having given' taci savahl 'having brought'
hihi savana taci savana
These adverbizl participles also occur in attributive con-
struction with other verbs in the language.
g5reka hunji sav?i hanomi 'After having slept a while, we
shall go'
n3nu tinji savg kama kiol 'After having eaten I shaIl do the
work'
evasi mahagi mesi savl ajitesi 'Having seen the spirit, he was
\
frightened'

5.72.2. Continuat i i e Adverbial Participle

The continuative, the meaning of which can be best
expressed by 'being, while, at the time of, in order to' is used to
denote an action antecedent or purposive to d i ~ dsimultaneous with
the action denoted by a succeeding verb in a sequerice.

This non-finite v&b is formed by the addition of /-h11 or

its allomorph to the verb The sdffixes of the non-finite ver6
can further be extended by adding - to the basic suffix/-hi/ or
to its allomorphs, when the nasalization is shifted to the final
position. The allomorphs of the continuative morpheme with the
extended forms are enumerated as follows on the basis -of verb
stem classes.
Class I -i -1 -i h?
I1 -hi -hi -hihi
I11 -hi -h1 -hi h-i

V1 -si -siM
beci viisa burha 'Come and see, husband' '

k6diy%mecihi gadi dina ate 'He spent many days minding

. , a

the c'attle'
desati potayTi viihi ticu 'The country birds came and ate'
onda fingani rapa lapa tinjihi 'Eating up all the rice and meat
v~rnesike he goes home'
dlraya tupdihi ijo hodatustesi 'They entered the house closing the
door'
~ i l uvigihlkokasi ele icesi 'While thatching the house, the boy
said like this'
ev.asi veska taci, v5hi manesi 'He is coming-bringing fire-wood'
nanu guru pgqa jPpi hasi 'I am going to learn guru's work'.

There is no separate corresponding negative form for the

continuative non-finite verb. However, the negative sense is
expressed in the continuative also, generally with the addition of
the emphatic clitic / -e / to the completive negative participle.
6ro ro?osi veska tasanehese vahi manesi 'The other man is coming
without bringing firewood'
evasi onda tinapanehese kama kinesi 'He does his work with-
out eating food'
 :.
/
, . . * :.
. ,
5. 721 3. Adverbial '~x~reksions'
'
.- . .
, .. ..,

ii '
: .
..
..,Thereare a few adverbial expressions1 which are formed
b i Hdding an adverbial noun (3;6) to the adjectival
(5.8). They have the function identical to that of adverbial parti-
ciples.
The adverbial' nouns which participate as heads in the
adverbial expressions and their usees are enumerated as follows:
eceta 'till, so long as'
ntinu tici eceta Evasi kgtesi 'He waited for me till I had
eaten'
d3yu 'afterwards, after'
piyu riti dayu gotay8 stigineri 'After the rain came, the
guests filed out'
jeco 'after, behind'
hiti jeco rnarnbu hanomi 'After you have given we will
go'
ngcutise 'since'
vPra h6ti ni;cuti?e kara ate 'Since the sun rose it has
become hot'
pateka 'for, until, as long as'
sobu oso r2ni pateka tinamu 'Take all the medicine until
it is finished'
eoacatise 'before'
piyu v b a macatbe h3gu 'Before the rain came, there was
rn~iste lightning'
rPtu9"eat that moment, since, 'As soon as he had drunk the
as soon as' porridge, he lay down'
j uruya gosti-r@u?e ~5dgitesi '
. leh:
. 'as, likewise, according to'
rnahaprb vestileh: ele 5hi?e 'It happehed as God-had said'
ate'
'I* If there 'ark two or more which, as one unit, ha+e the function
l
of an adverb, they m a y be identified as adverbial expressions.
debunise/debonise 'immediately, at once'
evasi gosti debuni7e hacesi 'He went immediately he had a
drink'
bsla 'rather than'
nanu vani baia doya potro9I 'Rather than I come I shall send
pan d a ~ i Doya Patro'
5.72.4 Simultaneative Non-finite verb
The simultaneative non-finite verb, the meaning .of which
ean best be expressed by 'at the time of, as soon as, as and when,
as soon as, etc.' is formed by the addition of -onise to the verbal
noun stems (3.46.2). -onive may be further segmented into -oni + e
where the latter is a connective (7.28).
racu lbngoti hiiponi~ev?te?E 'As soon as the snake came out
, " ., of the hole, I struck it'
Svasi halvoni~epatevs 'I received it at the moment he
.. . left'
Simultaneaty is expressed by the addition of the connestivz
-e to the infinitive (5.91.23) also.
racu 10ngo!i hophaliqe vPte7O: 'As soon as the snake came out
of the hole, I struck it'
10ku bare ida kiyalive laku 'When everyone was asleep, he
miniha vaha tustesi changed into a man and came
(home)'
burhi ita viiyali~e6 burha 'As the old woman was setting it,
rnet~eve r6 'korgota beci the old man sneaked into a hollow
hacesi .ke tree to watch'

5.72.5. Iterative Non-finite Verb

The iterative non-finite verb, indicating a kind of intensity
of meaning, is formed by repeating a non-finite verb form twice
(rarely thrice). Its meaning can be best expressed by 'both contin-
uously and intensively'.
The repetition of the continuative participle form (5.72.2)
of the verb is the most common type of iterative non-finite verbal
formation.
 meci mecihi
' haji hajihi
kaci kacihi
pari parihT
rugi rugihi hajah?i
evasi vepi vepi Steri
Fvasi torgi torgi ritesi
i kokasi rihi rihi oso gustesi
p6da vahi vahi mahs?L.tine
pika gosi gosi kuga manesi
e'vari haci haci eagiteri
cvasi hoti hoti haji manesi
'grazing continuously'
'to keep on going'
'after watching continuou S
'to keep on searching'
'having gone continuously
hiding'
'They went on fighting
(beating)'
'He kept on falling as he wept'
'This boy crying-crying swalI-
owed the medicine"
'The girl eats mango as she
keeps on coming' .
'He keeps on smoking as he is
sitting'
'They scolded as they were
going'
'He is running as he is going'

To express the negative intensity, the negative adverbial

participle is used with the addition of the clitic -e.
5 kokasi !i?anehe?e oso gustesi 'The boy without crying swall-
owed the medicine'
Ovasi pika gohqai~ehesekuga 'The man is sitting without
manesi smoking cigar'
Evasi hon?anehe~ehaji manesi 'He is going not running'

The iterative non. finite verbs are seldom formed by repeat-

ing the completive adirerbial 'participles.
edi para para tuste 'She searched and searched"
naka riiha rfiha tuste 'The jackal ploughed and
ploughed'
Bya laga laga tuste 1 ,.,
'The woman 'scolded and
scolded'
evasi perha perha tusteri 'They chased and chased'
 5.8 Adjectival Participles (Relative Participles)
5.81. Adjectival participIes are formed by the addition of the
marker I-i! to the past and non-past verbal stems. -,

Past Non-past
hiit(i)- 'to call' hZtiti hatini
hatati . h5$ani
, hf- 'to give" h~ti hini
hiyati h?y ani
tiik- 'to weigh' tfikti tfikni
t~khati tiikhani
ven- 'to listen' veci veni
venjati venjani
ve7- 'to beat' veti veni
vetati vetani
meh- 'to see' mesti mehni
mestatj mestani
Adjectival participles formed from the special stems are
cited under each of those formed from the general stems.

5.82. Adjectival participles do not mark sub-ordinate classes

like conditional, concessive, rasultative, causative non-finite verbs,
since they function as attributes to the following nouns or adverbia
heads (3.6).
vat3 kokasi 'the boy who came'
hini dabuy 8 'the money that is given'
riti d%yu 'after it fell'

However, nominals involting adjectival participles can be

transformed into sentences l.y replacing the adjectival participles
with a fiinite verb of the corresponding tense and by shifting its
position (1 1.61.).
vani' kokasi 'the boy who will come'
kokasi vanesi 'The boy will come'
 5.83. The relationship between the adjectival participle and the
noun or adverbial head in the adjectival phrases ,may not be the
same in all cases. The following examples will elucidite the
variations in their relationship (1 1.61).
1. hiti kokasi . 'the boy who gave'
2. hiti dabuyii 'the money that was given'
3. hiti dgyu 'after giving' . .
4. veti barga 'the stick with which (he) beat'
In the first one the relationship is of subject a n d predicate,
i n the second one it is of' object and predicate, i n the third one,
it is of different nature and in the fourth one, it.is of instrumental.
5.84. Adjectival participles are expressed in the durativq and per-
ective aspects also (5.5). . , ,

' vahi maci kokasi 'the boy who was coming'

vshi mani kokasi 'the boy who is coming'
viiha maci kokasi 'the boy who had come'
vaha mani kokasi 'the boy who has come'
5.85. Negative adjectival participles are formed by the addition
of the negktive morpheme /-?a-/ t'o the verb stem; followed by
tepse suffix and the adjectival participle suffix -i in the past tense,
whereas in the non-past tense, the tense and the adjectival parti-
ciple do not have overt markers (5. 32, 42).
Past Non-past
hat(i) 'to call" general hstasati h3taqa
special hatasati hat asa
hi- 'to give' general hiqati hisa
' special 'hiyaqati hiyasa
meh- 20 see" general mehsati mehsa
. . special mestasati mestaia
5. 91.. Infinitive
5. 91. 0. The infinitive,.can be regarded .as a non-finite
formation of Kuvi verb, although i t does not appear to be aspect
 203
t .

related, like the perfective and durative participles. The infinitive

is formed-by the addition of an infinitive morpheme to the verb
stem. It is a simple type of construction and is not marked for
tense, person, gender, etc. The infinitive morpheme has six
phonologically conditioned allomorphs, the distribution of which
provides's clear-cut baiis for m ~ r p h o ~ h o n e r nclassification
ic of all
verb stems into six conjugational classes.
s t h e infinitive rnoipheme are
. 5. 91. .l. The a l l o m ~ r ~ hof
I-alil which occurs in the stems of class I, /-yali/ which occurs in
the stems of class 11, 1-halil which occurs in the stems of class 111,
1-jalil which occurs in class IV, 1-calil which occurs in class V and
1-salil which occurs in class VI.
Class I 1-alil jap(i)- 'to learn' j5pali
kut(i)- 'to throw' kutali
tfik(i)- 'to walk' t 'ikali
sfnd(i)- 'to blow nose' sindali
t ii ng(i)- Yo hang' tiingali
Class I1 y a l i hi- , 'to give' hiy ali
v5 - 'to comeS vayali .

6- 'to take' cjyali

ki- 'to do' ki yali
kcl- 'to refuse' kiiyali
Class 111 1-hali/ tap- 'to stop' taphali
kot- 'to hoe' kothali
pat- '-to smash' pathali
kal- 'to mix' , kalhali
a

non- 'to draw watey' noghali

kar- "0 dig' . kiirhali , !

Class I V I-jalil man- 'to remain' manjali

tin- 'to eat' ' tinj ali
ven- ',to listen' venj all
, .
Class 'TT I-cali! 'to watch' k ~ c &(2.11. Rule 6)
'to beat' ' vecqli,, ,, ,
, ., .

'to bring' t acali

 Class ~i !-sali - gosali
. S ,

gob- 'to drink' '

-. (2*14.'Rule34,2.12:Rule 10)
veh- 'to tell' ~esal'i A

. pih- 'to leave' pisafi

A verb stem can be identified by its occurrence with anyone
of the above allomorphs of the infinitive morpheme.
The major function of the infinitive is to express
5. 91. 21.
the purpose of the finite verb's action. Thus its chief meaning is
to express'the 'purpose'.
Evasi hFru kodali vi'itesi 'He came to buy a pair of oxen'
ninu tinjali v2di ki? 'Do you come to eat?'
i marnu pada iiyali nsnu 'I poured water so that the tree
Eyu vakhe?~ would growZ
.
.,,.
; # -
i'.,
-,,.
F.
Evari kama kiyali karoputu 'They went to Koraput for work'
'. haceri

5. 91. 22.
There is no evidence to suggest that the infinitive
can, in isolation, function predicatively. Syntactically, it can,
however, function in a special sense, as a verbal modifier (nominal),
though not as a verbal noun in the strictest sense, as illustrated by
the following examples.
nsnu mah98 kodali kfitevi: 'I disliked buying mangoes'
evasi j a phali pistesi 'He gave up teaching'
edi tinjali piste 'She gave up eating'
5.91.23. ~ccasionallythe infinitive is used to express the
function of an adverbial clause or phrase, when it is always fol-
lowed by the clitic 1-ej (5.72.4; 7.28).
n5nu hajalive na tanji vatesi 'As soon as I went, my father
~ame'
piyu riyalive panayii titu 'When it rained, the frogs
,.
croaked'
evasi viXyalilite tani mirgesi 'When he came, his son went
hakesi away'
 . h .-

' 26s
s 9 f 24 ki ;-: . . . ..
),l'' :!
infinitive can afsb be used as a constituent
...:,L f

. . .
. . ,;g
which case it is always followed b$ an
,

member . df :A. .piedicate,

, I .. , .
in . . ..'. . >%\

&ux,liaky vbkb with appropriate in agrebment @itb tht idb-.

ject in the permissive and potential moods (5.48, 49) hhd with~ik
h

concord in the obligative and prohibitive moods (5.46, 47). ]Fob

lowing are the some. .
of. the typical',uses of the infinitive in conjun*'
ction with the auxiliaries by way oi. giving risk to different inoodsi
evari n8na?-aviiyali hiteri 'They allowed me to come'
'mgrnbu ninav%endali hfsomi 'We will not allow you to dance:
nanu p6dani pgcafi his1 'I allow the girls to'sing'
These permissives are formed by the addition of the auxili;
ary verb hi- 'to allow' to the infinitive forms of different verbs
( 5.49).
mHrnbu derhu basa punjali 'We cannot understand the
adosomi 'Rayagada' language ' .

n3nu 6 kama kiyali iidites: 'I could do that work'

piyu vlte laka ngnu haj ali 'Because it rained I could not go
5daqates"e
These potentials are formed by the addition of the auxiliary
Bd(i)- 'to be possible' (can) to the infinitive form of different verbs
(5.48).
ngnu krropqu hajafi ane 'I must go to Koraput9
ninu r0 koyu hipa fiikali ane 'You must sacrifice a chicked'
mimbu i kama japali ane 'You have to learn this work'
These obligatives are formed by the addition of the auxiliary
8- 'to become' in the 3rd person non-masculine singular form to
the infinitive forms of different verbs (5.46).
mgro eadi k H p gosali kuQe?e 'We must not drink too much9
varorni diia hktita haj aii kudeve 'On6 must riot go to the mai.ket
on Suniiays'
ifnu ilmbavaraki jike~ekakuli 'You a s t not do hark tb any-
kiyaii kudel?e 'body"
 The pfohibitives are formed by the addition of the auxiliaty
kud(i)- (kudeqe) 'must not' which OCcui; always in the 3rd' person
non=masculine singulai negative form to the infinitive f o m Lof
different verbs (5.47).
. .
5.92, Defective Verbs
Generally verbal stems .are not only inflected for different ,

teliseslmodes and persons but also they take different non-finite

verbal formations, But there are a few verbs which do not occur
in all inflections and formations, Le6, they ape restricted ta cer'tain
parts of verbal conjugations. They are called defective verbs.
5.92. t, Vel'bal stems limited to ImperativesIOptati~esonly ,

kah= 'don't' kahi 'don't (sg.)'

kiiheri 'don't (pl.)'
kahi ki . 'to forbid'
j a. 'to start, jarlieri 'start (pl.)'
to move, jamu (hano) 'Let us go (with sg.)'
to go9 jadu (hano) 'Let us go (wlth
je- 'to come, je71 'You (sg.) may go'
to start' jeveri 'You (pl.) may go'
3emu 'You (sg.) may go9
jedu 'You (pl.) may go'
jarte 'Let she,!it go'
fuu 'to move out tumu, . Y o u (sg.) move out of the
of the way, ~ v a 'y
to give way, tudu 'You (pl.) move out of the
to leave it' wayJ

tu?i This is evidently singular in form, But it i s used

alternatively both for singular and plural.
5.92.2. Verbal stems limited to third person nondmasculine only'
ambri- 'to be excellent', 'to be wonderful'
n6- 'to pain' nafige trlyu nohi manjane 'I have headdache'
kodayg n0h-i manjanu 'Our leis are aching'
 hoc(i)- 'to feel'
hel(i)- 'to be valid', 'to be acceptable'
kud(i) 'must (not)', 'shall (not)' 15.47.) This is used nega-
tively in the non-masculine singular only,
5 92 3. Verbal stemq not -7sed in certain parts of .verbal paradigms
There are a few other verbal stems which are limited to only
certain parts of verbal paradizms.
kii- 'will n o t ' ( t o dislike)
pol(i)- 'to be right'
rii- 'to be finished'
hil(i)- 'to be sufficient'

5.93. Compound Verbs

5.93.0: Kuvi compound verbs are morphological constructions,

whose nuclei are composed of more than one verb stem. They
can generally be divided into sub-ordinate and co-ordinate types.
-.
The final constituent of a compound nucleus enters into
nite or non-finite verb inflecti-onin the same ways aa simple
nucleus does. Thus a compound verb is finite or non-finite
depending on the inflection of the final constituent.
5.93.1. Sub-ordinate Compounds
In a sub-ordinate compound, S, curies the basic sense to
be expressed, while S : modifies it in some manner with reference
to the kind of action or the relationship of participant to the action.
Thus the sub-ordinate compounds can be summarised as belonging
to two sub-types, those of aspect and those of voice (5.5;5.6;5.21.4).

A. Aspect-Related (kind of action)

1. Perfective a. Past '.

b. Non-past

2. Durative
(:; -.
., . 3. Frequentative
 4. Continuative
5. Iterative
6. Definitive +

7. ~ ~ t i i s i v e
B. Voice-pelated (relationskip of participant to, the action),
1 2 + + . S - .

1. . Reciprocal
2, Reflexive
3. Causative
5.93.2. Co-ofdihate 'Compounds
A co-ordinate compound, employed to express a sequence of 3

two successive actions, is formed b y adding -ka to a verb stem and

following this construction with another verb stem with appro-
priate suffixes.
Although the imperative mode is most frequently employed
with co-ordinate compound verb, it also occurs in past and non-
past combinations (5.24).
goska halamu 'go and drink'
goska vamu t o m e and drink'
,

tiljga halamu . 'go and eat'

tinga vBmu 'come ail4 eatJ
venga haleveri 'go and ask' (pl.)
taka vageri 'come and get it' Cpl.)
Pqeba BtihI venja vamu 'No man, if it is so ask and come9
vaja tiriga hanorni 'We go to cook and eat'
mahapru tana vexiga 'I shall go and ask the great Cod'
ha71
Et may be noticed that only hal- ^to go' or v% 'to conie'
occurs as SP, although co-ordinates of this,I type contain stems.witb
equal substitution privileges since either S, or S2 can replace entire
sonstruction with the inflection of SZ.

5.94. Noun Verb Compounds

5.94.0. Many verbal ideas are expressed by the combination
+ i

of a small set of verbal roots to a noun, pr-on

. , rare
.
occasjons,to an
adjective o i afi adverb. These combinations constitute compounds
with idiomatic meanings. They may be classified on the basis of
the verbalizing constituents, -
\
.

5.94.1, The niost fre+ent verbalizing constituents are P- .

'to become' and ki- 'to do'. The combinations with g- have an
ntransitive and those with kib a transitivi: sense. There are a
number of verb compounds, in which the verbalizing constituent
and ki- are added to the same stem, with intransitive axid transi;
tive sense respectively.
kdta a- 'to gather to-gethk9 kfili ki- 'to collect5
kiikuli 5; 'to be poor' kakuli ki- 'to harh bthers'
d a p a- 'to fall asleep' da3 ki- 'to make one
. .fall flat"

guca 'to shift' (intr.) guci ki= 'to shift' (tr.)

lira i n Yo remain tlri ki- 'to filriish'
permanently'
pada 5- 30 grow5 padi ki- 'to bake grow'
pitovi a- ?to be incorrect' pitovi ki= 'to miss'
beta 8- 20 meet3 beti ki- 'to find5
m5Qa a- 'to fight' mada ki- 'to beat'
Before an 'to become', the preceding stems generally end in
a and this final vowbl frequently undergoes vowel harmony change
with the vowel of the verb ki- 'to 60' (2.24),
5194.2. In other cases, the combinations with ably either of
the above verbalizing constituents are recorded.

&tobecome'
anga a- 'to' be. fat' ariga 'body'
ufu 5.. 'to be deceived' UBU Cmi~take9 '

eski 3- 'to crave (for meat)' fiski 'desirt'

eski a- 'to be thirsty" eski 'thirst5
katan 'to talk' kata 'mattkt, word'
karma a- 'to feel soiry fdt' k a h a 'pity'
18ga S* 'to a ~ c o m p a n ~ ' t6tu 'mtapani on'
 pendili Q- 'to attain pendili 'marriage'
puberty'
bandi 5- 'tohavediarrhoea' bandi 'stomach'
bandita a- 'to be pregnant' - bandita 'in the
stomachg
bada 8- 'to be a matter of bada 'trouble'
concern'
ki. Cto'do'
adu ki- 'to share' dcJu 'part'
kardi ki- 'to slope' k ardi 'slope'
kanjuki- 'to make up a load' khju 'load'
kfinja ki- 'to set on edge' krinja 'edge'
getu ki- 'to carry some- 'back.-loadd
thing on back'
jivu ki- 'to love' jivu : 'life; .spirit9.
ddru ki- 'to praise7 d6ru 'name'
.; piinji ki- 'to make money7 pfinji 'wealth'.
hEru ki- 'to plough' her? "pair o f oxen"
ah - 'to hold'
matw ah- 'to be dizzy' matu Uiazi ness"
itl- 'to put'
baka iti- 'to curse9 bBka 'curse' '

riki ili- 'to revenge7 riki 'vengeancey

bji- 'to be beautiful'
kgsva Oji- Yo yawn7

kuti-'to stick to (the ground)'

rnegda kuti- 'to kneel9 men@ 'knee"
geti- 'to jump'
kindri geti- 'to dance'.
demsa geti- 'to dance'
dcki- 30 carry on shoulder'
dasra deki- carry a child on shoulder'
8 .
.
tub- 'to throw9 a

naka tuh- 'to challenge'

hgta pavi tuh- 'to perform funeral ceremony9
 ... .

doh- 'to build4 . .

. . . ,

.d6ho doh- 'to, ac~use':

. . ,
'
.. ' -\

~ 6 'to
; acbe' - ,

jivu no: "to love' jivu 'spirit'

per. 'to pick up"
korja per= 'to glean'
ravg perA . 'to gleanf ..
l p k i per. 'to glean'
per. 'to chase'. : , . . .
aimeli ph=. 'to mate (animals)' aimeli 6piriodof-.heat'
.

re- 'to pull' t i

. c .
surpu re. "0 suck in'
VC?- ' t o beat'
kali ves- 'to kalje a fit'
tapucji ve7- 'to clap'
sini k b 'to see'
pgnji sini kid 'to interpret signs and omensZ
hal* 'to go' .
ga@ .hab 'to die"
gota bal- 'to visit' . ,

jFco h@: , 'to, folIow"

sari hat-.. . 'to arrive3
hen- 'to see'
hapiha hen= ' 't,o dreain.'

5.94.3. Verbalizing constituent added to adjectives aad adverb

" c

Adjectives
BtVa g= 'to becon~ehard" % ~ v a'hard'
iiqa rneh-.. 'to despise' Gqa 'small'
sapi 8- 'to be quiet' sapi 'quiet'
sapra a= . 'to be tasteless' sapfa 't astelessP
Adverbs
" prokeii- 'to be siient5 psoke 'silently'
dagaQ- 'to hurry' daga 'quickly'
 6. Adverb
6.0. An adverb is a word that syntactically . - occurs in
attributive construction with a verb or verb phrase, but that does
not agree; with the verb or verb phrase in number or gender.
, . .

In ~ u v i ,there is a small class of basic, adverbs, 'i.e.,

simple as well as underived stems which. do not carry nominal or
verbal inflexion but occur as attributes to verbs. he^ generally
precede the verbs which they modify. Thus the adverb'as a word-
class is set up by its syntactical function.
Ad~prbswhich
* . are identifiable morpholo~i~ally can be
divided into three sub-classes, viz., simple, complex and compound.
They may aho be identified, on semantic grounds, as adverbs de:
noting time, place or manner.
6.1. Simple adverbs
The following are the common monomorphemic simple
basic adverbs.
6re 'a gainP dire 'sl~wly'
upka 'free1y " tobe 'quickly'
besi 'very'
uska 'exf rag rapa Vompletef y9
em. "along the length of' soIke 'strai&tlY9
s6je 'directly'
s ~ b a 'nicely'
'quickly'
'quickly'
grece "crunchingly9 begi 'quickly"
t apa 'severely' varqi 'onlty'
dabri 'quick1y3
Except ere 'again' denoting time, aII other adverbs denote
manner,
6 $2. ~ u l o ~ l adverbs
&
Complex adverbs are derived from roots (adjective,
noun or verb) by the addition of one or more derivative suflixes,
Though the roots are always capable of being separated, 3t 3s somea
times not easy to identify their stem class,
6.21. There are a few adverbs of manner derived from .the
demopstratives (3.33.3), .
ile 'in this way' .
-
ele 'in that way' . .
ileki 'in this ?ay, manner*,. .-'like
, . this'
eleki 'in that way, manner', , 'like that'
iileki 'in that way (far)', 'like that (far)'
heleki 'in that way (yonder)', 'like that (yondel')'
622. Complex adverbs ~ & s t l ~denote manner and they ate
geneially characterized by the suffix -e.
'separatelyt 'sif ently'
'always). 'constantIy' .

'easi f y ' rohese 'jointly'

'absolutely' retuse b at that ,nloment5
'also' . lageve "badly' ,.
'silently' Iadese 'easily'
'with force" harePG 'very much' '

<sfowly3 hukerle 'easily'

'in front of" [uhe 'overccooked'
'certain] y ' dgvuni 'in line'
'nicely' ' maradaga 'quicklyP
6.23. In certain Gases nouns and adjectives are converted into
adverbs by the addition of the ad.verbial marker -e.
$

sato 'truth5 satese 'truly'

leko 'upon, above' lekorle 'up above'
tofi 'before' toliqe 'firstly"
nehi 'good" nehf ?e 'nicely, in a good
mannerb
uje 'free4 ujex 'free1y '
peni 'cold" penbe 'to be cold'
6.24$ By the combination of ahi or kihi cettain nouns and adjectives
are converted' into adverbs, .- .

sari abbe !having become fit3

nebi kihl 'nicely doingb
6. 3. compound adverbs
There are two types of compound adverbs of manner, viz.,
-;
ordinary compounds and;onomatopoetic compounds. '
' 2

6.3 1. The ordinary adverbial compound which always functions

as an adverb at the syntactical level is formed of two or more
constituents with an adverbial head.
eka bzrese 'soon, quickly9
6ye vendese 'once, again'
kanda mukay% 'piece by piece9
diyu v a ~ i 'behind'
donga p E ~ a 'stealthily'
tiri mgihi 'head over heals'
r6 berese 'only once'
vera dumbe 'day time'
sari briti 'all around the boundary'
siiri sutu 'all round'
jijru j6,u 'in pairs'
6. 32. Several onomatopoetic compounds with partial or full
reduplication function as compound adverbs of manner. The first
constituent of each compound, though it does not occur in isola-
tion may be considered as the basic form from which the second
one can be derived.
ole ole 'always, continually'
'completely'
goy1 goy1 'downwards'
julu julu 'freezing'
druga druga 'glaring'
pade pade 'carelessly' . .
pica pica 'one by one, one after another'
mgiti mnisa 'fully drunk'
~ i i s ariisa . "n~oothly'
lidi lidi 'softly' F

livi lava 'bending easily9

 leni p6ni9d 'use~e~s~~'
iodo loda 'splashing'
sirvi sifvi 'spiutter, fizzle' b

h9ye haye , 'to the death'

hutu putii 'with much effort'
tii 33. A few sinipie adveibs sometimes occur in redupficitiotl to
express an intensity of meaning;
tobe 'quickly3 tobe tobe 'veiy quickly'
. .
b begi 'quickly' begi begi 'very quickly'

The expressions like the following also function as adverbs,

kuta badiya tole 'slowly, with much difficulty'
kuta barga tole
gag$ mupda taki ' 'always, constantly'
 "I Connectives
. .

7.0. In Kuvi a f i w words which function as connectives at

the clause and phrase or word level constitute a 6lause
. . . bf ,$terns

themselves, as they do not occur'as utterances, unlike n o d s and

verbs. Some of them are uninflgcted words, i.e., particles (in-
declinable~) and others are mostly inflected forms of verbs and
i n certain casks declined' nouns a1s.o..
All connectives are either co-ordinating or sublordinating
conjunctions. Two or more independent clauses or phrases are
connected with such meaning relationships as 'and', c but', 'there-
fore', 'either ... or', 'and then', etc., by co-ordinating conjunc- .
tions, whereas a dependent clause (after its conversion from the
independent clause) is connected with an independent clause by the
sub-ordinating conjunction with such meaning relationships as
'because', 'saying', 'thinking', c called', 'in that case', 'however',
'when', 'after', 'like', 'as and when', etc.

7.1. Co-ordinating Connectives

7.1 1. -e This particle serves as a co-ordinating connec-
tive by combining words with the meaning 'and'. It occurs as a
sub-ordinating connective also at the clause level with the meaning
'at the moment, while, when, etc.' (7.28).
As a word connector it combines nouns as well as verbs.
nBnu7e tgnuve Gvasi7e vatomi 'l[,he himself and
that man came'
n8nu7e n i n u ~ ekinovi 'I and you will do it'
7.12. -va . ... .:... va 'and'
This functions as a variant of the word-connective -e and
occurs after every noun while counting.
'niinu va ninu va Fvasi va vgtomi 'I , you and he came'
evari va ivari va haceri 'Those people and these people
went'
7 13 ... ape . ... ape- I... pate ... pate 'either l... or'
manju ape prokas ape joypuru 'Let either Manju or Prokos
v5peri come to Jeypore'
 f iIuta apeiluta ape ~ n ~ n 'You
j u stay either in this house or
in that house'
nanu pate haha ha?I ninu 'Either I am going td die o r ' you-
\.

pate haha haji are going to die'

-.
7.14. injab8 Morphologically, this connective is the completive
adverbial participle form of the verb in- 'to say'. This. is used.td
combine two or more independent words or clauses together by
the meaning 'and'.
bamneni injahg tani. mirqesi 'Brahmin woman and her son'
evari mandiya injahii . 'They took ragi and money'
takayg , ~ t e r i
edi kokanavi pomite injahH 'She embraced the boy and gave
eyu mithe him a wash'
raja tani gotiyani hHtitesi 'The king called his servants and
injahg h6payR mepki kitesi asked them to pick the taros'
While enumerating words denoting objects or actions in a
serial order, this conj unction,though used only once penultimately,
may be taken to mean along with othersal so.
disera piijera tromba injahii 'The astrologer, shaman,
gumbriya Gnga ticeri priest and drummer ate meat'
evasi viitesi, ticesi injahg 'He came, ate and slept,:
hunjitesi
In the cases of sentences consisting of several independent
clauses, this conjunction is usually employed to connect them after
every clause.
kokasi kOdiy8 meci mecihl kadati badgara piiyu mestesi
injahg kada bitrati piiyuti daphesi injah%ijo tatesi injahg tami
iyanaki hTtesi. 'While he was minding the cattle, the boy saw a
goldell flower in the river, he plucked it from the river, took it
homc and gave it to his mother'
However, in some cases especially i n reported speech this
conjuuctiop-is not overtly marked.
-
g6ca vaha hace ke, e gurka jike hakititeri ke, imba?% vaja
iino, iceri ke. 'The horse became tired and the gurus became
hungry and they said, 'Let's cook and eat here'.
 . . S .

The ~onriectiyeinjahi is aiways doseiy combined with the

previous
. word and when there is necessity o f a pause in the
~ '

kentence, it is made after,i.njah%.

7.15,. bye This serves as a co~ordinatingconjunction to e'annecb
words and clauses with the meaning 'and', .
I
r 8 raja f i f e r6 rilndeni
'a king and a widow'
r6 kokasi 6re rb dimbu 'a boy and a gourd'
embaiiqe tami lya aba besi rrh& iiteri oce r6 b6ji kiteri
'Then their pafents wefe very happy and had a feast'
6re reska vimu ice 6 l e reska hacesi 'It said "go and
. .. * trade" and he went to tfade' -

7.16.i, matfomi 'but'

Sernbatbe hafamd iriatromi litkuni hlre92 anda kih5
tinavani, 'Then you go; but do . . not mix much with the
. peopie in eating'
evasi oso utesi matromi neh; iiqatesi 'He took medicine
but did not get well"
7.16.2. je 'but, on the other hand'
l e ~ ukoyu aste je, iiyali iidawtte 'The hawk daught the
chicken but could not carry it awayi
n8nu.j kama k h i evasi je eni kama kinesi 'I shall do
this work ,bbt what wili he do'13
7.16.3. sauia 'but'
reqeni nfnu vavoti saMa Gvasi v~tesi .'yesterday ydu did
. . . . not damej b u t he ~ a m e "

7.17. &da?btaki 'thereforej thus'

This corinective is a declined ford o f the pr'odaua ~ d i
'that'
mirsi Bcja9ate?$ tda~gtakiniviitesP 'I could not, eat the
ohilfie and therefore I @ame3
babaji guru ni?jinffiga 6tesi PdaqBtaki haji mall
'A mendicaht took my bell and therefore I -have. beeri
going'
 7.18. , ernbathe 'and then' ernba-gi-e
This is also a declined form of the adverbial'noun embao%
'there' --\\

Wasi esahg ititesi atu lako embatiqe 'vPyite 'Having picked

. (it) up .h.e put it up in the loft and thenit. dried'
7.1 9. laka 'because, therefore' . . . .

This connective is used after an independent ~ l a u s eoften

with a finite verb in the final position, when the meaging of the
preceding clause causes or results the following. Thus both the
causative and resultative relations are denoted by this conjunction.
piyu rite laka vsru 8te 'Because it rained, the flood came'
gata matiti laka arna nehi iih? kambite 'Because you spread
manure, the crops ripened .excellently'
piyu vlte laka hajali 5ida~ate~"e'Because the rain came,
could not go?
laka is rarely used after causative non-finite verbs also (5.17.2).
piyu ritaki laka-ni paci kambite 'Because it rained, the
corn ripened'
tangi macaki laka-ni jurunga pHte7"eecause X had my
sister, I get gruel'
Often the connective laka is foiiowed by the- emphatic clitic ni
rnaneba dara habu edo?oteri laka-ni 'There is (an elephant)
man, because of the price perhaps you could not7'
nba macaki laka-ni mange soka koda hiyatesi 'Because my
father was alive, he brought me a shirt"
7.20. Sub-ordinat jug Conjuactions
An independent clause after its conversion into a dependent
one is embedded in the main clause by one of the following sub-
ordinating conjunctions.
7. 21. icilini 'said to be'
These froms are morphologically the past and non-past adj-
ectival participles of the verb in- 'to say'. They serve as word
and clause connectors but when they connect words they have the
meaning .:called' whereas they have the meaning
. _. 'said
.I . .to be' while
they connect clauses.
 .anondo ici. p.fi.jer,a 'the priest called Anondo9
'Anondo the priest'
. . narendro ini bilrika 'the village servant called .-\
Narendro9
manju ini kokasi 'the boy called Manju7
hiitesi ici rnqeha nldeve 'The man who was said to be
manesi dead is alive'
nehasi ici kokasi embese 'The boy cvho was said to be
hilasatesi good was not there'
7.22. @jibs (iaji)
This is the continuative adverbial participfe.form of the verb
in- %ta say9. This occurs after a clause or an onomatopoetic expres-
sioi~and combines it with the following .main ciause b; such
meanings as that 'saying, thinking, thus, etc'.
evasi vhe vanesj injihi T heard that he would come to.
vece?2 morrow'
tiijjali injihi ijo hacesi We went home saying that he had.
to eat'
burha rniihgaqaki gota "They spoke saying 'let us visit
hanoqa injihi vespi atu the old man's daughter'
cvasi nehasi iniihi nanu T believe that he is good9
narnivl
'biik b ~ k iiljihi
' miihu 'The monkey was crying 'buk
rihi mace buk"
k ~ k o i a k ainji kgete Tt crowed ltokoroko"
ha71 i n j i h ~n5nu onpi mavl 'I think f shall go'
4.23. 5tihZ 'then, in that case, if it be so, but, so9
This is evidently the past conditional participle form of 5-
ta be'
h e bulha atihi mnmbu 'No, old man; in that case we
jake vanomi shdl also come'
'

ha90 titihi t&eri ba 'Yes, then take it friends'

me-ba ~tihf'venjavamu 'No, man, in that ca%eask and
came'
 jamu 5tihi gota hano 'Start in that .case let us vis:t
(Qer)'
tini kokari ?gtesi gtihl . 'Three boys came but 'one- wept
.
<g I,

rososi hacesi away'

m- -
Pvasi vgtesi gtihi: nSna93 'He came but has not s&n me"
mesa hilososi
5tihj niinu jake v a ~ i 'Then I shall .also come'

7.24: retu 'in order that', 'so that'

This particle which occurs after the non-past negative
adjectival participle finally in a sub-ordinate clause, serves to ex-
press the purpose denoted by the clause in relation to the' actioq
denoted by the following main clause.
gali viiva retu injihi dPra sundite9G 'In order that the wind
might not come (inside) I shut the door'
goyi goy1 vavi hacesi, meneve kokasi punasa r e p tarni
fyanitana vaha tustesi 'He went to an' obscure path so
that the boys' did not know and he came home secretly
r e t u ~ e'at the moment3, 'as soon as' (5.72.3)
This connective is evidently a combination of retu "and
connective-e. Its meaning is entirely different from that of retu
'so that' but is related to that of connective -e.
nanu vtiti rPtu?e piyu rite 'At the moment I came, it
rained'
This connective and the following connective, deboni~e-
'immediately after", 'at once9 occur clause-finally after the past
adjectival participles and serve to connect the preceding sub-
ordinate clause with the following main clause.
5 debooiqe 'immediately after', 'at once' (5.72.3).
ninu haci debonive jlngite Tmmediately after you went
it got lost3
7.26. I e h ~ 'as, like, according to' (5.72.3)
 This particle occuis after the adjectival paiticiple
the ib
sub-ordinate -clause finzl position and serves as a connector
-\. to
combine the preceding-clal?se with the following main clause.'
nanu kiti le&a ninu jikela 'As 1 have done, you also do'
kimu
rnimbu vesti khr kepi 'We are doiag as yau have
.. .
mansmj. told us' '
xignu kepi-ni f e h ~nTnu., .'As .J do, so you do' , ., . , ..

Sometimes, when iehi is added to the adjectival participles,

*acertain degree of Poubt. is indicated in the action expressed by
the participle and thus the meaning expressed by. the particle leh.8
. .
piyu rini lehz ate 'It seems as if it would fain.'
.
n h u v a i ~ehgicihf 'If you say that you will perhaps
ninu kg90 come, I: shall wait for you"
4 evani kokasi nehi ltilava 'There came a letter, 'as if his son
lehg siti Btd was not doing well'
7.21. sari,'sare Wwlken', 'afters-
This particle occurs after the past adjectival participle
finally in a sub-ordinate clause, when the meaning of the following
main clause follows or results from that of the preceding (5.71.12).
Thus this particle serves to denote both sequential and consea
quential relations.
eyu tatisare dokata vHkrnu 'W hen fotl have brought water,
pour i t in the pot'
. kama kitisare
.
ijo
.
hafamu 'When done t h e work
~ O Phave
.. ,. . . , . go .home9
karigaf'i'Fyu gostisari
.. . .. ,
: -'If we drink dirty water, we will
nbmeri5nayi
.. .)
,
.become .sick!
:
.. .
. ,. .. . . .

tini dins!
.,. ,. , . . . hacisare..v2norni
',
- 'We shall come after three days'
, . .
: r.anda atisare tsrornu.
. " . hen the food is ready bring it'
m2 burba vltisare hiyapesi ua 'W),en my husband - .
Eomes, let.
,i ' '/ , , .
, . .

give y&i'
, % ' .
:

..? . . him
'
 . ..

Very rarely sarilsare is added to the durative participle to

express an action antecedent to the following resultative actionb
bare karnbisare eka bPre esahP eka beqe pakdu ben all
are ripe, pick them up and cut open at 2ne time'
7.28.- C is often added at the end of a sub-ordinate clause, after
the infinitive'forrn of a verb (5.91.23) o r after the virbal noun,
. . -
followed b y the morpheme -oni convert the infinitive o q verbal
noun +oni into a simultaneative non fiite . verb and to combine
the clause with the following main verb by the meaning relation-
ships as 'at the moment, while as soon as, as and . when' . . etc
(5.72.4). In such sentences, generally the sub-ordinate clause and
the main clause have different subjects.
piyu riyalive, evasi bica matinesi- 'At the moment it . rains
be sows the. seeds'
pihmu injahe dijri dosali piste dudu v6cali piste 'When
asked to leave, the rope gave up tying@) and
the stick st opped beating'
Evasi viivoxlise ticorni 'As soon as he came we ate'
jurufi gosponiee d a ~ aatesi 'As soon as he drank the porridge
he stretchkd out?
 8.0. ~ l i t i c sare a class of dependent words, which afe
phonologic$ly dejjendent upon some independent woids toylwhich
they are adjacent. In Kuvi these clitics signal different modalities
likk iintbtidgrition, barration, emphasis, probability, concesiiod,
%

perniissid~,surphse, intensity, doubt, etc.

They do not often bear giaiririiatical mebdi@s. Thky ark
nat restricted to a p6.iticular word-class. They have mdre fikkdbh
than tht: derivational aid ihflectional morfihemes. T'hkY krb semi-
free $id ~kmi&oubdat tlie same time. 4 S

. A L

They are grammatically loosely bound and are mosiii a

syntactical category. They do not necessarily form morphological
b n s the cohstituents with which they 6ccur; ~ h k i
c ~ ~ ~ s m i b t j *itb
fdi& &mediate constituents with words, phrases or clauses. They
hiive a syritaktical perhineiit distribution,
Clitics in Kuvi are not relatable to free alternants, Thus
though all of them are phonologically bound to the adjacent
. .are in this,grammar written separately except in the
words, they
case of-e, -1a and -ni. In various languages usually such clitics are
written in combination with other words,
8J. l e
The emphatic enclitic -e is difl'erent from the co~aective
morpheme -e discussed elsewhere (7. 11, 28). This clitic which
occurs after nouns, verbs, adjectives,and adverbs mostly non-finally
in clauses serves to emphasize the meaning of the word to which it
is attached.
When it is added to nouns it expresses certainty o t separa-
tion from others, with meanings like only, -self, etc. (5. 62).
i kama ~ ~ a s i kinesi
qe Wnly he will do this work"
niinuqe meste95 T saw it myself'
tvasi t8nuqe dHca koditesi 'He cuts himself'
6dhe %he herself'
mambuse %we ourselves'
 . . , . . .,
e&ij&+e.; .
5
S ,

.
"here itself' . .

dabzligri irrabeqrC
,hirb?26pj: "~~o-bodyis bere'. . . , . ..,~
. I

Vi(bqp the &#c,

-,"l
a
8 . . -exi s addedato +thedurative. partieipie .item,
I . - "

verbal noun stem or other forms of verbs, it serves to express frequ-

ency, continuity or inten;i!j7 i n action and hence.&' &I %
% the
i
distinction betweeh the o:dinsry durativz form and the-,ffequ2nta-
j tive, continuative or intensity a;pectod verbal form,, fbr; wbich,
B elaborate examples are cited elsewhere (5.55.57).
When it is added to a finite verb finally in a claus6 it de-
notes finality or completeness.
r iiterise "riished completely -it'
hitayise 'gatre (it) away -we' '

When'it is adddd to an adjective, it. often intensifies the

,

quality denoted by it. . .

nehise 'good (only)'
ujeoe 'freely9
. -
In adverbs -e often forms psrt of tht v~ofds &a drtes as
an adverbial msrker (6.22) but at the sams time it intensifies the
quality of the adverb also.
kalese 'always, continually'
mFpese 6ssedretly'
I .

balmioe cslowly2 ' t

8.2. ki

The .interrogative clitic ki .usually occufs fi.iit~Ifpifi , a clause

after a nouq or a' .verb.. Aqy ilsdatative sent~ilk6Cdri We ed&%@&
I I

ioto an interrogative sentence by adding ki at the end,, Bvcn 9

word df plkasecan lie ds6d iiito a qdestion by adding ki ih the
final position.
, .# .pirige n&hi ,ilu &ane ki ? . 'Have you a good house?'
&lih manu ki ? 'Is there rice?'
ai d$dad hatiti ki ? 'Did you call your dder brother?
 i haru mesti ki? .- - _.. .
'Have you seen t h a t hill?'.- . . :

evasi vPtesi ki? . . . .- .. .

'Did he .,come?'- . . ...
:-
, -l1. ,

v%tasievasi ki? 'Is he the one who came?"

kokiii: v5teri iibayk jikela.' he boys came; will-the
. .,-. .- .
,._' . . vangri ki? .' men also come?'. ' ..' ' ,,,

....
i nfdi .ki? . :
' .'
'Is this yours?' ,

. Sdf 'k.i?':i-' . . . .. . .. . . ..: : ,

. .
,. :.
'Isthis the one?' . . . ,

,*.':. hajiki? .
satese ki?
... . .ha?:
,,
. . . ki?:
. .. . . . . . . 'Shall 1 go?'
.,
:. ..;,:: ';
i. S :

. , . .... . - - . , -..
When the interrogative is referred to tkb.'&bj&t$or Actions,
the clitic ki genera1ly;occurswith the
...
first noun or verbcohly;-
. .

Evvasi nihge tanji ki dgda? '1s .he your father &d&"

..-
5. , ..r.
..::::
<
.. ', .: . ,
:. ' . : - brotherly - .
. . .
;
. .
, < .

.....
hinge ki evanaki? 'To me or t o him?' . . . ..... . . ... . ;,

h a s i nifige tanji ki enasi? 'Is that your father o.r .. what is

. . .
he?:
. . ... . .
vanesi ki vasosi? 'Will he come or not?"
..
...,
. .
.
-. - . ..h$!ata
. . haji ki nii t g hajj? c.Wjllhe to the :.market or
. . . . . .. .-.. .-.. .' .. . .- ..3 ...
.-:.,. . J
a , :
I.. . .:.. .3 .. : . vi)lageYy . . .. . . . . .'. :. . .: . . .., ...
. . , ,, ,
,,.

"Pnu haji ma?l. ninu vldi ki 'I amgoing: WiE,l ybti ,dome
aoe?. or not? .....
.. . .. ;.....
:
:

Bm in the case of verbs referring to two actions; 'soinetimes

.. . ., . ..,.
tt occurs with both the verbs also. . ,.,-.. .
:

Evasi hanesi ki viinesi ki? 'He is going or coming?' .

v8nesi ki, v89osi ki 'if he comes or not'
. ; . . ki is employed son-f inally in a sentenceto express. 'doubt in

+.a.,qbjector an action .with,#.lhe,am+afi.ing .of9:&G.;

For,, urhethe~ ...S. S

.. . .i . .;. . ......... 1. ....... "." :' :l,:

m&?'
..S. '; , , , . . . . . . \ . m . < - !a;,

'5ntiyi,ma siite*,ki kijovi

,,_. . i t trig Qr
s IS'>
'. ~ f :r ..i t j .it?
.'. ;:
f
" . ' ;; . . ..:'.' :
;
,
,.;,,,
.i! ' ' ,
.
. ! ' .
, ,

,
,
.
a..
, , , K':

' '
, !:r":.:;,',"!.
i "

.; . . ,. " :. a, '
, l..
,.. .:.; I j. " l

nP alskapi 6re Gnayi~eki &a tice 'Something or other would have

idi jake moku karlne ki Ene?e injihi 'Tha old man is watching
-,

L - . burha ~iaikihimanesi whether this will also chew

the rope or not?'

The reportative clitic ke, the meaning o f which can be

expressed by 'once, it is said, they say, etc., is often used in reported
narration', such us in telling a story, enumetating a past incident, '

etc.
, . ..

r a raja rnacesi ke 'Once there was a king'

embiiri hiloyoti dg ke 'There is on one else at all'
haji k ~ : '(It is said that) you may go' ,

oso hiyane ke '(They say that) she will give medicine'

vsnesi ke ' '(He says that) he will come'

In the narration of a story the clitic ke occurs in almost

-
every sentence, sometimes more than once in a sentence even non-
finally. This can be interpreted as a stylistic feature in telling a
story.
1-6n5yCita dokri-dokra maceri ke. Evari banji-banja Le. 'In
a village.there lived a man and his wife. They had no childern. '

r~ nayiita buthi bqha macerj ke. macihi evaraki kokari-

podaya hilotori ke. koska deh; tlni k 6 ~ manu
i .ke.'In a village once
there lived an old man and an old woman. They had no children.
B i t thiy'had chickens-altogether dixty of them'.
. ..
' '
e kihi kale96 ij o kk, icbna jurunga gohnesi ke. 'Doing like
-. . T
'

that he was drinking only a little gruel always in his house'.

ha?o, injihl ice B taligatayi 'Yes, the mother said'

. . ..
In the above instances ke occurs as a stylistic feature ia
kUing stories.
8 . jake, jike, ,jikene (lake-l a, jike-la) - :: - . . .i: v+. . 4 ., . .l
, ?. : . :
. clitics occur after nouns, pronouns- .. a. . d conditi anal
These
aon-finite verbs and also after infinitives.
\ ,.., .. . > , S -* 0 ,

I. When anyone of these clitjcs,occurs after nouns, it conveys

the meaning 'even or at least' and .also or as we11 as'
7 ) .rqnda jake tinjali hiyavati m3 'You *wouldnot !give me even
. f 5

< <., . . one .to'eat" ..d.

, ',B,,

:, afqu
.
- 1
d
jikese maka bayati-ni 'Yuu also stupid,; ~i,~t.tr!-
E gurka jike haki gteri 'The gurus afsa became - :.
hungry'
rjnu jakela 5vasi kepitomi 'He as well as 1&id.thntwork' '

5 i

0ftG'the partick - h i s added to 'jake and jike. ' ~ u tthe

additional meaning indicated by this particle is not stilt clear.
. orl.iy%jakela tinasu 'The rats also will 'rlot eat'
hicu jikela hbe 'She would not .give even fire
2. When an interrogative pronoun is followed b y jake or
akda, it acquires a kind of indefinitive meaning (e g., anybody
anything, anywhere, etc.) and indicates emphatic negation, whca
it is f~llowedby a negative verb.

aminani jake r6 ptiyu tactmu 'Bring any flower'

.' @ ~ i k &jaketasmu
di . 'Bring any food'
S '

A k a jakela hlyanomi
S 'Hbw much shall we give?'" '

ijo enayi jake hileve . .

'There was nothing in the house,
: . . ena jakela asa hilo?bsi , . 'He hasn'i brought aaytlring'
. % >
r .
.. .
' - 3 . The clitic jikev: O r jike~a occurs after the , co*ditionS" r .

non-finite verbs and. infinitj vzs BIBo, when% fuhctions as bn ~d$i5ri

sit&t.with concessive
%.
'
m: xoings iikz 'hut, e v a ? \even
n l , i r . * .:thoqgh or I .

ddio~~lf-, J
, .) . i, , * : ..;l.
.v
I
.

..> .
A

-
n5 taka).!i to desa loku taki 'Even if 1 were to give my
. . kit&"i j4k;m.e 1 3 7U
' v .JW&~ $0 ipeafj1ehi6&
. .
country, it would not be
f. 'g'" . <
C .- : . r , g & a * . +fi t -

.. .
1
.. .- .. g-
...: *G;:?
....-W --
, J
 .... .. t . , . .
i :..;
.....
.
cbkk.akutbihi jike :$,hda,ate-
. . . .. . . .. . ...
. . _
. ::- . .
, ....
.k&..c It.. ,$daldm'Ukh
.... .;
.:
hot' Shift. ' . . although
she tti$d i
. . . . . .
. .:
i .

.
,.
,.
,xow;v&r
~! > *.
3 .

'
?...:'.

. .. . , , .. . . : ' F .... . . . . .
3t<g
: . . . : . . . a - .

. .
. . P&n'i-,3-,;b8ata. ;huilj mrint . . ~ ~ ~;be: i dyu.se
+ . .' . ~ even:f ~ -t6
. . ... . . . . . ., .'.' .. .
.. .. . . . ... _. . .. ... . . .*.: ; '

during the cow seaion'.. . .. .:. ... .

. ... . . . . . ..: . U , " *
. . . . . . . . .
.
'
, .
.-. f

.. . ... .
i:
. '
>

. _; . _ . .-.to
I './ . t . . . " . . . : c ,, p'.: ' > . '
t.

. . ' F j u:go&l;!$ k & & '

_ & . , . - . I ".:: ,'Even ,witfi-&r;
. .
gi+ihg ..
wqter :. . ;
,.. ,..
. j , . : _

:
-.c l.,. .?<, .;,; ..L :. ;.,. .....:...
; .? ',' , ! P :b
).
' 1
. . ". .. . .
lionpi kiha tusl maneri '
diink, t$ei ,mad& .. . . .run.
. . . .. .. . it . .- . ...'
. ...... I,:$
_ : $ . <
, ., . ,

Thq clitic ma
-
oqcurs
. .
finally
. - and non-finally in sentences
5' , ?

iftis nbuns, prodoins, fiinite. verbs and conditional non-finite.

.- . 2
ve-iis. . . . . .>
.
), I a

a'
... . h

1. Whcn it occurs after nouns or pronouns it denotes pra-

bability or possibility. , . . . .. . . .
. . .... .. .. . . .. . . . .-.
. .. t . ,
, ,

. . . .- ..
.
.ma , . .-:.I . . ,!'It could .be him'.'
h
.
. . .:t-ya?i
.........
. . , , ,, , . . . ._ .. .. .
'
, I

enaii *a satme ki kijovi ma 'What might .be? It.is posdbly::

true or false?'
. . . .
2. W*&XI itcoccur&afteran intkrr&&tive. word .
it'. adds
.
an .Y.

ihdefinitive sense and fhe -words to which ma is added give the

, 3

&a~iings'likeanybody, anything, anywhere, anyhow, &c'. ',

. - . . . ,~rgb.a?~asi ma .Gtesi? . . : . 'Who would have taken it?'

i ' . q . ' ........, . . .
~ v

. ,;. Fna.inayi mamane, petata

.. . ..*A , *
'Whatever it is, put it i n $h&.' - .. ;

. if.apn . box' .,. . .. .. , .

..
:ir.'...:..I
C L , . . . . . . . . . V. .
: -:t.'.'r
. .. . .
. , , :
.%.
,
i.

. G.., :!. ie~a,bi?zqi

*. . . . 9
ma ?k.%lpvi, %hi 6Whomight be shouting?' . . ,; : 5
mmtri , . i l l
.B L..,
. I
6

6nsltaki
r p......
;.
made
qna
;'.:
~ c u g 6 r aaw
. . . . .!:.,! <:.;
*,
,
A '

, ,
'Why the, fire-plate WOUM-. .......... .>..
stuck to.her?' . ..: ?: .. . . .
3. Whea it occurs after the non-past finite verbl'it~-.the in-
dicatiuq sentences, it expresses an overt !optativey rn%aai~ig-(d%si-
rabiliiy). ' > .
% . S--
"\ , " .
'We would go' -. . . , - - .. __
S ~
.X r

, ~ i i i c i ~ma
hi -
'
. ._n__
. .
"
,

@ve;,
. l -!.a.,)
I

ron'cja jake tinjali hiyavati 'You would not . . mo

..... ~ Y ~ B J
.oneSo eat' , ,, -.., . . . ::. '
...
'hkiy Jidu g&tw&' .- - .-
d. 4

~ i n nchi
u idi f i a m '

vidi &a fiina98 bijo kiy avi . '.Kwish you come; I- s&ll 'bate
' .wyen' . - J - : "a-'"
 4. When it regularly occurs finally . in the conditional
sentence after the past finite verbs in the main clause, it expresses
the meaning 'what would have happened' (5.71.3). To express an
irreal condition or an optative sense expressing the desire %n some
condition, the clitic ma is often added to the conditional'ion-finite
&rbs also, in addition to; its occurrence after the past finite verbs
in the main clause (5.71.3). ,

. I -

The enclitic va occurs non-finally in sentences after nouns

fironouns, interrogative pronouns and conditional non-finite verbs,
finally in sentences after non-past finite verbs and finally or non-
finally in sentences after permissive and hortative finite verbs.
1. JVhen va occurs after nouns, pronouns, numerals etc.
it adds an emphatic meaning like even, atso, etc. to the word to
which it is attached.
t kokabi va itaqi kitesi 'That boy did this?' .
Gvasi va vgtesi' 'He (himself) came'
n?nu va ele itiji manjadi 'Even you are telling this way!'
2. When it occurs after interrogative words, it expresses
indefinitieness' (meaning anybody, anything, anywhere, etc), at the
same time from a large group and it indicates emphatic negation
(e.g., nobody, nothing, nowhere. etc.) when followed by a negative
verb.
nameri taki Gnari va hgteri ki? 'Did anyone die of fever?'
aminapi va rB koyu t&?mu 'Bring any foul' :
- eni k%diva tasmu 'Bring any foods
f marka bitri aminagi va dasmu 'Cut anyone of these trees'
Optionallyc iitihi the conditional non-finite verbal form of
a-
the auxiliary verb 'to become' occurs between the 'interrogative
word and clitic va.
EnavZi rtiva.(rtihi va) tlnju *Eat something'
edi ksldi iitiva taqrnu 'Bring any food'
-
often -final-hiof iitihi i s dropped.
 J

F$::
-s 7 .r

231
.. . , -
I owing eXampfes va serves. t,o indicate ;empllatic
. .
S . . .. .
. . . ..
. . , : .I:<
. - .. ,
. . - .
1
P
W
Fnari va ida?H. mesa hilo?osi 'No-body has seen this' y

a
W
Eni kldi gtiva taqateri. . . . 'They brought no food a t &!P';
. .
S permissivk &r ho+iiive finite verb it'.i?murs after
. . .. . . . .. . . .
:
, .,
C . .

main clause often connected by . the . ,conjunction :i

injihi9,it helps not only to' selaje the purpgse .(with the meaning
r 'so that') but also to denok the sen~&'~r,obabilit~,'
.. . . -. , .
P
~ v a f i k oli kama t0b.e :ki peri . , ';Inorder that they would). do :. the
l

i ana-kalpitesi coolie work. quick.ly,;hegave them

. four annas extra' ,

buyha masks- miiro hunjinb- va .'The old man's daughteis b*ight

inji koditu injahti hB@i it in order to sleep and went inside
. - ..
....:,i.hunja . m c u .. . . . to sleepy. . .-. . ... -.-.. . -

giili vlvape va injihi dgra 'I shut the do or that the wind, .'

inight not probably come inside9

kokari-piidah oso oqapu va lekO ' ~ u t ; t h emedicine on top, so that
the children do not take. . .
ity, ,,,

. . , . .. . . . Z

. sentences
the cl/tic va occurs *finallyi.n . . after non:+ .

&ite verbs
.... and
. peitnissive or hortative finite verbs, it ifidic;rtes,-
.I ~.

p;obnbijity and desirability. . . . ... . .. ..... ..

. .. . :. . , a :: . L
..:

ngnu ha6, va
. I should
, . . go'
,
. . . . . . 'Probably
. ., ... , ,
0: .,. ,) '

.$webec&$. .hungry probably

r .

S :.,
.l1,&i
G itaqij n g t o h. h. o
. .. . ,:. sr let \c
.., + :.:;
.
,.
..' .. .. . . .
, /:. ,,
-:: ,;<L , ..I '

us go to the
>.+l!'.<

. village'
'. ',>,;;.r:
.
if,:- I .

!$>

;?a%'bulha vatisare hiyapesi'v a ' 'Whed" ' husliand':,codles, let

.
,. ... . .....: < ;
' I.
,
'.
;; .,.C.
'1,
hirn giviie'< . .... . .
,
' C ,
;
' ' ' (.. :
,:..#L*

,
'C
. . ..*L.
.
.c.
.
. ..
~ . . ,.., . the c6nditional non-finite verbs, it
~ h eiti bccurs,after 5.
expresses concess,ivemeaning 'althougb'.i - This:fpas ::been:- discused
> .

under concessive nog-finite verbs,(5.71.4).. .,.: .;,; ;. ; ,;,. I.:.. . . ...... ..":..',:.
.,. :. .?

8. 7. ko,- . .-,.. - ~. . . . :~: : , ; . .~ ~~k .. .i ~. -2. l i . i;iiZa

.. ..

.
.
. . . I . . . a :
+

. lie cljtic ko, which' oceilrs after a nouy,,.. ..or

,,.. :a verb in a
..(. . *... b.,.*.

sentence indidate$ sur yrisit, ciuljhasis or both.

282
a;
i. I

kokateri miru kore kama 'Boys, you also dopY.thave , t o go

I I

kiy ali hata9adu ko! to work!' . ,

ainu kore p5tu japosoti ko! 'You also don't learn your
lesso~is!' --.
I

b$mu k ~ ! 'hey! look out" .

ninu gota halamu ko 'You should visit'
.' +

na&e:ko hiya?&eri
-

c 7 'TQme they did not give' .

m&jovaeani ko 'You will not come to .our bbuse'l'
'bamge~iijo manayi ko 'The woman at the Brabin's c . -.
mfyanj Ryane house is indeed your mother'
a ~ U ko Pni gtihi apeqe 'No, to-day indeed whirteve'r
5 7 nsnj
v ~ d+hi%ri,
n ki75: happens, I am going to have a
taste'
&9e pinjU ko lugs sinikiqi 'No, to-day I shall hide and. have
a look'
mane ba mailjali ko n& 'indeed there is one man, but my
mirclesi hilososi son is not here!'

This clitic occurs after nouns, probably in the non-final

position to indicate some sort of contrastive' (adversitive)emphasis,
b.meanings of which can best be expressed by 'whereas, but, on
t b soatrary, etc'.

bgha to ro?osi?e .-
- . mafigg ici 'The old m a n is just one pprson'
,

rayiti qaneri but we have some subjects here'

nH lakayH to desa lqkutaki 'Whereas even if I were t.q give
hltihl jikeqe r b u my money to all the people in
the country, it would not be
finished'
i ,@nu to,koroputu. haji ma9I 'But I a& going to Rorapuf
ninu to nl kata venoqoti Whereas 30x18on't listen to my
story .....
9

nHnu to i kama ki~aniinjf 'Whereas I to14 you not to, do 'this

vastate98
. I.
. ...
work . . (you are ,doing,iQ,'
 *
The intensive clitic pi, which qccyrs after nouns,
.. .
,
,,
verbs,
a&vefbs and'connectives
. . helps to lay emphasis on an abject,
17 actioa,
qkility,
.. . . ':.
reason, etc. Its meaning can best be translated.as certainljr,.
,v.

- course,'hsdeed,
.' i
oqly,
. ,
'aton?,just, etc.
: &nu ni tjokrhi j61i mavi 'Of course I shall tell my hi&' "

' @lnulayathi 'You are certainly stupid'

' :fttiiko@pula iiiitini gate 'This is alsb just liGe a sour bread'
, mapdi h u n i 'No, old man, indeed" you take
Hle b u ~ h s ni
your: pl&te'
"gnu vfhlni 'I will certainly come'
Gvasi viipesi ni 'He must come'
Ore vZthli ya 'You have just come, back'
3feni vateoz 'I have come back of course' ..
matle ba, dara habu ~ a d o ~ o'There
- is man, perhaps you could
tiri lakani not buy only because of the price'
apa mirsi k a v a t e ? ~ Eda9l
, 'I could not eat chiilie. That is
takini vateqs the reason why I came'
This clitic is frequently heard in rhymes and songs where it
serxes the .euphonicpurpose of sweetening the language. Hence i$
isno,, more than an expletive there and its occurrence appears to b6
a styfistic Wature in rhymes and songs.

The clitic na, the meaning of which can be expressed by 'of

' csurejy', occurs finally in a phrase or clause after a n6un
c ~ u r n pr
o t verb. This servest o indiqate emphasis or certainty. .
bqgg, rapd$lPLaaela.tin0 W d woman, I have, of course,
inja$egZ na ' told you that we should eat at

. least one'
vibasi pQa jfici kiyavl na 'Sisters, da come and help me to
put the box on to: my haad'
sane IIL , 'It is here, of course'
&rap$ a+ 'It is a tiger-for sure' -
 I!

i 8 . . deha I d s / de
......
l
.,. _ , . I
.
. . . . . . .:i .
. . . . . . . ,
. .: , : '
. . .
I
. . . . " :
.
....*:.....
,.
. . .-. . :.-. .<:')L-
.3

..
.,...
dehzld'if: occyis after': . . hpuos,, verbs,,:.... .:..adye&$,
I ~ s u i lthis
enclitic
. . .

l ~.clitic
. .
. .

emphasises the e. .a. .n. . .i. n-. g .&.the

:. .-; . ,. ..

word, . p .h,r i q pr:

.,
.
. . . S . : G,..:

. .. 5 ' ,: i s ; i..

.h
. .q , ci&e, to-,which.it is attached.. . Hpyeye,r,
. . .. . .. .. . ., .when . it,.., -&cwrs.
. . . . aft,er > ... , , ' !:'( .. :.C S3.... .:) G, ?

noun it emphasises the distinctive naturk'oi~heperson or object

referredto. , . a s! the one . persgn different
. . ., or. thing ......
, . fromothers.
.............. .....-.. i while
, , , I L> .?... L ;

it occurs. .after
. . . . .a.verb,..-it
. . . nqt only intensifies the action . . . . . . . denoted ..- by j

the. verb, but. .also. . . . . often ; indicates the meanings. . . . . . . li kq.now, . . . sh~rtly,
11 S,&&, a t ail,... .?nyrnore,
::.; . .
' :, ,........
etc;
. . . :
. . :. . . .: :
. . . * . . .. . . . . .. . . . . , .
>
..
, ,:
a ' :.,
*
:
.
, , :t

j //
t: =,,, ;; 2 .

l ' ,
k6skk dehi tioi,k6ri .rnanuke:
_.
'But they had chiclceqsjxty:
. ... . . . . . . . of .: . , l'
. . . L '

. . :. . . .
them' ... . .. . ... . _. . .. .. .. .. . .... ... -. . ,, .
;
.i

lnH guru da nehasi

. . , . ...
.. 'Our guru is a go0.drnm.(whereas
,
- , '
.i

all other guius . . . are,-not)'

le gadaiisj,u!dihg. . .bdita$i' .... . .
'The... sater
I . . .

. . .., ., .. of. that - . . . . . .rive G....isrpure , . -.

. : . . . . .. . . . . . . ...... .............
, t . ,
,
!,C.'. . , :

., .
. - .. . . . . (bit
. that of. .othersis.
. . . . . . . . . . not)'
8 .
'

pih.u i,Msi ,. -
2

:.. ,

. ....... he' -. ..... . . .: - -

mniEi$i giisaii .; ,- . . . 'Stop. . . now', , ,...said - !. .,
,,.'ir'& . . ' ,

.. ji, .. 'They could sw:@ilow .

........ , all the .'fish , . . , .

.. . .
. . ~ d i e i i ' d e ke h~ , . . . . 0__ 0 ~ '
dblri'
._ _
,
hilo,lo>i &g . . ... .
'

<. . 'There .
. . . . . '
S
..'!.. .

. .,is,,no
.

. . . . . .one.,else
. . . . . ~._-.
. . .. . .:.4.
,

. . . . . . . . . st..all.y. . . .
,

,
,-
:.

i . . ... . ... ..
,
2

,
P.
:.

&.. . - - Q
I
. . . <

vihay9[ kugiliu del$ . . . . . flies will not settle wvmore? ;

dao haci dehz khma kiib&i
. . . . . . 'The

. .
'Soon after. the ,rituals
,,

.
we .
yill-
:

. .
<,:

work'
Guise dehc p6hi kitayi .:-.
'We Bave fed them just uselessly' ,,

....
L \ , , . . .: . ! . . .
. . . . ,. ..,
, L i
8.12..
.
,
. . . .- -
sahii,JpBl,/.sa: : .,
. . . . . . .
.rcq,
..I
,,:.# ::, ,, . . , . : :i
. . . . ') . :-? .Yr.,-. h.

,: . s a h ~ , /(~j ~c e, d i g
the,, e n d i t i ~ verbs a&, ilduhs ._.. ',denotes "
*,. .-,.:.,.
A q _a
. . _ . . . . . . . e:.,-.

various meanings jibe, unce*&inty, do&bt', p ~ b ~ b ~ l i t y ; . ~ + b s s i b b i ~ ~ f y ;

r

;'

etc,:, ,Its,meaning,can
.- -
,bGst,,be:translated.in..:&nten&@&L
" '

~ ~ ap ~s~ s: i b l yprobably,'
, &c, depending < up.&*3, :the context in
which it is used, but it may involve, in certain cases, an element
. . .. . . . . > , . >

of .i.rnp#ed;qe@ningjdsoi .
V. .C
* . :,,:. i..! . . .. . .. ,...c::. ,
S , ><,. ,.,. ,. ,

" . ,;..
' h;&qd,;,,ve$~. :, ! :' . .
. 'Yes, I may ask' , . ....
.
;'.,. ...
hanesc SB .l - . , .,
'.Perhaps he will go'
., ,; a,;,.:

>.... ..
S:.

.1 :'itseems that a tiger

;! i+ .*
kra?di;'@.ka&te . . :: bfit<j j t s
 i ;!.faj'$ si:mbja byateri ' : . 'Perhips
. . the' rajahs '-se~zid and
. took(it) . :
.. .
away' 1s.
., S<:;
t*.,
4,
:!

(ambiya) 6ye savukariki . , . 'Again (I) .sold it perhaps

_ . _ to.:.!: a I.

. r . .. " . . - .
S% partegg . , . mercliant' ' 2

' -. .:....
.., . .
' nini ' s k&a'
,

~ kiyali haji
.. .
' 'perhaps you .go-to
.. your work'
,?Q 2-
. .:. ,:..
,.
.! ,. . .:G; ,.

'(l'do not ..have to)

. aaliu ha:dokrini S%
7
. .. '1 $hall coukse'jiell my,Mfe'
kof
i . ..,

. .
(but nbt..toeanylo*e -:?'libj "$3 - ;

joli maoi , '

. . ..
These eiclitics saha and are often ' ,found bsed-...:% 2'after
'
, ,

: -'

~ausatiieand conditional non-finite verbs

. . . don-finall)
,. in senfepces
dn%ibchinstanceBalso, they &dieate the mea'dings desci;b;h ai;$Xdy.
.. ... , .
. . . .-.,
. 4
. . : . ;, '. ' ,
'
d.

ambitani taca hiyanomi? 'From where shali.wegive it? We

hiia~akiveS% pari vaha manomi have come searching probably
because it is not available'

ngnu vgtaki sf p6da viite 'Perhaps because I -came, the '

girl came' . ." L t

u%numacaki sah%jiq a 5ti 'Because of, my presence you

0

have won1 (probability)

*&nu mama tana karjorni hacihl 'Probably because 1 served my
sahg dokri p8teoZ uncle, 1 got my &fe'
nsnu vtitihi sah3 pp8da v5ne 'It appears that because I have
come, the girl comes'
. .

8.13. k u k : ......-. . .. ; ...- c 2

.
,. . < -

*< :
,. ..
The clitic, occurring after a word -(i.':e., . noun, verb or .

adjective), phrase or clause; emphasises the s.n&ning ?: . . ifthe ward, : ::.

phrase or clause to which it is attached b y sddingwthe . S

cbnhotatidn; '

like.ds6, even, really, etc.. .

. .
..
. . ~ . .
. .-. . : l.
. . .., ' l!;,::

. fdi hole '. ...

,'NO, not even. . this: .,.
. . :;..~~i.
. . !
e,%.
' . < r -

kokateii
. .
miru k o p kama 'Boys, you also don't. go to workg L

liiyali halaqadu ..,.

,.:;.
. .
h,! :.
:! i

nHnp kore asa hi1096 'I am not the one who':topk

'
,

. .,'
,.,. it'
' ... U

Y
:F

imbaos kofe hilososi 'He is not even he%" ..

. l..; ,..

. ~vasiikore *hilo?osi is-also not'

h
.-. -QEt.tntbe .&tic 'gate'. is-added to the txpressioim in gddritio~
te 'kole' to intensify $he emphasis.

-
a
'Idi 'k&c pula &ini gale
n?nu
; ,,:
f t
.

7
.

@gj'kore
,
. maqjkgate
.+kprcis: oft-

,
.

annoya,we, dislike.-orrmrp~ise
gota kole?haji .manji~a
,
%

miyqni

- viihi niant
.<t:
-

antitaki ma piyu loro kjihi

*a
.

'
..

drinker'
8
?
..
'This is also j u ,~ .the
9

,iaddedr to 9 dausc whep .some!leeling of

is expressed by it.:-::: -.K.
.-c Yy ~ are, . going ..tg

verb in a phrase of~ctause;'expresses a feeling of surplisc, when

'-L
3

'
.

maneri ga,,c
* l . (
.-
exnbi9%gate akuyg
iibayL ncnja haja

vsti gate

r
vika ilu g a p
~ a j .gate

banccsfors!3
i
hilb&ii g a p
. kajayi ga!c

. .
e&kathe'&e gate-ka 'Then (he) i s not htrc!'
viiosi inji manjatomi
. .. .
? .
hen we were ie11i-n~
would not r;omt&ut

1
.

Ldi gate
t sour b k - 8
korc dinorni kQu gosc 'You arp - certainly'a daily +vine

. , .is .indeed,youqppthcr'
'She
.*.Pbaliyo mH n8na pfqjp &Q&. 'W&y.-is our sister cgmipg
to-day

. -
something, unexpected is happedng or expected'is' hbt hap@eriing.-

. . b: -
,that &.
you catqa!' : ,
This clitiq sometimes, emphasizes tht meaning of t L word,
phrwc or clause to which it is attached.
*
. ,
:
.,

. :!isit .afs~'

.. 'in the. pouring

. .

>
.

. . - . ,. -- -
. - . . ..-even,
,.
ra&?'
.. .

- - -
. ,

I
,

,'U! p thatched hous.~' .. .. . - - . ..

'my goodness! i t ,is a , pjjg:

, ) . a
. -
, .

'Heis the ~nc!'.,;,,:: . .

,

'This is the-one!'. . , \ , c -
,

iiinu gateia~ampc?~.' :, :I'm the oae,;wh,o;has takonlit7

..

Zdi %orepub rii{iqi!.g.a$c:'This is also just .the .soul-::bxead'

.
.
'It is strange that >.heis not hqre'
'It is a big one!'
'There indeed i t was fuI1 of our

" . ..
I
,'

.; ,
8 .
I

;
i

L...
.:;
'

<.
' r

-... i ;. ..L".,
~, '

"
t
:

!.
.
>
C

I :

+ Z

2
 The clitio ape is actually the non-masculine singular germis-
f ~ & & ~ ~ ~ f 6 rrhei
mi 'f Q be'. &eif a 3'&
nhone
;'i
,.p, .?

finally in a dause with- &themeaning just or at '*leaSt. ''In rapid

g ~ p ohftenl
h the in"$idlro~efds shoitentdl.and thuh the: fdmi" ape
. . - .. . . . .5'!
ss obtained. ., i a

tna ape pandamu . ,, '%gd just something'

. ;
' 1 .
embiiri ipe vineri
. . - . ' ~ o m e o ~mighte some' . .- -
i r e sna spe g'andadi ke 'Again send samething? .. - , -.On I .

.
, -
. . .rondapi ape pnagdi
S . .'YOUwill get at least . .
-
Occasionally the particle la is added to the clitic apt with-
gut , *adding much to the meiming. ... _ .._..-.
sarnd@iib"tapzlavefiga 'hst I shdl go gad Ask at my
- . .-
1 . . .. . .. . . . . . ha,&i..
i . 2
sgm-dip-hh*se$
burha imbiya aI)81ii iti .: 'Old man takd ih& %artrewhere'
halamu
buyhi ror;lda??Sapela 'Old woman, I told you that we
tino injates~na should eat at least one'

This ditic can occur in the place of the clitic &pc, ape or
apela wherever it occurs, without any change in meaning.
rondi pafe piida v5pe 'Let just one girl come'
dokri-dokra pate bEci 'Let husband and wife at least
v~pu go and have a Hook'

This is a particle added occasionally to the clitics ape, jake

and jike. The exact meaning denoted by this particle is still not
clear. It is found from wage that it does not make much &@er-
@cc in meaning (8.4, 15).
6 .
q - b=hi,.?qpda?ll.
- -- .-:
..$..C'::.
.Fapda tino
.
. ! . -
. ,'Old woman, :I .told you that we *%i

injatiir na should eat at least onev .. - :-<, . .

,

gr:.. bugha, imbiya apela i$ -.. 'Husband;

. , take them somewhere'
halamu
rosdi apela p6da viipe 'Let just one girl come'
~ d hicu
i jikela hi9&. - ' 'She wou1d- not give firemwood
. .
. .
, even' :.
A :,.

- ..(.... :.nahge..jakela. veska

Y : ' , -
ata .
":. . . ' .
'For me also, ,the. fire-wood ..:
, . . .
'...
manjanu
.
,
X

I
, stuck'
- Occassionaliy -1a may be interpreted to indicate the meanings
like wish, doubt, anxiety, etc.
8.18. bale
This clitic usually occurs after a noun, expressing a mean-
tng of resentment or annoyance.
m
evari bale-haceti mambu 'They went and so why shouldn't
LI &a?%iaki halo?&i' we go?'
ntnu bale p%iniinu ~na93 'You received so why should I
c:,7- taki p g b ~
L not receive?'
Evasi bale kitesi nanu "He did (it) so why shouldn't I
' . Snataki kkb also do?'
 9. Interjections, Vocatives and Particlei
of address , .:. . .
. . .. . . . . . . . . . .. . a
. -... I
.. .. . .
L,
v ..'. . .

9.0. Interjections and vocatives occur i&'isolation 'and tlius they

comprise minor sentences (1 1.l). Often they are f o l l o ~ e dby majw
sentences. They occur as simple words or as compounds. '
number of them occur as, iterative expressions
.
also. ,

Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between the interjec-

-
,\

ions and vocatives, e.g., h5 'look', 'hey', hFba 'Ofathe;', .abaliyoi

0 father', 'oh!', fyalesa 'alas', etc. Kinship terms like iiba 'father',
Tya 'mother' occur as .initial constituents of the interjectional
expressionS. l

,:. ..
... i ...- . . . . . . . . . . . . " F 9

The paif&l&
. . .. -cif aridress areih&-tened forms of original
*v..:.., .: . , .:-,. .: ........ : ,: . . . . F . . . . . .

kinship?'6rms 'ijr &lie? terms' of "--. /:. ' . , , '

. P. .
. ,
9.10. Interject ions
These simple or compound ' worcis are used to express the
different feelings of a speaker. They can be grouped on the basis
of feelings expressed under different sub-classes. - --

9.11. Sorpise
.
. ,- .
. . .. acjgand.e
., .... -. ... -. ,.. 'good!, goodness, my goodness'
,.. . . -.-.
........ . . aciyo 6 g ~ ~ d gosh'
ie~~,
ayale bnpare expression of wonder or astonishment
., . . ,

. gate
, .
. . .. . .
,
. :i ...
.
' indicates surprise .
...... . . .bisi
. bay& . . .. .. ' 'wonderful, beautiful! , , ' 5 . , : I
.... . . . . . . . . . ,

apa iapa expressed especially .when the work i s difficult or .

the load is heavy. . ,. ,

4 B balesa 'alas' . , ..
 l:,g., c iW-4"Q "t..$*rl' ,&Z . .:- . ...
aeo;
-"*& .*dis,$ **&
S_;
, ' U"d ar
!-,!
G-
r:, ;
?
$*7
$2 .
*
.*F\,,,...;L..
?.

, W ,
+-
[
.
:
;r\
.. .;. .:L
'
.,
2, . r
I
.> '
*,$..S
;.
,,.F, ,;v

V
;.,
3-'.

l...;:
,
J

: :
1.
.>,.
..
,
..is
..

, ..
.. ,
"
.
:.. .. .'
. ..
! ',...,
:. .;,...
..
'.
,<.
' ..
.!, ,: .:.,
-i

aha <alas,what a pity'

.i

v
.L ,.*.A!8 ;> r &
J ., ,a.
,,~. * d, ,' , ... :
r,.i'.r:,. .! ;;.,. i, :, : ;'&S-?
, i: : ;, S
. .. .
.
. . ..
', 8 . ,
( I ;
:

,'g* . .. ., - ,
; .. t]ta" ' ' ' / .
. ,

r &Q~D. . , t , gym?
' . .a *.
.>i

h3 'yes, ha'
. .hadlja , , 'of course', expressing ag~kement with . the
. 2 5 % . . . - . r/

sptakcib&ctirtaidy of the @i&%~~nt .

9.16. Fear and awe

iibaliyo father' .
- iygliyo - '0mother' I

hus expresses fear and, anxiety

* ,

9.17. Endearment
hE 'look'
johoia' 'hallo', -+ireetihgs, addrdss. use8 to invite
attention
9 .-2D;Vocnthes'
Vocative forms.. . .of the.different names, .viz , kinship terms,
P I .

terms of address,'titles- rbkkciilii social values, descriptive terms

and personal names are used in Kuvi. Lengthening of fiard v ~ w t l i
replacement of the final phonems and addition of certain particles
are the common fe"atpf~&~P;lund :in:~thqf'~c&aRv&
.. forms. . + ,

t6ne, t6nB '0 friend', ,

'. :gba,: & - rf&iej?' . g . 0
. . , >

ama, ama-re '0 aunt'

In some cases the nouns occur as iterati yC4bq&ecb~~j:. I -3 . ;!
abo Obo '0father, 0 fathhr?. -
iiba %ba
?#.&l
]
k+ *
- ,
t,
In the remote vocatires almost 'lli nouns un8ergq so%^^
modification, i. C., rep~acemenf,'itidd$8~, dC~~. <,.-:L+
 . .
Vocatives are sometimes preceded by ertain free or bodna
constituents which can be identified, as pre-uocatives.
d iya '0mother' agey kokasi 'Oboy' :

he iiba '0father' 16 iya. :I CO. ladiq

. ,

',
I.

. .
he occurs in isolation while inviting,the attention ,of some-
one and also occurs as a prevocative before human noun% ,

he 'Iook' +

he 'iya '0 mother'

> . h&.&: . . . . . . ': . '0father? ' . . . ,
:. c . . ' :,I .
.... ..
i .. , . . . .. .
9. 21. ginship Termi
. !

' ' . . .
. . . . . .
. .

,O.,aba
.. .: . COfather' ijba ..: ,;
. S

..
, . ,
.4jiya,i: - 3 ' '
. . :
. Qmother'
. . . . . .. .
: Gya ; .: ' !

o mama '0 uncle" . . ' ; . 6ma . ' '

: , :
. : ! , .
, ! '
. .
abare '0 father'
:.. ::
a ,:i:,:i.:
' . ., ;. !
c<;' '. . -
iy are 0 mother'. . fyere
. . ,., ,: , , <. . . . .
1 '

, .. ,
...
amare: '
, ,
.
, , , . '0 aunt' . . . . . a .
. 6

iyare., iyare , . . '0 mother 0 mother'

, ,
, . .
. .
, l
.
. I . ,.
. .
. .
. . ., . . <
. ,

9. 22. Terms of address ,

.. . . . . . .. . ..'
:
I. I..,
. . . . , . ,. '! ,
akeylkklka 'used , towkrds younger,girls' . . .
..
,
,,,:
j I ... . .
'
' . : , .

- ., . afeyia f a .,. : 'used i

;
towafdi bdys, men' . . ' , '. > ,
.

afo : ' ! .used . , P

to\niardi smaller girls', .... . . . I

bayakila 'used ' towards brothers, esp. younger'

maka . : : .".: . . i . 'used -towards girls in' affection, . esp. t ~ ,
:
'
address .daughter or.younger sister'
. ,

l0 'used t6wakds:females' i . , .
, , .,

9.23. Titles riflectidg sbcial values' (other than kinship

, .. terms) - S

biibu 'Sir' . . . .
.
. ., ,' , ) t : . .
' . .

maharani 'Qpeen' , ,,:

. . 1 .
. !
:
I
.. ......
>

miipuru Ciieat ma$ . .- .

. .i .:l.. .I
', . ,
, , .
: . . l ,.

r&mram . 'Lord Ram$ .. . ; .

. .
. .
.. .
. I ,: . :.,
., . . .
X
.
a 3? . .I .L." I
. -
a savukari '0richman"
S . .
 ...., . , . . , . ..' . ,
. a,;
'. '-,' r . . .,
. .
t6qeti . '"-'friend" . .. .. . .
,

, ..c
-,
c.
. .
..,..,pdati-'
._,.._
. .
.+ girl*.. G . ,,

lk?ka+i.
. . - . *0boy,,, : q , 7 . , . . ..

bapati . . "0crazy man7

. v . . .
..A.- . ?
. . . ,.. .
-.tiql?' : . 6bfiiekd,; :i;.~Y
, ,
. . jl
, , .
J , 0
. . , . . .
. . . . . . . _ .. ..:,

.. ;:. 2;.
. . .. .
:.F;$kn'd(l;igiy.
.. ' :. . .;.. . . '
. *,
.....j . . . . . .
,
I.

.. ., :. .

bay i 'Friend (woman)! . .

:, .
.

9,25, Personal Names .

. , - C i -. . .

The personal names aiso tak6 tge b c a t i v e forms ~ h ' e l thev

i .
I

will undergo the described chanses at the final position

t

In the proximate voratives, nouns do not usually undei-go

any noticeable chadie except carrying a high falling pitch 'cdntour
at the final sytlablej-iirhich is the imeraf '; fehture of all ~ih&~tatives
.., . F r .... a , . , ,.
and interjections, . :. -. . . . , . . . .,. . , , l.'

2. , , i

9.30 .The particles. .of< . address.,-are ,,.. . ,..

shortmed
;. .
fo&& of , :
kinship terms a i d bther'fef$is 'df 'gddiess &$&d,'i* . '., I .

!&brtain ' / i... .,." , :

socially accepted modes of living recognizing the various distinc-

tipns, such as kinship,
.. . . . sex . social status,
.age, ... degree of . .
familiarity
.
.. ,
. ! / , " I . I ,

and relationship witfi'the

. . ipe;kif,
. . . . . . . . rhdugh
. : it;ft;. . . these p&ticles
. .
are .I

very often added tothe jrhpkrat'iies

. '*&by ark added aftei'th;' .. .
indid
. , , , . . , , . , ,

.,,,; . ... > . ,,S , ~ ,A ! I .

. - . and to
catives, interrogatives' . the..
. exp~essions
. .. . . . ,of greetings.also;
( ,.. .
' , I , . . I/ .. "8 . A ..:.' ,;i.t.. ;. .... i : .::
. .
9.31.; ka - . , {U, fe,male:pemdns,:espi,~ o u n g e ,(aka,akey),
r I , :

I
. I ., . ., , .: .
.
.

.
I
:.. .
: vgka .. , :,'come ' (sg) '
viiqer-ka .,-. . fcbme;-(pl)?. !; , , ;, i i

: rra , .to wale

! ,
),m ,ipersons,
.j.,l * F S ~ .y: ~ .g. e ;. . ,!,@$g.
l Jt .. aj.cyf,
. , .r : ;: . ,. b. ,(, , i .'.. !:
~Sra 'coke (sg)' '
.
p ,
. .: ... 7
. .,
,
4;ielj
vlrteri !a 'come (PI): I i .

l. .i .1. ;.; i;:f:!;:

,. ,<;:;j
-ba ' to men, fathef of to ,son (66a'),- ,
..

[;! 'l;;:;,;! ,
halaba. . 'go (sgji gj8;#>

,
Ya;.f. ;',
,,f:
:
Z , f ! ..
I
. 2 .,. . .. 1

hsieser36a
'g* (pi)'
.. . . . , ;
;;
.. *
c,'
,:
: !.
j. ,:)
. b (,>, ,l 1: j ;;l:

I
S.; 1

ji: ,{;'l

{;;.j,;,i'::;,,(,,':; 4,:
. !, ... ....;:,.
. ..>;., i;. :
-bo to man, father, or to son (abo).
-ya/-yo to woman or to mother (iiya, iiyo)
(iya, fyo) -.

hiyamuya 'give-us.(sg)'
hiyaduya 'givb us .(pl)'
' . .

-10 (-10) to females, used by bath males & females

viisalo , 'come woman (sg)'
vaserilo 'come women (pl)'
=si to smaller girls, tried tiy females only.
- vikqasi 'Icome(sg)'
vaserisi kome f pl) '
-le to very small - younger girls.
viisale 'come (sg)'
vaserile 'cpme (pl)'
-1a -
to very small younger boys.
vasala 'conle (sg)'
trB7erila "come (p#)'
-Bga to daughter- in-laws
vabga 'come (sg)'
v8seringa "come (pi)'

-figs is actually a plural su@v and when it occurs in the plural

imperative, it is a case of double plural. Thus an imperative
like this is expressed with more politeness towards daughter-in-laws
(5;4I-4).
9.32. Impefatives
vaduka COW^ women9
hajura 'go nlen9
taseriba 'bring it men"
9.33. Interrogatives
hiyadi ki ya 'Will you give it (woman)'?9
manu ki ya 'Is it (woman)?'
enayi ka . "What is it (woman)?'
iminayi ba 'Where is it (man)?'
vate ki ya 'Did it come (woman)?'
 " ! . ,'. ' ,.
&iya....
I.

. : . . .'(I) wjn become (m,qtherJq

.,.: . . . . . . . . $

%re gateka ':, i ;. . bY. . .H . . .is

. . . .~ J. . . .no~~~eie(w(jman)~
. . . . . . - . . > ,

h.iid$ba. . . : . . . - ."~hatlis
.. ( . , : h
the o'ne\
r - l~~~nl~
.. ; ' I . ,' .. .. . .. . . _
g9eba .
i
. : . :I
. .
j . .
'no ' man
. . . .
../
. .
.
. .
,
.
, ?
:
.h.
...v...
. , :.
'
. :' , . f:
. . !
,

hanora :. .. ';
. I.
! :
usg~(man)'.>,?. , ,..7,,,,,:'
. . . ..:
,
:
. ' , y:., .,
-... ,, ,

Gfeetfngs ..
....
, C

r
johora . i. . .l;: : *gfeetings" .;. ' ,.
. . ._..
,
... . !

johoraba . . ' to man bounger &:friendly)

.! ii . . ..
. . ;, . ' . . . : >
, ,
I .
.,. ,
! . ' .....
...
1 . . 7, ,, : '. .. .
!
,
,
.
.
:
:,
,,!
,. . .. . < . I . . ,
. . . . .
.: . . ... , ! . : . . . . , , ..
I :

.
,
.
i,.,,
. .
3
'.
,
!';' d . . .
, li', ;! ..:;
 10.1. Onomatopoetic . ~ x ~ r e s s i o n s
:. \

10.10. Kuvi speakers often repiaduce in their speecli tfie sounds

produced by human beings, anilriafs of objects or the a$pearance
of natural phenomena. to express, different actions,. manner of
.
*.,&p
actions, etc. A number of such ,oriomatopqetic . expiessions are
created at the discretion of the, speaker in &fa&
. . to
. make the
.
expression terse and vivid. , : ,

In these expressions the forms are -generally repeated fully

or at least partially in order to intensify the sense conveyed to and
hence they may be identified as iterative expressions also.
, :.
These onornatopoetic expressions are converted into
verbs by the addi~ionof v z r b ~like 3- 'to become', ki-'to do'
in-'to say', etc. Thus many of these expressions ere employed as
verbs in the language; however some of them occur as adverbs.
There are a very few expressions which occur as adjectives also.
10.11. Verbs
ana rnana 5- be suspicious or unc&rt&fy
?to !: L:
kaya kaya 8- 'to be greedy" . .

kili bili a- 'to be excited'

kutu kuta a- 'to break into pieces' :, - I..: ,

muru muru 5- 'to grumble, to complain' : ,

L i
'

reve reve 8- "0 grumble'

Ieko leko 5- ' 'to attract attention' .. .
hida hida B i 'to be difficult to carry' .:. ,

duru duru 8- Fto be dirty'.

kindi kindi ki- ' .'to harangue" ,
. . .
.

guru gyru .ki- ..- , .\ ,.

'io make banging sound', .
. ,
: / l
, ,

dii dii ki- .. ,.

'to knack at the door','tp
. make .:, ,
, , knocking sound'
* ,

. . . -, . ::,..
' 1

nari niici ki- comfott

, . . . . . and console'
. -, ! , .. : : ,

mili miti siniki-. 1 . .:!to

. bli~pk' ,
.
.. . . .
.
,! ? . i .
. . A

mini mini siniki- 'to .... carefully' c : i.> % . ,

rico raca ki- . . . .! liquid in bottle' . c::.,,. .,

tto,sh&G. ., , i , .

horo boro ki- 'to make trouble'

 ana ana in- 'to say ouch ouch9 ... . - .
..
- ;. (iga) rut rut in- 'to beat (pulse)'
kurru kurrq in- 'to make rattl~ngsound' - - . . -. ..
dZi d5in- . 'to crack'
ravu ravu in- , 'to growly

diri diri in- 'to be moaning'

kiri kiri in- 'to shriek (birds)'
muli muli kak- 'to smile' . .
noye noye jbl(i)- 'to speak out loudly in anger'
buku buku buki- 'to . . gobble up' - c C

i .

jiki' jak mnih- 'to flash'

lidi lidi ri- 'to fall away heavily (rain)'
tipo tipo' ri- 'to drip (water)'
' ; t i r n b timu hi- . 'io announce, to proclaim' :

S bruk bmk ha?- 'to ooze'

, .
' druga ki- 'to stare'
daga 8- 'to hurry' ' ,

surpu rel- 'to suck in'

kindi kindi 'persistent1y'

gupa galDa 'confused'
julu juQu 'freezing' . .
$iyo dayo 'swinging sideways9 .. .

Qruga druga 'glaringly' p

taia tara 'shivering'

tobe tbbe 'very quickly"
'I ..
page pade 'carelessly' - .
prido prada 'carelessly' .-
,: '

livi lava ' , 'softly, bending easily' ' '

. :, , i

3uda luda . ,: .. 'softly'

' '
.
' ,

Bodo ,lodo
. ...
'
'splashing'
'

. , , .
. .
sirvi sifvi. ' 'spluttering' . . .
hPre hire
. .. . !
. I
'iit& by little'' . . .: ,
:
,'

.
,,
.
..,
dabri cq,ii&iyi
, . i ' ! "ddenli~
,. .
' '

pot j. . . . , ;.. . . . . .. ' ,

.j . ~ : ! I
 . .
10.13. Adjectivals . . S . .

kici kica kama 'very very b a d work' . ? '

goy1 goy1 jiyu 'downwardly on obscure path',

. ,

hulu hulu gili 'breeze' . - .. . - ' . - , S

buri buri piyu '.drizzle' . .

' '
draga draga kaq ka 'squint .eyes'
. . .
S l
10.2. Kchq Words
10.20. Like in all other ~ r a v i d i a n languages there occurs a
regular formation of echo words in Kuti also. The echb word
follows the basic word as an unique oonstituent with the meaning
'and the like or etc.' denoting. the object(s) or being@) like that-
which is denoted by the basic noun, which precedes2and'and the
like actions', denoting something like that which is denoted by the
basic verb, which precedes. Thus both the noun and the verb occur
as co-ordinates with the preceding form. ..

palu gilu 'tooth, etc."

ilu gilu 'house and the like9 . ,.l

l
dosi gisi 'having built and doing something like that'
. ,.
kakhi gikhi 'if laugh Bnd do something like that' .>. I

The echo word is formed by repeating the basic constituent

generally with the replacement of the initial (C) by gi-. The v
quantity of the vowel in the echo-word corresponds to the quan-
tity of the vowel in the preceding word. The same formation
occurs both for nouns and verbs.

IQ.21. Nouns . . .
.
.,...... ., .. ,

jayu giyu 'curry, . vegetable .3

- .
'milk ......9
,.
8 .
... . . .
,palu gilu
'stone . , .......
. . . . . . .
S ,
1..
9
vali gili '

.
'mountairC ...........
3 ! " .
hijru giru .
. < . h .

'way . . . ; . . *
. , .I I
....
. .. .
jiyu .giyu 3
.,,:
' . .'.'>
"ail ........
,
" i.!,.
k u ~ giii
i
> i : . : , . l

.>
 tiiyugiyu , ' 'place . . . . . . 9

kanu ginu 'eye . . . . . . '

komu gimu 'bran&. . . P
koka~igjkapi 'boy. . . . . . ?
atu gitu 'left. ..L '
5ba giba 'father . . . . ' .
5ya giya . Cino~her . . . .? * .

ganda ginda 'rice . . . . . '

rgnda ginda 'smell . . . . 7
pota gira 'bird . . . . . 9

- sofa &a-I 'tin. . .

mapsi ginsi . ' m a n . . :. . 9

h5ki'' 'death . . . . '

hapana gigana "ream . . . . '.
suski girkj
' 8
'basket .. .. . "
pits gQa 'table . . . . -'

go-22. Verbs
..
. echo word formation is most
In the case of verbs, . # .. common
in the durative as well as conditional participle forms of the verbs.
alt$mugh such a formation is seldom heard in the other forms of
the verbs also.
k@tigjti 'having watched . . . . . . I
vGti gjti 'having beaten , . . . . . . ' .
'having brought . . . . , . .
9 '
tati giti
h$[i giti "having called . . . .'
mesi gisi 'having seen . . .5
tusi gisi "having thrown . . .9
koQi gldi 'having bought. . .9
~acihigicihf 'if write . . . J

Sndihl gPndihi 'if dance . . . J

jilkibi gflkiht 'if spgak . . . 9

pagdihI gindihi 'if sent . . 9

vajihii gijihf 'if cook. . . 9

rathl githl 'if cut ...9

> -
 injihi ginji hi .
'!if $ay . '3

tinjihi ginjihi 'if eat . . 3

~@PPVB ~ P ~. Y 'kgcb.. .' . ' h * -

Q $ Q ~ gfni 'fbqt yhich come .,.." - ,

10.23. I&"afew<cases, there is regular or optionJ 'abs- . ,

of'the initial conson'ant g- in the &ho form. . -

3
ply!! @?~Yu 'rain . . . V # , . .
ama (,&ha 'aunt . .
eyu fyu "water . . .3
. , C '.
. Occasionallythe quality of the vowel in the ' echo word is
retained as the same found in the basic word, or changed to -e

veska geska (giska) $3re wood . I !'

pihu gEnu .
s g ~ .d .'.
mathi gethl .*ifbegin ...'
10. 24. A few words take alternate echo formation. .in addition to
the regular ones,
h6ru gTra
hijru m8ru
1
'mountain..,'

qinu gin9
Mnu 'rniinu
1 'fish. .'
kuti giti
kuti mati 1'nail,$. 9

~ l gili
urlj
i
. . muli
1 #onion.....
3

@yagfya
sya mgya
} swaman...?
t~kihIgfkihi ,if walk ..- 9
takihi makihr :1
It is a rare feature that in SQW words tb&tg is special type
of echo formation, ,

koyu moyu .
'fowl . .-9

kicihl picihf !if pinch . .' .

It iq P ~ Q P ~ tbpt
Q ! ~soqe ?$@F &B @ay &vp, special
echo word formation, ,.
 , .
l1 - Syntax . .

11.0. The structure of sentences in Kuvi has been gener'ally

observed sporadically in the morphological part of grammar, while
discussing the use of cases, postpositions, aspects, connectives,
clitics, etc. A brief outline of the clause and phrase, structure in
Kuvi utilising the basic techniques provided by the transfor-
mational model of description is.attempted here in this chapter,
though transformations are not exhaustively discussed. -

r
11.1. In Kuvi there are two types of sentences, viz., Major
I
,sentencesS(~) and Minor sentences (S). Minor sentences are formed
of Vocatives (VOC.) and Interjections ( ~ n t . )which can occur as
utterances by themselyes but which.are often followed by niajor
,
sentences (9. l,
i ,
4,. i

hEba: i :.* 'o f a t h e r ' . . . .

;

1 . ; . ,,l
. .,
: ,* : <
'-amare ,
:.. i A . : : :
'o aunty' . , ,
' i
: , .

}
.

tut
. expression of anger a
. , .. . . c' ; . . . .

aciy o . .
'goodness, gosh"
oho expression of pain
arey, imbiya haji manji? 'Hey boy,; whkre are you gaing19
ibo Bbo, icw 'They called, 'Father, fat her'
oho, iceka vahu d e h ~ 'Gosh! 1 have to work so hard9
kama kip1
,
11.2. The elliptical sentences are riot cofisidered as minor.
sentences as they can be derived from major sentences by the rules
of deletion at the discourse level.
halamu. 'go ( y ~ ~ )' 9 !

:.
.S
'
. .
: .l .., .. koleka , . 'Koleka(name of a person)' i : :

ambasasi 'who (is) he?' I . . t

imbese 'here'
. * I ( (.: .:

vamu . c: 'come' (you)

. . ,....
r I
. . .
:,,l'
' 7 .
.. . . .
: ; <
,
'

, . .
: 11.36. :All m&o&
' ,
,;;
are & three kinci&,$it.,-simple
. .
complex and compound. . . > d . ; . , . , . & , : {
. .
,,
 J

2 5.4.
'., .\

- 11-31; ' Unleh it is elliptical, s si'mplc se.ntence!hasqa single

.
. .
independelit clause consisting of two obligatory constituents, viz.,
Noun Phrase (NP) and Verb Phrase ..& [YP)and one or rnore,optional
,

constituents; viz. , AdverbEals (Adl.): ~ o r n ~ l e(~ornd.),

. ~ n t ~ etc.
. .- -,E barha .ro k*rg*ra 'The old l$d secretly looked' ? .. .

. . b k i hacesi ke through a 'h,bll&v.kee.. . t?'katch-". . .

.. . : i. '
edidabfi
. . vate' 'She came quickly''
,

, ..-:? *
S-

P 'bu~hadiiyu :ijo hacesi 'The old man w;nt.,to" h i s 'house

. . . . . .. afierwardS8 . .' G 5 . A , .

(E bulhi kamata hace , 'The old \?torn&

. went
. tp hbr- .
work?..- . ' .. *1

I .
,
-. ,
, .. ., .. 1. .
.. - .
.i

l[n additiok to the abovcte constituents, a sentence Ihiaj.' 'consis

of one or more of the Clitics (Cl.). Though - fdr . the
location of the clitics at the iight places 'in the P-marker can-bg .
'
a,'&':,

made in the rules, it is- n ~ attempted

t here as they
. have
.. been ,

. .
discusse4.;seperatiiy in -detail. (8. X-17). . .
. . !\ ,
,
:

nfnu bayati ni 'You are stupid' -: : .

Pdi e nrcu vandite ke 'That day slie tasted it'
evasi v%tesiki? 'Did he cforne?'
. ,

I
. .,"
niinuse miyatesl 'Tm your mother'
11.32. A complex sentence involves a main clause and one
or more sub-ordinate clauses. Such sub-ordinate. clauses can be
derived by ekrtain rules of embedding which convert independent
clauses into dependent clauses and attach them t o one of the strings
" N P , . V P o r Adl. . I .

n5nu viiti rrtuse piyu rite 'At the moment 1 came, it rained
Evnsi kunayB k5ru manaii 'While h :was digging Tofor roots
kuna'_~fayuta jiningap,beta he found a bellin a tato hole'
atesi
?
<

builia Q ~ r i t i himborita 'The old man, covering the iopk -

pojahl OuOu Qekahq hacesi in his cloth. and sarrylqg the,sttice a

. .
went'!.
. . . . . . .
. ., . . .
, :
. .
i f

. ! ' l ' , '

, & , c , , ,. * . , ( ,.'. ;
 !
l! 232 -
/I
i evari laqi sinikitihi 6ati 'Wlieh the$ id&6d i6 tH(! morn-
l
l/l ' fii1e7er 'ing the' elephant intag nbt there'
l/
'j 7 .
l/, 11.33. A compound sentence has two or more independent
jl clauses.combined by co-ordinating conjunctions. This . has been
'7 ill discussed earlier @. 11-19). ,.' ,
i
iji
rajay%dokri . icayi piiyuti rneste heceka takayg hite.1 injaha

1
I

. . kodite 'The king's younger wife saw the flower and.gave a

puyuti
l

winnowingtray full of rupee coins and took the flower.'

&asi rd-grayu kgrhesi injB uhitesi 6ye eyu vakhesi 'He dug
, l
a hole, planted it and watered it'
1
B iya bagdita Lha mace injaha kiqiya rnenea asahB haji
j/
I niace injaha jfyuta kokana7fi p q e injah% prheri darita hunja mace
'She became pregnant and wheti she was taking a black sheep, she
1 j/I
I,
11
11 gave" birth to a son on tlie way and slept b y the side of themad,
l
l
'l
!I
11.4. The following are the rules which account for the
I I deep structure of Kuvi sentences ih termis of their constituents. "

.. i ; .. .
,

kokasi hrfcesi i ~ h k tatboy wknt9 ' .:.I ' ... . ]

burha bitra kuga lnanesi 'That old matr has.'8';b t

8

j
l
IS
,

)I

:!
. .
i 1 .-!

4 ; 'AT.
'. ! . !. ;,::/'

(Adl) +: (Compl) f .VIP. ?,

. v
.
'
. m

!
inside9
.

!;"

' ,.~;:,

i
1 .i/ . . e i burhi .dabyi ij?.hate 'The old woman went.to
:I

S. ,
i :,
.. .. . her
! ij * :
. .

;! house quickly9
jT /.I!+I./
i
e. burha menese
. kbrg&ia',.6r&i . ro
.
. . T h e .old., man stealthily looked
..: &Q&Si ke
,
- . !
',,
. ..a : . a \

l ,:ll! .. .
'

. B,&~% tr&@?i',!
fhiodg~;a
) ,
.,
. :4 : . . ,

The :VPii ighliz&d;

. . ? :,. . . .
obtial;ai stii~gi;.PiBqgfi,iril
, .
.: (Adl) :

and ~ o h b l e m e n t(Conip1)~'followed by Finite Verb (Vf).

 . .
.. . P
. . . . . . . ......... . ; ;:.; 1 ... >:<.!. .: ;. r. .I .
vf-H
;'
. c
' ( . .. .
: ;;+, 2

5 .
,

. . . .
Vi'. - Obj. . I.. .., .!. . .. . c. .,. . ! I. .
, _. .. .. .. . . a . .: ........l
!c:-
, >
'i
. . '
1

Edi $iyuti kodite 'She bought the"fld.wer: ;,:,,'i: i

. . :... >.. :
. . . .
. . . . . m
,..
3.:

. . ,'He.went'
.. .. . . -
Evasi . hacesi !
, . .. .., ....
. ;!
: I . . , , '

.: !"l '.- .: . I i. ,
, .
adi h& , . 'She went'
~
. '
-
: As . ..:th6: ' othei DrBvidian lan.iu&&s, &&verb in
.F,

in a sentehc&$hows
. agise&.sht 'Gijh th- fiouh &r nbua'.phrase t - '

...
; the subje~t'~lot bf;that . fbr 'both
...
n&berli
.: .
'

gender. . - '..
. . . . .. .:..: ~. .% .,..

The verb is developed either as a n optional ...NP;Obj; (direct

object-denoted by accusative .. case) foll*wed:
.... . ,!:. . by..........,.a Transitive
. :: .. verb I , , a L !.: .l .;d.'t

(Vt.) or as an ~nirinsitiveverb(vi.) j. ... ": . I ' I A ,.

. 6. Corn&---. .
N P f case
. NP '--I case
, : ..
. . . . . . '1. } 1 . . . I .
. . . . . ,? :.
,

1 ,:;
, ; .. $. . . . .
evasi s tTlyuti'vStesi 'He came from that place'
ambiiraki
. nali mane : .. 'Who has a gun?'
.

; k0di-~6&.rajataqa - . ' . 'The shepherd wen" to the king '

.
hacesi :, . ,
..
. l
.
i. , ,
,
4

tvasi guru 'He is a guru'. , ;

tdi m e h w ~ i "Itisadog', . . , ,

. . .

. The Complement !(Compl) is realized; either .a$ one.of the , . : :C! L

features &palling case relations other t h a n accusative case. (direc,

. .

object) or as a feature without case marker.

The feature '[--case ]has the effect of optio,nally detaching the . I '

. . from t'he sentences, where we obtain.equative

finite verb sintenties;
., . , . .
. . .:
,
,
.
. I . ,

ebg: . , <

cvasi kajasi, , , , 'He is biglgreat3 . . .: ( I :

,. , : . ! S !

.'
eikii k&al ate4
.; m,

': 'Be becamd big/great9 ,

Evasi guru 'He is a guru'

. ,. .
. svasigufil
'

: , : ' 'He i$ a . . i . . . 4
. .
,

. :y. ... , :.;, I ' .

. . . . . . . . . . . are . ' _ ..a114

. . . .8-. 'to .be .con^' . .. .. man-
.
The ierbs .optionally
.
. .deleted .
. %
. :.. , .
I
. .
'to be'. .
,..,
.. . . , .; . . '.I . . . . . . . .
, , . v .. < , , ! :
. ,
. . . ....., . ,

Thus it .becomes ..
' NPi .
: .
NP';
. . . . .. . . . . .

. . ,... . .. . I
. . . . . . . .
., . . . . - . . i. : ' ..:
,
:
,:

:
..
'
;:':
.V'".

,
: i.;
 . .. 1;
Here the complement (NP - case)'rigrees with
.. .-..
the subject in
, , ! . -. . :. . v
! : ,
mumbet and gender.

8. Casel -4 Obj.
Obj. stands for a noun.0r.a noun phrase with the accusative a ,

case marker.. A context-sensitive rule like the following

. can restrict \.

the verbs occurring in this construction .to. transitivesl only

V --+Vt./Acc.
, 6vasi pi~yitidaphesi 6He*pluckedthk flower'
..
evari nadgo !;kayi f ~ h e give
y u s rupees9
h'iteri
.:
1

E savukari kurndati '~h&merchantciit a$eri the pum-

pakhesi pkin'
b. " J
.. ,
% -Inst. ;,) .
( ' ,
j

. .
.

.
. .
.
> 12Soc.. I - - .
.
I Dat. I :
.

9. Casee ---+ . ,
Abl. ,

I 1':Loc. ., . I ."
' c> , (-I..Lirn.I . ' I .
..
Comp, J .
.. .. , ,

' The'
cases' ar&eilized in..ihie... gtadrni;
features'
.... . . . . , ,
Gy case
- l ' L n :
.
mbtphemes or posiipositibns (3.13.2); ' . . .
,
,
'

. , I . / . . - ,
\
: ' (

, . .
. I
, m\8
for anbun or noun
In?t,/S~.,,stqnds ,
,
-..
..,,!., . .
with the.,$ost-
positions tole 'with'.'. .. , ,.
. .. . . .. .. , , ,
/

evasi vmju toIe hiita 'He pointed at it with his finger5,

kodjtesi . . @ e

kokasi tami. iya tole haji - 'The boy is going: with his mother'
manesi c
. , L 1

E naka butha tofe nata hace 'That jacka1,went to the village

with the old man9
. ,..: . .:... C !:., ' f . i!Il,; !,,,<.. . .
: :
;>,!t:iLx , ., ;,
! , J 3 !.:;"!d.$;.

Dit, &&is for"anoin o i riotin phiiise with 'ihi;dattte, ,Ic a e .-:: ( , c !

v,, L,, \ !. ,

marker or with the postpositions denoting.t.he d,atiive sense.

eda~akiro mirr~esimacesi 'She
.

sbni
. ..-^.':.,. ,.,.,-,;..
....:. "?,..;I . , ' \ ".'S,

% S .
?
,,
.
. ... "
.:, .. : ,. '
::'L
 r5,:dina burha veskaki haja 'One day the old manwelit:to get
\

maces2 fire-wood'
kslli taki vatomi ."We came for codlie WO&'
Abl. stands for a noun,ar noun phrase witli the ablative
case marker or with the postpositions denoting.ablation, - - '

evasi kada bitrati piiyuti

'He plucked the Bower from the
daphesi '. middle of&e river'
ninu imbiti wati? :Where do you come from?' .
Loc. stands for a noun or noun phrase with thk locative *

base
..
:marker or with the postpoiiti&ns denoting locativk meatling.
Gvasi i j o hacesi . 'He went tg the house'
e b ~ q a t ahopay8 reca macu 'In the gardetl taros had increased'
ri ma~kamadi jiyu mane 'There is a path between the two
trees'
Lim. stands for a no& or noun phrase with. the . postposi -
t-ions denoting the limitative meaning, i.e 'until; upto, etc.'
trayuti koday%epe Wani 'He had sores on his body from
angata gfiha his 'head to foot'
'
pilsa lenju pateka ka&a 'We shall work until January'
kinomi i - , I

Camp, stands for a noun or noun phrase with the post-

positi~nsLeh~ 'like', ' kid8 'th&' or kirnahg 'like' denoting corn-
.
parison. . . . ., . . . ..
,
. ~ , , , ., , . . ,,
,

eva.si Qqa diilu lehg rtnesl..: 'He cries like a small child'
n8 kih%&ad kajasi . 'He
. is bigger than I am' :
: . /

bileyi kimah~ltinji mark 'Sbmething like a cat isibating i ?. ;

. \ . , 1 .. '
:(

.
. . 0

.., , ,
. . >
.
, '.
. .
,
' l" '
. . /

l . . : ; , . !@,,;;NP --V .( ).
:.Ii.
..
.: ,
?
:.,:
.
.'
L , :. i ,,i , (: . 1 . .:
! PN; i .
::
,.: :, .l. : ,.

,2! ' '. '; ;

C I,
_I ,; 1..

The ,seq~en%S +NP ,jnr$lg;qo..I0 is. derive qqly

ibvhlve relative participle+noun (5.8).
those cuns~kuctions~j~ldich
 . v t i . kokasi . . . : . . . I. : . .~. '
Ct-6 b ~ w h o ~ c a & > ., . ..
L i . ,

, kokasr v5tesi. 6The-boy came'

evasi koka~i . *: .:.:, ,, ,, . C His~a boy':, ' ' ,
-
,
' '

; . , :; \!
" .'

a
Syntactically Pronouns (PN) are distinguished frbm nouns
:
since the former; unlike the latter, cannot be 'preceded by' adjecti-
.vals, . . .
. . . .. . . . .
. . ,
+ .
.. .
...
, .. .. .. .. .. ... . . .
. .
:; j. : , -
"
:
.'L
.
,;*.r.:e

. A _ nokn;phi,ase
, . (
. . can be developed . ,. . into
. a n oitipnal string
. .

Adjectival phrase:(AdjP) followed by Noun (Nn) AiljP..iis realized::

into maximum of five,elements, .. of which one,or more . . . occur in a I _

'

fixed order. The five. kinds i f -adjectiv:es. are . . . ~et~rrninc$.(~et);

. . , a
i(

Numeral adjective: (Num),an ajective denoting measure . . . .or . .. Quantity. .

(Quan), .
.
~ossesdve
. . , .
, . . . ,adjecti+&$ss)
. .. . . . ..
.: and
. . ~ e s c ~ i p t i vadj&tive'@es) e ; -.. . .:
.. , . . m ,
:>.; . / :
'

-. .
. . eraja : : : . .. 1, .. . . : 'that king'
' ,
: .: .'.
;
. . \
. i' ..: ' '+ ; : ,
, ,
.; A
: .
.

.. r6 ilu 'one house'

I .
grovleka guqda;;, ! , : . . .,.'+.handful, . . Q..flour' . . . . . !;
,
;:
I.

.tami iya .T . . . . .. . .. . :. 'his mqther' . . . . . . :. . . ., ...L

# i
!, l

!
. ' . . I ,

. ..
kaja piyu :. .
: .
'big rain' .
,
, I ,

' ,,
' . .
' 1 .

e ro
. . . . . .. .. ..
hey% :that one egg-plant' '

.... . ;. : .. . 11 \ ' *
C det. . '.
!,
! . 1 NU^. 1
. ! v . , . ,

Adj P - + Quan: (adj) : .... 4

. . . ;. .Pass. . . 1 -
1 Des. .J , . . .
,<. ,
. . . .. . .. . 1 .

. . : - . j : : :
. 2 , , ,

C 9

This rtile rriikii >it:possible to obtain the secjuencks 'cohtain- . .',

ing more than one ddjective: . dowever, this rule will also , .

.. :
which .aM n&p&sible in Kuvi. .: :
7

the . . , , ,l;.> , ..

. , . . . . . . . .
. . ,. ...
-2 ( ~. .d: l. ;. . +~ )( ~ d i T)
. + ' ( ~ d lP)
:

.
J 2 . Ad1
. . . . . . . , ,':, ;. , ,
. : .,"
. -. - . . . . , , .
. , ..:
2
:..: . . ;, ,
:
{ NP
. .[+ time -- count]
. . i I . . P a'.. 2 , +

13. Adl - ~ ; m e , - -
' . . I 4
!
.: . :,: ; . Ad1 - time 1
e butha diZyo.ijd ~ a c i s i . 'The old man went to his house

C burha kiile.le?etani karna' . i 'The old man always did his

l
i kltesi .I wo.rk9
 i nryatari imbe?e.kcidi tit~eri'Here the villagers eat cows'
, . *

ilu d age kokari- podan children are playipg-qar

.- . the . 'The
.
. .kahi rna.nu house"
. ,.
. . . . . *

15. Adl - ~ a n n e r . .-.

...
Adj P Tz - e
Adl manner i - 1, 5
. - , , R
I '

fya nelhive mane ki ? 'Is mother Well?' - ' .-

- . -. ' h .
. a

rtinu g~rekevehotadi - - .'You will run away .in a moment'

The manner adverbial (Adl - ~ a n n e rcan-
) be mere adverb
of manner with attributes 6; an adjectival phrase followed
. . .
by -e.
Strings joined by +-
have permutable. ordering whereas
strings joined by C, have stringehet ordering. . .-
. .
The basic an& transformational structure of the different
phrases are discussed hereunderd , + .
. -
11.5. Noun Phrase .., I q

Most noun phrases have one to three constituents,

.. of which
the-final 'is the head, which is a noun [ - case f number f gender
* .

Constituent
- .
Structure of Nq
. ' .
- ..
(Dct j (3(Wurn) O(Quan) O(Poss) OtDes) Nn. (Rule 1 1). One
er-more adjectives can occur in the following order,

E. D e t a N n . : . . ' . .. . , ,
L . .

'this mountsin'
e kokasi 'that boy'
. . . . . -
2. Det + Nun~+ Nn ; .

i ri nlarka 'these two trees" . -

5 rij hGy% 'that one'egg-plant'
.
3.' Det -& Poss "+ Nn :
. .
a

. p
.-
.
. L
, *
'
F: tami sobay3 rntrp$' 'that-their
, top entrance , opening
. .
to tk ricei.fii1ds'
.,

5 nilyfiti I6ku 'people of that country'

 i? . rB raja ., 'a king' - , " . +
jil s6 i&ju . S

'six months'.
F
-F
6
I
5. Num + Num -I-Nn :
l"

I'
1
rii gfa dina . , A '.one eight days (a week)'
l
,/I 6. Num + Poss'+ Nn :
I /1
i( c

lib ri taki p8dayh 'two-his daughters'

Num + Des + Nn :
'

7.
1 h
! . ,

' .
r6 kaja marnu
. h
; . 'one big tree' . ,

r6 ici kokasi 'one small boy"

. . ra iaja jar&. 'one big forest' ., .
, O .
. . , . .
+ Quan + Nn :'
,

8. Num
11 II sata puti mapdiya 'seven measures of ragi'
, ro giina manjiy% 'one large @otof rice'
E 9. Quan Nn : + , -
heceka takay?i G I F 'trayful of money'
gror~eka.gunda 'cupped handful of flour'
h'
10. Poss (Poss) t Nn: +
ni mirqesi 'my son9
tami tayi 'their brother'
11. Pass + Des + Nn :
na ici rani 'my younger quee$
n? kaja mirqesi 'your elder son'
12, Des +Nn: +

nehi himbori 'good cloth'

pumi d6k.a 'new pot' M W

kaja kaja marka 'big-big trees' . ., - a -.

Though t h e posses~iire (adjecti*;) could be . deiived l

transformational rules from

...
eqabedded clauses. it is preferred he
. ,4, . . . . . . . . , ,,,

tb:,tkeat. thep-. as attributes to noun, as they &ur in sw~eksiona

' + :. . ..
,
l,

attributes . .
. . . *. , _ .
l

..
. . . I

. , ~ , , ' . / ; S ; . ' i.
.. ,
 We ,deal with the noun. phrases resulting from certain trans-
formations operating on basic strings in relation to the transfor-
mational structure bf NP. There are a few types of suci NP;'
11.61. Relative Nominals:'
Nominals involving relative participles can be. treated as
transforms of sentences by converting the finite verb of 9I , into ,, e l ,

- ..
~elatilative participle ( ~ l r e l )of the cdrresponding .tense and by
shiftidg it to 'the atbibutive position. Thus from an NPI i.e.,. 4

S'+N the relative nominals are derived.

There are three NPs formed in this way. They are NP, =
Subject, NP, = Complement, NP3 = ~ i k e c dbject.
t
c bu'!ha savukariki rO 'That old man gave a pumpkin
kumda hitesi , . the mcrc,kant.
to'
E b q h a nakati ba&a tole 'That old man beat the jackal-
' vstesi with a s*$$
Equi -NP Deletion transformation will delete the.. NP
occurring in the subject and cthenthe predicate will Be converted
into a relative: participle. . '

1 2.h 3 : A
NPt - NP.~. - NPa-Obj -- Vt = > '

G burha savukagiki rb kumda hitesi

Equi NP Delb Transformation - :

a) Subject Nominal
NP1 NP,+Cane:
. , : NR3-0bj Yt N P e l j .
. . .. . . ., ' = >,2346
.
4
I ;
, . ' . ! \ . . .
1 . ,.. . . . : .
;
. '
. , '
1 . . . , .. 3 4 5
:" . I . . . ,:.. , , , . ..

savukariki kumda hiti butha

b) . . Object Nominal . L . .
.
I.,.

' ' NPI .. .

N . .-.
P ; + @ % ~ .
;
,
Np,;':obj: I

V t . WP "
A.
-L
A

! . . ; ! : . . ! ; .. - i ; , i'.
I i, , . .. .
, , .
,
, %
,
. . ~ , a 1$243~ "' , ,
3
. :. : 1:
; . , i , : ;. . 2,. ; . ' 3 4 , ' '5, ;
; , *' , .
* 1,
. .
S..,, ,*;;
' - , a , , ,
b .
,: , . , : '
,I i L

. l ,..:* . . :
'

- . 1. . $!;ha , I : i ) .~savuk~ri,ki,,
.iti3,,
, , , hi,ti kumda. . , : ,! ,, ! .,.; ' $ . ;ilp
 C) Complement Nominal
NP1 NP,+Case NPaaObj Vt NP,
1 2 5 4 S
burha kumea i :
hlti savukari
. .
'Without exception,. all transitive verbs have two derived
tiuminals, 'viz.',i~bjectnom~nal and object nominal.
.. . . .there
. . .As . . l. are
. '

many ' selectional restrictidns

.. . . between verbs. (Vf) and noun phrase ,

(NP)marked
.
.
To? the cdkpldx;symbol [$-~a'se],compl'6x nonliials
have more <'ielectibnal'iestrictions with 'verbs than
.;
the subject'and'
... , . !. :
",.

object nomhals. They are not covered in this obtiine of gfamma;.

: , . . :.: . /
hUi:burha
. , .. . . ,, , , ,
. 'the, old man who . . ... . .., i ' ,

. .. ,
,..
vgti
. . kokasi
I t

. , . . . . '
'the'boy yho came' ' :. I

.koditi laku ., .
.
:I

. ,
. 'the people .who
. . _ bought9
:
. ,>
. * . . . hiiti m p h a 'the man who died9
hucini baniya 'the weaver who makes cloth'
.
In subject nominalization, the determiner is optionally left
behind when Nn. shifts to the head position of the phrase.
burha hitesi
,
> hlti butha
r" kokasi hknesi
,

.
> hani kokasi ;
'.

,
-
,
'That old man gave'
'the:old man who gave9
'This boy goes9
'the.boy who goes9
. , .
11.61.2. Object Nominrf ' . '

' ' hiti abuy3 , 'the rupees which were given'

.. , 6ii mapdi 'the plate that (they) tpoky
I.' '

viti'naka' , . 'the jackai

.
which (he) beat'
.. . .. . . . .
,
. ..,,

11. 61.3. CompIement Nominal . .

.Q ...h. l ' ' 6,'.

As mentioned earlier
... .
there ate many
. . . -.'
selectional
.. , .
restiictiotrs
.. . ,.
a v
: '. . . ' . :

between v&bs'(~)and noun phrases (NP) marked for case [ f case]

. V& bafga' , 'the stick with which (be) beat'
japiti. guru 'the gurus from whom @e) learnt'
., . .,

. . , .
 26 1
mekni necu 'Ihe d r j in R hich (he) digs out'
hiti savukari t whom (he) gav
'the ~ e r c h r n 10
11-62. Pronominalization ' -,

In nominalization a pronominal subject like evasi 'he'e

evari 6they', Fdi 'shelit', etc. undergoes a transformation whereby,
jt changes into a corresponding pronominal suffix . is attachedto
. and
v-iel by means bf 'certain nominilizidg su6xes. These are treated
as participial nouni (3.45) under noun morphology.
Gvasi vPtesi He came' vatasi 'he who came'
~ d hine
i .'She gives' ' hinayi 'she who gives'
11.63. Clause Nominalization ,
Another type of nominalization refers to clauses connected
to the main clause by injihilinji. Thus in such cases, syntactically
the entire clause or clauses function as NP obj. of a transitive verb
i n the main clause.
tami iya raja ijo piiyu 'His mother took it to the rajah's
kodadu injihi 'Me place saying "Buy this flower"
rb necu' raja ild Slgadu 'She said 'One day you(p1) thatch
(injihi) ice the rajah's house'
burhi, hiyamu inji rispadi 'Oid woman, you ask, "Give me''
vadu raja hliti kiyatesi 'Come; the king called for you
Though theeinstances are not found in the corpus, a sentence
functioning as a subject in a construction is also possible in Kuvi
11.64. .Indefinite Pronominalization
., ,

embisi t barhayagi payinesi . .

.I shall give . my daughter in
, , . .. .
. I e v a ~ a k n3.
i rriahga
j!.. bfha kivi marriage to 'whoever kills the
wild pigs'
' ' arnbavasi tCi$e$i *,
6ki~ij akeli 'S whoever kill; will also die'
. .
h5nesi
+
1. , S , .

, .,.,,..,... . .

I E.na?B vedji e:t&vB,:begi Mna : 6Whate~er:.y~u

hear, y m forget
.. . . :, .. ... ..;. adi
i ,

.. .. . . ..,. %
3
*.
,., , .
: . . .quickly
" ) : .,
f
 .- .

XI. 70. The Adverbial Phrases

There are three kinds of adverbial phrases. Themre Adl-
t i me, Adl-place and Adl-manner .
:11. 71. The Adverbial Phrase of ~ i m e (Adl-Time)
Constituent structure:
Adverbial phrases of time and place-are mostly a sub-class
of N P in which,the constituent is not marked for gender~number,
but denotes time or place (3.6).
P bulha dfiyu ijo hacesi
..,
"The old man went to his ,house
afterwards.'
ninu giiyeke~ehotadi 'You will run away in a
moment'
Transfornlational structure:
i '

,
An adverbial phrase which is essentially an NP, may involv6
anembedded clause with the finite verb transformed into a relative
participle, followed by a word or particle denoting time such as
jFco 'after', dlyu 'afterwards', pateka tuntil', -=ati 'during', -ati
'W hen', necufi9e 'since', etc. . .

piyu rjti diiyu gotay% 'After the rain came, the guests
ss gineri file out"
biti jeco m5mbu hanomi 'After you have given we will go'
sobu oso rani pateka tinamu 'Take all the medicine until it is
finished'
piyu viva macatiqe hiigu 'Before the rain came there was
mniste . lightning'
kokasi hacati sata jana While the boy went-, the seven
gurka kuga maceri ke gurus were sitting' ,
juruya gosti retu9e !iiugitesi 'As s o ~ nas .he had drunk the
porridge, he lay down
In rlti dayu, hiti jeco, rani pateki, etc., the adverbials-time
dayu; jCco, p%teka, etc. havz the relative partciples as attributes,
which are transforms of sentences.
 11.72. The Adverbial Pharse of Place (Adl. Place)

Any construction with an adverb of place occurring as the

final constituent or an NP with the nucleus Noun (Nn) denoting
place or inflected with locative morpheme or marked by a post-
position denoting place or direction is an Adverbial Phrase of
place.

butha iIu bitra kuga manesi
e ramapa lekose Endi mace
i ngytltari imbese kiidi tineri
evasi pafigata hacesi
Transformational structure :
'The old man is sitting inside'
'The vulture was swaying abo\leY
'These villagers eat cow here'
'He went outside'

An Adl-place may include a relative phrase with a word or

particle denoting 'place9 as the head of the construction.
hani ilu. 'the house in which, (one) goes'
vati paheri 'the path in which (one) came'

11.73. The Adverbial Phrase of Manner (A-dl-Manner)

Any construction in which the final constituent is an adverb
of manner or NI? or Adj P followed b y - e is an adverbial phrase
of manner.
edi dabfi vgte 'She came quickly'
evasi nehise kama kinesi 'He does the work nicely'
iya"nehise mane ki? 'Is =other well?"
t

Transformational s$ructnre :
An Adverbial-manner may involve a relative phrase-with n
word denoting comparison meaning 'like'. , .. i. ?. , ,

: rnahapru vesti l e h ,ela

~ ahive' 'It happened as Gad had s a i d '
b .
Bte , . * .

piyu rini
,
ieh: ate
C
'It looked as if it would rain'
-
Thus t h e Adverbial Manner . has the embedded relative
'

clause (tiinsibrmed'ihto a phrase).

. . . r '. .. -
-
 11.80. The Verb phrase (VP)

11.81. In any verb phrase a finite verb is an obligatory coqstituent

which will be optionally preceded by an N P marked or unmarked
. .
for case.
O bf lata hijpayg kajayi mace 'In that garden the taros increased"
P p6dayl E kokanaki 'Those daughters became the boy's
\

dokriska atu wives'

P kokasi kajasi iitesi- 'The boy became bjg'
e buthi kamata hace 'The old woman went ti, her
Work'
cvasi kada bitrati piiyuti 'He plucked the flower from
dsphesi the river,
e .

i mir~esimacesi "She had a son'

~ d a n a k r8
evasi ijo hacesi 'He went to the house9
When marked for [+Case), the NP stands i n some case
relation to the finite verb.
If the verb is a transitive verb fV.t.), there may also occur
a direct obj ( ~ p - ~ b j ) ..
i;di piiyuti kodite 'She bought the flower'
evasi tani kokanaqi vEtesi 'He beat his son'
As in all other Dravidian languages, the finite verb in a
sentence shows concord with the noun -or noun -phrase in the
subject slot of that sentence for both person and number-gender.
This is done by the selection of the appropriate pronominal
suffixes which oscur in the finat position of finite verbs,

Complemeilt is an NP which accurs in constuc'tions with

the finite verb often by m:m4 of cekain ease .izlatidns and
mcasionaIly by means of.non-case
. relation. . * I .I 1
v ,

The Accusative case marks the feature. of direct object

[+ objl ;the dative case marks the features of [+ indirect object],
[+ purpose], [+ cause], [+ direction-to, time]; etc;; 'the instrue
'
mental case marks the feature as [ f instrument] [=by means of];
the ablative case marks such a feature as [+departure-,in/ from-
time/ place] and the locative marks such features as [+ location]
( = in,.on, unto, into), [+direction], [+ place], etc. There are a
number of other case relations denoted by postpositions like
ieha 61ike' kihI 'than3, kimahg 'like', pateka . 'until', dagre 'near',
etc.
There are many selectionaf restrictions between verbs (V)
and noun phrases (NP) marked for the complex symbol [ f case].

11.9. Complex Sentences

A complex sentence consists of at least one independent
clause and one dependent clause. The dependent clause often has
a non-finite verb as the final element of the clause and it can be
treated as a transform of a simple clause when it is embedded in
the main clause as a derivative of an Ad*. node.

e naka heru pisahii moku beti kih%burha tole hace 'The

fox leaving the plough, rolling up the ropes went with the old
man'
This complex sentence has three clauses in its deep structure.
1. (P naka) hPru piste -
NP + (NP obj b Vtr.) VP
2, ( P naka) miiku b e ~ kite
i NP +(NP - obj Vtr.) VP
3. E naka burha tole hace N P + (Compl fi Vi.) VP
'

Clause (3) is the main clause and it has a finite verb in the
surface structure; clauses (I) and (2) are converted into sub-ordin-
ate clauses by the transformation of their finite verbs into perfec-
tive participles (5.72) and by deleting all but one of the identical
subjects. In deep structure these clauses are embedded to the
Adverbial node. Similarly other dependent clauses introduced by
non-finite verbs can be treated as clauses embedded in the matrix -
sentense under different adverbial nodes.
 I . . . ..
. . .L

. .

Part11 Texts
 l. l. rB riindeni burhi mace. 2. rF raja maccsi. 3. & rajaki
hopay%bHra kajayi mace. 4. 5 bgrata h6paya reca macu. 5. 'k
riindeni burhi hipay% b i l a meste injahg rajas1 E rPndeni burhi
h6payH mekni necu vestamu ice. 6. ele injali7e raja ele icesi mekn
nccu vesta91 icesi. 7. raja injalise e burhi kamata hace,
1.8. haja maci belata raja tani gotiyHni hafitesi injahTi
hipay%mepki kitesi. 9. ernbarbe buthi h9payZi mekhi macaqi
meste injahg dabri vHte i n j a h m a j a7i ele ice ~nekni necu vestavl
injati injahii ble ninu mekhi. 10. embativie raja riqcjegi bufhini
ele icesi. 11. hsllmu, r o . > d s ~ ape
i pqavdi habu, pari halamu
icesi. 12. e c ~ t i s eburhi barata hbpayg parali hace injahZi para
para tuste. 13. einbative roijdani kaja hBpati pfle.

1.14. pitalive raja mestanesi injihi rukh8 tate injahii ijo

h ~ p a t pakhe.
i 15. ecerise h ~ p aana ana ice. 16. emba~isebuthi
kaba ate injahl okopa3a
< . *a$e$aya1'd8ci h&&. 17. t n a ~ gmehsate.
. %-a
.S

A X G S V #:..:. ; A

18. eceti9e are pakhe a l e ana ana ice. 19. Ere okopala afigepayat
b5ci hace. 20. Fna7% mehvate. 21. ecetise Ore pakhali mathe.
22. embative hapa ele ice, nange @ki pusni daka leko pusni deka
kihl upamu, ice. 23. ele injalive bulhi t h6pati upite.

1.24. ecetise lave d6ka bitra gulu gulu kite. 25. ece!i?e
burhi ningite injahH (Lika pomi hace. 26. bileyi kimahH tinji mane
njihi dokati Pkhe. 27. ecetive r6 kokasi, ci ci nange enati pomati?ii
iguca emu, icesi. 28. 6 burhi ele ice, ninuve miyate~g. 29. ece~ite
kokanasi pomite injaha eyu mithe.
 The Story of a Widow

1.1. %ere was an old widow. 2, There was a king. 3. The

king had a large tar0 garden. 4. In the garden taros had i'ncreaszd.
5. The widow saw the taro garden and asked the king - tb tell . her
the day when they would be plucking out the taros. 6. When she.
asked like this, the king said that he would tell her the day of
taking out the taros. 7. When the king told, this, the old womaq
went off to her work.
1.8 .' W hen she had gone, the king called his -.workers and
had them'take out the taros. 9. ThenJthe old woman saw them
taking-out the taros and she came quickly and told the. king, "You
said you would tell me when you take out the taros, and now you
have taken them". 10. Thereafter the king told the old widow,
"Go, may be you will get at least one. .Go and have .a look". 12.
So the woman went to look in the taio garden and she searched
and searched. 13. After that she found one iarge tar*. '

1.14. 'Ongetting the taro, she hid it thinking that the king
might see her and she cut out the taro bringing it to her house. 15..
The tar0 said "ow, ow3'. 16. So she was astonished and she went
to have i i o o k at the backyard and frontyard of the house. 17.
She did not see anything. 18. Then she cut the taro again and
again it said "ow, ow". 19. Again she went and looked at the
back and front of the house, 20. She saw nothing. 21. So, .she
began to cut it again, 22. After that the taro said "Put a new pot l

below me and a new pot on top and boil me" 23. As said, the l .

woman boiled the taro.

1.24. Then in the night there was banking inside the pot.
25 . So the,woman got up and took hold of the pot. 26. "Some-
thing like a cat is eating it" thinking, she opened up tke pot. 27.
Then a boy said, 'Tsk, tsk, who are you holding me? Out of thel .
+

way". 28. The woman said, "1 am your mother". 29. Then she
embraced him and gave him a wash.
 .. . .- . . ..
2..
. :
sirat& h e y ~ r a
,. 84 i
,, . ..,.
2.. . ' h ~ ~ maceke.
% : , 'I

. . t , S . '
. .
$. i.".a qacu ke.
. . 3. . . I.
. F hejan[
+ h&tr.ii
..
.inj'ah% rivari d&ia$%ml!pi
. . . . . .. r . ,
I .

' , ,. .
'. ateri
' ke,, .
,-.
>
. . * ,. ,
, * '
..>, ... .
2 . 4 . y-6 nccu f'evari
i::>', - f
.
i . ."
, .
h&% barata hac&. '5. . k&ii9k'roiosj . . . ..
:..:.. .'- ...,. . > $ .
- 9

f6kuni sjaikiiu icehi: 6 . ro,bii nghu heyaai,.&,l *fcesi.: 7.. ! '

emba$i?e roqosi p&~agota heyrni estesi. 8. ro7o~ilisk~r&:sihikite~i .,

9. ece~i~e+ptsagota ... hcyylni

,. . tateriigjah8 ba!i kiieri, . rnaqsilqi
.:.. i i ~ d a
.. I : . :

laka. iO. ece!i?e. ro.ndi h~rite.. . . i l . ,-'hari

, tan j r,o?osi$inu a9i;., , ~. ,a. : j q , , >.

gotay%y,&harnanqri ic~si.12. , . . :'eceiicb

, . . evageki . . .hitesi..
, . 13. embati7&--
I .?
. .

. ..
tami i l k a ~ ahace~i ,.
. .
. . . .
. , : ;
I
. .
: t

4 . hacihi i~jo jik&e' ko&yy~'frghainaekri: 15 ecbti,e '

3 aga& tatani G k i hacesi. 1 6 , m l ij'o jikeve gotay%&ha

maneri. 17.' e h e y 2 hriitani' liiyamu injfhi riskatesi. 1'8. E'vasi
ngnu hiyo?U icesi. 19.' einbiagivk' 2vaii hgra mad hi;yStaki'gg!i ~

kiyali punaganahg Pvari :@pi repi Bteri injahfi pale~emacori. 20.

jahara ijo jaka . hajahk nida :b&ka ticeri ke.

r b.

3?.'1. rfi nlytita

. , . r6 r&deni iya mace ke. 2. ~. d a ~ a k $ ' i 6
% , '
P. ,

myiqesi
. . macesi. 3: e rnri?isi'ni$hti k 6 d i y ~mecali hacesi. 4. k6diy8 S .

mebihi
.
, g i d i d i i.a Btes; 5. kbkasi
. . k6diyti meci mecihi' kadati , I.l

badara. peyu
. rnestesi jhj'&% kada bitrati pii$uti cJaphesi injahzijo ..
' I

tatesi injahti t a h i iyaqkki!hitesi a:>

3. hiyali?e tami iya raja ijo piiG k o d a d u injihi 6tc

7. raja (lokii icay'i p8y;ti . m&te
'
. ,
injahg:heceki !akay8 hiie 'injah% ..?

piiyuti' ' 'kodite; 8; E piiyui a i d 'nebutire' raja dokri rani' letei:

. .. . ' . .
. -
. . . . . ..I
1 .
,
" ., I..
.

r
. %
_. .: - S .
. ,
.
.
"
.; -
.,
I .! . L.
,
',
. '. . I.. '
. . .
:
.
c .
.-.
, . I ~

..:*:,. . ' .
. ..
,,..: : f
$ . . ! i '
'
> . 1; ,
, I . 0'
' I ,
., . ,. .' ..<
. . ..
. ,.
..:
4
l ! . . >.
.r L : . .
.. ,,. . .
'
' .
,,, . _. . .
> .
,
i . _ .. . , . ..
.* _)
 ." > . 2. The Story of the T.wq Thieves .. , ..
. . . c. . : , * , ,
2 . 8
j : , *
'
. c .
. .
.. . . . . .
;' ! . :
2. .l.
,
hpd h 2 ;
, .
The eji$&it;ts
in:ihe garden
..
..
%hiid
'
'*atukd
.
,

/ .I
. .
.i: ,
3. Two thieves' saw tlie kg&$la&&
, : . .
,.

,:,
, >

. :.,.
a d agreed ..*Da pian. . .k .. . . .
. . .. .

2. 4. One day they went to the egg-plant garden. 5. Then

one man gsked (the other) to keep watch on the people: 6. He
said that he would pick some egg-plant . '7, After t&& one man ' '

picked five egg-plants- 8. The other man kept ~a,f,chon the

people.. 9. Then they brought tbe five egg-plants and shared out,
two for each man. 10. So one was left. 11. One of the men
said; "I will take theaone that is left; Guests have cdme to my
'

house". 12. The other man gave it to him. 13. Then ihey weiit
to their houses.
2. 14. After going home the second man found that the
guests had come to his house also. 15. So he went to see the man
who had brought the extra egg-plant. 16. "Guests have come to ,

my house also. 17. Give me the extra egg-plant", he asked.

18. The other man said, "I will not give it". 19. After that,
because they did not know how to .divide the extra egg-plant they
had a big fight an3 then stopped. 20. Each man went .to his own
house and lived, prospered and ate.

3. The Story of a Cowherd

3.1. Once there lived a widow in a village. 2. She had a
son. 3. That son went to mind the. village cattle. 4. He spent
many days. minding the cattle. 5. while he was minding the cattle,
the boy saw a golden river flower, he plucked the flower ftom the
river, took it home and gave it to his aother.
3.6. ,When .he had given it, his mothet took the flower to
the ,rajah's place. saying, "Buy". 7. The rajah's younger wife
v saw the flower and gave a winnowing tray full of rupee coins and
took the flower. 8. On the next day rajah's wife wore that
flower.
 272. . ' , ' , ,

., r ,':. .
, .
. .,. . . .
.
X
. .. /. I -.. _ , .
: 3. 9. E ptiyuti. mesaha kaja rapi dokri k6pa Bte. 10, kopa
.

I
ryalile,raja
. ' .. .ka9g icesi, . , l h
,. ici ranini hlta.hB pinu enati.p$yu
i ..v --~pL!i ,

icesi,
. . . 12.ici
. . . rani . iajaqi nange k6di g6qu hFyatesi ice. 13. ele injali??
,

kAdi goru?f hDti kitbi. 1-4.. kodi garu raja tags. vltesi. . . : $5. ecefiqe

raja kBQi g6yuri ele icesi..: 16. m$ i ~ ra~iqakii taca hiti leh~tipayu
.:orondapi taca . hiyainu ice$. 17. P kOdi gotu ele,icesi, niinu taca ' '

hi? zli i doio icesi. 18. raja ele icesi,ninG taca hiyasatihi.ninge herki
jecahl jila ]eta?$ icesi.. 1 9. raja cnpitesi,. . injah% piiyu pna~atihi , , :: ,

Pnavg gtk: 20 . &ia6eqita'alsiy?lk*eni n&.&.ta?rnu . , , . . icesi. 21. H

.
,

.<. 41'. :+' .,

k6di g6ru taca hiy& a4098 icesi. 22. ele injaha qo hacesi.. '

-. . . . . . . ,

3 . 23. e ka$i gbru tani j prrvayP pohi kihi macesi.

24. eceyiqe piirvay%bi ele icesi: 25. haju, alsi ptifiga bitreter-i kaca
tak.adu,icesi. 26. ele injrtliqe p3rvayZl aneni nenije tatur 27. embathe
raja kaba atesi injaha kildi gfisu?I i jo?U dehz icesi ra grayu
, karvi F

kitesi injahg glayu bitra kddi gi?p?I metheri injah% lekoli veska
kiteri injjah8 veska leko biltni niya vgkheri. 28. vgkhisavahil diipu
hfidficri.

29, ecetise glayu b i t r a t r ~or% E grayutaki tani ilutaki

bami biiraticjiyukiha hir& 3 0 . einbalive e k6di i*lu otli jiyu~i '

hacesi injaha: tami i jb hunja &acesi; 31. 6ro n~ctitiiet k6di

'

- ..
'gi,!u?i mesteri. 32. mesalive rajaii vesteri; ,. / .
/ : .

. , . .,
. . . .

3.33. raja71 veraliqe. .raja k6di gi,yu?i h8ti kitesi injahg

1I
vecesi. 34. ninu imbiti vati , icesi . . . 35. ele injalipe e k6di g a p
I
11
, ele icesi, B, niinu h8ti 1 0 k u ~mesa
i vaha mm!. 36. ernbavg g a p '

i 1 akuy5. %bay% nenja haja maneri gate. 37. n5nu mesah%kaba %ha
# '

;1 j , ,

haceva icesi. 38. embayi~elbku satepe injihi narniteri. 39. ernbatiyel . I

1 .
raja macesi injahl nktige jike?e, metha hirdadu,icksi raja. 40. ecetiie
i rajari pxayuta metheri injahH veska grayu nenje kih8 biirni uiya
'! v2 khg hicu h ~ Q apistusteri*. 41. ernbathe raja grayu bitra kutu
kuta v&$ ha ha hacesi Ice. 42. . c karma gati k6di g6ru raja ijo
'hacesi'injahg raja r6sa maci j5bi Bskapi iiitesi injah%nTQa batka
'skicesi ke. , i' . . t
 273
3.9. When the rajah's elder wife saw the flower, she was
afigry. 10. When she got angry, t&e rajah asked, "What's the
matttfr?". 11. R e called for the second wife and asked het,
"What kind of flower did you get?". 12. The younger wifi said.
t o the rajah, "The cowherd gave it to me". 13. Then he sent
for the cowherd. 14. The cowherd came to the rajah. 15. Then
the rajali said,to the cowherd, 16. "Bring me another flower like
the one pou brought for the younger r;iniW. 17. The cowherd
said, "I cannot bring one". 18. The rajah said, "If you do not
bring me oner I shall cut off your .neck a n d . hang you .on the
gallows". 19. But he thought, "If he does not .get the. flower,
then what?". 20. Then he said, "Bring enough niger flowers to
fill my c ~ u ~ t y a r d " .21. The cowherd said, "I am unable to d o
this". 22. Saying like this, he went to his house.
3 2 3 . The cowherd was .keeping pigeons at h i s , house.
24. So he said to the pigeons, 25. "All of you go, pluck and
bring niger flowers". 26. When he said like this, the pigeons
brought enough to fill the the courtyard. 27. So the raja was
surprised and said to the cowherd, "I cannot take any more" and
the rajah had a hole dug and they put the cowherd into the hole,
put firewood on top and poured kerosene over the wood. 28. Afcer-
wards they set it ablaze.
29. There a rat had made a path under the ground from
the hole to the cowherd" house. 30. Then he went along the
rat's path and went to sleep in his house. 31. The next day they
saw the cowherd. 32. When they saw him, they told the rajah.
3.33. When they had told the King, the rdjah sent for him
and asked, 34. ' T h e r e did you come from?". 35. So the
cowherd said, '<Oh,I. have come from seeing the dead people.
36. That place there was full of our ancesters. 37. When I saw
it, I was just dumb-founded". 38, The people believed that it
was true, 39. So the rajah said, "Put me also (in the hole) and
burn me", 40, Then they put the rajah in the hole, filled the
hole with fire-wood, poured kerosene on it and set it ablaze to
burn. 41. So the rajah was completely burned up in the hole
and he died. 42. The poor cowherd went to the rajah's palace,
took the rajah's two wives and lived, prospered and ate.
 4. 1. ra b a m p e ~ iiya mace. 2. P fya bandita aha -&ace
injahP kSriya mPnda asaha haji mace injah%jtyuta kokagaqi plte
injahg paheri darita hunja mace. 3. jlyuti. 16' bamgeqi bufhi
kadata haji mace injaha beta 5te. 4. beta ayalive tali-ga!ani
bamneni b q h i bte. 5. rnir7e-ga1annri raja dtesi i n j a h ~ pnhi
kitesi.

4. 6. embathe e kokasi kajasi atesi. 7. kajasi ayalive rb

necu raja ilu vigadu icesi. 8. ernbatiqe tani t6ru kdkari tale ilu
uigiteri. 9. ilu vigihi kokasi ele icesi bamneni ijo 1'6 piida mane,
10. e p5da icihi nange p a ~ aiiyane icesi. 11. embaiive tani toleti
kokari jsmu atihi gola hano iceri .

4. 12. ecetiqegota haceri. 13. gota haclkit hani jiyutaro

k6di dosa mace bamnegi bulhi. 14. e kokasi manjah% dav%ta
hervitesi. 15. kokagaqi k ~ d ijolite, alejrj irnbiya haji manji ice,
16. ele injaliqe kokasi njtesi. 17. ernbarive k6di ele ice gota kale
haji manjifa. 18. edi kore miyani ayane ice. 19. embathe C

kokasi v e ~ d eWesi injaha rajaqi ele icesi, kddi nange jalate.

20. barnqeqi ijo manayi ko miyani ayane injate. 21. bamneni
aye ete ice nL takaya to desa ldkutaki hitih: jikele rZiu ice. 22. e
buyhi-gati batka mace injahg mirqegatasi punaqanahfr tami-
fyapaki gbta haji-macesi. 23. embariqe p ~ c e s iinjahti gota rejali
pistesi injahD 6ro desataqi Qokrini tatesi injahP batka niga ticesi.
 4. The Story of a Brahmin Woman and Her Son
4. I . There was once a Brahmin woman. 2. She+ecame
pregnant. When she was taking a black sheep, she gave birth to a
son along the way and slept by the side of the road. 3. An old
Brahmin woman was going along that road to the river and she
came across (them). 4. The old Brahmin woman took the mother
(with her). 5. The rajah took the son and took care of him. .
W .

4. 6. Then that boy grew up. 7. One day the rajah told
him to thatch the house. 8. Then he and his companions thatched
the house. 9. While they were thatching the house, the boy said,
"At the Brahmin's house there is a girl. 10. That girl would be
right match for me". 11. Then his companions said, "In that
case let us go and visit (the girl)".

4.12. So they went to visit. 13. As they were going

along to visit the old Brahmin woman had tied'up a cow on the
road. 14. When the bdy came along he was trapped over t h e
rope to which the cow was tied. 15. The cow spoke to the boy,
"'Hey, where are you going?", it said. 16. When the cow spoke
like this, the boy got up. 19. Then the cow said, "You are
going to visit even. 16. She is just your mother". 19. So the
boy returned and told the rajah, "A cow spoke to me, 20. It
said that the wolnan at the Brahmin's house is n ~ ymother".
22. The Brahmin also said, "Even if 1 were to give ixy money to
alr the people in the country it would not be finished". 22. This
old woman was well-to-do and the boy, without knowing, was
going to visit his mother. 23. But after that when he knew
(about it) he did not continue the visit but he took a wife from
another country and lived, prospered and ate
 5 . 1. r5'- cjornevesi macesi ke. 2. domwesi sobu Yina
himborika huskihi prapa tinesi ke. 3. evasi gadi himborka huci-
tesi. 4. ela jakela batkali kdagatesi i n j a h ~5nikihl batkali Bdi
hilo?6 injihl o n pitesi injahg savukaiasl venga9i injihi rd savukari
tarhahacesi injah% savukara9i vestesi, rnikihi batkali Qdihilo?U
icesi. 5. ecetive a savukari dome?ena,l vestesi; 6. ninu haji-
savahl rb j5;a hilam gudiya !firnu icesi.

5. 7. ecetive P domesesi vatesi injahg pHherita !iihi manesi .

8. eceti~er6 pRheri karvi kinasi vitesi injahB paherita riihi macani
mestesi injah% kesu kiha btesi. 9. ece!ive e kesuti tanata hitesi.
10. embative E dorne?e~a?i dospa oteri injaha joyili kiteri.
1 1 . ~ v a s joyilita
i sK 1Fnju macesi.
5 12. SO lcnju diyali9e E dornevesi vende ~ 5 t e s iinjahl
baili diba riitesi injahg ku?liy% ma!itesi. 13. mataliqt. desati
potay3 vahi ticu. 14. ecetise rir kanju tariya taka hajahl siiliyani
kusliya leko matitesi. 15. tkfi siiliyani potayl tinttibtl injihf
maiiti jike pih~atu. 16. embathe rO nFcu ambu velu asaha kapu
hacesi.

5. 17. embav?r icihi dPsati vthay% bpno inji manu. 18,

ernbative tani bokota ra v i h l kuga mace. 19. tanji-gatasi mesa
koditesi injahf vanju tale hiita koditesi. 20. embathe rnirse
gatasi ambu tole jitesi. 21. ecetise tanji-gatasi hiiyali~emirw
~ a ~ anii
a s ihimborka hucjni paniya macisari n l batku mane, icesi.
22. emba:i?e batka nida ticesi.

6 . 1. r6 n2yDta bulhi buqha maceri ke. 2. macihi svaraki

kokari-pndayit hilovori ke. 3. koska deha tini ksri manu ke.
4. dokrigatayi kaska tinjali hive ke, 5. hivatifii 1.6 nGcu burha
o~pitesike, oho, iceka vshu deha kama khi. r6 nFcu ape tina
injihi inje7e injihi ke oppitesi ke, hem baki hajahgl ke, 6. aye f6
upeyi..kill inji ke onpitesi ke.
 S. The Story of the Foolish Domb
5.1. Once tlaere lived a Domb man. 2 . Everyday he
wove and sold cloth to earn his iiving. 3, He wove many cloths.
4. Even so, he was not able to make a living, and he fhought,
3 Whatever .I do, I anr unable to make a living; I shall go and ask

the rich man. He went to the rich man and told him. am
unable to make a living by doing whatsoever". 5. Then the
rich man told the Domb. 6. "You go and ,plough a field where
there is no bush";
5.7, So the Domb went and ploughed up a road, 8. Then
a road works contractor came and when he saw the ploughed up
road he made a case (against the Domb). 9. Thereafter he gave
him to the court, 10. Then they tied up the Domb and put him
into the jail. 2 1. He was in jail for six months.
5.12. When the period of six months was over he returned
and ploughed a sandy hill and sowed paddy. 13. When he had
sown the seeds the country birds came and ate them. 14. . Then
he went to get a load of bananas and put the bark on the rice field
115. "Let the birds eat the banana skin'', he thought, hut even
though he put out the skin the birds did not stop. 16. - So one
day he took bow and arrow and went to keep watch.
5.17. Then the local flies were buzzing around. 18. A fly
sat on his (the father's) chest. 19. When he saw it, the father
pointed at it with his finger. 20. Then his son shot him with an
arrow. 21. Afcer the father died, the son said, "Now I. can have
the weaving loom and a living". 22. And he lived prospered
and ate.
6, The Story sf a Miserly Wife
6.1. Xn a village there once lived an old man and an cld
woman. 2. They had no children. 3. But they had sixty
chickens. 4. The wife did not give chickens for food. 5 . When
she was not giving any chicken to eat, one day the old man
thought, "Gosh, I have to work so hard, and on not a single day
does she say, "let's eat" (a chicken) and as he went for his oxen he
r hought, 6. "NO, I must work out a plan".
 ' 6 . 7. eceti9e ra nPcu burha icesi ke. 8. ele injali~eenayi
bulha ice ke. 9. Enayi .59e, 10. ninju rb hapana hcteqi iqjaha
besi ogpi ma?i icesi ke. 11. ele injali7e ke Cni lehztayi bulha ice
ke. 12. me,, eni lehatayi .57e sa.. 13. , mHro koskapi mirka masks
lehg mesa macayi. 14. ne?e\i Ini anayi deh"e koskapi kWe9e ke
payahg C kxuliys inundita ke tngani nehi ki vaskahii 6ye ouda
vajah5 .iitpa trftyuti iitpa himbori tole hikadi ke. 15. sobu dina
hitihl ke garheka ke ri garha Snu ke. 16. hika hala~atihi
ke r6 mBneka jikese B?U ke. 17. Edanakive sahiibu~hi,rog$a?%
apela tino injatesl na. 18. ninu bayati ni 19. 1Fniqe deha plihi
kitayi. 20. .6ye h a s %kinayi d e h ~ .21 . hikano ni injike ele kitayi.
ke ele icesi ke injahg e tayuta siniki~ani icesi ke. 22. bulhi ha70
ice ke. 23: eceti?~koyu payahg nehi ki uli niyll tole vasksah21
oqda vajaha C tami sobays m u ~ d i t aiite ke. 24. butha-gatasi
vesa maci lehese sinikisanahii trlytl miinju himbori prigahii ke
ita v&te k e . 25. i!a viiyalive burha mene?e rb korgota beci
hacesi ke.

6. 26. tonona iinga onda manu ke. 27. m% burhi ambre

iti vaha mane.. injihi ke P onda fibgani lapa tinjahl v5he macesi ke.
28. ele kihiqe ke kalese vajihi ogda obga iti hsna7L ke B b u ~ h a
kiile~ehajihi ke onda iingani rapa rapa tinjihl vanesi ke. 29. iinga
onda t i i i h i ke burha ania rha Haji manesi ke.

6.30. ele kihl k8leqe ijo ke icona juruna gohnesi ke.

31. burhi oqpihl mane ke i bulha enasgtaki gadi juruyli goh7osi
inji ke tani jlvu bitra onpihr mane ke. 32. klle7e vajihl
vapda?anah$ vajihi hika halvite ke. 33. r8 necu onpa tuste ke.
34. ase, ninju ko Pni Btihi apeie vandahari kisi injihi ke G necu
I
 6.7. SO one day he said, "Old wonian".
8. "What is the
matter, old man", she said, 9. "Nothing really. 10. I had a
dream to-day and I am thinking a lot about it", .he-,said.' 11.. ."Whit
kind of dream, old man", she said. 12. "Well, it isn't like anything
much. 13. . ~ t ' sjust that we had .treated the chicken as though
'

they are sons and daughters. From to-day, whatever happeris,'yoLi

ate to kill the chickens every day. Then having fried it, you will
book rice and vrhile y.our head and cloth are still damp y~u:a.ill go
and give (the food) at the entrance to the paddy field. 15. If you
give it everyday there will be two m-easures (from the harvest) far
one measure. 16, But if do no.t give it there will not be even one
measure. 7 For that reasoh, old woman, I had just said that-we
should eat at ledst one. 18: 'Ybu are ii stupid woman., 29.. We
have kept them uselessly. 20. What shall we do? 2 1. .Let's go
'

and give themg', so saying he told her. "And' don't look at that
place'?, he said. 22. "Alright", she.agreed. 23. Then she killed
'

a chicken, fried it in oil with onions, cooked the rice' and took it
to the top entrance of their rice field. 24. Just as the old man
had told her, she went. and set down the food, not looking and
.her face with her cloth. 2 . The old 'man had. sneaked . ,
into a hollow tree to watch .

, 6 26. .There was meat and rice on the leaf plates. 27. My
wife has come and set out,(the food) beautif;ll;", he said and he
ate up all the rice and meatand returned home. 28. In that way
,every day the man went and gobbled up ail the rice.and meat thit
was cooked and put o u t ,and he retirned home. 29. He was ,

becoming fat by eating the meat and rice. , .

6.30. Doing like that he was drinking only a little gruel

everday in his house. 31. The old woman thought about this,
"Why doesn't my husband take a lot of ragi?". She was wondering
to herself. 32. Everday'she cooked the f3od and without teasting
-
it she would go and give it. 33. One day she made up her mind
34. WO. to-day indeed whatevcr may happzn, I am going to
have a taste" saying that day she tasted it. 35. Having tasted it,
vagdite ke. 35. vandalise ke tibaliyd iceka ni' henugate inji ke e
n&cutobe 6sate ke. 36. bsa rnacafiqe 5. burha tolive tateyiqe habu
iinji hacesi ke. 37. hacihi hile7e ke. 38. embafise korgo bitra
h5da macesi ke. 39. ernbalive E burhi ijhi hace ke. 40. hajahg
27e nlriju ko lugs sinikiti. 41. cnayi ma satmeki kijovi ma inj'
. .
ke sinikite ke meste ke.
. "

6.42. bitra kuga rnaneii bulha. ,43. Bbaliyo i bulha ni

gate ns. koskani raphi manjanesi injihI ke e buthi kapa ahH
dabyi vZite injah%jijka mandi himbori daki sons banara perata
nesah%teyara 5ha m,ane ke. '44. bare Bsti perata nesahl tami
ri9ini ijo hajahll, viqasi p?@ jiici kiyavi na injihl. 45. haja
macatbe ke burhagatasi vetesi injahll mestesi ke. 4.6. bare
astib8sti nestus3 rivini ijo jiici kiyamu inji haja mane. 47. burha
r5 upeyi onpitesi injaha e pPrata nesa maci himbbri d ~ k ibare
revahH Btu leko ita tustesi k e . 48. itaha tiinuve @ pelata h6dah3
paIe7e manja manesi ke.

6.49. ecetise e buchi vah3 jiici kivi kite ke hida ~h'f

balmise j i i c a h a a j a tuste ke. 50. m5 tayiy3 baki ha9 injihi ele
k i h i ~ ehaji hajihi adara jiyuta ke kaja piyu vate ke.
51. vHyalive jikeve rFpasanahti hatusi mane ke. 52. rFpihP
ernbavayi jfici kive injihi ele kbe haja tuste injah8 tami tayi n&ta
egate. 53. ecetive iibaliyo mii nina ninju kole n % taki rna piyu
loro injihl v5hi mane injihi iceri. 54. bayakila, enatesz 6le masi
ta. 55. m? b&tonehasise ki koskatji rapa tintustesi eda~atakiviihi
.anas!. 56. ham, eda93taki v2hi manji injih? ictri ke. 57. ecetise
hirnborika kodivi injihi p?ra bitri b u ~ h amanesi. 58. gbaliyo,
. *
she said, "Heavens, how tasty it is". That day she did not take
(the food) at once. 36. When she did not take it, the husband
thought that perhaps she 'had brought it earlier and he went offi
37. When he went there was iothing. 38. Then he Ant inside
the hollow tree, 39. The old woman then went ;arrying the
food. 40. Having gone "No to-day I shall hide and take a
look (and see). 41. whether it is true or hoax" she'thought and
watched.
6.42. Inside sat the old man. 43. "M$ goodness, my
husband is finishing off my chickens," she thought and angrily
she returned home quickly, and putting pots and pans, clothing
and gold into a box, she got ready to leave. 44. After putting
her possessions into the box she went to the house below and
asked, "Come sisters, help me put thi box on to my head".
45. When she was gone the old man came and saw (the box)
46. After putting everything into the box she had gone to the
house below to get help in lifting up the box. 47. The old man
thought of a plan, took out all the clothes and things that had
been put into tha box and shoved them up in the attic. 48. Then
he himself got into the box and stayed quiet.
6.49. Then the wornm came and after much straining and
effort the load was lifted on to her head and she went off. 50.
"1 will go to my brother's place," she thought and while she was
w i n g , on the way it rained heavily.
2

$1 Even though it rained,she kept on going without putting

down the box. 52. "If I put it down, there is no one to help.
me to load up again," she thought, and so kept on going and
rzached the village where her brothers lived. 53. "My goodness,
why our .sister is coming even to-day in the pouring rain?", they
said. 54. "You-chaps, why should I stay any longer. 55. Your
brother-in-law is no good. He ate up all the chickens and so I
have come:" 56. "So that's the reason you have come", they
said. 57. Then she opened ,the box to take some clothes and
there inside was th: h a b l n d . SS. "Ci33d grief. A plague on
takurapi:! jore,esi ni gale hedahti injihi ke m&(ia madn kite ke,
59. ernbative tayi gwari kapku gada haceri ke. 60, bayay% t ~ r n b u
-tambu?ejiicvi aha vaha maneri iceri ke,
Z

6.61.
embatire burhi &e gati lagiteri ke. 62, nlnu jikeve
maka bayati ni, 63. 16 IiEcu ape tin* inavati. 64. ambri ni kitesi;
belerni ikiri .' 65. ;ayiyl-gatari jikese legiteri injaha halewd ni
C y

injalirev8ha 'batka nida ticeri. 66. hedi mither

'

7. sata jana rnotro gufka ale ro kokasi

7.1. r6 niiyata. rivari kafma gafari maceri ke, .2. mire?.
gatasitali-gatani ele icesi ke, iyere guru pgaa jepi hmi, icesi ke.
3. tali-gataj.i,.halaba, ice ke. 4. emba! i?e hacesi ke. - 5; hacesi
injahii sata jaoa rnotro gurka tana egatesi ke; 6, .g6li raurata
hacesi injg ke r b burhini vecesi ke, slta japa. motro gu;ka iiu
jminayiba icesi ke. 7. burhi veste ke, hadiba. duverita leli
marnu gatayi, ice ke. 8. ' embatbe E kokasi hacesi. ke. 9. kokasi
hacati sata jana gurka kuga maceri ke. 10. hajana siita jadati
a

johora'kitesi ke injahg kugitesi ke. 11. gurka veceri, imbiya haji

' r L.. 6.

manjl, sceri. '12. C kokasi vestesi ke, - imbiya Cite bnbu mi taea
vSte9E guru pans jqpali icesi. 13. embaiive Cvari -kokana?i
japheri ke tini barsataki. 14. tini barsataki jtipahg iiditesi ke
15. , iidalire guika ele iceri ke, bait punji ki, iceri ke. 16. puvi,
icesi ke., 17, k6di gori paji hati g n ~ a'bare punji ki,' iceri Ice.
18. pu,f; icesi ke. 19. embayi?e halam;, iceri ke. 20. rnhtromi
lakuai harere anda kih% tinaqani, inji panditeri ke. 21. h&@
inji icesi injana tani Iyani tapa vatesi ke.
7.22, tarii iyani ele icesi; koyu 'rnni~iya, doso {akataki
pr2taniu icesi ke. 23. gnnja -koyu mqihana kokordko inj i. kqetesi
<ke. 24. koyu ~ h a r i arqanja mani belata r0 ngtatari - koska parali
'vgteri ke. 25. kaska habu manu ki ya; iceri ~ke.26, 'maneba
madjali ko nl mif?esi hilovosi laka ni, ice. 27. hi-yamuy eceka
,
 . . .
you and may you be eaten by a tiger," she cursed and beat hi m
up. 59. Then her brothers almost died laughing, 60. "They are
crazy. Here they've come, one carrying the other" they h i d .
6.61. Thereafter they really scolded the
. . woman. 62. "Yap
are quite stupid. 63. You did not agree even one- day to eat
(a chicken). 64. He did just the. right thing", 65. ~ h kbrothers
scolded her and told them to go. They came home and lived;. I

prospered and ate. 66. That's the end.

7, The Seven Magic Gurus and A Boy
7.1. In a villsge there werk two very poor people. 2. The
son said to the mother, "Mother, I am going to learri guru's
tirork", he said. 3. The mother said, "00, boy". '4.- m hen he
went. 5. He went and reached the place of seven gurus of magic.
6 He went to the last house in the lane 'and asked an old woman
"Which is the house of the seven gurus of magic?" 7. The old
woman told, "That one over there with the tamarind tree at the
door-way", she said. 8. Then he boy went, 9. While the boy
went, the seven gurus were sitting down. 10. Having gone he
greeted the seven gurus and sat down. 11. The gurus asked, "Wliere
are you going", they said.' 12. The boy said, "Nowhere, sir, I
came to you to learn guru's work" he said. 13. Then they taught
the boy for three years 14. Having learnt for three years he was
able (to do everythink). 15. When he was able, the gurus said
to him, ''Do you know everything?", 16. "I know", he said.
17. "Cow. goat, pig elephant, horse-all of these do you know",
they said. 18. "1 know" he said. 19. "Then go" , they said. 20.
"But do not mix a lot with other people in eating", saying they
sent. 21. Me agreed and came to his mother's place.

7.22. He said to his mother, "I will change myself into a

fowl and you sell me for ten rupees," he said. 23. After changing
into a rooster he crowed "kokoroko"- 24. Having become a
rooster while he was staying there the men from a village came to
buy a fowl. 25. ''l'here may be some fowls, woman," they said,
26. "There is one man, but my son is not here" she said.
284
jakela hiyanomi, iceri ke, 28. doso !aka hlyereri, ice ke. 29. d ~ s a
$aka hiye?eri, ice ke. 29. doso !aka hiterj, injahg 6teri ke.
30, ahi savana gururita prikha maceri ke. 31. lava l6ku bare
japa ida kiyaliqe mansi m ~ i h a n atani iyani tana vlha tustesi.

32. 1L7i sinik,itihI koyu hileqe ke, hale~erirabuthi tana

vengadu, iceri ke 33. hajana, koyu vate kiya, iceri ke. 34
h e b a vaha hileve, ice he. 35. koyu taca hiyaduniba nii mirqesi
lagi manjanesi. ice ke. 36. ambitani taca hinayi jaqerini baya,
injjf haja tusteri ke.
7.37 Ore, paji mniviya tini kD~i{aka taki prrtamu, ices$
ke. 38. paji Bh% manja manesi ke. 39. ecora jaua pajiyl
parali vateri. 40. E buchini, sateve paji mane ki ya, iceri ke., 41.
maneba aderi ki. ice ke. 42. ecora taka jnji manjadi ya, iceri
ke. 43. tini kOri lakayg hiyeveriba, iee ke. 44. tini k ~ - iyaka-
y% bih%E pajiti 6teri. 45. Ghana kadata nesana data tupdana
pisteri ke. 46. liku bare ida kiyalive 16ku mnihH vgha tusteri ke,
47. laoi .dnikiyali?e paji hileve, hajuqa paji hile~ebulhini tana
vebgadu, iceri ke. 48. paji v5te kiya, in~ihivesiga haceri ke
49. aba aba sata bPre kore bEre johota paji ke vaha hile?e, 50.
paji taca hiyaduni mi (akay8 fiduni 112 paji mange veqde taca
hiyadu, ice ke. 51. javeri baya ambitani taca hinayi, injihi haja
Eusteri ke
7.52. 61e i?kokasi rnaccsi macesi injah8, B?eya ni?e$i gori
mpivi, tini k81i takataki pritamu icesl. 53. ernbathe e bulhini
tana sateqe gori mane'.kiya injihi haceri ke. 54. rnaneba manjali
koxe nL mirvesi hilovosi, ice ke. 55. kokasi hilaqatihi ana?a Lneya
a .
 . . .
-,

285
27. "Give it' to us, and how much shdl w e ii6e:;(fo'r
' .. it)?", they
..

said. 28, . "Give me ten rupees," she said. 29.' : ~ h igave

v her ten
rupees and took (it). 30. Having 'taken: ( i t l they covered it in a
barnbob cage. 31 In the night when everydne'had gone to sleep
(the boy) changed into a human form a n d returned to his mother's
house.
32. h the morning seeing that the rooster is not thdre they
-

said, "AI1 of you, men, go and ask the old woman" they said.
33. Having gone they said, "Did the fowl come back?" 34.. . "No
fellow it did not come back", she said.
. . 35. "Bring me back the
fowl, my son is scolding me" she said. 36. "Where shall we get
the fowl to give you, off with you, stupid" 'saying they went
'

. .
away.
7.37. Again he saidYaIbill change into a pig and you skl! me
for sixty rupees''. %.Having. become a pig he remained. 39. Some
people come in search of pigs. 40. They asked the old woman,
"Is there really a pig here?". 41. "There is, man, will you take
it?", she said. 42. "How much money will you ask for it?" they
said. 43. "Give me sixty rupees, man" she said. 44. Having ,

given sixty rupees they took the pig. 45. Having taken (it) they
put ii into a pen and after shutting the door they left it. 46. When
kveryone was asleep he changed back into a man and came (home)
47. In the morning 'when they saw that there was no pig they said,
"Go, fellows, the pig is not here, go and ask the old woman".
48. "Did the pig come?", saying they went to ask. 49. " ~ e l l b w
fellow, I swear many times that the pig did not come. 50. Bring ,

me back the pig and take your money but bring me back the pig",
she s a a , 51. "Get away with you, stltpid, from where can we
bring back the pig?" saying, they went away.
7.52. On another occassioa the boy was staying, and he
said, "Mother now I will change into a goat and you sell me for
sixty rupees". 53. Then (people) came to the old woman saying ..

';'Is there really a goat?". 54. '.Certainly there is a goat but my

son is not here", she said, 55. They said, "H your son is not
here it does n't niatter (lit. what will happen?) when we buy (it) g
$ara tole sa, iceri Fe. 56. b a ~ oatihi taqeriba tini kbri hiyweri
ke. -57. .e goriti'tlini k6fi hiteri inj%iiteri. 58. 6hana kokarag'i
meka halegeriya'ipjihf hiteri ke. 59. kokari mecali 6teri i n j a M
piriygna n~eyape-injihlpisa maceri ke. 60. goy1 goy? vaqi hacesi
nj~neqekokari punaqa r,elu tami I'yani tana vaha tusteri ke.

61. kokari paritqri pariteri injg 115ta veska haceri. 62.

ii7e gori ambiya . m a habe iceri, ke. 63. embstive Gni kiterifa
jnjihf hajaha para &ra tusteri. .64. pidatani puaqateri haleqerila
burhini veliga'l haleqeri, iceri.ke. 65. haceri inj8, gori vate kiya,
icei-i ke. 66. 5.reba gori k?ye vBha .hile?e. 67. mi !aka@ 6du
ni. gori taca hiyadu nZi mirvesi lagi manjanesi, ice ke. 68. Lwya
ambimani j ~ n g i t eiceri inj8' haja' tusteri ke. 69. 87e v ~ h ahilwe
injate, iceri ke.

7.70. 3ye Pna?B kinayi dehz injitli pa1ese lrnacesi ke. 71.
ciye ni?e!i kndi mni?iya, icesi ke.. 72. kndi rnnihg manja manesi
ke. 73. ernbali~ek6diy"aodinovi vateri ken 74. kKGi hiyadi
kiya, iceri ke. 75. hiyasi, ice ke. 76. eceka inji lnanjadiya
iceri ke. 77, pPsa ltdi i h i y d u , ice ke. 78. evari pass kdri
takayti hihana 6teri. 79. aliana haqlata dospa pisteri ke. 80.
I b a Byahe kokasi loku mqihana tani iyaili tzna v5ha tustesi ke,
$1. lasi sinikini b?lata kddi hadata hileve ke. 82, alnbiya hace
injihi pari parihi vaha haceri ke. 83. pnasateri Ice. 84. %?era
burhini vengadu, iceri ke. 85. hajana, kfidi v5te kiya, iceri ke.
86. a7ebo kddi v8ha hile7e. 87. na mir?esi lagi manjanesi.
$8. kddi taca hiyadu ini tal\.ayZi Odu, ice ke. 89. ambitaqi
taca hiyanomi hilaqakiqe s o a r i viha manomi iceri ke. 90. tilvari
haja iusteri
 for a price?'. 56. "Well alright, bring it and give me sixty rupees",
she said. 57. They. gave sixty rupees for the goat and took itW

58. Having taken they gave it to the boys saying, "BOYS, $ou take
L*I . nut &nd graze". 59. The boys took it out to graze and thinkihg
.'Let it graze neat the reeds", they left it. 60. Be weat secretly
down to an obscure path so that the boys did not know and came
to his mother's house, l

61. The boys searched and went to the village to tell.

62. ':The goat has gone 08 somewhere", they said. 63. Then, say-
ing,"What did you do, boys?", they went and searched everywhete.
64. They found it nowhefe and said, "Go, all of you, go and ask
the old woman", 65. They went and said, "Did the goat come,
woman?". 66. "Indeed the goat .did not come. 67. Take your
money and bring itle the goat, my son is scolding me", she said,
68. "No,it's lost somewhere", they said and went away. 69. She
said to us "no it has not come" they said,

7.70. Again "What to do next?" thinking he stayed quiet,

41. Then he said,"Now I shall turn into a cow, mother." 72. Turn-
ing into a cow he is staying. 73. Then men came to buy cows.
74. "Will you give us the cow, woman?" they said. 75. "1 will
eive" she said. 76 c c H ~ much
C
w will you say?'.' they said, 77. ''Give
me hundred rupees", she said. 78. Having given hundred rupees
they took (it). 79. Having taken it they tied up in the shed.
80. When it became night the boy changed back into a
person and came to his mother's house. 81. In the morning when
they looked, the cow was not in the shed. 82. "Where did it go?'$
saying they searched and searched and came o n . 83. They did
not find (it), 84. "No, Go and ask the old woman," they said.
85. Having gone they said,"Did the cow come, woman?". .86. "No,
the cow has not come. 87. My son is scolding me. 88. Bring
back the cow and take your money" she said. 89. "From where
shall we bring back the cow? Because it isn't (anywhere\, we have
come searching", 93. They went off.
 7.91. ecejive kokasi are tami iya manja manu ke. 92.
sari ela S'nive mani befata rs dina R e ele icesi ke, n i ~ e t hati
i a?iya
icesi ke. 93, taligatayi, eceke taki prstavi, ice ke. 94. hati
taki are dara mara mane ki koja nenje takays vLknayi inamu,
icesi ke. 95. haso, injihi ice ke taligafayi. 96. embative mavutanga
vgteri ke. 97. hatiyB manu habula kiyo, injihi v'ateri ke 98. eceti~e
burhi rnanjana, maneba dara habu Bdo~oterilaka-ni, ice. ke.
99. eceka inji manjadiyo, iceri ke. 100. eceka 6 ~ einjasiba hati
taki are dara mara mane ki. 101. koja visti saide koja nenje sa
hiyaderi, ice ke. 102. koja vispi kiteri e koja i~enjetakayB v%khei-i
injahii hati 6teri ke. 103. Ghana hatiti havlata dospa pisa maceri
ke. 104. liivayg 16ku mnihgna ~ G h atusteri ke. 105. "vari Iibi
sinikitihl hati hileve ke; hati hileqe h a ~ hi i b e , iceri ke. 106. haju
burhini vexigadu, iceri kece8107.hajana, hati vgte kiya, iceri kes
108. b e b a vaha hile?e, ice ke. 109. embatige haja tusferi Le.

7.110. evari hajafi~e, ni?e!i g6ra, icesi ke. 111. embali7e.

g6ra mt~itesi ke, 1 2 gfiya mrjihana sahaya suii rpjihli manja
manesi ke. 113. ecqi?e 3 kokasi jipiti gurka mesteri inj3 ke,
114. goca mniha madesi nireti hano, injihl j8lki Bteri injahl
vrteri ke. 119. vHhana buchini ilu duverita kuga maceri ke.
116- e gurkani meste i n j burhi
~ manjiyZl injah% r6 koyu vaja
tinju injihi hite ke. 117. h i y a l i ~ ei! gurka ete iceri ke, B?e m l m b u
lohoti kiinomi ghra hadata mane. 118. E gara hiha manjarnu,
iceri ke. 119. g6ga mqjo Fnstayi mme, ice ke. 120. g i reka
 4.41. Then the boy and his mother. have stayed. 92. White
he bedafie fit like that Qne day he said again, "Now I shall1beco*
~ r elephant,
i MvtotJler" he said.93.The mother said,"Bow \ much shall
1 sell you for?". -94. "For an elephant there is a greater price;
Tell theni, as many rupees as have to be poured into a foot-
print to fill it", he said. 95 "Yes",%iying the. mother kBd.

96. Then the mahouts cam:. 9'7. "Are there elephants

perhaps, wonl~n?'r saying they dnme. 98. Then the bld~womaa
being [theie) said, "There is one fellow, but perhaps Jiou will iidt
be a b b ro [buy it) because of the price." 99. "HOWoiuch willjyou
say?", tliey said. 100. "How much will I tell you, fellow, f@r an
clephapt the@ i s agteater price. 10i.~;;:n the foot has trodden . . down
as much [modey) as will fill th: print yox will give me," she said.
102. Thg$ mnbe (the elephant) tread down and f i l i the ~ priit
with rudkQsand took the elephant. 103, Having taken tEytied
it i n the shed and left i t . 104. In the night having changedjback
into a persop he came a~jtay. 105. tn the morning they seeisg
that the elephlnt i s not (there) said, "The elephant is not (herd,
the etephaqt is not (here). 106. Go and . ask the old woman,?'
they s;i$.
1
107. H . ~ v i n ggone they said, "Did the elephant corn:
-1

108 "No, it has not, corn: f d l l ~ i v " , sh2 said. 109. Then
rhey went ayray,
, I

7.110. W hen they had gone, he said, ccNow1 will become

.a hotse.'' l f l i And sa he bs;am: a ho:se. 112. Ihvin;
turned into a hotse he stayzd therz wandering all about. 113. hen
the gurus Who had taaght the boy saw (him) and i14. "He
changed Into a horse, Now ler's go", saying' they spoke to each
& . .

other and came. 115 , ~ a v &come they sat down at the d&r
way of th; old wwomln's house. 116. She saw the gurus aad gave
bhem soqe rice and a fowl to c o ~ kand eat. 1Lt. When she had
given they said, "No, we don't \@antfood (but) there is a horse in
the shed. 118. Give os that llpyse," they said. 119. "What
horse is i n my I~ouse?" she said. 3 W-."Give it quickly, we are
 .
kiyamu .vaja tiliga hanomi-heko riijiti
I _ , . . .
.
vPha manomi,
.., . . .
, .. .
kodayB
, . . ..
nhhi
manjanu
. e,hg,a
. . . enomi, iceri ke. . 121. a?e hile?e".nafig~ . ,. enati g. f i ~ a
:
, !: ! ,
.
.mane, ice ke. 122. . . ernbathe ele ice& ke,
, , hiyatihl himu, c ipavg
.

.kiyorhi,
. ,
habati
. ,. .. .
. ,
ebga, anorni vinali . etiga .
tanomi irijahg taca
. . .
hiyanomi, icefi Be. 123. b3da adaqate inj%gora h5te ke. . . .
. .

7.124. ecefiqe sata jana gurka gorata eligana 6ha tusteri

ke. 125. Gyu gosali jikela hi9ana honpi kiha tusi maneri ke.
126. g6ra vZha hace ke. e gurka jike haki iiteri ke, imbav%
vaja tino, iceri ke. 127. piri dupata dosteri injg vaja tinji maneri
ke. ,128..dire dire jola va?i hace hace injl ernba r5 banda'mace ke,
129. minu mnihana bandata e bandata trubu munja hace ke. 130.
ece!i?e sLta jana gurka bandati eyu gosali miitheri ke. 131. bandati
eyu yike gosteri injah% silts gota banda gnokoti Bhana bandati
mnika tinjali matheri ke. 132. bare mnikani gusali Pdineri deha ke.
133. ro vali rb9i napda lnacesi ke. 134. macesi injI gustaneri
gustaneri injihi r6 kira pota atesi i i ~ j gkiri kiri inji fimba hacesi ke.
7. 135. ecetiqe sgta jana gurka ~Hta gota piripiiki fihana
ptrha pPrha tusteri ke. 136. e kokasi rd ranini herkita bangara
pesa ahana r ~ n i n herkita
i mangatesi. 137. ecetive sPta jana gurka
haceri inja 'ram ram' injihl duverita kugi haceri ke. 138. enibati~e
rani tami ijo ku?liy% usi macayi ningana e gurkati siita p o ~ i
m'anjiyl r6 koyu hite. 139. n9e mange koyu manjiy%lBra hileve,
iceri ke. 140. rani ele ice ke, hinani rispa tinava gatateri 6re
ena9% takini viiteri inja desa desa rEji manjeri, ice ke. 141, rI?e
maharani ninu herkita turha mani bafigara pGsay%gireka hiyamu
nalge enaql l6la 89e. 142. piisayti sinikihana hiyanomi injaha
haja tuhnomi enml mange hiya~ani,iceri ke. 143. maharani, 57e.
nHnu hiyo96, ice ke. 144. ele kihi vPra dumbe risali~e ke bada
rQa?ate injl tipi daphe injah%a6genita metha tuste ke.
i
going to cook and eat, we have come from a far away place,
our legs are aching, mounting (the horse) we shall take it," they
said. 121."No,why do I have a horse (there is no horse here)," she
said. 122. Then the' gurus said, "If you will give, give (it), we
shall not do anything, while going we shall mount and take (it)
and we shall' bring it back to you, while we come," they said.
123. She could not withstand the pressure and gave the horse.
7.124. So the seven gurus mounted the horse and took it akay.
125. Not even giving water to drink they made it run. 126. The,
horse became tired and the gurus became hungry and they said,
.';Let's cook and eat here". 127. They tied (the horse) to a clump of 1l
reeds and were eating. 128. Slowly it went down towards water
and there was a pool of water. 129. Changing into a fish it
1 >.
1'
ii
'il
dived into that pool. 130. So the seven gurus began to drink ;i i6
the water of that pool. 13 1. They drank up all the water of the 1

pool and having changed into seven black herons they began to
11
eat the fish of the pool. 132. They could swallow all the fish 1
1
shortly. 133. It (the boy) went underneath a stone. 134. He 'r

was there and saying, "They will swallow me, they will swallow
me", he became a parrot and shrieking flew away.
7.135. Then the seven gurus having turned into seven hawks,
chased and.chased. 146. The boy having cha~lgedinto a gold
necklace in the queen's neck went to stay o n .the queen's neck. l

137. So the seven gurus went and saying "Ram Ram" they were
sitting in the door-May. 138. Then the queen who was in her
house pounding rice got up and gave the gurus seven measures of
rice and a chicken. 139. "No, we do not need the chicken and
rice7', they said. 140. The queen said, "You beg for something
and do not eat what is given, then why did you come and travel
from country to country?". 141. "No, queen, you give us . the
aold chain that is around your neck for a little while, we don't
i>
need anything. 142. Having looked at your necklace we shalt
give it and shall go away, do not give us anything", they said.
143. The queen said, 'WO, I will not givz (it) ." 144. In that
way they bazged her until the sun was setti.15 and she could not
stand it any inore and ripped the hecklace off and threw it down
at the courtyard.
,, .
,: ,
.

1
I!
:! I&.
i!!
r . .

Ij I
7,.145. ecetiqe pgsa % h a niacasi sata p u i i manjiyH atesi ke.,
:

I 1.46.srta puti milnjiyB iiy alive sat3 j a n a gu tka S.$$& gZinja

1
f c ~ s kUeri
a In@ ke. sa ta put.l manjiy Zi gi brl ku b u k u .buka tusj,mqn~ri Y

1 ke. 147. manjiya rini rani syaliqe ke kokasi manj.ana sgta o t a

1l .?
kdiyaka '8hana s5ta gota giigj,a koskani pade pade ka,citesi:injEl'
tadi ijo tali' gatani t a ~ ahacesi ke. 1.48. tali gatayi rihi ri.hi ma,nj,a
i mace 'ke. 149. mime ,gatana?i rneste inj% r2hB a t e ke. 15-0. hedi
[i
q,uthe.
..: . .

< .' . . 8. %resBta tayiy%

&.I. i6 raja rnacesi ke . 2. raja maci hl raja ke. 3, evasi
rinds?% mmandiyakupa nesa manesi ke. 4. E mandiya kupapi ;

/'
ill
barhly%rejihltinji manu. ' 6 t? kupay% darka betisayi rnonosayi.
!I! 1
barbs d6fka betisuhula monosuhura.' 7. F barhay8 t kupaygni
'(I;1
!.

?! reji tinji manu. 8 . embati?? t raja r6 kabru kitesi, ernbksi P

ih
;jl ljarhgyi?ipi payiriesi t vanaki,na n~,adgab~Kak i v l Rce takay8, s
I C, iiu, k8ai-gori baga hi?$.icehi.
:i
:,I
8.9, em:ba\i~e dPsatari vahi nati, ka.qd,a,asana, ktipu kateri.
1:0.. E barha.valli bPlata besi sobdo tole vznu. l l . sobdo venjave
i [i
[l
il l ,
I
. ajitaki hDda?ana hota tusi maneri ke. 12. bare j a p e F kupaya~i
I I!
: j! k5ci klcihi dEsa noro riterise. 13, ernbari hiloqori d e . 14. embatiqe
,., , raja tahi haliyatia~iele ices;, bare horo riiteri k i icesi.
i 31
li t
.,i:
! ji .8..15. tani haliyaliga giiteri, iceri, ~~Pskatari
ke, iceri. 16,,
I!
!. j&gat,ad+ maneri ke s8ta.jana iceri. 17. halpdu.ha.ti: hajp icesi Ire..
b

jj
18. embiltirle hati
.. haceri. 19. evari. valka pavuta maner&,20. vr&i
,

I I k,e,viidu raja hati kiyatesi., 21,. CnBtaki, iceri ke iqjphhH hhaceri ,

ij l!l raja taga.. 22; , enTitaki moha raja hBi kiyati, eni d6ho kitomi ki,
:i ic~ri,.23. Bqeta, nl.ma?-(liya kupaylrji b~rhaybtinji mpnu. 24; . .
1 hrhayi%t~ipayiti na miiiigani . , . . kiyaqi 0;e eceka [aka,
biha
. .
Bcijd.iya biiga hiyarli, iced ke ,, . , . . . , ,

, .
. > , , . ,

. ,

, :.
. ., I .

.
, , ..

. ,
 2q3
7.145. Then (the boy) who was in the .form..of a necklace
became seven measures of rice. 146, When he became. seven
measpres of rice the seven gurus became seven roosters and were
1
gobbling up the seven measures of rice. . 147. When the rice was
about t o be finished, the boy became seven jackals and snapped
up the seven roosters and went back to his bother's house. 148.
His pother was crying and crying. 149. She saw her son 'and
was happy. 150. That's finished.

8. The Wild Pigs and Seven Brothers

-8. 1. There was once a king. 2, He was indeed a king.
3. He has gathered to-gether two stacks of ragi. 4. Wild pigs
are pulling down and eating those stacks of ragi. 5. The names
of those stacks are Betisayi and Monosayi. 6. The names of the
pigs are Betisuhura and Monosuhura. 7. Those pigsare pulling
down and eating the stacks. 8. So rhe king gave out the news
that whoever could kill those pigs he would give his daughter in
marriage as well as money, grain, house and a share of cows and
goats (to him).
8;9. Then men of the country came with guns and swords
and kept batch. 10. When the wild pigs come, they come with
much noise. 11. When they hear the noise, they run away with-
out firing them because of fear. 12. 'All the men of the country
were completely finished, after having kept watch. 13. No one
else was there. 14. Then the rajah said to his servants, "Are all
the men finished?"
8. 15. They said that his servants were finished, and the
men in the villages also. 16. But in a forest, they said there were
seven men. 17. "Go and call them", he said. f 8. So they went
to call for them. 19. They are in a stone cave. 20. "Come,
Come, the king called for you". 21. "Why?", they said and
went to the king. 22. "Why?, great king, did you call us? What
wrong did we do?" they said. 23. "Not at all, men, the wild
pigs are eating my staks of ragi. 24. If you kill the pigs, I shall
give my daughter in marriage and some money, grain and a share
of cattle", he said.
 '
8.25. emba!i?e ~ v a r ihaceri inja kuga maneri. 26. C batha
vLtu injg kupay%ni reji maci bPlata kajari sa jana ajiterf 27,
ro9osi d5yutasi sata sobara habu mambu sonje binda sokale bin+
belitomi sgta jana tayitomi id ns tayi aji maneri.
28. i barhPyTi~idtisi dasi h6cl halape injah%jftesi ke. 29,ema
bayi9.e barhltyii hatu. 30. hPyalile miiti kufa lehguni dac% asa S .

rnacesi ke. 31. la7i veyalive desati noro, nZnu payite?$ iceri.
32. raja macesi injH ha90 ernbasi p y i t i payapesi, ikfiguni kura
miiti t6stadu. 33. embatiqe nB marjgani biha kiyavi, icesi ke.
8. 34 entbavari tohvatefi. 34. Fvari sata jana bitra ici
tayi tdstesi. 36. emba!i?e evaraki midga ga!ani biha kited, kogi
gori taka arna biimi biga hitesi ke. 37. emba{i?e Wad otef
fijaha, embfifaki fahnayi, iceri. 38. a?e bareti kihH kajacaki
rshno, iceri injahg kaja tayiki iasteri injs batka nida ticefi. 39.
hedi embatbe riite.
9. ssta jana kini pad% ptlsponi
9, 1. buIhi bulha maceri ke. 2. ? burhi buIha bandita siite
java pBday~jarna iitu. 3. g podaya bare jana kiigiska. d6
kanka m e h a gataqi injah~iburhi burha ~ e s p iiteri, i p6day%ni
eceka pohi kinayi, inji bulhi efe ice. 5. Bve burha imbiya apela
iii halamu, ice. 6. embiive. butha e p8day%nih8t%fitesi. 7. r6
kaja jiitata oh%rb kaja dameni marnuta atesi injah%i dameni
.pPteyi perha tinju, , icesi. 8. G n u imbe?e kuga rnaql, icesi injO
 ..
' ., 'J

295
. . . . ' U .
, ,

. . 8 . 25, Then they went and satr down. 2 6 . Those wild

\ ...

pigs came and while they were pulling at the ragi stacks the. six
older brothers became frightened. 27. The youngest %ne said,,
,

sOWe
, . . "
have sworn to-gether in .a pack (This sectioil is almost un-
translatable as it stands in Kuvi) and we are seven brothers of the,
same family but my brothers are afraid. 28. "Let (these arrows)
go right through the pigs", saying -he shot: 2 9 . Then the pigs
died. .30. After they died; he cut off,the snouts, hoofs and tails
and held, them. 31: When it became dawn, the .men -of the
e o ~ n t r ysaid, "I killed (them), I killed,(them)". 32. The king was
there. "Yes, if anyone killed (them) let h i m have killed, show me
the tail. hoof' and snout. 33. Then I 'shall give my daughter in
'

~;flarriage", he said.

8.34. No one showed. 35. (But) from 'the seven brothers

the youngest one showed. 36. Then he gave them his daughter
in marriage, cows, goats, money, grain and a share of land; 37. .
s o they took (these things) and said, "To whom should we give
the bride?". 38 "No, Let us marry her to the oldest", they said
and they married (her) to the oldest and prospered and ate 3 9 .
That is the end.

9 The Story of Seven Blhd Daughters

9.1. There were an old woman and an old man. 2. That

old woman and man had seven daughters. 3. All the daughters
were blind, 4. As the daughters did not have eye-sight, the old .
woman and man said to each other, "How can we look after these
girls?", saying the old woman spoke. 5. "No, husband, go and
take thein somewhere", she said. 6. So having called the girls the
old man took (them). 7. Having taken them to a big forest he
took them to a large damen tree and said, "Pick up and eat this
&men fruit; 8. I am sitting here", he said and leaving the girls,
e pedaystni jZrata pisa ~atesi. 9. butha ~ t i y a l i ~burhi
e v~e,
imbiya pisa vlti, ice. 10. 89e r 6 dameni marnuta, icesi. 11.
p6dayl darneni pareyi ticu ticu injab%tami Bbavi hatitu abo Lbq
icu. 12. embatbe iiqe gateka. 13. m5ba hlpuva injini gate
imbiya iti ~Byatesi. 14. eni ltayi, inji icu injahl jlyu mehrana
parki parkihl haji macu,

9. 15, ra tana jiyu dagreqe melu guduyil ita mace. 16,

melu p6dayfl ni rnesahs i~mba hace. 17. Gmbitani vecu injah%,
tnayi ka pafkeveri, icu 18. naka macayi parkite injahfl beta
Hte. 19. . sLta gata guduya slta jang pndaylki r o q ~ laka
i Btu.

9. 20 e guduyl as3 5 p6da)ig hlji m a d n6kita dahaniy%

manu. 21. c rriahaniy2l~a hiitaqaqi tacaha hiida macer!. 22.
hetana1,l hiida ~ a c ihicuta C piday% melu guduyaqi h ~ d i t u .
23. fiiidalise 2 helu gu'duyl d a da i n j i ~!ayitus

9.24. ernbatiqe C poday8 kaplta mestu injahl ayale bapare

iletayi gate rria ka. 24. iaji ujeri blsi bayeli. 26. javeri bayi nileti
imbiya hanayi. 27. mgya mlba n5ya imbiya mane, icu. 28.
plrihi hallo, icu. 29, pad paA haji :rnanu tami Pbaya naytiti
embiya mane injihi haji manj brtata r burha neyUta 1'6 grinja
koyu mace injahg B koyu kokorokb burha rnlska vrhi manu, inji
kgeci mace. 30, 6 koyuti butha perhesi. 31. na maskani 64-e
enayiqe k i asa tice, oepi mana{i injihi perhesi, b&a ahi man4
jiruta 6 ! eoppi kihi manjadi, icesi. 32. ece belateve s6ta taki sBte7e
e pddayg vitu jjo. 33. ernbarhe tami iya Bba besi rlhB ~ t e r i Ore
r6 b6ji kiteri injahH embe~emaceri. 34, hPdi rgte,
In the forest he came (hotne). When the old maa dame the old
woman asked ';Where did you leave them?" she said. 10, "No,
at a damen tree", he said. 11. The girls ate and ate the .damen
fruit and called their father "Father, father", they called.
12. Then "He is not here (idiomatic), 13, Our father let us here
thinking that we might die, 14. What's to become of us", they
said, and not seeing the path they went feeling their way,

9J5. In orie place neat the path a pea-hen had laid its
eggs. 16. That peashen after seeing the girls flew away. 17. They
heard it flying away and they said, "Feel atound, what could that
be?". 18. The One in the front felt around and found the (eggs)
19. fhere were seven eggs, one for each girl

9.20. Holding the eggs the girls Wedt and befote thea was
a butiling gtound. 24. ThereJ(men)had bioxight and burnt a dead
persori. 22. The girls cooked the eggs in the fire in which (men)
had butned the body 23. When they cooked, the eggs cracked
open with a "dada" sound.

9. 24 Then the girls could see and "Rotv ~ o n d e r f u l it ;'s

sister; 25. Out' country is bright and beautiful (idiomatic). 26,
Come. Whete shall we go now? 27. Where is ouf parents3
village?" they sald. 28. "Seeking, let us go", they said. 2gb
Searching seatching they are going, thinking where their father's
village is, and as they wefe going in the old man's Village, a rooster
was there and that toostef crowed "kokbtoko" saying the old man's
daughters are coming. 30. The old man chased that rooster. 31.
''Something has taken and eaten my daughters", thinking he
chased (the tooster). "But you ate terninding of the lives I was
forgel ting", he said. 32. Just at that time the seven daughters did
indeed come to the house. 33. Then their mother and father wefe
very happy,and had a feast and stayed there; 34. That is finished.
29 8

10. muski eni pksponi

10.1. burhi bulhl m m r i ke. 2. burhi muski ke. 3, ens,

rlsti jikela hi 7e. 4. hicu jikela hiqe ke 5. ed'anilaki burhini hicu
g5ra buyhini trlyuta ata mane ke. 6. eceka kuthihI jike kudaqate
ke.
10.7 embalive burha ogpitesi eni kite?$ ;nji 57e mahapru
venga haqi injihi onpitesi injahZi lakopuru hacesi ke. 8. Evasi haji
mani haji mani jiyuta ke. 9:rB bughinaki bye jeta aia mane ke.
10. 5 bulhi jeta rnuski Znaki jeta ata mane ke. 11. bulha?i rr,este
injahH, ambiya haji manati ba, ice ke. 12. bulha ele icesi ase
nunu mahapru t a ~ haji
a rnayi. 13. na burhinaki hicu g6ra ala
mane venga haji ma?i, icesi. 14. Bba aba s2ta bere kdre bereie
johora kiyari manasi jike jeta ata manjane veilja vamu, ice ke.
15. ha70 inji ke haja tusteri.

10. 16, 6qe r6 burhinaki k6lu ata msne ke. 17. . e burhi ele
ice ke, ambiya haji manati ba ice ke. 18, h e mahapru ta.na haji
masi. 19. na burhinaki 6d8taki ina hicu gdra afa mane edas?i
venga haji*masi, icesi ke, 20. cdi. me ele ice ke, ase ba Btihi venja
vsmu, ice ke. 21. ha90 venja vasi s a , icesi injs hacesi ke. 22.. haja
tusi mane ke. .
. . ..
10.23. oie r6 bulhaki ke veska era jCnu aca manu ;ke. 24; c
burhasi jiyuta,b'e\a Btesi ke. 25. t butha ele icesi ke, arnbiya haji
manji soyi, icesi ke. 26. aoe soyi, na bughinaki hicu gora ata
mane;
., idas3 vehga h3ji m a ~ i jcesi
, ke. 27. embati?e burha ii?e
-sbyi nalige jakela veska a\a manjanu venja varnu, icesi ke.
28. ha70 ve?i sa inji ke haja tustesi ke,

10 29. hacesi injahg rb kada darita vaja ticesi injahg ke

nnto hacesi ke. 30. rnahapru eie ice ke, engtaki vgti, ice ke.
'
 18. The Story Misedy
, . Woman
10.1'. There were a wife and a husband,.~2.The wife as
veiy stingy. 3 Whatever was asked of het, shi woul&)notgive..
4 She wou.ld not give fire even. 5 . Therefore her i t ~ n - ~ l ahad
te
Stuckto" her 'liead. 6:' Even though tried M$& to move -it,:,it
C

. . . ..
would not shift'. 6 . .
,.'.
A

. .. . . .
. . 4 : ...,. .
10.7, . So the husband thought, "What must be (lone? No,
1 shall go and ask the gfeat god'? and went to . heaven. :8. -He was, ,.

going and going along the paths. 9. There was another 'womanwith
B grinding~stonestuck to her. 10. Because that woman *as mean
a-bout her grindingbstotle, it had stuck to her. 1 1 . When she'saw
the old man, she asked, "Where ate you going, man?'.'. 12. The
man said, <'NO, 1 am going to the great god. 13. A n . i r ~ n - ~ l a t e
is stuck t o m y wife and 1 am going to ask (about it)," he'said.
14. "Sir, sir, 1 shall thank yob mahy times if you will ask about
the grinding-stone that has s t u ~ kto me," she said, 15.. He said,
"Yes5' and went off.

10.16. Then another woman had 'a pounding stone

stuck to h r . 1'7. That bornail asked, "Where are you
going?", she said. 18. "No, I am going to gfeat god. 19. "1 am
going to ask why the fire~platehashecome stuck to my wife", he
said. 20. She also said, "Sir, sir, if that is so ask (about me)
and come," she said. 21. "Yes, -having asked I shall come", he
said and went. 22. Re kept on going.
10.23. Then he saw an old man with fire-wood s t ~ along
k
to his back. 24 He tntt that old man on the path. 25. That old
man s d d , "whete aie you going, friend", he said. 26. "No, friend
an iron-plate has stuck to my wife and therefore I am aoing to ask
about that," he said. 27, Then that old man said, "Friend, also
ask about the fire--wood that is stuck to me;'" 28. ''Yes, I will
ask," gay fng he went off'.

10.29; He went, cooked and ate at the side of a river and

arrived a t a village. 30, The great god said, "Why did you
come? ', he saidb
 31. r9e mahapru BnLtaki b e . 3 . nii bybinaki hicu
g6ra ata mane edbtaki ni -vate~&iioesi ke. 33. ernbathe .ele in-
jalive mahapru ele icesi ke, engtaki B?e burhi enH risti jike hise-
34. edanitaki hicu gbra ata mane, icesi ke. 35. 89e Ore rr)
buthinaki jeta ata mane, icesi. 36. Pdi jeta hive. 37. 6ye
roqdanaki k61u ata mane, icesi. 38. ~ d kolu i hi9e. 39. 8?e rij
burhaki bye veska aia manu venja v5mu injatesi, inji icesi ke.
40, evasiveska hisaki, icesi mahapru. 41. ernbatirle e burhst
venQe vltesi ke. 42. viiha tustesi ke.

10.43, veska afiti butha tana vatesi ke, 44. EnE injate
soyi, icesi ke. -45. ave sbyi, veska hivosi injate, icesi ke. 46. em-
bafi?e ke, $aka vaseri !a veska, icesi Ice. 47. emba~iseke veska
kuda hacu ke. 48. b u ~ h avstesi ke. 6re vatesi ke. 49. k61u '

arani burhini tana 5 burhi vece ke, S;.na79injate. ice ke. 50. B?e
k61u hipoti ke. 51. taka viiseriha, injihi hfirite ke, ernbarbe
piste ke. 52. ale tana vfitesi ke. 53. Pdi vece ke, ena98 inja-
tesi. 54. a9e ~ i n uke jeta higoti ke, icesi ke. 55. ernbative
burhi, niiyi vZ~et-ika, inji h5yite. 56. embaybe jeta piste. 57.
embatiae burha tami ijo vs tesi inj3 burlli gafani ele icesi, ninu ke
burhi hicu hlsoti ke. 58. Pdanaki hicu g5ra ata manjane ke,
icesi. 59. embalise ke burhi, hicu taka vaverika hicu taka
vberika Ilicu, inji ke halite ke. 60. einbatiqe ni piste ke rate
emba!i?e muthe.
11: r6 butha 6 t e rb ksgi naka
- 1 1 . 1. b u ~ h burha
i maceri ke. 2. buthi bulha bandita
hHni mani rnadive (idiomatic expression) r o ~ d i ~pdda
e jarna ate.
embathe sari ela Bhi?e rnaceri ke. . 4. kelere burha heru rfihe
manesi ke.
 3<01
31. "No. great god, it's just for n ~ t h i n g . 32. 4n irons
piate has stuck to my wife and that i r why I 4 1ve CO~I:", h3 said.
33. ~ f t e he
r had said that the great god sa'id, "That is fot na
reason, but whatever is asked o f your wife shs does'n6t give:
34. Therefore the fire-plate has stuck", he said. 35. "And
another woman has a grinding stone stuck (to her)", he said.
36. "She will not give (loan) the grindins stone." 37. "And a
pounding-stick h& stuck to another one", he said. 38 "She does
not give (her) pounding stone." 39. ''cAnd again fire-wood is
stuck to an old man and he told me to ask (about it)", saying he
said. 40. "Because he d&s not givk fire-wood", said the great
god. 41. ?'hen the old man returned. '42. He came away.

10. 43. He came to the man who had fire-wood stuck to

him. 44. "What did he say, friend?" he said., 45. "Friend, he
told me lit is because) you do not give fire-wood-", he said. 46.
g

Then he said, "Come everyone to get fire-wood" 47. Then the

fire-wood shifted (from his back). 48. The old m m came on.
49. Then he came to the woman who had the pounding stick
stuck to her and she asked, "What did she say?". 50. "No, you
do ilot giye your pounding-stick."51. "Come and get, (everyone)",
saying she called and {thestick) ~ e f r ' d e r . 52. He came to another
one. 53. She asked, "What did he say?". 54. "No. yod do
not give your grinding stone", he said. 55. Theh the old woman
called, "Come and grind, (everyone)". 56. TTtn the stone left
her. 57. Then the man came t o his house and said,to his wife,
''You, wife, do not give fire. 58. That is w.hy the iron-plate has
stuck to you", he said. 59. Then the old wonrian called out,
"Came and get fire (coals) all ofyou, come and get fire, a l l of
you'. 60. Then (the ifin-plate) left her. 61. That is the end
'

! ..

l . An 016 Man and a Blind Jackal

111.1. There were a wife and husband. 2. In their middle-

age the old couple had only one daughter. 3. Thus there they
stayed in that way. 4. The old man war ploughins always. 5. Some
5. cda?%k&le?emesa manu ke nakayg. 6. 1-6necu ke nakays
kata atu ke. 7. burha mifiganaki gota ban0 Fa injilii vespi Ztu.
8. 5 nakaya n5yD sgto kFri ilka macu. -, t

11. 9. r0 nPcu rondi hace ke. 10. bugha heiu riihi

manesi.
. -
11. hFru .rfihi mani tana hajah8, tna98 kihi manji burha ice
- ,

ke. 12. e hurha, heruriihi rna~l,icesi ke. ' 13. nakamanjaha,

tara butha, nanu tfivl, ice,ke naka. 14. e burha pisa hitesi. 15.
embatiqe riiha rgha tuste injs ke burha manjah%.pihmu dz icesi ke.
16. heru pisaha maku muda kimu, icesi butha. 17. e naka
'

manjab8 mfikuti re goca rnatula dhaha kugaha karali hika mane.

18. embathe burha mestesi injaha menese hajahg e nakati huturu
barga tole vetustesi. 1.9. . emba!i?e naka hota tuste. 20. Ore
macaii ele icu, ena98taki vati fa, icu. 21. ernbatbe e b q h a tags
haja macayi ele ice, apa mirsi Bda?ate?E edarltaki ni vate?a, injihi
ice.

11. 20. embative 6re roMi nZnu havi ra, ice 23. iile ro
nEcu rrop@ihace . 24. tava bulha n3nu rasi, ice. 25. jemu iitihi,
in$ hitesi. 26. reha ~Bha, pihmu dF haki 5tayi n5to hano ra,
icesi bulha. 27. yisahg m6ku beti kimu, icesi. 21. B n a k v
rnmjah$ 10kati miitula ahahil m6kuti karali hika mane. 29. bye
burha manesi. 30. kugahs m6kuti karali hika mane. 31
emba\i?e burha rugi yugihi hajah% nakati 1-6 bida bajovi kitesi.
32. naka rnanjahH m ~ k upisahH haja tuste. 33. are vgti ni ?a
iceri. 34. vavati baya embateri eceka' m i r ~ i tinjeri, icesi.
35. embntive 6ro roqdi, nsnu ha71 Fa ninju, ice. 36. 6ro ropdi
hace. 37. t a w burha nsnu rO?Iice. 38. hitesi reha tuste. 39. Sne
de haki Htayi . 40, h 1 0 hano va pihmu, injI icesi burha. 41.
pisahH mbku deti kirnu icesi. 42. E naka manjana meneve 6hhlii
jackals
. . . haye sein. th-11
.. :.. all , time , . , ,. 6
. . the , . ... , 0- x e day the jackals had a
, i
I, , . : / * ' . . :;. , . , . 3 :' . . G

talk. 7 . 'L?t U S go andm.viSif

. , the old' m'in~s''daughter",
.
r , . . .: .,t h c i s&d
'to
. ,.each
. other,>,8 In. .the ~aeka1.i''vill-liethere were one '~dndri'd
. ..'. .. . i
: 0

and forty hoLses.

I i

11 9. One day orle (jackal) went. 10. The old man i s

ploughing. l I. Having gone to where h e is plbughine
- . . ..
(the jackal) a

said, "What are you doing, old man?". 12. That old man said.
"I a b ploughing". 13. Thejackal being there, . ' ~ e t ' m e(li't. bihg
it), old man, I will plough" said the jackal. 14 The old man
left off and gave it. 15. So it ploughed and 'pl~ughedand. t h e old
man being there said, ccStopnow". 16 "After leaving the plough
roll u p the ropes", said the man. 17. That jackal after taking t&
ropes into the cover of a bush and sitting down started to chew
(tRem). 18. Then the old man saw (it) and having gone stealthily
he beat the jackal with a long stick. 19. So the jackal ran off.
20. The other jackals who stayed lhere (lit. companions) said
"Why have you come, fellow?". 21. So the one which had been
to the old man said, "Gosh, I could not (eat) the chillie and that'
why 1 came", sayins it said.
.. .
+ I s
a 7 ,,W ;+.y
%&+L;;;

112 2 . Then another one said,"I shall go,fellows." 23. Agsk~z~... ..

one day one went. 24. &'Give(it) old mab,'l shall plough0,it itaid.
25. "Do so if it is so9', saying he gave (it). 26. After ploughing
' and ploughing,"Stop now, we are hungry, let us go to the village"
said the old man. 27. "After stopping roll up the ropes", he said,
28. That jackal after taking the ropes to the cover ~f a wall began
to chew (them). 29. Again the old man is seeing. 30. Sitting down
it began to chew the ropes. 31. So the old man went hiding and
hiding and beat the jackal with his fist, 32. The jackal left the
ropes and went off. "You have come back, fellow", they said.
34. "You, stupid, who would not come back, which of you
would eat that much chillie?", it said. 35. Then another one
said, "Friends, to-day I shall go". 36. Another one went. 37.
.Give me, old man. 'I will plough", it said, 38. He gave (it) and
(the jackal) ploughed. 39. "Enough, we're hungry. 40. Let us go,
karali hika mane. 43. dye burha ~ d a g ijakela vgtesi. 44. Cdi are
manjahg v e ~ d v e haja tuste, 45, ele kihbe s5ta gat ati vetusa
pErhesi ,

11.46 rogdi klni aaka mane. 41. edi cle ice, iceka
mirsi :a bareteti hajihi v e ~ d avhha tusi manjeri, ice. ke.
. 48. nanu
ha91 niqeii, inji ice, 49, kepi naka halamu, ntnu glgekege
hoyadi, inji icu bate jaqa, 50. hajahari kiqi, injihi hajah5, ta7a
burha n8nu rail, ice ke kepi naka. ..51. e&he'bulha hitesi, rfiha
teha tuste ke. 52, juruyg L ~ U , ayaliie vFta vate, plhrnu debt?,
icesi, 53. &ah% beti kimu rnfiku inji ices$; 54. 6re butha sinid
. jake maku karine ki enwe injlhi. 55, kfidiyaqi
kihi manesi, idi F

pisalt%mhku beii kite ihjah~bacgata pendite,

1 1 3 6 . embathe burha, ja nlta hano, iczii, bulha tote neta
hace. 57. juruya gosahg maceri. 58. ela rhiw manja tusteri.
59. r0 dina ele ice npka.burha?i, k a h e viiVitu. 60, m i d jayu
'aki adasatorni, injihf vavitu 61: sateve ki mirsi jiiyu hiviteri, ice
naka, 62. buyha ele icesi, anlbili mirsi jayad 63. rr~laku be)i
kimu ic; safe nrlfikuti kua. tiispitu, iqji icesi buyha. 64. . Svasi /
tini barsa taki macesi inja burha msngani 6hi hacesi tami nLi)a.
. .
11.65. pnda 4akraki.. hajaliqe burhaya hakl 5teri. 6th
bulha burhjni, ne mifigaii va9i haji mad, icesi. 67, hacesi injg
maliga galayi i j o hilavate, 68. kuga macesi embani ijo vfite injl
ele ice, iya nehive mane ki ba, ice, 62. nehbe mane, icesi.
1
 to the village, stop", saying said the old man. 41. "After stopping
roll up the ropes", he said. 42. That jackal stayed and secretly
took (the ropes) and began to chew them. 43. Again the m& beat
that-jackal also. 44. It also went off. 45. 1d tlirit way (the man)
U* - be& .And chhsed away seven (jackals 1.

11. 46. There was one blind jackal. 47. It said, "For h o i
lnuch clzillie you have all gone and come back, fellows". 48. "No\iir
I shall go", it said. 49. "Go, blind jackal, you will soon come
running back to us", thus said all the other (jackals). 50; "I shall
try to go", saying and having gone "Give me, old man, I shall
plough", said the blind jackal. 51. So the old man gave (it) and
(the jackal) ploughed and ploughed. 52. L ' F 6 ~is d ready (lit.'gruel
is ready); Time for eating; It is late, stop now", said he. 53. "After
stopping roll up the ropes" he said. 54. Again the old man is
watching whether this one will also chew the ropes o r what.
55. After leaving the oxen, (the jackal) rolled up the ropes and
threaded them into a stick (of the yoke).

11. 56. Then the old man said, "Come, let's go to the
village." It went to the village 1~4ththe old man. 57. After drink-
ing the gruel they stayed. 58. In that way they remained. 59. One
day the jackal said to the man, "They (the other jackals) were
always coming (back). 60. They kept coming saying that they
could not (eat) the chillie curry. 61. IS it true that you were giving
(them) chillie curry", asked the j2ckal. 62. The old man said,
"From where is chillie curry?". 63. "When I told them to fold
up the ropes they were chewing them up", said the old man.
64. He (the jackal) stayed (there) for three years and took the old
man's daughter to his village.

11. 65. After the girl had gone to her husband the old couple
were hungry. 66. The old man said to his wife, "1 am going
to my daughter". 67. He went and the daughter was not at home.
68. He sat down and she came from some other house and said,
"Is my mother well, father?" said she. 69. "She is well", he said.
70. haki vaki ni-v8ha mad, icesi. 71. cna Hpe pandamu, icesi.
73. embatise mandiyH pandite.
'7
11.73. mandiy%asah%buchini tana tami ijo hacesi. 74. ela
iihi?e maceri rb 3ta dina. 75. mandiyil r8yalive 6le hacesi miinga
gatani tana. 76. file ni viite?$, icesi. 77. ana ape are paadadi
ke, miya vestate, icesi. 78. embatbe dokra gatanaqi ele .ice, 6na
pandinayi, ice. 79. mandi pandamu, icesi. 80. i mapoi 8 aba,
inji hite. 81. varti mandi Pna kinomi, icesi. 82. o Hba opda
hiyamu jayu hiyamu ineri, inji veste. 83. maadi asa vstesi
injahg jiyuta tacahti ele icesi, onda hiyamu jlyu hiyamu, icesi.
84. onda jayu hite. 85. ticesi injaha viitesi injab%buyhini, jese
burhi keska normu, icesi injahg burhini nekita maridi methesi.
86. rnaqdi rneste injahl, e n ~ t a k asa
i kiyati burha, ice, hakitise
manja manati, ice. 87. baya ni 3ti ni burhi, oqda hiyamu jryu
hiyamu inamu buthi, icesi. 88. embative ogda hiyamu jeyu
hryamu, ice 89. onda j ayu hite mandi, ele kihl manja tustu.

11 .go. r6 necu b u ~ h ahacesi injah3 sata jana rajay% tole

badhara atesi. 91. miru sata jana rajaygteri, nanu roqoteqd, I
desati noro taki boji hlnayi. 92. ninu a d a ~ a txnl
l singi duverita
psai letadu, injf icesi. 93. sgta japa rajays, ecela hlnayi, iceri.
94. burha ele icesi, ninjuve, icesi. 95. sPta jana raja@ ele iceri,
vlni varata hino, iceri. 96. bulha, havo, icesi. 97. rajayg onda
vaji kiteri, h6ru kupa eceka ata dina taki vajiteri injH butha71
kabru kiteri slta jaga rajay%. 98.. emba!i?e butha mandi him-
'borita p k l k hacesi. 99. rnestesi imba amba ogdave eceka jalie
vajadu hile9e injI onpi manesi. 100. sata jana rajay8, burha
viitesi ki, iceri. 101. rajay%butha91 mesteri. 102. ena jakela
 307

70. "I have come because of hunger", he 'said: 71. "Send

something", h e said. 72. So she sent ragi.
-i

11.73. After taking the ragi he went to his wife at their

home. 74. In that way they stayed for eight days (a week).
75. When the ragi was finished he went again to his daughter.
76. "1 have come again", he said. 77. "Your mother said 'that you
send again-whatever (you will)" he said: 78. Then she said to her
husband, "What shall we send?". 79. "Send the'bowl". he said.
80. "This bowl, father", saying she gave. 81. "What shall we do
with just a bowl?", he asked. 82. "Oh Father, you say "Give
rice, give curry", she told him. 83. Taking the bowl he came
and having brought it to the path he said, "Give rice, give curry"
he said. 84. It gave rice and curry. 85. He ate and came and
said to his wife, "Come, wife, wash your hands". and he set the
bowl in front of her. 86. (She) saw the bowl and said,, "Why are
you holding the bowl for m- when I am hungry?". .87. You'er
stupid, wife, say, "Give rice, Give curry, wife", he said. 88. So
she said, "Give rice, give curry". 89. The bowl gave rice and
curry. 90. In that way they c~ntinuedto live on.

11.90. One day the old man went and challenged seven
rajahs. 91. "You are seven rajahs and I am one person, we
should make a feast for the people. 92. If I am not able to, you
can hang me from the palace gateway", he said. 93. The seven
rajahs said, "When shall we give (the feast)? 94. The old man
&id, "To-day itself". 95. The seven rajahs said, "Let us it
next week'" 96. The old man agreecl. 97 The rajahs had rice
cooked, a heap like a mountain, for eight days they cooked and the
seven rajahs sent word to the old man. 98. Then the man went
after hiding the bowl in his cloth. 90 He looked here and there,
everywhere there was rice and he thought "No matter how much
rice you cook, it will not be sufficient" 100. The seven rajahs
asked, "Did the old man come"? 101. The rajahs saw the old
man. 102. ''He hasn't brought anything", they said to each
 asa hilo?osi, rajay%jalki ateri. 103 i burhati si ngi duverita p$si
levnayi, iceri. 104. dCsati noro vateri ki, iceri. 105. Bteki ate
(idiomatic). 106. hojaro hojaro lbkuni kugi kih8 rajay8 'onda
hiteri. 107. bare taki onda evate. 108. embathe butha,-midi rate
ki, icesi. 109. rajayg, rate, iceri. 110. embari?e himborili mandi
l
. rjkhesi inja onda himu jayu himu injahg itala taki atala tiki restu-
l
I stesi. 111. emba meci laku brika kbdi kbdru jake tinjali ~da9atu
bu$a hiti onda. 112. rajay%laja 8ha haceri inja burhav-i magdi
l

l
minja bha tustgsi.
l
11. 113. burha ijo vatesi. 114. buyhi, taqa mandi onda
tine, ice. 115. ambiya Ore burhi raja S% miqja Byateri,icesi. 116. burbi
man$ ninp bayati ni me purha. 117. mandi 6re hika hanayi ki.
118. jarna bayeve nirige pisa manjeve gate na injihi laga liga tuste
ke: 119 burha rnanjl, jeve burhi 8na ildayi, icesi. 120. ale
insfig2 gatani tana hacesi. 121 pnataki vati ba, ice mabgagaiayi.
122. mlya halamu p ~ d atana injate. 123. Fna habu pandane
inji injate. 124. injlai vrte92, icesi. 125. madgagatayi ele ice,
mandi pa1jQate92 ba Pni kiti, ice. 126. burha ele iced, sgta j a w
rajay8 tole badhara ate?$. 127. E rajay8 minja eyateri, icesl.
128. matiga gatayi, budovi ni kiti rnaba, ice. 129. dokta gatanavi,
gna921 pandinayi, ice. 13Q. kurnda prgka pandamu, icesia

11.131. embayiqe, iibo 1 kurnda pgcka 6mu injahg uhamu.

132. neyah5 maFa slgisare sampda kepitesi. 133. samnda leko
matay8 bare atu. 134. kumdayH gyitu sateve plsa kBri kumda.
135. r6 dinaka burhi ele ice, r6 kumQaape tino buqha,ice. 136. bulha
bthef. 163. shalt have to hang the old man from the palac&
gat&way", they said, 104. "Did the people of the cohntry;
come?", they said. 105. Let it be started. 106. Having had
thousands of people sat down the rajahs gave rice. 107. The rice
could not re;& everyone, 108. Then the old man said, .'is yours
finished?". 109. The rajahs said, "It's finished". 110 So takink
the bowl from his cloth and saying, "Give rice, give curry5'he ais,
tributed rice on this side and that side. 111. Ail the people who

1
were there could not have even &ten the meat besides the rice tjidt
the old man them. 112. The rajahs wese ashamed and the5
having seized the bowl from the old man, took it.
. , .
i

11, 113, Tlte man returned home. 114. His wife said, r
I

.*Come, husband, let's eat some rice from the bowl". 115.'
can we, wife, the rajahs seized and took au7ay (the bowl)", he said
li
116. The old woman ssid, '*You are a stupid person,my husband", l
I
117. "Should we go and give the bowl again". 118. "Yoli are as
silly as when you wefe born", saying she scolded and scolded., l

119.The husband being (there) said,"Come, wife, what's to become

'ofus?". 120. Onee again he went to his daughter. 121."Why did
you come, father?", asked the daughter. 122. 'Your mother told
me to come to our girl 123.. Y o u inay have something to send,
she tollcl me, 124. So I came", he said. 125. The daughter
i
L

said $'I sent you a bowl, Father. What did you do (with it) ?", 1i
she said. 126. The father said, "I challenged seven rajahs
I 127, Those iajahs seized and took (it)" he said. 128. The daughter
said, you have spoiled things, Father". 129. She said to her
husband, What shall we send?". 130. ' Send the purnpkin'seeds",
he said,
11. 131. So, "Father, take these pumpkin seeds and ljlant
them". . 192. When they had sprouted and the creepers had
spread out he made a support. 133. On the support the creepers
all developed. 134. The pumpkins set and theere were actually
one hundred. 1 3 5 One day the old woman said, "Let us cook
and eat zit least one pumpkin, husband". 136. The husband "No,
my daughter told me that we must not eat the immature ones.
Pqenr manga vesa rnafijane k@ga?g tioawdu inji injate: 1.37. bare
kambi sare eke bPqe esahg eka bQe pakdu inja manjane, icesi
burha. .\

11.138. kumdayg icih'i kamba haji manu. 133. rcj dinaka

savukari vatesi. 140. eni j l y u hinayi ra; iceri injab5 burhasi rd
kumda riska haleseri !a, iceri. 141. butha Jjo haceri.
142. manji ki, iceri. 143. masi, icesi. 144. enL taki inji icesi
145. 37, savukari veha rnanesi. 146. rni jRyu hileqe. 147. kumda
rogda92 hiyamu, icerj. 148. bulhi, i9e hiyo9orni, ice. 149. mPmbu
jakeve tinja hilo~omi, ice. 150. rodowe doya ki h% hiyzrnu
iceri. 151. embative burha r6 kumda esa taca hitesi .

11 152. E savukari kumdati pakhesi. 153. kumda trelu

'bahgara kumda prPka takay?i i h a manu. 154. Pda?% mestesi
injahfi savukari kumdati vaja tinamtesi. 155. varvi pula eyu
kih3 ticesi. 156. 18si veyaljse burhaqi hfitah8 ele icesi, kumdayg
eceka manu. 157. burha, pasa k6ri kurndayg manu, icesi. 158. &
savukari ele icesi, nanu pass kSri takayil hiymi, icesi. 159. burha,
marnbuqe tinomi, icesi. 160. savukari ele icesi, p%sak6ri fakayg
tole manji kodahg ticihf h e , icesi. 161. vami kumyiay"aceka
tinjeri bagdi bisa Bhl hlderi. 162. butha, satere habula, inji
onpitesi injahg pass koli kumdaya hitesi bulha. 163. savukari .
pasa kari takay8 hitesi.

11.164. buthi ele ice, ronda jake tinjali hlya~ati, ma

buqha, ice. 165. burhn ele iceii, jeve buthi Iakayl hiyatesi, inji
icesi. 166. burhi roqdani qukha mace injahH pakhit sinikite,
takayH badgara bitra manu rneste injPi bPci vava nlna budovi kiti
la, ice. 167. buFha sinikitesi injahs, Bna kinayi burhi .hitayi~e
icesi. 168. mii dGru tote batkapesi, icesi. 169. Ore madgagatan i
taqa hacesi. 170. nehi manu ba, ice. 171. nehi manu haki
 * . . . . .
i37. Whkd they aie all ,ripe having picked them at one time. we. .,

should cut them open at one time, she told me", said the. .
husband,
. . I
I

11 J38. Thus, the pumpkins are ripening. 139. One day

a metchant came. 140. ''What vegetable shall we give" they
said, and "Gor and ask the old man for a pumpkin", they said,
f41. They went to the old man's house 142. "Are you there?"
they said. 143. "I am here. 144. Why", he said. 145. "No, A
merclzant has come 146. There are no vegetables. 147. Give ;ls
one punipkin", they said. 148 The old woman :said, "No, .we
ahali not giVz. 149. w e als3 hlvz no! eate.l", she said. 150. Please
4'

' , said. 151. So the old man picked and brought

.give . ~ , o n e Ythey,
one (fof him),
11.152h That mefchant cut open the pumpkin. 153. The
pumpkin flesh has become g o b and pumpkin seeds have become
rupees. 154.He saw that and the merchant did not cook and
the pumpkin. 155. Having prepared just tamatind juice he ate,
156. Early in the morning he called the old man and said "How
'

nlally pumpkins are there?. 157. The old man said, "There are a
hundfed". 158. he merchant said, "(For the hundred pumpkins)
I will give you a hundred rupees", 159. The old man said, "We
ourselves will eat (them)". 160. The merchant said, "Having
bought rife with a hundred tupees, if you eat (that), it will be
enough. 161. If you eat only pumpkins you will get stomach
troubles and die". he said. 162. The old man thought, "That
may be true". And the old man gave the handred pumpkins,
163. The metchaak gave one hundred rupees,

11.164. The woman said,"You would not even give me one

to eat, husband". 165, The husband said, "Come, wife, he
gave me the money". 166. The woman had hidden one and
opening i t up she saw that tupees and gold were inside and she
said, 6cComeand see, husband, you ruined things again", 167. The
old man f ooked and said, "What can we do, wife?, they are given,
168. Let him ptospet on my (good) name. 169. He went to
his daughter again, 176, You are weill, Father", she said.
a 1-2
takini hahi manomi, icesi. 172. kumdaya Pni kiteri ba, .icq,
173. ambiya 6te savukariki sa partevi, icesi 174. bayati mlba
vila sanda tal~ibudovi kihi manji ice. 175. ena7ti pandioi;, ice
. . diirive ivavEi 6mu, ice. 176. iva RhB Cna kivi,
jnjahl, duduve
icesi. 177. mlra tedga banda ddru ina ba, ice. 178. ele injalive
tatesi injahl jiyuta, mlra tenga banda dbru, icesi. 179. ernbathe
bulha?f dBri doste dudu vete. 180. bulha, Bne de i n e de, icesi,
gpbati?e piste.

11. 1811. dariti himborita pojitesi tenga dekitesi v5tesi

i n j a h ~burhini ele icesi. 182. embari 5pe vlneri buchi.
I drray%
. ,
tu~da?l i ice, eda inji rihnayi butha,
rihmu, icesi. 183. b u ~ h ele
-.Ice. 184. mars tedga banda d6ru ina burhi, icesi. 185. burhi
sate?e injihi okopala angepara dBray5 tugdahg, mara te6ga banda
daru, ice. 186. ernbathe dari doste dudu vetuste burhini-
187. ana ana naego vetuste. 188. pispi kiya buyha, ice. 189. pihmu
injalive dari dosali piste dudu vecali piste.

11. 190. ernbathe burha onpitesi, h3 n g mandi 6ti rajay~lni

m&dataki havj, inji hacesi. 191. raja raja, miru slta janateri.
192. onda hiyali PdaTateri injahz ns man$ minja Byateri.
193. niveti m5da anayi, icesi. 194. rajay5 burha to ro~osiqe.
195. malige ici rayi ti maneri. 196. bulhaki embavari hiloqori .
197. rosonaki hiiovosi, iceri, injah%,gpe, iceri.. 198. burha diirit i
himborita pojahH dudu dekah8 hacesi. 199. rajay8 rayiti hoja
hojaro loku kG;a Bha maneri. 200. buyha ro7osige tirvi manesi.
201. sata jaqa rajay3 sata gota k u r c i y l ~ a kuga maneri.
202. Ppe, Bpe iceri, rajay8. 203. burha rokoni dari hacesi injah8
himbori m Q a rikhesi injahg hutustesi ldku rnadive injahg mara
tedga banda daru. 204. m5ra tenga banda Qeru, i&si e m b a ~ 1
 171. "We are well (bnt) we are dying from hunger", he said,
172. "Whlt did you do with the pumpkins," she said. 173. "What
did I do? (ambiya ore is very idiomatic), I sold (them) to the
'+\

merchant," he said. . 174. "You are foolish, Father, you are

spoiling everything," she said. 175. "What shall I send?" she
said, and 'This stick and rope, take them." she said 176. Taking
them what shalt I do? he asked. 177. "Say Beat stick, tie
rope; Father", she said. 178. After she had said that he brought
(them) and on the way he said, '-Beat stick, tie fope". 179. Then
the rope tied up the old man and the stick beat (him).
180: The old man cried, "Enough, enough" and it stopped.

l . 8 . He covered the rope aith his cloth and carried the

stick and came and said to his wife. 182. "Someone might co*e,
wife. I shall shut the doors (and)you ask", he said. 183. The
old woman said, "What shall I ask"?. 184. "Say 'Beat stick
tie rope', old woman" he said. 185. The woman, believing him,
and having shut the back and f r o n t doors said, "Beat stick, tie
rope". 186. Then rope tied and stick beat the woman, 187. "Ow,
QW. it beat me. 188. Make i t stop, husband", she said. 189; When
he said "stop" the rope stopped tying and the stick stopped

11. IYO.Then the mail thought, "Ha, I shall go and give a beat-
ing to the rajahs who took my bowl" thinking he went 191.Rajahs,
there are seven of you. 192. You were not able to give rice (for all)
and you seized and took my bowl. 193. "Now for a beatiog", he
said. 194. The rajahs, "The old man is just one person. 195. We
have some subjects here. 196. There is no one with the old
.man. ,197. There is not one person with him. Let what may
come", they said. 198. The old man, covering the rope. in the
cloth and carrying the stick, went. 199. The rajah's subjects
hhve come to-gether by thousands. 200. The old man alone turns
about , 201.,,The seven rajahs are sittin2 on swen thrones. 202.'Let3s
start', th.: rrjrh? slid. 203. T b old man went to a place
apart and undid hii cloth bundle and threw the stick and the rope
into the midst of the people. 204. ''Beat stick, tie rope", he said,
 314

mad lakbni bareti dari daists dudu Vetbste hiye heye bafe j a i p
haha haceri. 205. 1Dkuqi vetani mesaha rajayl aji taki hpp
tusteri injah8 darayl tugdihi ijo h6da tustelii, . , ,..

1 I . 206. embagd niacafi bare jaga hayaliye britha 06ri astesi

dudu dPkitesi injab$ raja)^ taqa hacesi. 201. tani rnandi 6ha
manani tana hacesi injahl ele icesi, mara tedga banda doru, lcesi,
208., --emba(i?e raja91 I% tenga trokhe. 209. raja ajitesi injahl,
B9e 'bulha ni r n a ~ d i Bmu ni, injlhj hlha tustesi. 210. embatiqe
buyha mandi asahg v9tesi kurnoayil ati savukari taga, 211, . a
savukafi, n i kumdaya hiyadi ki, icesi. 212. p y e , icesi, ninge to
pPsa (akayP hlyateva, icesi . 213, embatbe butha, hiyatihi
hiyamu, icesi. 214. savukari ele icesi, na p2sa k a ~ takaya
i hiyamu,
jcesi. 215, butha, mars renga banda dft(tu, icesi. 216. sa~ukaraqi
Wuste yenga ddA doste. 211 a?e, bu@, ni kurngayg 6ha tuhrnu
jcesi injahP hiha tustesi. 21%. burha kumdayl bare pesa'kari
are manQi tacihi vatesi tami ijo injah% emba!i?e b u ~ h ib u ~ h a
maceri iriaceri injabl h i h a liaceri. 219. hayali?e inn Hga gatayi
bare maqdi d6ri dudu k ~ n ~ d a y 6te B t-ende tami ijo injah8 batki
I ai$a tice ke. 220. hedi ntu~he.
,
l
1

1
12. rii karma gati liokasi fite dimbtr

12.1 rij katma ga!i kokasi macesi. 2, evanaki arnbtiri,

jakela juruyH kusay$ hi7ateri. 3, ernbatbe r6 dina & kokasi
l kahali hacesid

12'4, okopafa kahi macarl rondass j l ~ uprtnu beta atesi

Injahll tatesi. 5. rB prayu karhesi inj5 uhitesi 5 l e hyu trikhesi.
6, embatise nelite, nsyalise ratlja inustesi. 7.- ranjata bare m5yayg
Btu injah?i b5nda diilite injg rbndi?e. dimbu Byite. 8. k ~ k a s i
dimbu rnesana besi rahg atesi. 9. ecora dinatise mudrite i n j ~ h g
fi125a veyite, IQ; veyalicre e kokanaqi dimbu veste, atey kokati,
i
and the rope tied and the stick beat all t h j psople who were there,
and they all died. 205. When the rajahs saw the sticks beating
the people they ran away on account of fear and entered into their
houses closing the doors. .. ,.*,

11.206. WhenzIl thosewho were there had died. t'he dld

man took hold of the rope and carried the stick aud went to the
rajahs 207. He went to the one. who had taken his bowl and
said, "Beat stick, tie rope". 201. Then the stick felled the.rfajah,
209. The rajah was frightened and "No, old man, .take your
bowl", saying, he gave it. 2LO. Then the old man having taken
the bowl came to the merchant who had taken the pumpkins.
21 1. '*Hey, merchant, will you give me my pumpkins?", he said;
21 2. He said 'No, I gave yob one hundred rupees". 2i3. Then
the old man said, "If you give it, give it" 214. The merchant
said, "Give me my hundred rupees". 216 The old man said,
"Beat stick, tie rope". 216. The stick beat the merchant and
the rope tied him. 2!7. "No, old man, take 'pour pumpkins",
he said, and gave them. 218. The man brought all the hundred
pumpkins and the bowi and came to his house and so the old
couple stayed on and otl and they died. 219. After they died,
their daughter took everything, the bowl, rope, stick and purnp-
kins and returned to her house, prospered and ate. 220. That's
finished.

12 An Orphan Boy and A Gourd

12.1 There was once an orphan boy. 2. No one gave

him gruel or curry. 3. One day the boy went to play.
12.4. While he was playing at the backyard of the house
he found a seed of the gourd and brought it. 5. He dug a hole.
planted it and watered it. 6. Then it sprouted. After it sprouted '
he stuck it in a supporting stick. 7. The creepers all grew
over the support, and a flower blossomed and only one gourd
developed. 8. Seeing the gourd the boy was very happy. 9. After
some days it matured and the creeper dried off. 10 - After it
!"'
p* /'

1
jI/! 316
11
I/ fjo.ayamuice. 11. embati kokaii Ljimbutiijo atesi. 12. esah?l
.
ititesi Btu lako embathe k ~ ~ i t e13.
. vayalipe terlitesi hijB its
I
41
i

rfiacesi .
C\

il
I
4
l
22.14, ecora dina taki 6re 'e ddimbu kokaqali hatite veste,
// n i n a 7 5 ~iia manjati. 15. nlnu enma p~a?oti, 1 6 i&ka vemu,
i/
l
ice. 17. injalhe E kokasi reska hacesi. ' 18. (tlmbu kodeqtiya,
/l
t bica mandiya ilali piila Hne icesi. 19. orIiy%jakela tinavu.
20. injalile koditu plsa mana mapdiya bftu kokanaki. 21. rnapdiya
l
!I
1 asana tami ijo. vntesi.
1
l 12.22. (iirnbu koditi l b k ~E cjimbuta nenje rnzindiya nesahl
ititu. 23. . pass pufi aste i dimbu, 24. bare l5ku ida kiyalile 3
8

!
1

1 dimbu maqdiya taci vste kakani ijo il?ay%injahla dera detamu injl
hatite. 25. kokasi diita detesi injl mestesi inja besi rlh5 atesi.
. .
l
!
12.26. Ore ecora dina manja are feska. vrmu ice 6re reska
i
hacesi aro nayata Otesi. 27, E neyOta kohula hitu. 28. kohora
11
I taci vltesi tan! jjo are l6ku bare ijota fda kiyalive o;e pasa puti
I
!
I
kohora taci vlte kakani ijo deta d a a r n u ice. 29. diita- detesi,
l
12.30; are r6 *ayiIta 6tesi. 31. e naytit1 l 6 h ku?liy% hitu,
1
I

1
i
I
1
32. kudi asana tami ijo viitesi. 33. ~ l l epass puti ' k w l i nesa its
rnacu. 34. pPsa puji k u d i ~ h kokapi
l
I

ijo l & ~ a y hace.

8 35. dara
I detesi ixitesi,

12.36. are ra n5ita ateif. 37. nlta rB bnrhaki slta jana

mlska manu. 38. tjimbu kodeqri ya peniyg bRata hunjali jikere
dried" off,-the gourd said to the boy, "Hey, boy, take me to your
house, it said. 11. So the boy took the gourd to the house.
12. Having picked it up he put it up in the loft and thereqt dried
out. 13. When it had dried, he made a hole in it and set it,
down.

12.14. After some days the gourd called the boy and said
'You have set me down. 15. You will not get anything. 16. Go
and trade," it said. 17. After it said this, the boy went to trade,
18. "Buy $his gourd, woman! This gourd that is selling is
suitable for puttihg mapdiya (ragi) seed", he'said. 19. The rats
aJso will not eat. 20. After he said this (they) bought 'it and
gave five measures of ragi to the boy. 21. Taking the ragi he
came home.

12.22. The people who had bqught the>gourd after filling

it with ragi set it down. 23. That gourd held five baskets.
24. When everyone was asleep the gourd, taking the ragi, came
to the boy's house in the night and called, "Open the door".
25. The boy opened the door and saw it and was very happy.
12.26. Again after some days it said, "Come and trade''
and he went to trade and took it to another village. 27. At that
village they gave him "kohora" (a type of millet). 28. Taking
the "kohora" he returned to his home and all the people went to
sleep in the house- and (the gourd) bringing five measures of
'kuhora" came to the boy's house and said, "Open the door".
29. He opened the door,

12.30. Again he took

. S (it) to another village. 31. Those
villag~rsgave him paddy. 32. ' ~ a k i the
n ~ rice he returned home.
33. And they fllled five measuies of paddy into the gourd.
34, laking the five measures of paddy the gourd went to the boy's
house in thenight. 35. He opened the door and set it down.

12.36. Again he took (it) to another village. 37. fn that

village an old man has seven daughters. 38. "Buy this gourd,
1 ;ii
I
, !ji
i
miine icesi. 39 bucha maska maro hunjino va inji koditu injahH
: l!( hod% hunja macu. 40. laqaya' kokani ijo ida kiha macati
/l/ I paday%pi 6ce alive kokasi ijo perhP 6hi macati dirnbu 6yite;
, !lI 41. dirhbu 6yali?e kokasi ritesi. 42. poday%8 kokanaki dokriska
i
i w l l
J atu inja embe macu kokapi tole. 43. rate.
fl
!'
I \; Note: "pu!iY' is a unit of measure approximately
!l equivalent to 60 kilos.

13. rb bnrha 6re rb jiniilga kuna

13.1. butha butha maceri ke. 2. e bulhi bnrha besi haki
gatari. 3. ri) n k u burha kunayH karga hscesi. 4. kunaya
karhi macati kuna grayuta jininga beta Btesi. 5 . e jinidga buIha
ayale bapare ambre ni bela inji di?la pojs n i t 0 tatesi injg
burhini ele icesi. 6. buthi. nanu ninju rb Psti beta ahr taca
mmi, icesi. 7. Cna tati, burha, tlistamu ice. b. ernbati~e.t6s;
tesi. 9. b e burhi, idi j i ~ ~ i n gkuna,
a 10 grayuta mace, icesi-
11. ernbabe P burhi burha haki bateri batkiteri. 12. ji*iTiga,
kopoli gaiayi.

13.13. ra dina burha veskaki haja macesi. 14. burhi hilam

bFlata r3 bablji g u r u risplli vlteii. IS, b giira n5yU
rispitesi injg diyu P burha ijo hacesi. 16. hajalive burhi hicita
manjiya r6 !aka hite. 17. P babaji guru kitesi, 18. keyali?e
ele ice, ml bulha vgti sare hiyapesi va. 19. e babaji guru ele
icesi, B?e nanu ha?i va hiyamu icesi. 20. burhi hihi rnacihi kahi
manji 6ye hiyambu injT rispadi ice. 21. P babaji ele icesi, afu,
leko jinifiga mnne. 22. E jiningata manjiya kep%hiyamu icesi.
23. c burhi, a9e majo jiqidga hileqe ice. 24. hiya~atihirhi kola
duverita hahi maqi icesi. 25. H7e burhi dara { u ~ d a m uiojr dira
 . - , .

woman; This is useful even to sleep in during the cold seasbi", he

said. 39. The old man's daughteis, saying, et's go to slekp9'
bought it and going inside, went to sleep. 40. 'In' the d g h t while
the girls were asleep, (the gourd) took them to the boy's house and
while he was lifting and taking the gourd it smashed. -41. When
it broke the bay wept. 42. The girls became the boy's wives and
they stayed there with the boy. 43. Finished.

. e
13. An Old Man and a $ell Taro

13.1. There were a n old woman .and an old man. 2. That

couple were very poor (lit. they were very hungry). 3. One day the
man went to dig up toots. 4. While he was digging for roots he
found in a taro hole a bell. 5. The old man (exclaimed) saying,
"What a beautiful thing I have found0and he covered the bell in a
leaf basket and took it to his village and said to his wife 6. "To-
day having found an article I have brought it". 7. "What did
you bring, husband?, show me", she said. 8. Then he showed it,
9. "No, wife, this is a bell t&o. 10. It was in a hole", he said.
11. After that the old couple were no longer hungry and the)
prospered. 12. That bell was a lucky one.

13.13. One day the old man went to get fire wood. 14.Whilk
the husband was away a mendicant dame to beg. 15. He begged I

from the whole village and afterwards he went to that old man's I

house. 16. When he went, the old woman gave him a trayful of
rice and a rupee. 17. That mendicant refused (it). 18. When
he refused it. the woman said, "when my husband comes, probably i
let him give you (something)". 19. The mendicant said, "No, 1:
have to go, give me", he said. 20. The woman said, "If I am
giving you are refusing, and yet again you beg me to give". 21,The
mendicant said, "Up in the loft there is a bell. 22. Fill this bell
with rice and give it me", he said. 23. The woman said, "No-
there is no 'bell in our house". 24. "If yon do not give 1 shall
l
die at your door-step", he said. 25. "No, woman, shut the door
I
l/

and give (it) to me through the crack (between the wall) and the

!l
 320
pggeriti hiyamu icesi. 26. embatbe burhi ele kihlve dara tupdtihl
jiniligata manji kep8 hihi mace. 27. jinidgati bRbaji guru mitlja
6tesi. 28. burha vsnati ijo enayi jake hileve. 29. bufhi zihi kuga
mace. 3b butha v5yaliqe veste, babaji gdru jininga atesi.

l ernbatbe burha minja taka ha71 ir~jfhacesi. 32. haji

macati orli, bileyi, kupi, minu dudu, dGri, lapi jiyuta befa atesi,
i vecu. imbiya haji manji bulha icu. 34. burha eIe
33. ~ v hare
icesi, babaji guru na jininga Wesi ~ d a ? taki
% haji rna~i. 35. a7e
bulha Btihj mlmbu jake vanomi, glac%hajatesi injl hacu.
, z

13.36. haj%b3baji guru ijo bileyi orli atu ieko h6&. kup i
Fyu (1Bkata h6te. 37. minu holuta dudwe dolive dfikuta $ipi kota
duverita. 38. o r l i j i ~inga jeda karkite,, 39.bileyi ra9i gdga mane.
40. jerle tipi karkali~e~ 6 7 riyate.
i 41. embathe bileyi perha 6ne.
42. t b6baji jiqinga enayi ma 5hi mane injf hunja macesi. 43.nidga
.
hicu aki 'macesi 44. minu termbite. 45. rnilmbu riipivi inj: kupi
kacite. 46. pa6gata hati $pi gliste, d6ri doste, dudu vFte. bileyi
- jiningati aha tuste bulha taoa. 47. e blbaji guru91 hiye vctu
inja bare jaqa butha tana ha&.
13 48. hajaliqe r8 tana vaja tinji maceri.. 49. e jininga
ita maceri. 50. r 6 ramana vahP jiningati perba bte injg lekoqe
edi tndi mace. 51. ~ v a r i mesteri inja edi kinayi iceri
52. r6 jarata beta lusteri inja barhg payiteri. 53. a barhkti r8
kaja paka valita ititeri, inj il maceri. 54. E barh5 tinjali vate 6
jnidga bha maci ramapa vgte injii kugite. 55. embatiqe ramaga
door, he said. 26 So then the woman in that way having -, closed
the door filled the bell with rice and gave (it). 27. The mendicant
grabbed the bell and took it away. 28. When the old man- came
there was nothink i b the house. 29. His wife was sittidg and
crying; 30. When her husband came she told him, "A
menaicant took ihe beH".

13.31. So the old man "I arn going to get it backyy saying,
went. 32. While he was going he met a rat, a crab, a fish, a stick,
a rope and some dung on.the \;ay. j3. ?hey all asked, "Where
are you going, old man 7" they said, 34 The man said, "A
mendicant took nl,y bell and so I am going". 35. "'Weli, old man,
if that's so, we shall also come, he went by us'' saying, they went.

13.36. After going the cdt and rat went up into the loft of
the mendicant's house, the crab went into the water-pot. 37. The
fish went into the stove (fire-place), the stick and the rope on the
veieanda and the dung at the door-step., 38. The rat gnawed the
handle of the" kell. 39. The cat stopped it f r o m falling down
below. 40. When the rat gnawed the handle right through (the
bell) fell down below. 41. Then the cat picked it up and took it
away. 42. The mendicant, "Something has happened to the bell"
thinking, had been sleeping. 43. Getting up he blew the fire.
44. The fish rolled about. 45. '.'I shall wash m y face" thinking
(he went to the water-pot) the crabbit him. 46. "I shall go out-
side" thinking (he went), the dung caused h i m to slip, the rope tied
and the stick beat him. 7hc cai took the bell to the old man.
47. They beat the mendicant to the point . . of death and then all
went to the old man.

13.48. After they went, at one place they conked and were
eating. 49. They had placed the bell down. 50. A vulture
came and took up the bell and it was swaying about above.
51. They saw it and said, "What shall we do?". 52. They
went hunting in the forest and killed a wild pig. 53. They
placed the pig on the large rock and hid. 54. The vulture that
'had taken the bell came to eat the pig and settled (on the rock).
payiteri inja ji~jiriga taci vgteri injg buyhavi ele icu, madge
vestadi .
*

13.56. injalise burha vested, bileyiti ninu nfiyata manamu.

57. kokari pOd8ki iia r n a n a ~ tinamu.
i 58. orliti arna tinamu.
59. kupiti, minuti kadata rnanju icesi. 60. rapiti ilka iispaperi
icesi. 61. dbriti, ele iceji, ena ena do2paperi iczsi injii burha
viitesi tami ijo. 62. hedi rate.

14.1. r 6 nayu burhi burha maceri 2ke. 2. b u ~ h burha,

i
bapdita seta jaqa p6d8 kambitu ke. 3 sata jana p6day8
mirka leha kama liiqa kepi burhi -buyhati pfhi kihi manu.

14.4, r6 dina bulha veska takasi injihi kra7li d6rka as%

neqla vaki hacesi injahg veska paritesi 5. veska kari kitesi
injah% d6hvl injihi d6rka pari manesi. 6. dfirka icihi tani
{edelita manu, mesi hilovosi dehs paritesi paritesi injg g6sa irhi
manesi tani g6ti engi7i n& veska d8rka t6stananasi ko n l pnavg
madgani hiha tuste?$ m a inji g6sa Bhi rnacesi.

14.7. embati7e r6 k~avni mace injah%gasa Bhi macani

venji mace injs ele ice, enasa inji maci butha ice. 8. burha a9e
E.na?B inja hi1070 icesi. 9. Fni ore bulha veska ddrka t6stananaki
na p a p 8 rrrgngani hi?i inji maci, ice. 10. ha70 icesi.

14.11 nango ni ptlav% mLdgani hiyadi ki burha, tGsta?l

ice 12. ecetive burha hiyavl t6stamu icesi. 13 iwi burha nf
tedelita manu ice. 14 ecetive burha ci, na tedelita maca9g
55. Then they killed the vulture and came bringing the bell and
said to the old man, "Tell us what (we should do)''. . . ..,
, . .

13.56. After they said that, the old man said, "You, cat
stay in the village; 57. Eat whst the children put down, 58. You,
rat, eat grain. 59. You, crab and fish, stay in the river" he said.
60. "You, dung, let them ruse ycu to) plaster the house", he said.
61. He said, "You, rope, let them tie for whatever (is needed)"
and the old man returned home. 6 2 That is finished.

14 The old &an and the tiger

14.1. Ip a village there were an old woman and an old
man. 2. The old folk had seven daughters. 3. The daughters
doing the necessary work like sons are looking afler the old woman
and old man.

14.4. One day the old man said, "I will go and fetch
fire-wood", took his axe and ropes, went towards the field and
looked for fire-wood. 5. He collected the fire-wood and saying.
"I will bind it up", is searching for the ropes. 6. Now the ropes,
are on his back, b u t he doesn't see them and he searched and
searched, and the old man was feeling around and at a complete
loss what to do (to find the ropes) saying, "Man I would gladly
give my eldest dagghter to the person who would show me where
the fire-wood ropes are" and was feeling around (for the ropes).

14.7. Then there was a tiger and it was listening to the

searching about and it said, "Old man, what were you saying? "
8. The old man said, "No, I wasn't saying anything" 9. "NO-
thing, really, old man? To the person who shows me the fire-
wood r a p [ shlll givj my oldest daughter, that's what you
are saying," it said. 10 "Alright", said he.

14. 11. . "Will you give me your oldest daughter, old man?
I: will show you", it,said. 12. Then the old man said, C'I will.
Show me!" 13. "They are on your back, old chapYy,itsaid.
14. Then the old man said, "Darnmit, I didn't see what was 04 my
mehsate?"e injihl oupihi vatesi 15. l a?i veyalise k r a ~ n ivate,
16. e burha ijo vayaliee koyu payiteri onga vajiih?i tisa utah3
panditori. 17. C l.fa?ni pFda hala haja tustu injahl rd pavuta
basa Btu injh?i e pavuta batka ticu ke. 18. muthe.
IS. r6 naka injaha rB kasyr
15.1. rB naka mace ke. 2. e naka s2ta barsa hakifiye mace
injahg rO ngkatari kBdi payiteri iojahl ri, 8yu kaqdi goc3 r6si
mehvana pisa haja rnaceri. 3. kbdi mandata naka mac hajae inj3
gocB rephi parite injaha ro kaqda beta ate. 4. beia rtihi ti?l inji
rnacati r6 k i w a ka ka injl vnha*a naka asa k c i iiyu k a ~ d i t tapu
i
kacahg perhx dha tuste injah% r6 mzrnu leko kugi kikate. 5 . naka
ksvvati perha 6te injahZL kwvati ele ice; rnuiti bale ecekg nehati
mama, giy2 vare hsrese 6jitayiki r6 bblu Zpe jijlamu mama, ice.
15.6. ecetise kii?va baya manjah8, abale, nanu iceka ijja
masi ke nii .giy3 naka bananja venesi ke injihJ pulovi ate injahg
kB ice ke. 7. embatise kace maci iiyu kagija lot0 rite.
8. naka rnanjahg e fiyu kancjati rapu perha kodahg tinja tuste.
9. d5yu gusali 5dalise kaovati naka ele ice, haki taki sZi m%mati
bandi panji sari Rye Pnati Enati tinasi d ~ u i n uice injahg haja tuste.
10 k o v a hakiti tapu inji kikha mace. 11. riite.

16 1. r6 jgrata r6 kyaqni mace ke. 2. 5 kravni r6 nayuti

sata jana ppdani tani ptivuta bhana itite irijah% desati kyaqnini
hats taka haja mace. 3. ~ a t janaa paday%plvuta nenja mace.
4. ece belata r6 orii p ~ v uduveriii haji mace. 5. p6dayB orliti
back," thinking he came (home). 15. Very early next morning
the. tiger came. 16. (When it had come) to the man's house, they
S .*

killed a fowl, cooked rice and after eating and drinking they sent
them (off). 17. That tiger, the girl, etc. went away and lived in
a cave and they lived and ate in that cave. 18.' Finished..

15. The Jackal and the Crow I .

15.1. Once there was a jackal. 2. For seven years that

ackal was hungry and one day the men of the village killed a cow
and they left a piece of meat under a bush without seeing it akd
went off. 3 The j ackal went to the cattle place and digging out
the bush he looxed about and found the piece (of meat).
'

4. After finding it when he was just thinking he would eat it,. a

crow,crying T a w Caw' came and quickly snatched the meat taken
by the jackal and took it and went and sat upon a tree. 5. The
jackal chased after the crow and sat under the tree where (the
crow) had pone to perch, and said to the crow, "You have very
beautiful face,uncle, then your voice must certainly be worth listen-
ing to! say just a word, uncle, he said.
15.6. Then the crow thought, after becoming stupid, "My
goodness ! nephew jackal w ~ u l dhear if my voice is as beautiful as
I am' and he became proud and said, "Ka! ". 7. Then the piece
l,

of meat he had been holding (in his mouth) fell straight down.
8. The jackal there grabbed up the whole piece of meat and ate
it all up. 9. After he had finished eating it, tlie jackal said to
the crow, "Uncle, when I have had enough to eat, whatever else is
for eating, you (can have)", and he went off. 10. The crow,
with hunger, immediately (was at a loss) with mouth agape.
11. That is finished.
16. The Seven Maidens, the Tiger and the Rat
17.1. .There was a tiger in a jungle. 2. That tiger took
seven girls of a village and put them in his cave and went to call .-
and bring the tigers of the country. 3. The seven girls filled up the
cave. 4. At that time a rat went to the entrance of the cave. 5. The
mestu inj%P orli payerika maka tinovi inji macu ke. .6.- . ernbathe ,.'
orli manjahl elk ice, ~ngtaki nafige tiijaderi ka, mi k6distiriga
tinweri ice i n j. a h.~ni78
. da ro kata nanu vestav-1injihi ice. 7; e&iv-e
paday8 e kata venev-eri ka icu.
' . S 4 .

16.8. 'embative orli p6dBqi veste, kravni midge tinjali dtsati

kla9niyBni h8ti haja mane injihi veste. 9. ni7e viitisari midge
tinjanu ice.
16.10. eceyi?e p6d8' eni Bnomi inji i cu : 11.. . orli ele
, ,, ,

ice, P?e, nPnuro'imbaiB r6 tiiyu k&pi?i kyavnini : mehderi vva ice

injahl r5 18yu korlite: injahg p6da Qi emba71 ' nesa piste.
, ,

12. emba~iqekravniya j i r a jandu!i horo horo vehH paritih? pad%

hi187u '13. p6dg - je kraqnibi mesi manu. 14. pcidani p~aialive
hits tati kca7niti rapa tinja tustu injahl haja tustu. 15. rate.
girls saw the rat and were sayhg. "Let us kill that rat and eat it".
6. Then the rat asked, "Why do you eat me? Eat your beef (cow's
meat)", saying "Just now I shall tell you something", if said.
7. Then the girls said, "We will listen".

16.8. Then the rat said to the girls, "The tiger has gone to
call the tigers of country to eat you", it told them. 9. Now when
they come they will eat you

16.10. "What is to become of us?" they said. 11. The

rat said, "No. I shall make a place here so that you may see the
tigers", and it made a hole and put the girls inside and left.
12. Later the tigers came creeping in from the jungle, and looked
for the girls but they were not there. 13. However the girls saw
the tigers. 14. -When they did not find the girls, the tigers ate up
the tiger that had called and brought them, and they went away.
15. That is fihished.
 -
Patt 111 Vocabulary
 = VOCABULARY - T,

fblibws.: >
The order of the alphabets followed here is is,,,

A grammatical label is given after each of the stems. 'For

nouns that have plural forms; the plural morphs are given in'the
paranthests. But, for compound nouns.the plural .morphs are not
cited, as they take plural fo~mation,as according toStheir.secoid -"

members in their simple forms. The vo.catiws, thoagh they are ..

basically nouns, are identified separately-to mark the difference. in
form. The verbs are mainly distinguished as transitives or intran-,
sitives. The past tense morph, with which each verb. combines is
given in the paranthesis (vide chart p. 135). With regard to the,
verbal stems of class I, the stem final -i is .shown distinctively; as
it is retained in the past and non-past conjugations. G

Where the combinations of stems and suffixes conceal their

basic forms through sandhi or suppletion, entire stems inflected
for number or past tense, whichever the case may be, are given.

a- dem. root-remote, that;'occurs only bound, e.g., atala that side.

akalakey voc. address form used towards younger girls.
aku n.(-y%lgrand-father.
agaya adv. more, extra.
agayu ma7e adv.n. two d 9 s after to-morrow.
ariepC n. (-ka) street, courtyard.
arikerni n. (-y%) bale.
ariga n. body; anga d - v.i. to become fat.
a ~ g a t a6- v.i. to be pregnant, become pregnant.
arigap@a/ a7igep8ra n. (-y3) front-yard of .the house.
aligala? v.i. (-t-) to open mouth.
acikoqde/acigande int. good, goodness, my goodness. -.
aciyo int. goodness, gosh.
aj-i- v.i. (-t-) to be afraid; aji ki- to frighten.
at- v.t. (-h-) to mix.. *
. .
 i- L
332
a w a B- to become level; ajara ki- to make level.
. t~ catch. fire; to. stick; ati ki- to burn; to join, attach;
at-i ~ . i(-to) W

to have sexual intercourse. I :

,

ada n. a unit of measure approx. one kilo.

adajaka 6 v.i. to be surprised, frightened. . '

adikomu n. (-ka) nose-ring (central)

age (5- adeyi d- v.i. to resist; to have something stuck in throat.
r
acjeyi adv. n. north.
a@@nzir~ksi n. servant.
v.i. (-t-) to mix, to be together; to stick to, adhere to;:
agd-i v.i. (-to) to help.
atala adv n. that side, opposite side.
atzl n. (-ska) grandmother.
atku b. (-yl) step, joint.
ada n. half. '
adarcc n. midway, middle.
9 I
ade n. rent:
adehzi d. (-kd) mirror.
ana ri. a coin worth of six paise.
ana ana in- v.i. to say ouch ouch.,
am mana iihi man- v:i. to be 'surprisingly. '
+

anjola adj . double handful,.

anda 8- v.i. to have second thought.
anderi adj. dark.
apa n. (-ska) grandmother (used in old language) ..-
u p n opium.
apelzpe cl. at least, just; only.
. ..
a p e . . . . . ape con. either. . or.
upka adv. simply, merely, just, ordinarily, only.
abi- v.t. (-G)to receive, welcome; to accept.
ama n. (-ka) paternal aunt.
arnini inter. adj. which.
ambi- inter. adj. who, which; occurs only bound; e.g., . ahba,aai
who (masc sg.); a m b a w ~ who
i (masc.pl.); a~nbayiwho (non-
masc. sg.); ambaqi (non-masc. pl.). '
: .-
I '
. ,

ambitani adv. from where.

ambimiini adv. somewhere.
arnbiya adv. n. yvhere. +.
I

anzbzc n. (-ka) arrpw. ..

ambeli n. porridge prepared with rPgi flower.
arnbr-& v.i. (-t-) to be excellent. .
ambri-nilambre-na' int, excellent.
amble adj sour.
ayale bapare int. expression of wonder or astonishment.
ar- v.t. (-h-) to entice, lure.
arg-i- v.i. (-t-) to digest; to wear out.
arna n. crop, harvest; grains; arna j@a grains; grain.varieties;
dd?- v.t. to harvest.
armeli n. period of heat (in atiidlals); armezi p@- to mate (animals);
arvu n. credit; advance
aya, aye voc. address form used towards younger boys.
ayo voc. address form used to call smaller girls.
ayvu n. forest, bush (R.D.).
ala a'sti n. things.
alum h- v. i. to be scattered; akcra E;- V. t. to scattbr.
.
alasana E i v. t to think over.
al-i- v. t. (-t-) to plait.
alomi n. (-ka) ginger.
alg-i- v.t. (-t-) to get hold (by an evil spirit).
alponi n. (-ka) small box,
- - -
am n. (-ska) sister in - law; ava pOya sister in law.
ava n. (-y8) mustard.
a d ki- v. t. to prepare (food, etc.),
asara n, rainy season.
asuli n. (-y?l) principal, capital.
asuli adj. pure, real.
asti, dsti nl property.
aspi 8- v.t, to quarrel; aspi hi- V; t. to hand over;
aspi < ah- pi. , ,

asli n. concessionj tax.

ah- vat.(-to) to catch, hold; - tq continue; to listen to, obey; to
fit shorts, goods in box, etc.
 -\
a
H- v.i. (-t-) to be, becorne,happen; aux. v, to be, occurs afier many.,
verbs and nouns to form compound verbs.
,.
d a'naha adv. phr. besides. '

dku n. (gka) leaf; deed, document.

iiku ruponi n. (-ka) a kind of a bird.
iigasa n. sky.
&fig-i- v.t. (-G) to prevent, stop one from going; ,dnginasi saviour,
'
one who stops people from going to destruction.
a'ca miihga a (mgska) female; woman. .
d o i - v.t. (-t-) to choobe, select.
'

d c i h g d e int. heck, gosh, expressing surprise; var. acikapde

n, (-y3) hail stone; i j i dZmbu bottle,
8talZt num. eight.
d t u n n.(-yH) attic, loft for storing grains.
Jtm adj. hard, strong; atva gz?ya store room; dtva d - to become
solid, hard.
a'd-i- v.i. (-t-) to be able; often used in the negative; aux.v. express-
es potentiality occurring after infinitive forms of other
verbs, a'da9a gafa?yi_difficult one.
a'deliideska voc. used to address female friends.
b t s i con, then, i n that case, if it be so; but; however; so; 6tihiv.c
but,
dnj-i- v.f. (-t-) to promise, make a vow; 6nju promise.
n'ni inter. what.
iindu n. (-y2[) mensus,
Gndu n. (-ya) ankle bands.
dpalapa int. expression of disgust; 'uttered when work is difficult.
. .
dpe cl. var, ape,
aba 11. (-y%)man; father.
a'baliyo int. expression of fear, surprise, awe, etc.
. . .
Zya man- v.i. to become matured, ,

dya n. (skalsika) woman, wife. ..

-
iiy-i- v.t. (-t-) to become cool; Zyi ki to make cool; to bear fruit;.
to develop, matute (crops, fruits).'
'
. .
(Er- v.t. (-h-) to call; to draw attention,
n'rom ki- v.t. to start.
n'rgu n. (iirka) a species of grain. '-,
Iyi n. (-ska) woman; wife.
Llasala d v.i. to be fully packed; to be sorrowful.
di?asala kugi- v. t. to sit close to-gether. :
. .
c

dlu D. (-yB) potato. ..

dviri n. steam, vapour. - .

. ., .
a'va n. side.
&a n. desire; dsagatad greedy pesson.
. ,
6sa hal- v.i. to echo. a'sa < ah-sa.
, . . ,
8sisure' n. (aka) huge monster with large teeth and claws.
Dsti n. var. it; list; b ~ s t iproperty, things etc. . .
isti blin n. goods, possessions, everything. . .
asp;- v.t. (-t-) to call one in a distance b y shouting.
dsva n. (-y$i) duck.
&h- v.i. (-t-) to speak upto; to give answers; Bspagatasi one who
speaks upto, responds; aspa grovli echo.
.
a'ha int alas; what a pity.
a'9e v.i no; not (non-masculine sg. form of S-) b?e < ii-?a-e,

i- dem. root-proximate, this; occurs only bouad, e.g., .

itala this side, inika this side, irnbeve here, etc,

ica ki- v.t. to wish, want.
icayi adj. this much (size), so little.
icca"pi n. a very little thing; small amount.
icriyi adj. very very small.
.
ici adj small; used as in ica' vZya childhood.
Bilipli con. called.
.$c; adj. very small, very little.
icici adj. very very small.
iceha adj. a little; this much.
iceta adv.' n: at this time,
.
ic%a adj a very little; this much.
icom adj. this much.
icora adj. this much, so much, this many.
$-C vat. (-to) to put, place something; to lay eggs. . ,

it-i-v.t. ( - G ) to take and bring. ,

iti v& v.i. to-come or go with, to leave away., -,1
igi hal- v.i. to accoqpaqy with, to;take with.
itala adv. n. this side. , .
. .
itki n, rubbish, loose grass, weed,
. .
ida n. sleep. . .
9 I

idgtnki adv, therefore.

in- v.i. t o say; inmbu saying.. 1

ini eni adv. herz and there. ,. . . . a

. .. side; <njka enikq here and there,

,
inika adv.n.this
a con. and; word,,,phrase and sentence. connector;
injihl con. and saying; sentegce
*. connect or.,
{mini adj, which; occurs as,stems also, - e.g., irninasi ,which nian;.
I % 1 f

im$mri which men; iminaayi which thing; imina?i which things.

imini
.I kavda n..yhich p\ace.
imba emba adv. phr. . here, and there. . +
imbi inter, root; occurs only as bound as in irnbiya where.
imbay? adv. n. here; @nbe?e here; irnbadi~efrom here.
ir- vat. (-h-) to throw stone.
irpi n. mahuva tree.
i r ~ an. (-y%) iine.
irsa n. jealousy.
iZaki, ileki, ilelcihi adv. so, like this way, i n this Airin&.
ilu n. (-ka) house; ilu kagda n. house-hold articles; ilu bdga
,....
n, inheritance. .

ile adv. just like this. . . . .

6 ;' ' . . . , , :
&&-i-v.t, to make go a p ahd down; to dump dbwn, ,ih-kj > {is&*p'.
' '

p ,

iski G- v.i. to be shaky. , 3- l *

ih- v.t. (-t-) to bolt the handle; to wekve, t6 inikk bait; and
join together. .. . . . ,

ivira n. soil, earth, gravel; hira ddka cl&-dot.' . , . . . , '

. . .. .
.
S , . 8 ,

i dem. adj this; i dem. oot-proximate, this; occurs . , in words

, like i . r

Zvasi he, ivari they, idi she or it; Sivi they; iyona this year.. cl
 c
(.
.: ,.. I
337
. . . , .. . 9 . .. l
ici~qi98'n, very little. . thing.
.
.., . . . . ... . . ... . : S .!.! I , E .
"
il
I
Ici adj. young,
, ... a very little. . .. X I:: >
. .. . , .
% - \\, ,1
j
ita n. (-ya) spear;,...tile, brick, etc, ,) , . ,. - . .:.<
a r - .. . . - . . ,
,+ , ;' ,
l
i.la, n, (-ygj sinew;ina rut rut in- v.i, t o beat (pulse).. ..... :. ;.. . . .3 ' ,
..:

idi dem. pr. she, it; that woman, that thing.

dpu n. (-.y?b)maggot,
l
i y a n, (-ska) woman, mother; iyabe n. (-y%) parents, I
i
.
iyaliyo int. my goodness, expressing awe and fear. . ,., . . . S '
l
. j
tyonu adv. n. this year. . , ..,
.
I l . I I

iyare voc. address form used towatds mother. . .'

%
I I .l
kvari dem. pr. they,; these ,men,
ivasi deni, pr. he; that man,
. .
ivi dem. pr, they; these women, things, .. .!.. . . ..
isi t i ~hika
i w n av.i. to be busy with'househbld lind codking . . . . .;hotis.
I . ' . ,
l
ltsu 6.. v,i, t~ covet, I
l

g.% dem, root; occurs only bound as in ~ a b c ~there,

~ii 1
I
U ~ Un. (ay%)steel. . . I1
~ g d. p v.i. to become loose (clothes); u g ~ ,ki-
a v$. to .loosen.
. h L
, ii
ucayi adj. as little as, so little as. I i
weku adj. so much, that amount of.
U@ adj. false, free; @?elzqieni~s adv, freely, without tespect.,.
ujeri n. light, . .
1
lI
ujrovi ki. to make well; . ,

rctiya n. Pka) male pig.

up- v.t. (U!-) to drink.
wpda n. (AY$) wheel (S. D.),
nb(-y&)wave,
udam n. (udafka) loan (fot a short petiod k i t h o i t intetist),, ..
i
' l
unika adv, nbthat further side.
upar'ct pp. instead of, on one's aocount, I .
~1pasu n. fast, fasting. 1
1
+up-i=v.t. (-t&jto boi! food, cook; to deceive. , , . l
$.
l
upeyi n, plan. ..
a
I -
t, ? .

upka adj. freely (as gift); rpka &i&ssi' n. adoptediod;

. I

upye ztpye advbsuddenly, , - ...

 d-C v.i. (-to) to have indigestion.
umba7ii adv. n. over there; umbe, umbese over there.
W - vat. (-h-) to butt with horn; to bring over; to crush lice,
'

- il ur- v i. (-h-) to boil over (water, milk, etc.).

ecru n. (-yil) snare.
'
X . .

I
ark-;- v.i. ( t-) to dance.
uli n. (4) onion.
d;d- v.i. to become tangled (thread, string, etc.).
~ 1 %n. mistake, blunder; ulu 3- to be deceived.
ulel ulekil ulekihl adv. like that.
v&- v.i. to retch (before vomiting) -
worn n. heat, warmth; worn Z8n.jzl summer month.
uska adj. /adv. extra.
%h- v.t. (4,) to pound; to stab.
uh-i- v.t, (-t-) to plant.
il
a dem. adj. that over there; a- dem. root, that over there; ocmi$
in words like cicasi that man, z~vare' those mew, adi that
woman or thing, rivi those women or things.
@hi-v.t. pt-) to blow.
aksoyi n. steam, breath.
aceka adj. that amount of, so much.
at- v.t. (-h-) to give to drink; lit-<un- to drink.
4tu n. (-yit) camel.
@#a adj. small, little; spa meh- v.t, t o despise, to look with
contempt.
at- v.t. (-h ) to make wet.
Qta n. ( - y ~ )spring; tsta b ~ l an. wet land.
nfala adv. n. thither, in that direction,
nda adj. wet.
rsda n. variety of grains.
rids dem. pr. she, it; that woman, thing,
Jd-i- v.i. (-t-) to become damp; at- v.t; (-h-) to make wet.
Gnj, n. (-y3) small bamboo basket for birds.
(51- ~ . t (-h-)
. to winnow using wind; @ p < %mbC to fly.
amps- IX. occasiof~. 6 . .

@&C v.i. (et-) to fly.

 J

339
6mbese.- adv, over there.
ayu n. (iiriga) flesh, meat&
ara kdga n. pickle (s.D.), -\

ctr-i- v.i. (-t-) to ignore, disobey; to bang, crash against.

Qlaki adv. in that way, in that manner.
rivari dem. pr, they; those men.
avasi dem, pr. he; that man,
&vi dem, pr. they; those women, things,
as+ v,i. (-t-) to slide, roll.
saki n b desire, ctaving for meat or any other special food aski 4-
x i , to crave for special food.
s - V. t. ( - t=) to smeat with cow-dung; iih-pi > iispi.
aha v.t. (-t-) to put oil on hair.
ahih- 1 6s-;a v.t, (-t-) to pump.
8
e* l ej-I- vbib(-t-) to teach; to be sufficient.
e- dem, root, that; occurs only bound as in entbosii, embe, ernbeta
there.
%e con, while, as soon as, at the moment, when, as and when.
&e cl. just, only, emphasis denoting separation,
.
be,? , . -e con, and . . and.
ek- v,t. (-h&)to inetease wages, to lift up, to heighten; to load,
eka num. one.
e h bZye9e adv. at once, immediately, as soon asb
ega- v.i. (-t-) to arrive.
(?rig-i- v.i. (ht-) to climb; to eopuiate (animal); eiga Man- v.i. to
fide .
e e inter. root; occuts only as bound, eOg., e m l e a w o how many,
how much; eceka how much: eeala when; ecslava adv, always
(used negatively in the sense nevet),
magi adj. little, small. - .
ece adj . like (that).
eceta adj. sq much, th.at much.
eceta advb n. at that time, ,
ecsla g.z adv. always (used negatively).
ej-i- v,i, (+) to teach, to arrive at,
 ,, \

eji ki- v.t. to count.

e t b adj. separate, diffirent, etkea~e adv.' separately; etke d'- to
become separate; e t C kl- to separate.
et-i- v.t. (4.) to carry the child in hip, sling, cloth,etc. 5
- v.i. (-t-) to &iie (fio&).
,. .. .
' enika adv. n. that side.
ep- v.t (-h-) to complete, finish; to cause to. reach; to encroach,
take possession; epa 6-t o increase.
epe pp. as far as, up to. ,

emini inter. adj. which; o::urs as stem also, e.g., eminai which
man, where is he; eminald which men,where are they; enainagi
which woman, thing, where is she, it; emina~iwhich women,
things; where are they; emiai kanda which place.
ernba!i?e con. and then.
ernbav2i adv. n, there; embe, ernbeve adv. there.
embi- inter. root who, which; dccurs only as bound, e.g., embasasi
who (masc. sg.); ernbcawii who (masc.pl.); imbayi which
(non-masc.sg.) ;ernbavi which (non-masc.pl.) enzbiyo where.
ernbiya adv. n. where.
v.t. (-h-) to stdke @re, light fire:
- , - .
era adv. along (the length of).
.
erg-i- v. t (-G) to cut, slash.
erl-C v.i. (-t-) to go by differed path.
ela 1 ele adv. like that, that way; eleve adv. like, according; ele taki,
therefore.
elekZ, elekihi adv. that way, so like that, in that manner.
elubiZIi n. rule (S.D.); eluba~ihi- to rule.
&?eve adv. whole (s.D.).
eski adv: up, uphill; condition. . ,
eh- i.t. (at-) to pick (fruit).
e
8 dem. adj. that; t- edem. root-remote; occurs in w'ords 'like' Zvasi
he, that man; Bvuri they, those men; Zdi she or"it, tha t
woman, thing; Zvi they, those woman, things.
zk- v.t. ( h-) to open (mouth, book, etc.);'Jgtgi- ~ . it.o be' open.
'r * .

Eg-i- v.i. (-t-) to be open.

 e'n- v.t. (-h-) to cup the hand to receive, make cloth, etc., into a
container for receiving something.
I.. v.i. (-h.-) to blow (roof from house, winds in cloud..) -. l - I

t't- v.i.(-h.)toscold;etpia-toquarrel ,

&h v.t. (-h-) to cause to dance (child, doll, etc.); to master..

gdasa taki, gdii taki con. rhus, therefore.
2dz' . dem. pr. she or it; that woman, thing. , .

gdi?e adv. just when.

Ena ~wsi(rnasc. sg.) inter.pr. someone unknown (who); Zna ;nap;
(masc. pl .), &a ~ n a g i(don-masc. sg.), em ena?i {non-masc.pi.),
dni inter. adj. what; 8w?a dtiva some, any; Znii taki for what,
~ n iicihi con. thus, so, therefore; Zni kihi why; gnqie whether.
~ a i -inter. root what; occurs in words like Enasi which man; g w p i
which men; Z n q y i which woman, thing; iwvi which women,
- .: things, i
,$v.
c \

gniki adv. how, fox\ what,

.
5&-2'- v. i (-G) to dance.
gnebi v.t. (at-) to pick, l i f ~up; to hold up in the hands.
Z ~ Un. water; t7yu ' d6ka -waterpot; Zy@9zGya water channel, stream,
i v.t. (-t-) to separate, to keep seda'rate.
n. wisdom.
e'lese adtr. only, alone.
~ v a r idem. pr, they; those men.
dvasi dem, pf. he; that man,
i dem. pr. they; those women, things.
' ifs; keg* ' n, teal.

-
;ski n. thirst; b k i 4 v,i. to be thirsty; bk;hahe goh- v,i. to
quench tke thirst.
a
okg v.t. (.h-) to bring something from one place to another; to
sepatate; o p k - i ~ V. t. to cause to bring and fetch.
okila XL.(-figs) 'idvocate, lawyer.
okoplya n. (-yl) backyard of the house. -.
@pi- v.t . (its) to set a, trap; to channel watet , i.eb, along a pie=
'

of bamboo.
 oc-i- v.t. '(-t-) to guess, select; to pronounce.
oconi n. (&a) riddle. .. . ..

ot- v.t. (-h-) to strain, filter, clean;. otpi ki- s.t. to make . &an,
cause to be clean.
otu n. proof. , .
od-i- v.i. to grow well, recover, .
,

od-i- v i. (-t-) to be filtered, to flow gently; . oditi @U clear water,

odna 8yu (always) pure water,
odu- n. (-y%) bank of river, etc.
onago n, name of a tree and its white fruit.
opja n. cooked rice.
o n - v.t. (-t-) to think, remember; oqpi ki- to remind; onpu a '
thought.
otw n. thickness.
op- v.i. (-h-) to become white; opi ki- v.t. to make white or clean.
I opogoti kd- v.t. to annoy; to worry.
i oya n. (-yB) large frog.
oy-<- v,.i to break.
m- v . t . (-h-) to bear, put up with; orhi- t o . tolerate or put U p
with; to have nightmare.
ora adj. hot, spicy of food, etc. (s.D.).
srli n. ( yg) rat.
ole ole adv. phr. always, continuously~
oso n. medicine.
ospi 6 - v.i. to be caught; ospi ki- v.t. to hook.
oq.mri n. (-ka) burden, encumbrance; ospori a- to have burden,
responsibility in family.
osri n. (-y8) female animal; osri dlilu n. ( ka) female calf.
I
oh- V t. (-t-) to set fire. I

l owyi n. (&a) bear.

l 6
l
a pre-voc. used before kinship terms, e.g. d aba O! Father.
l: a- v:t. (4-1to take, take aM ay.
l
6m adv. sidewards; adj. one sided; 6ca 3ya n, step mother . .
1 6j i- v.i. (-t-) to be beautiful, good; 6 j i kiM hnlss; skillful worker
I
Gju n. beauty.
dtu wiva n. ( y6) a kind of creeper.
@u hi- v.t, to promise
.
dd-i- v.i. (-t-) to listen careful1y;attentively. l

ridu n. (ayka) part; adu hi- v.t. to share.

tjp-i- v.t. (at-) to agiee, consent, allow.
6ro adj, another, next.
ot~~pda' num, another one,
dro deba adv. n, once again.
gra n. (-y%)furrow.
6ye adv. again, more; con. and; adj, .another; bre venQe?e/ve~de
adv. once more.
67,i nY serving or cooking mealc
dlu adj. damp.
~ V Un. (6pka) smaq bundle.
dsara adj. wide,
6qta n. (ay&) eaves, I .

p v,t. to rage.
~ h \t- J, (-t-) to smash, break; &pi ki- to break, smash,
.
dho int alas, exclamatory expression of surprise, grief, pity, etc.
k
s ~ % xdenoting plural; motion,
-ku add. part. used towards younger girls, cg., come girl.
-ka <aka,
kah- v.i. (-h-) to laugh,
&aka n, arm pit.
kak-; v.i. (+) to spill out (food, Water, etc.).
h k r l n, by%) angty person, a ,person hard to please; kabi v.i.
to become angryb
kakkrorni n. (-ka) bracelet (metal 1.
kakvhi v.i. (-t-) to vomit; kakoa nb vomit. I

lcagaEa n. work,
hagum' n. eka) necklet made up of stiff metal.
p f a a. a kind of' bird, dove-like bird.
kangnla adj. dirty (water).
kaiipla nb trouble; karlgalcs 2- to be in distress, to be out oqorder.
ka*B~ew~i . thief (C).
n, (karigtai%)thief (m,); L&grepi n, (-ska)
h c a kapi n. (-yg) scorpion. . t,

. .
ku,c-i- v.t. (-t-) to bite.
kaja adj . big; kajasi n . superior (m.); kaja dba n. father's-elder .
brother. !

baj-i- v.i (-t-) to become solid,:to freeze.,:, . <:

. .

kaj2'ya. n. (-ska) maternal aunt (elder).

,
kaj?lri n. palm tree; kajuri mata n. branch of a date palm. l

htz"n. flint. . : .. .. !b.

,.

kati vt%- v. i to become unconscious; to have a,fit. . . , : ,.

katu n .,time (suitabfe period). . C ' . ,

.. .
hat& pp. tiil, upto. ,.
,

. . . . .
kalreli n.(- ka) cot. . ( 1

b t ~ m r e s in. (-ka) name of a tree.

kcda n. (-ya) river; kada Lpu river water; kmda gklu river side; b d a
yu7a n.(-ska) newt.
kadi n. wick, instrument used for writing on the slate.:,
bpb rneh?atesi,, kagka rneh~agatasi n. blind man. l
kapda n. f -ya) sword; piece (of meat, etc.).,: . .
Emndamukaya adv. phr. completelyj(pieceby piece). . .
kandiya n.(-ka) person with hairlip, deformity of nose, ears, etc.
Eandru n. tears.
katm' n. (-fi/-ya) matter, word, story; ikata G,/katali a- v.i. to talk.
kati n. (-yg) wall; wall mat,
km-i- v.t. (-t-) to cut (trees, bushes, etc.); Icatki.v.t.'to chop into
pieces.
katri n. (-ya) scissors. . ,.,

C.

.ku.n- v.i. (-c-) to have intercourse. ,

kanu n. (kanka) eye; kanu kiskeri & to have blood-shot eyes; ka~gu
giti- v.i. to blink; kanu b ~ v i 2 n.(-y%) eyebrow;. kanu bzim
n. (-yB) eye lash; kanu mala n. (-yP[f eye-lid; kariu met- v;t. to
.. .
lust after, to throw eye upon.
kanda d. (-yg) peak (of hill), shoulder. : '. . ..... .
,

kandi n. (-yHj twig;;~kk.

kandi kriya n . (-yg) a.kind of bee.
.
' .

. . ,,
.

, .;,..
6kiP-i- . ("t-) 'like a dog:; b p ti$ ~ v:te to. !eat fast
.,
., . .
.
. .
(w&hheaddo&), ,
X \ . ' '
'
. . - .'. ,
. .
 kapzt adj. stupid, foolish. . . .
kapki kinasa' n. clown, joker; kak-, pi-, > ha@. + . .
, . m
. ,

h p y z c n. (-yg) fool. . c\

. ..
!

kaba n. surprise: kaba 8- v. i . to,be amazed.. . . .

7 .

kubpu, q. news; h b r g ki- v.t, tosend,word, . . information..

.. ., ,
.
,.
P

m n. (-yH) work ..
. >

J
G a
kampa n. (-y%)grove, forest. . . .. . , ,.

lL'arnpoyi g. .extra income .,

L m b - i - v.i. (-t-) to ripen; kaonbi hi- v.t. to cause to ripen,, :, ,,,:,>$ ..) ,

kambeli n. (-ka) name of a bush; bitterness.. . .,

i
.
:
. . . . F

kamsale?esi n. (kamsalayl) goldsmith,- . .~

. .
kapa kaya C v.i. to be greedy. -.

kayam n. person who makes nuisance of himself; kuyara' ki v.t. . t o : ;

harass, annoy; kayara ggtasi n. child who sticks to parents-.!-.. '

kuyidi ilu n. (-ka) jail. . .r :'

&ara n. heat of the sun; kara k~lorni n. hot season; b r a v&a n , , C ' $' !.
'

9
!g
summer. . , .
.
h r - i - v.t. (-t-) to chew meat (e.g., from bone); karki- v.t. to gnaw.
#?d
*
%
X:

;X: k a a ~n. plough share (s.D.).

$g Jarga n. name of a bird.
karguyi pots n. (-yg) a kind of bird, dove-like bird; kagzcyi pota (?)
:$
4fi$p~
I L

h.?.cu ki- v.t. to spend money.

hrjomi n. terms of service (3 years) in prospective in law's house L , ' "
. :.h.
to earn wife, in lieu of other payments.
, , .!,
&rag-i- v.i. (-t-) to be dissolved.
kama n. (-y%) irrigation channel (s.D.).
&a+ marnu n. karnja tree.
karma n. sorrow, pity; lca?ma 3- v i to feel sorry for;, karma g.ata& . .
a. orphan.. ~ :. . .

Jmrla n. (-y%) bitter gourd.

dl:ar.v~~.n. famine; failure of crops due@ wild animals. . ,
.. \... X

kaydi n. slope; kaydi E- v. t. to slope.. :

lca~hakutan. (-y%) house- lizard. . . . .. - . . . ,
\ .
,,
? '

kal- +. t. (-h.-) to mix to-gether, be mixed;: hut$- V. t i,to mix, .. . ..~.'. ...>h..

blend; kalui 6- v.i. to be united, be to-gether. ,.

r .
kalh-i- v.i. (-to) to cohabit; to mix. :
'., ,
, , ,.
. . . . , ,
 kalzl a. (-ka) stone (R. n ).
kma n, blood (used in some areas).
<I

kah- v,t. (it*) to daub, smear.

kah-C v.i. (-t-) to play; kahu n. a game.
&zk- v.i. (-h-) to howl, to cry (animal); firikh?i adv. Open mouthed,
gaping.
kdkuli adj. miserable, very poor; kdkulk B- v.i. to be miserably
poor; kdkuli ki- v.t, te harm others; 'kakuli gatad n. a
poor' rtiaii,
k ~ h g an. lentils. -

btu f i r (ayP) carrying stick (bdtkahaped).

kata n. (ay%) hook.
k @ & ~n. famini.
ka'ti n, (ay%) a small bird, a sparcow.
kdda fi, time of death.
v.i. (-t-) to be burnt,
Icaidoki adj. very dark; n new moon.
k6na d. (-yP) blind man; kaqi n. (aska) blind woman.
kdqa van@ n, eka little finger,
kiiql n. (hy%) hole.
brilada
a . n. ( - y ~ )rafter of roof,
hand; n. (-y%)bank, side,
'kridi n. food.
h ~ d on. mud.
ktina n. (-y%)bddge
Lns' n. paise.
t n c a n. (-yii) bottle,
k8ncu n, metal,
kdnju n. (kaska) carty1ng yoke, load, kd?.lzjuhi'- v.tr to make tip a
f oad , (

ka'nd-is v,t. (-t ) to become hot( vit. (-&a)' to heati

kiindru n. one who cfies always,'
kdmba n. (-y%) .handle.
k&mbra n. (-yg ) blaclismi th; ~iimbre?esz'blaeksfn~th (m.-;l; k&brev* 6
blacksmith (f.). '
k ~ g ah, (9%)
l
bottle, testicle. - -
 6 - v.i. (-t ) to become hot.
kiiya n. (-angal fruit (unripe).
kayu n. (-y!i) weed; k@w 476- v . t to weed out. , --,
I

kiiyu n. (kknga) beans,

V* , k67- v.t. (.h-) to dig (a hole).
kZya adj. last, final.
.
kiir-i- v.i (at-) to be burnt; to % s o m e black; kciyinaai n, black
man. , .

kiiriya adj. black.

k y u n. today, wine; kiru biitu n. dmnkard.
kirda n.(-ka) stalk, stem.
kaysa kambi/ kiira iambi n. ('-y ~ ear- ) ring worn by females.
kdlu n. (kP1f.I) leg (s.D.). . .
k~le7e adv. always, continuaily.
kiilomi n. season.
.
EiiEori a'- v.t to shout,
kitaa n. ploughed field.
ka'sa nehuri n. (neska) wild dog.
k~sra'n. (-y8) prepared field; krisri E- v.t. to leave fallow; k s r i
gudiya n. fallow field.
&<hi def.u. prohibitive, don't sg.; kdhi @hi don't; ka'F;'i' hi- v.t.
to forbid; k5her.i prohibitive (pl.).
kZ7- v.i, et-) to wait; v.t. to watch, protect; k5?nu8; watch man;
k j p u ki- v.t. to keep watch, stand gaurd~'
bca9va n. (-y%) crow.
V 6 - v.i. (-t-) to yawn.
kZ9va jiina n. maize,
ki- v.t.et-) to do; to make; kiwi ki- vat. to cause to do.
ki cl. expressing interrogation, doubt.
kic-i- v.t. et-) to pinch.
#ci kica adj. very very bad,
kijovi n. joke; ki'ovs'ki- vet. to make fun, to j&e. ,

kiloki ii vd. to become grimy at rusty.

n. (-& window.
ki&/ kni-1 kep- v.t. (-h-)to come.
kidiga n. time. season, appointed time.
-- . -,

348
...
j'$di kind; adv. phr. persistently'.
..
Ehdi k h d i ki- x i . to harangue. . .
&AdPEa. dance; kindri geti- v.i. t o a a a ~ e j
'
' -,'

'.
k l ~ h z lpp. like, may be, perhaps.
d d
kiri h r 2 m-=vdi.to shriek.
.. . ' ..; .
-. -
'

,
.
" ,
, .
. , . . . . .
kiripeja B. ear wax. .- . .. . .
. . - .' , I

M& pxtask n. quarrelsome petsoad

.i. l.

kirpa' n. (-ya) tile. .-

..
ha'rli dakk n. (ay%) ankle,
..
tili bill a- v.i. to be excited.
:
. , . . .

k e n . shouting; klleri ki- ~ . tto'makd,

. . .hunting Shaut,
Jcisi ha$a a . (-yB) swift bird.
kisi mamu n, a type of tree.
? :,
Iciskesa' n. (aka) centipede; adj. red;
.,

ka'ha pp. than-compared to. . .

lcl9eqi n6 FkaJ castor oil seed. . .

kikn; n. (dyl) three stringed violin... . .. ?,,

.kircl pota n. (ayal. parr'ot. . ,

kiry ii v.i (-t-) to shriek; to moan w i i h pairi:
Wya. n. ,(ay?i)place w h e ~ ea tiger kills a persod. , ,

. . ,..
k i l o n. (.y3) small stick; spoke bf wheel; . 9,:.
t
.'

hugii- v. i. et-) 1 0 sit; hug; h.' seat (s.D.); k@ka' k t i t , to cause

# .

, T .

: !.. ,

to sit down, to seatc

hu,pri n. (-ka]dove.
kuca a. cooked veggetab2ej cxffy, . .
c n.(-y0)lock.
kuci kadi n, (-yO) key, . . ,

kuja n. (yHJ snare. ~' . .

Iczcja n. (=ya) short pei'son (in,); Eh$ n. (&a) shon. person ..
kuti n. FyB) naili ..
hut; l;- v.t. to heap, up, to put in heap; veska kzctl'ki=td heap up
. . , ., . .. ,
fire-wood,
kuktz,k ~ t a l k t ub t d adv. pbr. ,c&rnble:eiy intdp'i&e's; .
.
At&'iaata. .28
. .
, ~

. ,
v.i. to break into pieces. , . . . .. .. .
. . / 5
,
,, '

, .
.I

'
. .
r
kutomi n, house-hold (family]:, . ' ' ..:l m,'

v .

. . . .1 . . . 2
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . <..
k.lr.dr.tl n, (-y%) stalk.,' . .
: I 2:
 .
hd-i- aux.v. to be possible, used always negatively.
3'

. . . . . .. ; . ,
-,! ,

eB
Jeuduli n. (-ka) log.
, .
kz~dre'n. (-yS) hill-side, slope: . . .>I

. . '.
, '

. .
. , ,..
.k?-qka n. (-yB) brass bowl;
kugde' n. (-y%) semi-deaf person. . ,
.
S,, ,.
kundi n. (by%) pond. 3. ,

.. . . -
kan deli n. (-kaj cone-shaped container.
f ' " ..
kug du n.(-yl) dumb man .: ,, :; ,.\:

kunpa h ? p a n. (-ya). berry of a tree; kunpa jahvli n: (-y%)wild

.. . . . .
raspberry bush. . -. , . . ,

Jzurva n. (-y%)name of a bush.

kut v.t. (-h-) to shift.
kuta bariya tole ksta bagga tole adv. phr. slowly or with &fficuIty
. r
(with the aid of a stick): l . .

n.
kuta bayga (-y%) walking stick. ' -
.
.
,

kuta vivn.~in. hiccough.

kut-;- . v :t. (-t-) toastitch; to pdke sticks into tlie jgb$ad; kutu n,
-. . " f

stitch. . ,

kut-i- vat.t-t ) to throw;ntd ram; ?cu't&nasi n. 'soldier.. .

kuti &- v.t. to copulate, esp. a man with a wdmab. . .
, -
katEuti ki v. t. to whiten (wall). . I

, . . ,
kutu kutaki dd9- v.t. to cut up very small (e. g., meat).
kud-i- v.t. to shift, move; kwt- v.t. to shift:
kudi n, (-y%) string or fibre that ties the bo,w siridg to the bow.
..
Eudu n. cracked rice. . .
. . . .. . . . , .;!
kudgzt n. (-y?l) thigh.
'

-,::; : . . .
I'

, :

kudru n. ( y%)top of fire place. . .> ..

kuna n. ( . y l ) edible root, tuber. ,,1.: -.: .
. ,,
',,* \\,

!.F . .
kuna Xcuca n. radish,, vegetables. . . , - , ' , ; ; 2 . ; :.-;.:L.

.
kuna kdlucni ki- v.t. to compel1 physically. i ..! .. . . _ .,. * . . .
h n d a n. (-y%) very small plot of ground:(e.g., forGse8d-bed$-
. .. . ,

kundeli n. (-y?L) tuft 'of hair' o r i cliild's :head, ' :. - , !

, ..< ,

. . ., ,
kupa n. (-y%) stack (of ragi; etc:).,; . : : , '
..
'
, ii: 3

h p i n. (my%) crab. . . . ,. ..., . ,

. .< 1- ,
,

v ,
..
I

kupeipoota n.cuckoo,
F .

., , ' -.... . i.

. . ,
Edpkiki v:t. to cause to sit, t o seat;
7 I

, ,.
kupli n, (-y4L) hillock.
k ~ b un.(-yl) hair-bun (ladies). . .
kubu dvirP' n . (-yB) aluminium decorative pin forhalt. C-.

kumda/kumnda n. (-yl) pumpkin.

bumndi adj. white. : .
kumb-i- v.t. (-t-) to heap up; .to add to (sticks and rubbish on a
fire place or rice on a place).
li;zc/mbegs' n. name of a tree.
kumbre?esi nn.(kumbray8) potter (m.); kumbretri n. potter (K).
kwa n. (my%)hoof, II

kurku~i n. (-ka) firefly.

Icurci n. (-y2L) chair (s.D.).
Luwu ku,ryu in v.i. to make rattling sound,
kuriya n. (-ska) daughter-in-law, younger bfotber9s wife.
kuyji n. a type of grain, millet like grain.
k u ? p a / k u ~ pn.~ (ay%)berry of a t&e.
kuha' n. (lyli) well.
kuhvyovi I? v,i, to become stuffy due to smoke and heat,
kusliyii/kud;n n. paddy, rice,
kii- vat. to dislike; to refuse; to disagr~e~be unwilling,
kirja n. jug; pot.
kiije n, jar used for carrying wine.-
kiida n. (-y2) shrine; worship place; cage,
kaqu n. (sy3) wall.
ki%dru n. jaw of human being.
kfindu n. (kfitka) mushroom,
kiiyii n. jowarafike grain,
krivu n. (korka) boil.
kfirnku n. (-ya) bowl
k i i ~ an. family name, cfafl.
kiira 6 v.i. to gather to-gether: Egyi ki-' to ~olfect,
ka'ari @tu ki- v.t. to strike with the fist,
ali n. ( ~ y bcoolie;
) work.
kwli lago ki-- v.t. to give cooly work,
kaViriga/kflt~&pi/ktiv% n. Khonl men; k&vM ~na'guKuv3 villagi?,
kiive?esi n. (-Bga) Khond man; k f i v e ~n.i (aska) Khond womap.
 he cl. reportative meaning 'it is said, they say'. $S

'a S.

kekeri kC v.i. to cackle (hen). .,

keji K- vet. to put together. .-

kedra n. (-ya) field rat.
keyu n. (keska) hand; key% k4kc n. (-ka) limbs (S.D .). -
her v.t. to fence;
kerdi n. (-yg) bride-price paid for woman who has been married
previously; kerdigajayi n. a woman who has'left her husband,
k e k n. (keska) feather.
1
k ~ c aorZi n. (-yg) field rat.
kgju ki- v.t. (-t-) to defame.
kgta n. name of a tree.
kgta kura n. (-d) parrot,
l
kZna kwda n. grass-like greens.
kg& r n a n. ~ ebony tree. 1
kgp-i. v.t. (-t-) to make.
kiya n. (keys) shrike bird.
k ~ f -v.t, (-h-) to sing; to care for.
,
8 - v.i. (-h- ) to tutn around; to change the direction. I

k8ri n. (-yl) kidney. I

I &&U n. (-y8) clothing; court case.

ko cl. expressing surprise, emphasis.
I

kokaai n. (kokari) boy; kokarri-pddaci n. cl~ildren; b. k

,
n. I

boy-hood.
koriki n. (-yg) back of the knee.
bsigoni adj. crooked.
k ~ c e k aadj. some; a little; koatka adj. a very little.
koja n. (-y&)foot-print.
&!a n. (-y8) thresh-hold; low wall, fence; h t a dzcven'n. door-step,
kot-i- v.i. (-t-) to be hot (sun).
kotu n. (-yBL) heap of grain; ko@ ikl n. granary;
kofoni a. sleepiness.
kotoli n. (-ka) mallet.
koda n. (-yB) leg.
bd-i- v.t. (-t-) to buy, bring; to take from plate, packet, etc.,
auxx to bring; kotki- v.t, to make purchases.
552

kodi n (-yg) small it*&; of S&, etc.. . . .

kono n. (-y%) corner, side, section., . I! ..,

. ...,. , , ...
\
. .
kot- v.t. (-h-) to hoe; to peck; kotpi- vf. to husk, . . ,. , . ,.
. .
kota n, (-y%)leaf before opening, . . ,.!..?
' .' . .,

kote n. rent ($.E 1. .>

. . .

kotpi- v.t, to husk. .... . . .,. ,. . . - .

ion& dovel{ n, 1-ka) sickle used f& reeping crops.. . ., .

kond n, Kuvi speaking'people. .. . . ., .

S : <

kopola adj. lucky; shrewd, clever. ., ,

koberi n. (&a) coconut ( s . ~ , ) , + .. , ' . ..

koma n. (-y8) branch. . . et .,

konm n. (-ka) ho'in. . ,

konzete9esi n. a small business man, shop-keep&; aame of a ..~gste. . .

k ~ y an, (koska) fowl; k q u hipa n . ( ~ ~ chicken;
3 ) . ? ? u ) ~n,
,.kovu u
chicken, etc. .. '.. ...*

korkotl' n. (-ka) night jar (bird), a wild friut, . ,. .I

korgo a. (ay%) hollow in a tree. . .. . ,,

hwja n. (korj%) grains left over aftet the ha&st; km$ . perer- . V.t. ,

to glean.' .
. . , .
.'.

lcorda n, small sores like scabbies;, whip,

..

korto a. (-y%)saw, sword. . .,.

korpi nn.(-y%) a small clay-pat. :

kbrl-i- v.t: (-t-) to niake a hole in something.

koye cl. also, really, even. ! !

korgi n. (-$a)' fioe,'$attock. '

kowa n. fat. . .
kbl- v. t. (-h-) to work with iron (whenit is hotf;
pia n. (-y%) person with deformed hand (in.); h l i n.(;ska) persoa :..

with deformed hahd (f:). ,

koliya n . (-ka) jackal. . -. ..

kolki dali :n. (-y8) basket Barge), . .

. . . .-
b s o m i n. berry of Kosom tree. ,. , *
. I

, . . . -.
koto n . dif8dulty; kodo ppcir- v.i,i'tosuffer; . . ' ,
t ,

k&opi n. (&a) elbow. , . . < . '

. '
. ' >

kohoya]kohrajkoh?6~cb/n. a kind o f grain, grain, . .., . . ,

. . . ... '
. ,.. . : >

h- vet. (-t ) to harvest, pluck; to..

weed olit. . .
 353
k6coti n. eka) spider; ?~Bcotilul~t n. (-ka) web (spider's).
kdla n. (-yii) king's palace; wave.
M t a n. (-y2[) large boundary wall.
kata adj. big, huge (house, building, rocks, etc.); kd!a YZ& n..
v> . (taska) python
kati k a ~ an . (-yB) hook with l o n g handle used for working with
straw. l
Ebtle n. (-y%)wooden hammer, mallet.
kdda n. wall.
kddi n, (-yil\ cow, cattle; kbdi gori n. cattle; kddi dZlC4 n. calf;
kddirj h a d a n. cattle stable.
b d r u n . (-YPL)buffalo; kddnr, d B d g ~n. (-y8) horn for blowing
made from buffalo horn.
kdpda . dovell
. p. (-ka) crooked sickle ('s.D.).
kdndi n. (-y%) small pot.
k6ti keccn n. leaves of kot! plants used in cooking.
kdtra n. (-yB) basket for covering nose of an ox. .
kdnja n. (-y2L) monkey. i

konja plrp~af n. algae.

Edntori n. (kka) interest,
k a ~ a v.i (-tb) to become angiy.
M p a kuca 11 leaves from kOpa plant used in cooking
kdbi n. (-yg ) cabbage
&arj-i- v.t. (-t-) to set something in front of oneself (food, books,
work papers, etc.), to have food set out in front of oneself.,
karaga n. a type of gram, horse gram.
liar; D. (-ka) loin cloth
kdyi/&?d?e/kddi ( 7 ) num. twenty; k@eka num. twenty.
kallu, n, (-ka) pounding stick, pestle.
&&39t3 adv. easily with no effort ot trouble.
kdlo n. (-yfi) engine, -machine.
k&a n. (-yg) point, corner, end one.
kdsomi pp. for, for the rake of, on account of.
k68o~i n. bonus.
kdhu p. history.
k~hqssi n. ( k ~ s k a )messenger; police-man; k ~ h e p n,
i police woman.
kpi-/ hp-/ kip v.t. (-h-) to comb.
knupal k c p a n (ay%) a special type of sweet wild fruit.
kne9- v.i. (-t-) to crow --.,

E?ze?esi Euca n. a kind of vegetable.

krada n (-yZL) spectacles.
k./cin$i marnu n. name of a tree.
kririgeli n. (-ka) cricket.
r - i v.i. (-t-) to be scraped.
kriskori n . (-ka) pot-scraper.
+ ~ i y akriyii
/ niyfi n honey.
kriyii n. (krika) ear.
kr$y-i-l EpZr-i- v.i. (-t-) to screech, shriek, cry out.
krundu n. (-y%) hip; ankle bone.
kruhu/kuriLu n (kruska) deer.
lcreaeri n. (&a) jaw (of animal).
krenj-i- v.i. (-t-) to warm oneself by fire; kreh- v.t. (-t-) to dry
up by fire.
kyak- v.t. (-h-) to husk.
E ~ v n in (-yP) tiger.
krasni pots n. tiger bird (night jar bird).
kyasli n. (-yB) large axe; kyuvli t i p n. ( - y B ) small axe.
kyznu n. (klPnka) threshing ground.
k ~ i n j aja. (-yi) edge; klinja ki- v.t. to set on edge.
kyu- v.i. (-t-) to sink; to be deep; to set (sun).
k,ru kyac in- v.i. to rattle.
kyup- v.t. (-h-) to cause to sink.
k u p - v.i. to flood.
kmh- v.t. (-t-) to remove, t o pick off food stuck to the pan, grass
seeds from clothing.
IyOgi adj. immature, young; k g i kara n. dawn; k y ~ g iLokabi n.
baby (boy); k y ~ g dzru
i n. (derka) bamboo shoot; pbda
n ( - y ~ ) baby girl; k y ~ g Enju
i n. new moon, first quarter of
moon.,
Eydh- v.t. (-t-) to sift using a winnowing tray.
g fdJG\&

gaf- particle denoting possession, oativit&i~elatiohship,etc. '

gati n. (by%) knot; gal; k t p i - v.t. to knot.
gat; adv. fast, quickly.
gat; gal; adj. huge.
galcl n. (-ka) boundary, beach, shore; edge of a table field, etc.
gate cl, .expressing feeling
. + . of surprise.
gads hal- v.i. ( - c - ) t o be very feverish, sick.
gad; adj. many, ?Imchrn
gads adj. plenty.
p d u pdtl adj. ~lentiful.
ganda n. (-y$) summit, top of a hill.
ga.a~drnn. ( - y % piece;
~ part (of btead, cioth, etc.); gaadra ka'- v.t.
to bteak into pieces,
gandrt n, grass.
g a b n, compost rnamufe,
n. (-y&) small room.
gtrdga adj. red.
mdlk n. a kind of 11ai~-cutat the back of the neck,
cf
gandkt n. smell, bad smell
ga& k~Zya/gr&a n, edible tuber,
ganddo pink n, ordourlessness,
.yandika n. work, preparations, d u t b ~
gab& v.t. ( t-) to eat fast.
qo.mp p m p x dali n. large storage basket,
guru n, womb, uterus, nest,
garam n. by3) broom (hard).
guri n. +y%) old threshing floor; scar,
gnrhili adj. curly.
igarj,i- v.i. (-t-) to growl, roar; to make noise,
va~ndin. (-yL) spoon (S D.).
n, magic; gat$ kt- 9.tb to perfotm rnzgic; p r ~ gniasi i n,
magici an.
garha n. unit o f rceasute apptox, 1800 k.g;; garheka keb one latge
measure.
gamromi n. beauty.
gah- vet, (.t-) to tie, to bind (s.D.).
gaheqai n. horse keeper; name of a caste,
 g;@ n. (-ys) banglr; glass.
yaju kiiya n. (-y2) glass bottle (wineh
gita n. (-y8) road-side. \

gadap?~n. cholera; infectious disease

@ n d i w n d u adv, phr. always; g d n d i munda taki always,
constantly.
ganja n. (-y2L) rooster; grSnja koyu n. cock, rooster. '

gfindra n. (-yii) mongoose.

g(ima n. sun; perspiration; gdma rtih- v. t. to perspire; gdma low
adv. phr. sweating heavily; g8ma.li vim n. summer,
gn'ra n. name of a tree.
g8riya n. (-ka) metal (pot); giiriya d6ka no.(-yti) metal pot.
gJresi k m u n, cress,
q@a n. moment; git~i?e adv. at that time (moment), shortly,
soon; ga'yeka n. in a moment.
g d ~ an. (-yg) town.
g@i n. (-ya) motor vehicle.
gari ki- v.t. to create,
yiirde n. ass (s.D.).
gal- v.i. (-t-) to sprout, to bud, to bXosssolr~.
gaili n. wind, air.
n.(-y31 wound, sore,
gdhesi n. on: who buys old vessels, pots, dc.
gicu n. (giska) boundary.
giji giji 1- v.i to be constantly talking, nagging; giji gija kki- V,&
to bother, harass.
gcdvori ki- v.t. to tickle; gid.?ori h&- v,i. to fie1 ticklish..
gina n. (-y%) metal cup.
gdnesi n. C-ka) a kind of rat.
yiya n. voice.
girngeli n, ( 4 8 ) cricket,
yGpa n. (-yP) skull.
gi9eri n. (-ka) shaft of' arrow.
gira n. ( y % ) line on the parm of hand; net for' oldatching ~rabs,
g < ~ u n. (-ka) mouth of pot,
 , shift; to m w e onexif; gr~ciki - ~ . t to
gnca Z- ~ . i to . movz, -shift.
g@u n, (gutka) stump.
..
yz~izcbalalbalagii n. ( ~ y i i )climbing beans.
q'1~tk.tk b t.t,to nod head.
gt(,di n . blindness.
. . n (&a) field, esp., the dry one suitable for plolighing.
gztdiyn
h

g ~ d z tn, (iyg) egg,

gzcdraia v.i. (.I-) to coo.
gunqia n. March.
g2qBi n. (-y8L) bu~ton;bullet.
gwpdi ~ i h a11. ( - y ~ )rnasquito (S D.).
guqdtc n. (kyI) ear-ring.
gzlndonzi wall n, lime sLone.
g u p m n, (-y21) catapult.
yutn ga!nsi n. contractor.
nerd-i~ v . i . (-G) to punch and slap.
gud?dun/gudta n. flame (fire),
n. (by$) owl.
gucltjeri lii-lh69- v.i. to be giddy, weak,
gup-i- v.t. (-t-) to knock against.
fgt8pu n. (LyS1) a branch ot bamboo, stick to the field; to ensut'e
good crops,
gqqru g a p adv. phr. confused.
yzcpvi Ei- v.t. to collide with.
yunzb-i- v. i. (-t-) to jump.
gtmzb~a'ri. (-ya) musical instrument; dumb of trees.
g ~ m b r i pn, one who beats drum.
guget-i marlzu n. a kind of tree.
~ W - = / ~ ' U v,t.
F (-h I-t-) to build fence, t o enclose surround.
guy-i- v.t. ( - t * ) to throw (stones); to aim at.
guru/g,.ir?es; n. (aka) guru (rn.); n. (-ska) guru (f.).
g~ru~~lpl n. c-ka) bamboo cage for chickens.
gurlc-i- v.i. (-G) to dance (girls).
garlzjitayi n. one which was round,
b

gurri ( m u m ) adj, leafless (tree).

guryi k i - vat. to observe,
~~.?qajquyugu/gurqtt. n. (-y%) umbrella.
. .. ,
. .
guyu gltru ki- v. t . to bang.
qtmii n. (-y%) hump of cow... . . . .
\
l.

..
qzc7n.a n. (-y?l) heel, ankle. . . . .. , .:

guim.eti n . cow pheasant. . .. .

gani n. i y l ) strand (of rope,. . thread, etc.). -. _ : .:
;

gitncr n. value, respect, worth.

gati n. (-yg) mouth . L

@.na . n . large pot

gabs g u y p n. small replica of umbrella used in. ceremonies or in :

spirit worship. . ,

gzirri n. a type of basket for carrying cut heads.of grains.

@?a n. (y%) watch-hut. I .. . .
g z i p adj. all; gliyeve adv. absolutely, definit.ely.
guri n. (ya) temple. . . ,,, . I

glila n. (-ya) dumb man; glili n. (-ska), dumb woman.

gSh- v.t. (-t-) to swallow.
getzb n. (.yH) back-load; getu hi- v.t. t o carry something . . on back.
get-i- v.i. (-t-) to jurnp; getki- . . v.i. to hop.
gede n. (-y?L) buffalo (;.D.).
g e n j i n. rice water.
genj-i- v.i. (-t-) to tear cloth, etc.
g m - i - / gemb-i- v.i. (-t-) to jump.
geme geme 8- v . i . to be busy, active, esp. of tdwn, street, village,
etc. r '

yel- v.t. (-h-) to win, to overcome, to . defeat;

. yelpi- v.t. to over-
come, satre; gelhi- v.;; t o win., ..
yela
. . n. (-y3) bunch of pl'antkins. , ,

geh-1 get.1-b. .v.t. (-t-). . to tear.

, ,. I

grda n. (-yH\ cheek. "

g Z ~ ( l - i : v.i'. (-t-) to lean against; gE[- v,t. (-h-) to lean against.

..
gZni pp. as, according to. ,
,

..
@a n. C-yP) ladder. .' .I

. . . ,

gok- v.i. (-h-) to cough; gohi 'h.cough.

. ~

goEw n. (-yg) leech. ... . . .

...
g~qcji adj. large. . .!.
.' . ..
- .?
gugdi, gogde~in tall woman; gogdo n. f-y8)tall man. . .
gonki, gn6lci n. ( - y s ) crane.
~otigoli n. (-ka) blanket. . .
. t'

gowt n. ( - y ~ ) - b u s hsmall
; tree. .
j ~ a(-ya) agreement; eye of potato; goja 5- v. i. to sprout.
g ~ ~ :n.
go@ n. ( - y l ) cattle resting place; - csttle-shed.. ..
v.

goia particle used as enumerator i n relation to numbers, while ,

..:.
counting things. . . .
gopki / g ~ d k i n. (-yB) crane. . . ,

gondo mdra n. ( - y l ) great wound. . . . .

go,p&z .n. ( - y ~bison.
) . . . .
. . .
gotalSote?esi n. (gota, got ay g, got agalqri) guest; ,gqa&tasi vis- n.
itor; gota dambi- v.t. to .break . bfFreiations,hip; .. . . god ray^ ilu
n. dormitary, young people's . house for singing, dancing
' 6 .
and ,

mating; gota AoE- v.i. to visit;.goteai n; (-ska) guest (f.).

n . (-yB) servant. slave; g o d e ~ in. (-ska) servant if;). .. . ,. '

. .,(. - y ~ )donkey
80?zdp.II. . I

gonda n. (lyB) cloth (big). . ..

gondi n. (4)small hut.. ,,;.:, . .
. . . ,

gopna n. (-ya) catapult; sling-shot. . : ' . .,I

goy2 n. (-ys large variety of pea. i . '!; ,

goyi goy1 adj. downwardly on obscure . . .

(path). , . ,,

a
,
. '.
gori n. (-yii) goat.
sor-i- v.t. (-t-) to grind (with hod-grinder). .. . . .
. ,

gorno n. (-yii) wind-pipe. , .

gorpu n.,. (-yii) shell of tortoise,'skull-

goydo n. (-yii) beating of large d r u m , sound of falling water.
goyha n. ( - y a ~dispute, quarrel, fight, uproar.
gole7esi. n. shephered. (m.) , . goleni n. (-ska) shephered ,. (f. ).
soh- v.t. (-C) t o diirik;'to smoke: . . .
I . '

. .
,

goh, gohoyii, gohodga n. wheat,, . ,

.
. . .
,
.

gohs n. cashew nut tree. . ,.

go7oqi n. (-ka) jews harp, a kind .of musical instrument; a stringed :

instrument. ,. ,. . .

gbk- v.t. to look'.up;' to avait, ... .

' 4". , ,
gapikoii adj. bent, crooked* ..
g6ja n. (-ya) point (pencil, etc.). , . , .

gani n. (-yii) bag. ..

. . n. ( - y l ) small spoon.
yandi .,
,
gdno adj. dirty; g6no 6yu n . muddy water. . . . . .
, .

g ~ r b j - i - v.t. (-t-) to string (. b. o.....i ;~, t o ~ setch

t ~ (wire, etc.). ,.. . .
.. ' . . ,
'

qripveri n. ( -h) grass hopper. . . . .. .

gijrnbu n. (gfipka) heap; gdm.bu - v.t. to make into'..a heap. .

. ,.

gfim n. (-yB) iron-plate for carrying hot coals ('fire).

grdm n. (gorka) claw, nail.
goys n. (-y%)horse.
g6yu n. r-ka gr-oka) shepherd.
ydEi n. (-ya) empty space, ares around the village.
g i l i m+ n. the last house in the lane; place for rubbish.
8 - v. i. to feel around.
gdh- v.t. (-t-) to hand over, to pass.
gnak- v.t. (-h-) to stab.
gnap- v.t. (-h-) to take actoss.
gr,aq- v.i. (-t-) to cross river or road.
yr;l~-/y.rG v. t. (-t ) to knock, bang against something.
gnok- v.t. (-h-) to stir things in hot water.
gqokoii n. (-ka) a kind of bird.
qqonj- i- v.t. (-t-) to drink i n haste-
g s h u n. (-y8) crocodile.
yriqni n. ankle.
grup v t. (-h-) to bang against.
p u s - v.t. (-t -) t o fence or to surround.
grece adv. crunchingly.
gresp i- v. t. (-t-) to imitate; to mimic, mock.
g ~ e 9 - v.t (-t-) to gather grain, dust, etc.. on to container;
gnnli n. (-34) cupped hands; gvosleka n. one ddubte handful. .
gaycc n. (gtatiga) hole.
g r a b v.i (-t-) to defecate, excretl,
grade n. (-ys) donkey.
3 I

grii9-/gna?- v.i. (-t-] to cross river, etc.

yrik. v,i. (-h-) t o be sour, bitter.
J
pik- v.i. (-h-) to slip; to scrape.
 391 -_
L,.

gys gya ono. thunder or rattle like noice.

q ~ u a d - i -v. i. (-t-) to be crushed, punched.
gyz? ki- v.t. to thunder.
gyokla n. (-y?i) throat. -\

gyonj-i- v.t. (-t-) to drink in anger; to guzzle.

g6dg-i- v.t. (-t-) to be bad (of eggs).
C
calnd n. (-yii) seive (s.D.).
c & - i - / tnc-i- v.t. (-to) to sew, patch, mend.
ci int. expression of disapproval o r sorrow.
&c-/tin- (-c-) v.t to eat.
ci ci int. expressing shame, i e., that's no good. l

cidn.i kdti n. (-y%)warbler bird.

cJci n. small piece of meat. ., I p

cz'coni n. gourd
cicoyi hi- v.t. to whistle.
out-i-/WC-i- v.t. (-G) to block up; cucultucec n. (-y8) cbrk, lid.
.
ces int expression of disgust.' . . I

cojoltojo n. floor. . .

.i
jakaqa ki- v.t. to make tasty, palatable, , ,

jake cl. also, too; even if.

jabla cl. also, as well as; even though, even. so. . . ,

jakoi adj. narrow.

jagla adj. wonderful, amazing; j q l a 6- v.i. to be astonished:
. . .. . . '

jagla n. ( - y a ) fool (m.); joglk n. (-ska) fool (f.).

jati n. quarrel.
japa n. people. i

japd-i- v.i. (-t-) to be tight; j a ~ d G-i v.t. to tighten.

jaqdvi jandva 6- v.i. to be squeezed, padked'togetherl
janva n. (-yH) twins.
jadu (hano) def.v. let us (one person) go; jayno ( h a ~ od) e f . ~ (all
. of
us) let us go.
japt; iEi v.t; to seize (property). L

jamblz' n, bail.
jarna n. (-ye); j a q a Z p n. spring water.
j a m 2- v.i. to be born.
 .-
a - v.t. (-t-) to throw out (liquids).
jaldi ki- v.t. to prepare.
javayi n. (-y3) husband's brother's wife. C
\

jahara cl. ,own, .each; . used. mainly in the second. person. . .

, j a d i n. thick schb.' .
,&?eri def. v. let us go; used as ja?eri& also. .,

jlik- v.t. (-h'-) to.ioose. . ,

jlkera n. (-nga) shoe-maker.
jrikeri n. (-ka) village deity; jrikerc p5hzc d. c r o p protector, god
. . .*

for food.
. .
j ~ f i g - i - v,i. (-t) to be lost; jlik- v.t. to loose. .. .
@CU n. (jaska) spoon; gourd, gourd spoon.
j d t i n. (-yii) branches for making. fence.
. ..
j d n i n. standard harvest.
j2aQ.u n. weed; rubbish. . . .
jdti n.'. caste,
' .... , .
j ~ n in. (*yZi) priest.
j6nj C v.i. (-t-) to stretch.
' , $ p - ;.v.t. (-h-) to teach; jepnasi n, teacher,
jcip-i- vat. ( t-) to learn; jdpinasi n, pupil.
jbmbu Samnda n. (;ya panda1 for special puja ceremony.
jdyu n. curry; jdyu E z m i n. vegjetables and edible greens.
'
jdra . man- v.i. '(-c-) to repent.
.
. t
. .

. j a ' p .n. forest.'

j&liya n . (jByika) money purse or 'pouch, made . . up of crocheted

.
. . . ... string or thread, ,

jWla n. (-y2L) fishing net; j~lera~7a.si n; fishermail..

jiili koda-yii n. webbed feet, , . . .
. .
ji- v.i. (-G) to grow, to go. down .
of routs.
jiki adv. quickly
jiki jak &$$h- w.i.: to flash (lightning).
S .

. X

. ..
jikc/jlkeke?s adv. also, as .well as. :. .. .
:

jikei jikme jikela cl. although, even i f i .even :tho@h; but, . ,'

j i ~ i 6 g a n. (-y21) cow-bell.
B . ,

jimbri pzyu n. drizzle; mist:

jiroui 2 vii. to digest,
. . .. '
 . - . .
j i q a n. (-yti) throat. .
1 .
..5 A.

. ,
jila n. (-yn) gallows.
ji v.t. (-t-) IQ shoot; to spray. .. 1
jikatana n. argument, heated discussion, worries.
-. .
jik-i- v.t. Iat-) to swallow,,,squaff, guzzle. .. :

.. . . .
$bra n. ( - y l ) tile icla'y). . . ,

a- v.i.
. .tci win;jini ki,-.t.t. to win, succeed. .
., ,.
$to& n. fees, salary. .% . ,

j i n j 4 - vat. (it-) to sflinh, e. g., with a winnowingtray, to fan; to-

wave (e.g., .arms). .
jbpka n, profession, mork.
jiyu n. (-ya/ .jfdga) path.
jP'r24 n. (-ysi/-ka) path.
jiolr n, spirit, life principle, life; $v% ki- v.t, to love; $v?& no-
v.i. to love.
jivu parla 8 - v.i, to be off one's food, without food.
.
jiw ha'ni ki v.t. to be despairing, hopeless; . to be grieved.
j i v e ~ i n. animal.
j t ~ j uki- v.t. to fight.
juju kin; listi n, arms, weapons. ' .

$hp-i- v.t. (-t-) to suck.

jurzhtjii n. gruel. . .
jurqo n. avarietyof wildbetry. . , . . ,

juyliga n. (-yil) a variety of beans..

juk julu adv, phr. freezing.
julo ki- vat.to shake (a bottle).
juveyi n. (-ka) yoke.
j ~ c - i - vat. to carry on head (woman).
jligka ki v.t. to be jealous, to covet.
jitra lcilka n; itch of the foot'. (s.D.).
,

jars n, (-ya) hair-knot (male).

j ~ &lfsb n;two wives.
jaloii 'lib v.t.:.to shake,the liquid in a bottle.
je con. but, on the other hand.
jenda n. (dyl) flag; comb of cock.
,.'
jeta n. (-yii) grindingistone,
jeta n. small bird; jeta po!a n. sparrow.
jeda def. v. let us go (one person,; j w e let she or it go.
jemu def. v, start; jemu ham let us go (more than one person);
j e n m kinzu you do (it) now; jsmu Icino let us d o (it) now,
jelengiga n. (-y%)jute; tuft of hair-ball, plait.
je?- V. t. (-P) to gather grain, something in a tray.
jevi (4) tim def. v. let us (two people) eat, esp., special food'for
husband and wife; je?cri(=ni) let us (many people) eat specid
food(feast).
jeda n. (-ya) handle.
ji?- v. t. (-t-) to wipe off.
jzkki n. (-ya) umbrella hat.
j&hgrig.a n . (jeka) head of rice, eaf of' cofn.
$?CO adv, n, after, behind; jEcs halm v,i. to folfow.
jznu n. (ay3) back.
j&k-i- vat. c-t-) to clean.
&pi adv. down, downhill
joko n, ( m y @ pig-pen, small hut,
jonjoki n. dfongo bird, a kind of bird.
jolajoli n. ( m k a ) seive.
jonto n. animal; joato j i v e ~ in. animals.
joyili n. jail, prison.
jormoli adj, leafy; jovmli marnu n a kind of tree.
jur~a n. (-ya) cockroach.
j2re?e& n. expression used by a wife to scold her husband; joyeqf
n. expression to scold saying that someone will be eaten by a
tiger.
j~Ea n (-ya) ravine; gully; jolo pinu n. (aka) stream god.
j,ho~a expression of address. greeting, hallo; johora to greet.
joke ko. (mya) uvula; adam's apple.
j 6 k q i n. word, sentence; saying.
j~lialjaliga nn.(-yB) lap.
g - v.t (-t-) to hold on lap. ..
j6i~gni- v,i. (+) to be broody; to sit.
jarig-i- v,t. (-t-) (dies,, raj;) jijrigi. v.t, td reign, to fule.
j61ia n , P y 2 ) corn, maize,
fdm-i- ~ . i to
. test; jdmba n.(~ya)low stool.
jd?i ki-v t. to join threads; to put to-gether.
7 7 adv. phr. in pairs, t w o by two; jeektr n. pair, both. .
~6yevesin. one man of the pair; name of a caste (one man).
jal-i- v.t.-(-t~)to talk, speak; jdlki h-, j6Zki v.t. to discuss with
(love affairs)
.t
!aka n,(-yii) mofiey,
fniEzrrani exptession used for scolding someone saying that he will
be caught hold by an evil spirit,
fagromi n. (-ka) tin metal, allay.
tarigraltarigru n. (-ya)bald man; occurs often in the combination
fr@u tarigru; faligri n, (-&a) bald woman,
p f a n. (-ya) chaff,
ttrti n. (-yii) honey comb; bee-hive; wasp's nest.
@pet adv. suddenly, immediately,
fapudi vd7- v. t. (-t-) to clap,
{nba n. (byZi) orange,
{umki n. (-yii) drum (small one).
(ayipari n. temptation,
tiku n. ( ~ y a )kidney, stone of mango fruit.
(dga n. bright moon light night; blazing sun light.
!G!-i- v.i. (wt-) to block out light.
p d a n. (-yii) tusk.
dGnd-i- v,t, e t - ) to ordel.
tdgdi rnavnac n. kka) name of a tree,
#8rnpu n. seal; signature.
#Gyu adv. n. in the place; n. (tidga) place.
-& c.m. since, from, out of.
fa'ku n. (-ya) matk, esp. of vaccination.
{ikna n. care, attention, emphasis; tikpa ki-, v.t. to decide.
$&ha n, chillies,
(a'k9uy2' n. p k a ) buttock.
tirikri n. (-yil) cudgel.
@di-i- v.i. (-t-) to bristle; to stand on end; to sit ertct; ki-
v.tbto bristle,
 tincji kavu n. glutton.
tips n. (-yZi) small axe.
tipquni n. (-ka) a small basket. -..
ili n. (-y%)chipmunk.
fili mJi n. (-yZI) mongoose.
tivrz n. rust
tivini n. right hand, eating hand. .
. gwygu n. (-y8) umbrella made up of leaves; tii,i malvzu n,
tQti
(-ka) palm tree.
j i ~ in. (-yl) roofing-
tipu n. (-y%)tip (of tongue, etc.).
t u k ~n. substance in the anthill; t u k sima n. (by&)whiie ant.
. . n. (-yB \ storing basket.
t. ~. d munda
u n, (-y2i) person with very short hair-cut,
tudri adj. pregnant.
tudva n. (-yB) person with bent, hunched back; fuQvaii- v.i, to
be hunched up,
tund-i- V.t. (-t-) to shut,
tupla adj. short.
lzbbgi kyaqni n. leopard.
tat- vat. (-h-) to sprinkle (esp, salt on food).
tati n. (-ya) stomach.
tgn- v.t. (-h-) to cut; to kill.
f a ~ pn.~ humb of hunch back: tap!% gatas; n. man with hunch.
back.
teliga n. (ay%)carrying stick.
. vet. f-h-) to make excuses; to blame; to place something
tet-
unevenly.
+del; n. (-ka) waist; t e b l i inGra- n. (.yii) girdle.
tend-i- v.i, (-t-i to beuneventlopsided; to move a little, make
way by moving.
tempori gatasi n. angry person.
tZEi tdEu marnu n. teak tree.
tZkekeri n. (-ka) a type of bee-hive; t[keri rihli n ( d y ~ )honey&eb.
fZpoore'i tbpori n ( ka) head-scarf.
!;bra' 8dj. left.
".

.*\
 l

367
,
f g ~ un. ( - y ~ )fork of post. l
t0kh90 adj. rough.
tokgi n. (-YES)back of the neck.
" .
1 ' l
l
toto adv, n. side. ' 1
. . . -. . 1
I
tonfiga adj. weak. l
. n. (-ka) crab.
.tondoli ji
o n o n. (y ii) cup like container made o f .leaves.
I
'

, . S

n. (-yii) young fruit tree, grove; catridge

, . .
(gun).
.. ..
I
1
tatra n. '(-y4) throat.
t8npa n. (-yii) cow's bell. .
?
,

t8pa n. drop i

n. (-ya) hat.
. . !~
fdperi n. (-ka) turban, head-scarf. ~
@pEi n. (-yii) a kind of basket.
I l!

!I

t ~ b p in. (-y3) small pond. I,

b y i n. (-y%)chin. IN

d ;!4
dak v.i. (-h-) to die; often used in a light hearte,d manner,
daka adj. hard. 1
I
daki n. (-y8) trunk.
dnge kagre pp. near.
1 ,
dana G- v.i. to become tight. l
ij
danger; n. (-ka) large'drying tray made of bamboo. ;i

daline?e& n (dabnay&) servant; young man, unmarried man, i

ganda p sugar-cane. 1
d
dandi n. (-y3) pole of plough; a type of thatching grass; shaft of l1
ii
bullock-cart. i!l

da.nde n. (-ylb) uppet arm.

danda n. a type of drum.
gap-v,t. (-h-) to pluck; to split; to break wife, creepet
Qapu n k (-y%I small drum.
dabu n. (-y41) coin; dabwn jliyiya n.. money purse.
dabna n. (-y8) lid..
cjrcbyonzi n dish, bowl, etc.
damu n. (-y%) clump of grass: rubbish.
darnu kari v.i. (-t-) to join in attack on someone.
'
. .
, ..
' .
-- ' kyl?. ccruk: 111::J3:,.

J.
 dumb-i- v.i. ( -t a ) to become weak: to split; to die; to be broken
wire, net, rope, etc.
dambe adv. completely, finally. -,
daya a-/ hal- v i. to fall asleep: davi k i - v. t, to make one fall fiat
d a ~ an, ( ya) small basket.
dali 'n. (-yZi) basket,
daspori n. ( ka) scissors; hair-clip.
dah- v.t. to (-t ) to light fire.
dah- v.t. (-t-) to fight (between two); to be caught; to be squeezed
diilc- v.t. (-h-) to take out (solids); to distribute.
d6 dd inn v.i. (tc-) to crack, smash.
dcba n. (-yi?) large tin, measuring about 18 lit~es.
d6yu adv. n. afterwards; dayn prudu?wt n. the last one; dayu va7i
behind.
( ~ d y i n. small-pox.
dfilu n. (-ka) young animal, young one of an animal.
dalu d&Zu adj. very small; d/i:kc ddu ilu n. very small house.
diha vat. et-) to raise the hand in blessing; kedu dGh- to bless some-
one raising the hand,
@h-i- v.t. (-t-) to become weak, thin.
dlvesi n. term used by a man towards another who has stolen his
wife.
dik- v.t , (-h-) to repay (loan); to break wood, etc,
dinda n. (-ya) unmarried man; dinda ra7a n. I-ska) nnrnarried girl
(not betrothed); dinda dzihinlnesi n. bachelor (aged); (tin@
diihimne n. spinster (aged f , ,
dBba n. (-8) sand-hill; often used as bmli diba sand-hill.
diyo daqa adv. moving sidewards, swinging (boat).
disila n. (-yii) nest of ant, bird, etc.
dim v.i. (-t-) to be finished of debt; to be over; to break wood,
stitch, etc.
dig-;- vat. (-t-) to touch.
?i di vi9- v.t. to knock; to make a beating sound.
dinden; n. Gka) bladder.
,
dirnbu n. (Pipka) gourd.
cjka 'n.tune, voice.
:d
. 4' .. .
didu n. (-ya) basket made of leaves.
duka n. (-yTi) log. -,

duk-i- v.i. to sob.

dunga n. (-yti) blow pipe; pipe.
dung-i- v.i. (-t-) to stop; to be silent.
. .
duc-i- v.t. (-t-) to squash lies. "
'

dudu n. (-yz) carrying stick.

du.nduni n. (-ka) single stringed violin.
dup- v.t. l-t-) to extinguish.
duba n. (-y8) a type of sheep.
dumu n. (dumka) bone (large).
dum(la adj. having loin cloth.
dumb-i- v.i. to be extinguished (lamp); to go out; to disappear.
drcl- I dur. v.t. (-h ) to cause to fall down; to flow blood; 'to kill,
dula hal- v.i. to fall out.
dul-L v.i. (- t-) to fall down(leaves, hair, teeth; flowers, etc.); to die.
dasa n. (-y8) blanket.
8, t

duku n. (-yfi) veranda.

ddfiga n. (-y%)funnel, pipe.
da dd ki- v.t. to knock at door.
d U n d i n. (-y%)flower at the end of bunch of plantains.
dzZna n. used in an expression such as herki dgna ci- to havethick a
/' . ,

neck.
'

d ~ p -v-i. (-h-) to go from place to place setting fire to rubbish or

fueIs.
dur-i- v.i. (-t-) to sleep, lie down to sleep.
dar- v.t. (-h-) to shake branches to fell fruits.
da7- vat. (-t-) to knock; to kill lice squeezing between finger nails.
deki n. (-yOL) pounding stick operated by foot.
gsnda n. (-yl) eyebrow; often used as k a w denda.
dendeka adv. alittle while.
depi depa adj. strong, hard; depi ki- v.t. to stiffen.
depla n. (-y$) clod or clump of earth or food. '
demm n. dance; demsa geti- v.i. to dance.
deresesi n. (deray8) weaver.
.
deri adj blunt (s.D.).
 dzk-k-i- v.t. (-t-) to carry on shoulder (men).
.
dEga n. (-y3) hawk.
dZm-i-1 dZv-i- v.i. (-t-) to jump.
dok- v.t. (-h-) to link arms.
(lok-i- v.t. (-t-) to drink in haste.
dohi n. (-yl) back of the neck.
dokra n. (-y5) husband; dokri n. (-ska) wife.
doka n. ( - y l ) thief: dona a- v.i. to steal; doda pdna adv. phr.
stealthily.
donga n. (-y5) boat.
dongo n. I-ya) manger.
dokgo n. (-y 3) ravine, valley.
dodi n. (-y%)backyard of the house, used for kitchen garden.
dondo n. hell.
qlondovoyi n. (-ka) big black ant.
dondro n. name of a tree.
dota vanju n. thumb.
dopk-i- v.t (-t-) to link hands or arms.
dobga n. (my%) valley.
dol- v.t. (-h-) to pass hand or foot over something or someone in
warship ceremony.
dola n. (-yil) drum stick of leather or rubber.
doveli n. (-ka) sickle.
dove$; y e n u n. c ~ l l a bone.
r
do?- v.t. (-t-) to put hand inside a hole or bag.
dok- v.t. (-h-) to bend the elbow, wrist or finger.
dbka n. (-y21) pot; @ka mandi n. (my%) kitchen utensils.
d6Ea bOra n. (-y5) wasp?
dbrig-i- v.i. (-t-) to be crooked.
d6ti n. (-y?i) calf of leg.
dci'ni orli n. (-y2i ) (mouse.
~ d 6 ~ in. (d8rka) rope, sad, swing, cradle.
d6ri n. (-ya) coffin. .
gala n. (-y%)child (m.';Bali n. (-ska) child (f.).
1 drags draga Lanka U. squint eyes.
d~anjin. (-yTi) large ant.
drahli n. (drrpka) rag.
hi?-v.t. to drag leaves and branches to cover the seeds by
levelling the soil.
d - v.i. to roar, growl; to snore.
-. l
' .
druga Ici- v. t. to stare.
druga druga adv. phr. glaringly; staring.
drep-i- v.i. (-t-) to hum.
dreb-i- v.i. (-t-) to belch.
cjrzki ki- v.t. to snore.
drQi n. (-ytl) lizard.

-ta c.m. in, at.

ta cl. expresses contrastive emphasis.
taki pp. for, by, etc.; dinorni taki dina day by day.
takovi adv. less, shortly.
taga adv. quickly (s.D.).
tnnga m8ciga n. grand daughter; taliga rnirvesi n. grand son.
tangi n. (-ska) sister; direct cousin sister.
taligi p6ya n. (-ska) sister-in-law.
tana adv, n. place.
tuna pp. at, by.
tagki ki- v.t. to inspect.
tadu n. (-yl) ring worm.
tani poss. adj. him, her, its; tGnu >tani.
tanj; n. (-yif) father.
tap- v. t (-h-) to stop, to quieten.
tapa adv. severely; very much; tapa ha1- v. i . to be severe.
tap-i- v.i. to go astray; tapu n. wrong, sin, error,
tapu kodi tin- vat. to suffer, pay for the sin. .
tabla n. metal cooking pot. .
tarni poss. adj. their; tiimbzl >tarn;.
tarnba n. copper.
tarnb-i- v i. to be quiet; to stop.
tayi n . (-ygi) brother; parallel cousin; tayi taligi n. brother sister;'
tayi potdtleqesi n. brother-in-law;. tayi m&ga n. niece, i.e.,
, brother's daughter; tayi miroesi n. nephew, i.e., brother's
son.
 tara tara adv. shiveringly.
t a r h a ~ aadj. bright, dazzling.
t a ~ j - i - v.t. (-t-) to scratch up (dog, fowl, etc.). . , .\
tali n. (-ska) mother, female; tali ianji n. parents, father-mother.
toEi lcoyu n. (koska) hen.
tali ndmeri n. small pox.
tali vnnju n. thumb.
tnli me'ndn n. (-yii) ewe.
tah- v.t. (-t-) to scrape wood, to prepare ground for cultivation,
clearing grass, stones, etc; to slap; taspi- v.t. to scrape,
chip away, e. g., chisel on wood, hoe on ground.
ta7- v.t. (-t-) to bring.
tasa exclamatory particle calling attention of the hearer when
about to request something.
tasla n. (-yii) wild potato.
tdE-i-%v,i. (-t-) to walk.
tdc-i-/ cac-i- v.t. (-t-) to sew, mend.
t6ndi n. a kind of tree.
tdnd-i- vet. to tell, inform.
tdnu per. pr, he, she, it; ref. pr. onself.
C

tdmbu per. pr. they; ref. pr. themselves.

tamberi n. lotus.
tiimberi marnu n. a kind of tree.
tiimbeli n. (-ka) tortoise.
t8yi n. (-ya) banana.
td.ri bonds adj. phr, tan, reddish brown.
tdla n. palm-like tree.
tiilelzi pp. below, last.
tlile?zi n . rule, authority.
tdlomi n. (&a) lock.
tdsa n. cultivation; tdsa ki- vet. to cultivate.
titri n. (-yii) trumpet.
t<lt;, v.t. (-c-) to eat.
tipi a&. co~pletely, fully; tipi gap- vat. (?h-) to pluck off
.L *& . (completely); . tip;. d' i s - , v.t. to cut through completely.
tipo tip0 ri- V i. to drip (water).
timu t i w hi- v.t, to announce, proclaim.
tiri mnip- vet. to turn over.
tki mnihI adv. phr. head over heals.
'
I

g - - g - v.i. '(-t - ) to shiver, tremble.

tiru-i- v i (-t-)., to turn; tirvi k;- v.t. to turn around.
tiga n (-yii) wire, guitar-string,
tjtiyi n, (-ye-) roofing.
tini n. num. three.
tipa n. (-yii) small axe.
tiyi Ei- v.t to make straight.
tiye adv. straight.
tira Z- v.i. to remain permanently,
tiri ki- v.t. to finish.
tiri n. (-yaJ small bamboo cage to catch fish or crab.
tiri renna n. (-yii) leopard.
tirpu n. (-yii) j~dgement~decision .
tih- v.t. (-t-) to feed.
tu- v.i. (def. v.) to give away, move away.
tumu (sg. ), tudu (pl.), t u ~ used
i as an alternant for tumu and tudu.
tuc-i. v.t. (-t-) to close off, block off.
tund-i- ltund-i- v.t. (-t-) to shut (door).
tat- v.t. (-h-) to mske a hole.
tude veh- v t. to describe.
tupeyi n. (-ka) gun.
tumba n. (-y?r) quail.
turl-tra- v.t. (-h-1-t-) to put on shirts, pants, etc.
turkiltrriki n. place for village rubbish; placefor gumoni penu.
turbi ki-/ turvi ki- v.t. to tie round.
turli n. name of a tree. -.
turh-i-1 truh-i- v.t.(-t-) to put on wear (shoes, clbthing, etc.).
turb-i- v.t- (-t-) to trample; to tread out of grain. -.-.- ,
A

tuli ki- v.t. t o clean by winnowing. /

tuvala n. (tuyalka) towel.
tuh- vet. (-t-) to throw away; to.loose; to give birth (of animal);
aux.v. to dispose of, finalize, put, etc. indicating comple-
teness, finality, thoroughness, etc,
tu?m-i- v.i. to sneeze.
t8k- v.t. (-h-) to throw away; to weigh; to swing (a baby).
 fig-d v.i. (-t-) to hang from tree.
tat- v.t. (-h-) to stoop, bend down.
t6h-i adj . pregnant. L

mndu n. hip, buttock.

t @ p i n. trap for fish, rats, etc; bamboo cage to catch fish.
tend-i-l tepd-in v.t. (at-) to make way by moving.
tepor; n. (-ka) thatched roof.
teyara li;' v.i to be ready.
terla n. (-y8) rain cap made of leaves.
termb-8'- v.i. (-t-J to roll about ( dog, buffalo, etc ). .
terl-i- vat. ( t-) to make a hole in a wall, etc.
t elh-i- v. t. (-t-) to understand; to interpret,. explain.
terl-i- v.i, (-t-) to wake up; t e d i ki- vet. to awaken.
tgk- v.i. to hang out tongue.
tdcla n. (-y3) fastidious person (m,); tZkli n. (-ska) fastidiou
person (E).
tgr-r-i- v.t. (-t-) to make fire by rubl-ing sticks; to hollow out.
scoop out (gourd); to make a laddle.
ttr; adj. different, another; tMtasi h. foreigner.
tEl-i- v.i to overflow; to float.
tEtula n. (-yTt) adulterer; tZvuli n. (-ska) adultress.
to cl. contrastive emphasis indicating the meaning whereas, on
the contrary.
tojo n. floor.
tot- v.i. (-h-) to stammer; totnasi n. stammering person (m,).
tobe adv. quickly: lobe tobe adv. very quickly.
tooya n, a type of fig tree.
toy-i- v.t. to trample, kick, etc.
tow-i-ltrog-i- v.i. (-t-) to fall.
tolhe adv. firstly, before.
tde pp. with, along with, by means of, in company with.
tosla n. (-y3) edible part of jack fruit.
tane, tGnevesi, t l i 1 6 n (tbqesafiga) friend.
tanj-i- v.i. (-t-) to appear; tmja 8- v.i. to appear, be visible.
tdp- v.i (-h-) to fie, tell lies.
bdmb-i- v.i. to be respected, be well-known,
t6ra 3- v.i. to accompany; t 6 ~ un. (-y?I) companion; t6yu d - v.i. to
be a companion.
tbya rindi n. CO-wives. \
tbla n. (-y $3) egg.
t6lu n. (talka) skin.
tblu pZja n. tree tomato.
t6h- ~ . t (-t-)
. to show.
tniv- v.t. ( t-)to twist.
traslzcc n. (-y8) liver.
trdyu n. (tr8lsa) head; trdyu vEya n. noon; trdyzc p y h n. skull.
g - v.i . (-t- )to shiver.
trip v.t. (-h-) to lay down; to make one sleep.
tripu d- v.i. to come to senses.
trubu munj-i- v.i. to dive down (into water)..
triik4,turki n. place for rubbish.
trek- v.t. (-h-)to drop, to demolish; to fell.
trog-C v. i . (-t-)to fall.
tromba n. (-yB) priest of the village.
t ~ a j - i -v.t. to scratch, esp. with legs.
tralu n. fleshy edible part of pumpkin, cucumber, etc.
d
daka hi- v.t. (-to) to warn.
daga adv. quickly; daga 6- v.t. to hurry; daga gajasi n. busy man.
dapreve adv. suddenly.
dabri adv. quickly, fast.
dabla adj. white.
dameni mamu n. Dhamon tree.
dara n. price, dara m u m n. price, etc.
da.ri pp. side, along side.
darn; n. ( y%) sacred stone connected with god.
darnoki n. (-ka) rainbow.
darti n. heaven.
darni n. land.
darpegi n. I-ka) mirror.
darmu kiha v. participle expressing the meaning please.
darrnu gatasi n. kind person.
darmbu n. ash.
darya n. (-y%)split bamboo stalk.
dar.sana n. vision. -,
duva nn.(-y%)court-case; dava dari n. (-dga) accuser.
dava d i G v.t. t o haggle; to bargain.
dospi ki- v.t. to cause to catch.
dasra n. October; name of a festival.
dasra d W - i - v.t. (-to) to carry a child on shoulder.
d8k- v.t. (-h-) to shake.
ddng-i- v.t. to be shaken, to shake.
dcida n. (-y%)elder brother.
ddna n. (-y?l) gift, offering.
ddra n. (-y%)door.
dari n. adultery; diiri ki- v.t. to commit adultery.
d@i n. (-y Ti) line.
diil-i- v i. (-t-) 'to blossom.
drivii rr. (-y%)neck- rope for animals.
davuni adv. in line.
dab- v.t. (-t-) to hold out (arm, leg, etc.).
diis- v.t. (-t-) to cut, reap.
d i n o adv. n. day; dinonomi adv. daily; dinomi taki dinom* adv. phr.
daily.
diri diri in- v.i. (-C-) to beat time with legs, hands, etc., to thump,
beat to make sounds
diyyii n. soft spot of baby head.
diveyi n. (-kal light.
diva n. (-yZL) small lamp; lamp flame.
diva tan-di- vet. (-t-) to communicate with spirits.
dir- / dri?- v.t. (=h-/-t-) to sprinkle (water).
dire adv. slowly. '3

diveyi n. November.
disera n .(-nga) astrologer.
duka n. disease in crops.
dukana n. (-ka) store, shop.
dukzc n. sadness.
dundra n, mist, cloud. _ . ..
dupa n. (-yir) small thick bushes.
dupa kdti n. name of a bird.
dupni n. incense.
duba gori n. a type of sheep.
dubla adj. white.
duma adj . fat.
duri mumu n. a kind of tree.
duyu duyw G- v.t. to be dirty.
dulomi n. (-ka) plant; rafter..
dulp-i- v.t. (-t-) to shake.
d u v ~n. tobacco.
duver; n. (-ka) entrance, door; duveri b6ndu n. (-yii) door frame.
da- v.i. (-t-) to grow old; dati (buyhalb~hs')adj. very old.
dana ki- v.t. to fold.
data n. (-yir) angel.
dayi num. two.
dayi k6ri doso num. fifty.
dari n. ebony tree.
daru n. starch.
d i q i n. dust.
dah- v.t. (-t-) to pierce, go right through.
deba adv. n. time, occasion.
debupiqe / debo?zi?e con. as soon as, immediately after; adv.
immediately, straight away.
deyhu adj. a little different; derhu b k a n. dialect of Kuvi spoken
in IKasipar-Rayagada area.
devoyi n. (-ka) temple.
dehi n. curd.
dehZi dZ/ de cl. shortly; now; the one- emphatic.
de9- v.t. (-t-) to open.
d6m n. (-ka) shoot (bamboo).
d6viEi gatasi n. lecher.
dba n. (-yH) 'country; d b a jOngi- V . t, to reign or rule.
d68pi adv. down.
d6?- v.t. (-t-) to wipe.
dongoroyi n. lentil used for dhal.
dogdo n. punishment.
doya expression meaning 'please'. .,
doy-i- v.t. (-t-) to kick; to step on. l

doz,oya n. (-y2i) basket for removing rubbish.

dosjdoso num. ten.
h p - i - v.t. (-t-) to arrest; to bind.
dospi ki- v.t. to cause to be built.
doh- v.t. (-t-) to build, tie.
dohi n. fi'ig tree.
do?- v.t. (-t-) to put hands into something (water, etc.).
d d n i Q. wooden trough for feeding animals.
ddru n. ( d ~ r k aname;
) ddru ki- v.t. to plaist.
diiho n, sin, wrong; ddho gatasi n. sinner; diiho doh- v.t. to accuse.
d6ho ncobservation of festivals; dcrho ki- v.t. to observe (festival,
custom, etc.).
i v. t. to shake together.
drik- v.t (-h-) to shake down; d ~ i k ki-
dre'?- I d5r- v.t. (-t-/-h-) to sprinkle water.
drunj-i- v.i. (-t-) to be connected.
&h- v t. (-t-) to connect; to tie.
dyova/do~con. (-y%)basket (medium).
n
na cl. expression of emphasis.
naka n. (-yH) jackal.
naki n. palm of hand.
m h n. (-y%) plough share; iron piece of plough share.
nakta n. (-y!i ) bed-bug.
91,agya h- v.i. to be naked; nagra n. (-ya) naked person; n a g ~ i
n. (-ska) naked person (f.).
mrigati adv. last time.
nafig-i- v.t. (-t-) to lop off branches.
%at- v.t. (-h-) to put something in a safe position, under arms
(books, umbrella, etc. ).
napd-i v.t. (-t-) to go underneath; to hide; to stay.
nanmi adv. fast; m n m i mgmi Ei- v.t. to eat with action of lips,
mouth, etc.
nanu n. wax.
 1
. .
n a p n. (-ya) forest food; edible tuber.
vzabada n, sugar.
nabg i
i- v.t. (-t-) to press, push, -.
m m + vet.t o believe.
naromi n. (mka) nerve,
vzali n. I-yii) gun.
.na.mi n. (-yii) hot coal.
n6k-i- V .t. (-t-) to sip with the tongue, to lick.
wiyu rdca n. (-ka) cobra.
~ a ' g un. (-yn) spiral like a snake; ear-ring.
%ricigeli n. (-ka) plough.
luida a. stubble.
%&nu n. (&a) elder sister.
man3 n. (-ya) memorial song for a deceased person.
vziinu per. pr. l.
mznjo n. (-skal sister-in-law (wife's younger sisterh
nZpo n. by my side, to me.
nzyu a. [nrska) village.
rzdra n. (nyii) stream.
nnri ki- v. t. to deceive, tell lies.
ndyi n ~ y iEi- V. t, to comfort, consolee,
nhyeli n . (aka) coconut.
S - v.t. to rape, murder, destroy.
ni cl. expresses cettainty; just, only, alone, etc,
nik- v.t. (-h-) to awaken; to lift up.
nikeri n. drawers, under~shorts.
ning-i- v.i. (at-) to get up, wake up,
nice/nice?e adv. certainly.
ainda ki- v.t, to bear false witness.
nip- v.t. (-h-) to cause to stand up.
~ipun. (-y%)shoulder.
vzima adj. flat.
tniyom Eib v$, to make a rule or law,
nista 5- v.i. to be lazy.
nihayi n. judgement; &hay; ki- v. t. to judge,
ni7-llis- v,i. to stand up.
n$oe adv. n. now; niqeli from now.
nJt- v.t. (-h-) to make alive.
i - v.i. (-t-) to be alive. +

n5nu per.pr. you.

nznjzc adv. n. to-day.
nip0 n. by your side; to you.
ngyiZ- n. oil.
nTli adj. blue.
nsli orZi n , mongoose (S.D .).
%isam8- v.i. to be the loser.
nay-i- v.t. (-t-) to grind.
nejeyi n. marrow of bone.
net- v.t. (-h-) to make bun (hair).
neterilnetori n. blood; adj. red colour. r
nenj-i- v.i. (-t-) to be filled.
ney-i- v.i. (-t-) to be sprout.
neh- v.t. (-t-) to fill, to load. /

nehilnehi adj. good; nehi ki-l nehi ki- adv. nicely.

nehpuyi n. (-ka! neska) dog.
neqeti adv. n. from now; nirle + ti > neqeti.
neqla n. (-yB) field (dry).
ne'kerl: n night (single).
nEcu adv. n. (-y3) day.
nznj-a'- v.t. (-t-) to breathe; to moan with pain.
nEromi n. (-ka) fault; guilt.
ne'steri n. breath.
ndh- v.t- (-t-) ta make a heap.
noki n. (my%) pot.
nokol n. copy of the document.
notk-5- v. t. (-t-) to kiss (= sexual intkrcourse).
non- v-t. (-h-) to draw water.
nond-i- vet. (-t-) t o kiss, embrace; to scold, be angry with.
nopile adv. if not.
noye mope jbli- v.i. to speak out loudly in anger.
nor- v.t. (-h-) to wash (body or parts' of bocly,lplates, etc.):
nosto Li- v.t. to destroy. $ ,
. l
 ndln6ho -num nine.
n6ka adj. front, first.
6 - v.i. (4-1 to go ahead, to precede;
. . .pqka @h- v.t, to challenge;
saki ki- v.t. to guide, lead in singing; n ~ k i t dpp. in front of.
p*.',

sz6kese adv. in front of.

%lime& nn.(-ka) fever.
%bro/noro n. people; n6?0 kkpu n. people.
p - v.t. (-t-) to thresh driving cattle over grain.
nliviri n. palace; king's residence.
adhi n. pain.
P
pak- v.t. (-h-) to cut open, operate,
paka adv. n. side.
lpakvoyi n. rust.
pagga n. outside; dry field, plains.
paalinegi n. (-ska) sorceress; pa&ge9esi n. (panpegafiga) sorcerer: a
man who gives poison.
pac-i- v.t. (-t-) to scratch.
paciya n. (-ka) thin cloth worn as lungi.
paji n. (-y?L) pig. j

pat- v.t. (-h-) to wash; to smash; to fold clothes, umbrella, etc.

pat- v.i. (-h-) to shadow.
patiya n. (-y%) large supporting timber in roof.
pale cl. just, only, at ieast.
pate ... . pate .. ... con. either .....or ....
l
I

I
pada n. height.
pada d v.i. to grow, increase; paoa ki- v.t. to make grow.
pad-i- v.t. (-t-) to break, split, crack (often plastic, etc.)
papade pade adv. phr, carelessly; hurriedly.
pand-i- v.t.. (-t-) to send.
ganhii n. (-y%) jack fruit.
pata pataya ki- v.t. t6 thin opt.
puteka pp. upto, as long as, till.
patemi 6- v.i. to compare; to cornp!ete; t o test.
puduyi n. (-ka) bat.
 38 E
p d n u adj. middle aged (neither too much nor too Iitte); padnu
buyha d- v.t. to become middle aged.
padnu 6- v.i. to have drunk (wine), not too much or too little.
padnzc met- v.t. (-h-) to flavour (food), i.e., just enough salt and
-\,
seasoning, not too much.
p a m n. (-yB) frog.
pana poti n. (-y8) tadpole.
paniya naCka) comb.
I pancadara n. sugar.
n i - v i. (-t-) to be satisfied.
!' pandra p?t?n~n. rib.
l
4 pandri n. (-yii) roof-structure with thatch, small hut.
i

p a p D, dhal (lentils).
pay-i- v.t. (-t-) to beat, kill.
4l
par- v.t. (-h-) to dig a ditch.
/I
I
paraya n. (-y8) hole of a rat, etc.; a gap.
l
I

j1 par-i- v.t. (-t-) to search.

j8 paru n. plan.
jl
pnrti n. cotton.
!l

1) parbu n. (-yg) festival.

l

i,~
part-i- / par- v.t. (-t-/-h-) to make way, channel for water,
i '
place for well.
par?a/ paraya a. (-yti) split (in wood, wall, etc.); gap, hole.
I

p a y i n. (-yg) wild bee.

-p a y k / p ~ a k a n. -y9L arm-pit; lraka dab- v.t. (-t-) to put, hold
something under arm.
pula n. (-y%) bark of a tree.
pala n. (palka) tooth.
paleqe adv. silently; palme wan- v .i, to keep quiet.
palka bisa n. tooth ache.
palpu n. oxen collar.
palpuya n. ropes used to tie yoke to the necks of oxen.
pal& n. name of a bush.
paqeri d6ri n. rope made from bush vine.
pa9na n. (-y B) sole of foot.
pgka n (-y8) large rock; dome of sky.
f l g e y i n. (-ka) space; room..
 prici n (-yti) harvest; corn.
pZc-i- v.t. (-t-) to sing; pdcu n. singing. -\

paja n. (-y%) (aluminium) bangle.

W- pdta n. (-yg) wooden plank, table; trap (stone). '

pdta n, deed, title,

pdta naki n. ( - y l ) palm of hand.
pPtara adj. thin (paper, cloth, etc.).
ptitarangi[ adv. phr. on the back.
n. lesson: age, generation.
pdtu adj. shiny (clothes); silk.
p8tu taki plitu adv. phr. from age to age.
pjdomi n. (-ka) small basket for carrying meat.
pdv- / p ~ a , - v.t (-h-l-t-) to receive; to give birth to.
pdna n. authority.
panda n. December.
piinb?~0.(-yii 1 song,
pdnual pna,vii n. @yg) first-born.
prinja n. (-yB) eaves, slanting roof.
pznji n. person who interprets signs in the palms and omens and
art of forcasting the future.
pin@ sini ki- v.t . to interpret signs and omens.
pdnta n. reward, result; return.
panda n. (-y%) trap.
pnpu n. sin, wrong doing.
pdbu n. (-yB) paternal uncle (younger).
pJr-/ pras- v.t. (-h-l-t-) to sell.
pdra n. f-y%)small hoe.
piirk-i- v.t. (-t-) to feel one's way in the dark; to find his way
(a blind man).
pWrva n. (-y%)pigeon.
pGra n. reel of song; stanza, verse.
pjra 6- v.i. to match, be suitable, be agptopiiate.
p&i n. boundary, border.
pliyu adj. neglected; spoiled.
pdru G- v.i. to be spoiled.
pcireyi n. (-ka) fruit; pdyeyi 8. v.i. to bear fruit.
 384
. ,
,, v. I.
>'

pala n. seedlings.
~ 6 1 %n. milk.
pdlu kHya n. papaya.
p d w n. (-yii) cave.
pdsa num. five. .
pdsa kHni n. coin worth one paise offered in puja.,
piisi manda n. (-yii) cross, hanging post.
p ~ s les-
i v.t. (-t-) to bang.
pi%- v.t. (-t-) to spread,
pdheri n. (-ka) road.
pilc- v.i. (-h--) to be heavy.
p i a p i a adv. phr. one after another.
pic-i- v.t. (-t-) to tie money in the corner of doth; to cut -steps in
.. -
tree. I

1, plja n. lightning
i pitto& 2- v.i. to be incorrect; pitoui ki- vat. to.miss.
l
l pidru d- v.i. to become sacred; to bolt with fear.
Il
ll
I pie- / p @ - / p i - v.i. (-h-l-t-) to hatch out, incubate.
l' pinda n. (-yl) sitting place in front of the house; pial.
il
I pit- v.t. (-h-) to poke to release blood; to cause te burst, open up.
l

l$ ~ i t an. ( y ~ gall
) bladder.
I.;

I'
I
pita poti n. (-y%)a kind of bird.
pltatani n. expression of scolding; pitotan; ta?i n. unpleasant term
l of scolding.
l

pitaya n. brass,
pitla n. (ay%)cheek.
pid-i- v.i. (-t-) to open up, e.g., boil, sore, etc ; to burst open.
pinugu n. corpse.
V . i. (-i ) to pounce, spring;'
pz'peyi marnu n. pipal tree,
pipeli n. (-ka) knife. I

.
pirta n, (-ya) fcnale genitals.
4 .
pirputi . n (-ka) stdmach:
1
;l
i'
I
1
piyta/pyita n. a small clay-pot.,
pillcn n. grass; bunch of grasses.
i!l pisih"ldvv. except. ,-
 #z'spe pp. except, but fot.
h v.t. (-t-) to leave, forsake; aux.v. to leavs away, pispi k i i v.t.
to save; to avoid <>
!pihenz' n. (-h\ flat seive for strainins water. .
pfka n~ (syii) cigai; pika goha v,t. to smoke,
pzfiga n . excreta.
pfc-ib vLt.(zt-) to milk, to squeeze, , . .
picu n grass, straw
piija n. (~iigal~yii) tile; btoken pot, btoken pieces of clay-pot;
pfijla g i c n.
~ (giska) pot-sherd, small pieces of broken pot.
p i t - i ~ v,i. to pass wind; pitw: n b faart, passing wind,
pit7uni n~ tail birdr
piporoyi pots n. (-yii) kingufisher,
pigu nb(piska) rain; psgu lore adv,phib.in the p ~ u r i n g rain;
p3ska w@a n. rainy season.
piri n. feeds used to rnrtke rope fibre; piri #ari n. rope ftom reed.
g i r i p ~ k i n. hawk,
pirmyi n. (ka) flute.
pili n. @yB) shoot of tress;
piseyz' k i i v.t. to torment,
puci n. (-y%) abthiil.
puta B . normal share; portion of meal%
puti n. unit of measure approx. 60 kg.
p u t - i v. i. (-r-) to bmome mouldy.
puti b i ~v.t. to stiike one's icg against a stone or stick,
$zcfka n (-yg) small basket,
pudarm n, 'wednesday.
pun- v.i. (.c-) to know, understand; panas; n. v+ise man:
pupmbi kz'-lpY~rnbiki- k.t to explain; purlmba n. knowicdge.
knowing.
pu7zadi n . Toundatlon
gunja n, ( - y ~ )heap oP eai-th by the sfde oY' the fat's hole.
pz~tuli n. (-ka) butterfly.
p ~ y n. a burning coal; usually occurs -in the combination hicepzcyti.
guri n. (.yQ fin of a fish.
puri h.uba n, comet,
pare (keyu) adj. Ieft (hand).
pudi n. world.
purbomi adv. west. h,

purla n. I-yB) gourd.

pvla n. tamarind fruit; pula Zyu n. tamarind juice.
pura n. (-yTi) spark.
pustgafasi n. strong and healthy man.
pusponi n. (-ka) story.
p5k.a n. (-yl) tender fruit, newly -set fruit after flower has dried off.
paki n. (-yii) a type of bee-hive; pziki niyg n. honey.
paci n. guarantee, surety, responsibility; piici gdqd i- v. i. to be
responsible.
pGja n. puja; ipgjera n. (-riga) priest.
p@- v.t. (-h-) to yoke up the oxen.
p@ka a' v.i. to bccome lumpy; to swell.
padu n. (piitka) scar, mark; pimples, boil.
papda n. breath.
yfigdaya n. group of men in a village, who work together and
help each other in special jobs; piindayii kama n. work done
by men in piinday5 by special agreement; pitnda galas; n. the
men chosen in piit;l$aya to take charge of money and payment
for work.
pQtna i p ~ t l a n. (-ySI) statue, doll.
pfinji wealth ; piinji ki- v.t. to make money,
p0y.u n. (pctiga) flower.
p n p bd11da n. (-y%) flower at the end of developing bunch of
bananas
piiru n. earth, world.
pfileyi n. (-ka) navel
piisa n. I-y?L) necklace ;a bead.
pasu, pase n. January.
pe@ n. (-yg) transvestite.
pejep; n. (&a) shamaain, sorceress, priestess.
pela' mila n. [-yfl) kid. '.
pen& n. frost ; bottom of a plate, cap, etc.
pet-i- v. t. (-t-) to attach to thread.
 i

387

petektt pp, until, as far as, upto. var, pateka.

pedr-i- v.i. (-t-) to be startled.
ped* d . v.i. to come unexpectedly. -,
peni 2 dj. cold; n. coldness; peni d - v.i. to be cold; peni v@a n.
winter.
pend-i- v.i. (at-] to thread needle.
pendig; a, ( . p ) marriage; pendili 8- ~ . ito
, attain puberty.
pendomka n. rice wine.
pembol; n. form, var. pomboli.
pep- v.t. (eh.) to lift up; to pick up.
peli mdliga n. (rnaska) bride; peli winirvesi n. (mirka) bridegroom.
' peara n. (-y~t)green gram.
pZk-i- v.t. et-) to make.
p<ja n. (..ySi) tomato.
pbqda n. (-ya) bundle.
pznu n. (pneka) louse.
pEnu n. (penkal prpka) god; pZnene?e.sl nb deceased person (m,).
pcnu hepun; n. a type of creeper.
n - V et-) to strain water off boiled rice.
pcmbu n. sexual lust ot excitement.
p - v.t. (-h-) to chase.
p@a n. ( - p ) box.
pdl-t- v.i, to talk sweetly; pdtki 2- v.ibto discuss with.
pokla hlpa n. (-ya) pullet; young fowl.
pogo galad n. tobacco merchant.
parig-k- V i. (at-) to swell.
p - v.t. (-tar to wrap up.
pot adv. onomatopoetic form; suddenly, immediately.
pota U - (-ya) bird; pota bdno n. nest.
pot-i- v.t. (4-1 to shut (eyes).
potkava n. lie; potka~agatasi n. liar; potkara n. (-6ga) list .
.
lponoligu/p~ongun longing.
pot- v.t. (-h-) to make a hole (in wood, etc.).
pots' n. (-ya) book.
potle~esi n. (potka) father~in-law,
podmu n. (-ya) udder.
 podl-i- v.i. (-t-) t o tremble, freeze;
- porld-i- v.i. (-t-) t o be appropriate, be suitable.
+
pond-i- v.t. (-t-) t o receive perrinit, licence.
ponz-i-,!pomb-i- v. t. (-t-) to embrace; pomki a- v.i. to ernb race
each other.
pomneka,lpon:eka n. armful (one).
pomboli p~mbcli n . (-ka) foam.
por- vat. (-h-) to put on wrap (clothing).
porgo n. (-y6) foetus.
po~doEz~na n. sweet potato.
polohga n. hollow in a tree.
pospa n. (-4'3) lungs.
p6k- v.t. (-h-) to rub between hands.
p8k- v.i. (-h-) ta tell lies; to swagger.
panga 8- v.i. to become proud, be conceited. L

pbfig-i- v.i. (-to) to swell grains, etc., to become inflated.

i8tila n. (-nga) dwarf man, very short man.
pB& Z- v.i. to be quarrelsome; p8zc hi- v.i. t o cause t o fight.
pddt~ n. (phtka) field prepared for new crops on mountain slopes,
i

po'ti n. small girl.

potu n. male of a11 animal, young male animal.
p6tu mila n. (-yZi) a young male goat.
pdtrami adj . funny; pdtromi gatasi n. a joker, a man who make4
fun; an angry person.
p6da n . (-yg/-ti) girl.
piidi pbti n. small children; young bays and girls.
p" n . (-n) yoke; suitability.
pbya n, (-ska) n~other-in-law.
~ B T - v.i. (-h-) to swim; to seek out information, enquire secretly.

pdyi n. small tin used to rner,sure grain; approx. 4 kg.

pjyi munjin n. small offering of rice to fowl, gods, etc
pay?& n. (-ka) chaff, husks.
pW11 cz'ha n. smaII fly.
p6~o.uih- v.i. t o read.
pal- v.i. (-h-) t o tolerate, put up with.
pjlcasa ki- v,t, to do wrong; pdlasa gatcasz" n bad man. .
 . ,

tl gteen dove.
piihha ki- v.t. to take care. -,
pqa? /pzp- v.t, (-t-l-h-) to'receive, get: tb give birth to. +('

. ,
pnaqayi adj. old.
p$-/ v.i. c+) to hatch out: pnipi ki- . v,t. to put eggs for
hatching. . .

p - V.;. (-tb) to fun away.

,. .: .

p i - /par- v.t. i-t-/-h ) to se1.I.

prubitnri n. ancestor.
p e k - e.t. (-h-) to search for louse (in hair); to sptead out wings
of birds: to open.
p7Zhh v.t. (-tb) to stir (cufry , meat, etc.); to sptead out something
in the sun,
prop- v.t. (41%)to wipe mouth.
p n o / p r q o D. (BY%) foetus.
p&t- v.t. (-h-) to light; pmnd-i- v.i. (4-) to be alight.
p~6di . r n t ~ % c c n. banyan ttee.
p&&a dah-lnat- v.t. (-h-) to put something under the arm.
p?a,d n. a kind of bee-hive.
pyi-/p$- v.i. (-t-) to hatch out.
. pyik- v.t. (-hw)tobteakopen.
+g-i- v.ib et-) to be covered.
pybdo prada ad^. pht. ca~elessly.
pyiyuli n. (-kajpflka) worm.
pis; n. (-ka) spark.
pyiska poia n. a kind of bird.
pyirla R, f y l ) unripe mango.
p ~ i k - v. t. ( 4 - 1 to close, cover,
p11ska d.mgi n. PyB) chameleon.
py8nw n. (pteka) bone; reed.
pyok- i.ib (-h-)to wander about or to visit differeat places.
proko a- v. i, to become silent, quiet,
ppng *B'- v.f. (-G] to long to see.
ppdo kuna n, a type, of edible forest toot.
prop /p707 v.t. (-h+t-) to shell peas, ktc;; to hull,
-
 Y

-ba add. part. used to address men or boys, e.g., vzba come.
baki pp. side, direction; bakita pp. for, on behalf of.
v * C

"balira n. (-y?f) room. m

. .
baga gat& n. enemy.
bagi n. load for donkey, horse, etc.
banara n. gold; bangara singara n. gold and valu.ables.
banka doveli n. a type of sickle.
baci Ei- v.t. to choose.
baca dlilu n. (- ka) mzle calf.
bajara daqde n. small path, alley in bazaar.
bajo hi- v.t. to beat, slap.
bala n. (-yB) waste land; pasture.
bati n. (yg) wine shop.
bali ki- v.t. to divide; bat; k;vi G- to break into pieces or groups.
badiya n. (badinga) carpenter.
bananjo n. (-yH) nephew (sister's son); bananji n. ( -&a) niece
(sister's daughter).
banda pu'na n. August.
bandi n. (-y B) bullock-cart.
bagdi n (-y%) stomach; bandi a- v.i. to have diarrhoea.
ban(iita d- v.i. to be pregnant; bandit; m h e s i n. own son,;
true son.
bcznviya n. (banvingal bariviyanga) hunter.
batimiil-i- v.t. (et-) to request.
batk-i- v .i. (-t-) to get on well; batki ki- vat. to make a good *living
to live happily; batka gatasi n. rich man. .

baduli pp. instead of.

badIi n'- v.i . to be transferred.
'

bndhaq n. challenge; boasting; badhara 3- V. i. to challenge' or

boast.
banda n. (-yg) dam, tank, lake.
banda gorik~I gonki n. (-yEi) stork.
banda gnokoti n. (-ka) black heron.
bande ki- v.t. to pawn.
b a ~ p e ~ e sni (barnnay@ a Brahmin (m,): bamneqi n. (-ska) a
Brahmin woman.
burnd-i- v.t. (-t-) to cause to disappear; to hide; 6amdi d v.i. to
forget.
barns+ -v.t. (-t-) to forget; to get confused.
baya la. (-y$) crazy, stupid person; baya 8- v.i. to become crazy.
bayakila voc. used to address younger brothers as silly boys.
b o y I bliyi n. (-ska) friend (f.); gtand-mother.
biaiiulu n (-yl) field,
bare adj. every; all.
bnreti ddyu adv, phr. enentually; at last.
bar0 masi n. name of a tree
bad-i-1 brak- v.1. (-t-./-h-.) to claw,
baryn n. (-y8) big trap,
bursa n, (-ya) year.
barsi n . September.
ba.rFvii n, (-yti) wild pig,
bariya n. stick.
6ayga n. (-yl) stick; var. ba~iya.
bala n. ( - ~ z La) type of lentil; a wide board, table.
bala/baEay?r n. peas,
baliya n. cashew fruit, .
bale cl. expression of resentment or annoyance.
balli n. (-yti) bucket.
balmi ki- v.t. to rape,
balmise adv. slowly, gradually; with great effort; by ?'orce.
bazyudi van@ n. second finger.
bavuli n. (-ka) wild cat.
balceleyii n. aluminium comb, pin, chain for hair;
basa n. (my%)residence; basd d - v.i. to stay, live on.
baoi pp, side, direction,
basli / balsuri n. sand; basli diba n, sandhill. .
bdka n. curse; oath; brka iti- v.t. to curse; b&ka ki- v. t. imprecate
btiki n. (-yl) balance payment.
, .
ba'ga n. (-y3) part, share.
Q A ~ E an. musical instrument,
b8ca ki- v.t. to scold.
b ~ j a3. (-ygl music; baja grija n. music sounds.
b@a n. hiring charges. 1
bGja pp. rather than.
Bat0 n. (-yl) elder sister's busband.
bn'pa n. (-bgal-y%)hair.
-
blina a- bcini ii v.i. to forget; to disappear.
.
bzdu n. (-ya) -trouble;biida d- v.i to be a matter of concern, trouble-
banja b d pji n. childless parents; b j e g i n. (-ska) barren (woman).
bapla n. (-yB) bat.
babaj; n. (-&a) holy man.
blibara n. business, affairs, concern; babaru gatasi n. trader.
bnbzl voc. address form used towards respectable people.
biiratomi n. bonus; commission.
blirik(a) n. (-y;Z) village messenger.
ba'resi n. (-ka) pimple.
bzro num. twelve.
bJro masi n. name of a tree.
bdra n. rent; charge for hiring ;bam 61% n. rented house.
bdro n. (-yZi) garden, land.
biiri n (-y8) singlet, bunyan.
bfiyi 6- v.i. to be twisted.
biiyese adv. slowly; with great effort.
bnlu n. (balka) bear.
bGviri n. crazy woman; bay@b5viri n ignorant %ornarn,
bin'aa n. 6-y8) language.
basi n. name of a tree.
bica n. (-yTLi seed.
bijli n. torch.
biteyi n, polllutim, uncleanness. J

Bidi n. (-yB) small clay pot; very small pot; glass (of water).
biteka adv. hands breadth.
bdtri pp. inside.
bids n. (-ya) block with fist; bida t6j.i- v.t. to beat with hst.
Edi n. rule, custom; small metal container with c ~ t j t r ydeiiicine,
worn round the neck, arm or wrist to protect the
wearer from evib, si~kaess,etc*
b W @ a a, small chisel.
bir-i- v.i. (-t-) to grow, multiply (worms, etc); to develop
feathers (birds). -.
birt-i /brig- v t . (-t-) to scratch making marks.
birp-i.- v. t. (-t-) to scratch making many marks.
birva n. iron-safe.
biyo ki- v.t. to stir.
bila n. (-yii) wheel.
6ileyi n. (-ka) cat.
bilki n . confusion, forgetfulness; bilEiii- v.i. to become confused.
bisk; n, ( yii) brains.
b i j a ki- v.t. to harass, annoy.
bz'meqesi n, rain-god. , . .

biri &vit n . millet type of grain.

6isa n, pain; poison; an unit of weighing measure. '
bisa h ~ g an, weighing scale.
.
bisi bayeli adj phr. wonderful, beautiful.
6iha n. (-YE) marriage.
b ~ k - 5 - v.t. (-t-) to up; to swallow; bwku b w , h n. gobbling
sound
b t u n. (by@ iattoo marks; thump print, impression.
h d a n. (-y2i) testicle, penis.
62cdec n. pilgrimage.
budovi W- v.t. to spoil, destroy, ruin.
.
bzlti n wages in kind, instead of money.
bphtu n. last husks of grain left after main threshing.
ibzcdi n. knowledge.
6undeni n. name of a tree.
buri b u ~ @yui n. drizzle.
burda rfyu n, muddy water.
becrra n. (-y&) bundle of rice used in festival called b%rya.
boyha n. (-y8) husband; old man; bcrcyhi n. c-ska)wife, old woman;
h y h a buyhi n . old folks, husband and wife.
Qaga n. (-y'a) bubble, cheek. G

hat% n. ( - y e spirit. (evil).

brsmi n. (-y%)land; b a m i gari n. small plot 6f 'land; brmi nzya n;
kehsene; bami p@a n. land title; b@ni sci~an. pea-nut.
baru kumda n. climbing pumpkin. .-.
beta d - v.t. to find.
beta 6- v.i. to meet.
be$ ki- v.t. to roll up.
beteni n (-ka) head-pad.
beda n. (-y%bbrick.
bead{ n. (-2) lady's finger.
bepdiya n. (bandiyakga) young nian.
beti n. cane; bet; bayga n. (-ya) cane stick.
heteka / biteka adv. hands breadth.
bebya n. (-yl) dumb person (m.); bebyi n, dumb peison (f."); Ft
n. (ayll, stammerer.
bey1 n. (-yH) fence.
beta n. spleen. . S

bela maru n. be1 tree. ,

bele adj. very good; bele~eadv. nicely, excellently.+

besl adv. very, very much.

.Y

< -

b 4 i adv, quickly; bcqi kinasi n. an alert man, a busy man.

bZc-i- ~ . t(.t - 1 to*aveaa glance at; b ~ c ci'az-
i to. .go to see; d ~ c i
to come to see,
bg$ n. Cy%)injection.
hunt; bita luh- v.t. (at-) to hunt. '
1
n. (-ya) pig-tail; plait.
bZnda n. fish trap, .
bznda rndfa n. a kind of creeper.
bebara n. business; var. babars; bJbara ge(a9i n. tiadet.
be'rni n. name of a tree,
bCra ran.(ay%)deaf personl (m,);b% n. (-ska) deaf person (f.).
bZmni I bi'roni n. discussion.
bCrG, bZron< b 2 w i mdnda n. (-yB) circle of large flat stones id
village street; meeting place.
b g r o d n. business, trade; b8romi ki- v,t. to trade.
bila n. hour, time. l'
I

b8Zi n. (-yB) family (paternal lineage).

 . .. ,
. . . .
bleke' / btseyi n. May. . ,
- .
... . . . 7
.
" I'
,
b&eki ltnjljv n. summer month. . . .
, . . . !. I

bok- v.t (-h-) to spill. . ,

. .. . ._.:' '.

boko n. chest; boko bisn n. chest-pain.. .' . '' . ,. , , .,

bokra n . (-y?I) he-goat,, ram. . . . , . .. .

, .
. , , , . . .,: 'I .
3.

bobs gwi n. (-y%)ram. e

,. $
7
V 2 "

g v.i (-t-) to bow, bend down. .

.
I
*
, .
.

bocom n. (boconi ka) word; bocono ueh-.v.t; to d n d :wdrd, advice. :

. .. ." . .
,' ,

boot" n. (-yH) thumb impression. .

. ... .) ..
,

.
bodi n (-yl) lamp (base). .
,

, .
c.

G .

. * ,..
>

. ,.. :"
m '

bodopono n. (-y%) pride. ' .I . , ,

. . .. . . . *
Qotri n. size; measurement. . . ,

.. . ,
. ,
, ,

boma n. c-y%) picture, doll, etc. , ,

.. ,

bomi n. (-y&) shoulder. ,, ..

..: ..
boyer; vale' n. slab for pounding.
boro n. blessing.
. .
borne n. (-yl) type, kind. . . . ,
i '

b ~ r an. beatie (large black).

I

horse' n. (-yii) instrument used for scraping wood; small axe.

v.i. (-G) to spill. . ,

b a k ~adj. false.
biigu n. thank offering.. -. . .

bfiji n. (-yH):feast. . :
. .
boja adj. heavy.
bbno n. ( y ~ nest;
) bSno pah- v.t. to make a nest. . , , ,

bbno biino n. buzzing sound of bees.

. . n. (-ya) heart; bdqda jerla n. heart; baqda yinji- v.l. to be
biinda
sorrowful. .. . . ; .

bandp n. (-ya) bud (flowers). 1 . . " .

bbndiil-li n placenta. . ,

bbrtu n. (-y~)almirah made of iron ;orsteel,.tpkeep,,c~othes. ., - .. ,

bdnda n . (-yz) drop (of blood, water).. . . . ., .

,
., . : ? ,

b n. (-ska) younger sister., . . .. . .. . .. .

biipu n. strength. , .

b6yi ,n. smoke. , .. - ... , . . . ,

b c ~ ptiyeyi
i n. fi uit of bori tree.
bbya adj. hornless.
bbya n. a kind of cake, fried in oil. .
.\

bsla n word.
biiua a. (ly8) younger brather. ... ...
b6sorn; h& v.i. et-) to perish in gre-af aumber,~ due to some
disaster.
bnefikoti adj. crooked.
b&h$yg n. a yariety of lentil.
br6t- v.t. (-h-) to smoke out.
byac-t v.i. (-to) to be tired of.
bra'yt~ n. strength; by@% a- v.i. to become +tfoag. L.

v. t. (-h-) ro shoot with a gun; to erase; to capse to collaps$,

.,,

break; to cause blindness.

byiya n, (-ka) wet field.
b i n v.i, (-t-) to be erased; to go off (tfap, gun, etc.).
by& byuk ha?- v.i. ( a t ) to ooze.
byu?- v.t. (44 to grab, seize, snatch.
bra- v.t. (at-) to touch, affect; to get one.
.- g
ma cl. optative; denoting piobab ility, possibility, *indefiniteness,
irreal condition, etc.
ana ,.. ... ma cl. irreal condition; .desirability.
m k a voc. address form used towards girls, i.e., daughtets and
sisters in affection,
m k 9 o f i n, (-kal necklace, beads.
mubyam n. Tuesday.
WCIU n. dew.
maja ng7ceri n. (aka) mid-night.
rnata n, Cka) eye lid; always occufs with ka%a as k m mta,
m t a kuca n, a kind of greens.
m!-i- v.t, (-t-) to sow, scattet seed.
manda n. (ay@ place of special signifidaoce, place; small area,
. . manda adv. phr. crouching, creeping.
manda
m u d ; n. (-ya) plate; bowl.
rna~diyan. ragi; nzagdiya p ~ ~ e yn.i (manqiyii) iagf grain seed,
 mapdovi n . (-ka) plat-form, tower. :

magsr/myasr n . wish, desire.

. -;,

mznsi n. ( y ~ h) uman being.

mntu a.h- v .i. to be dizzy.
mate'li n. (-ka) prawn.
. .
matromi cab. but. . .

madi/madi?e pp. between, among. . .

modigdliya adv. phr. betwein the first . and . . the
. last. - ,

madi ndke~i adv. n. in the middle of the night.

' I . .
n'.. third finger.
rnadini i~a~;iii~~.i a .

m*.%-v i. (.c-) to remain, exist, stay; aux.v. to be.

manji n. !-ria) a grain of rice; manjiii/manjiyZj . . . husked
n. . . rice.
manda n. (y$) herd, flock.
~ n a y lcjyu
i n. (may (i) knkg) sesame, berry used,,.fo$preparing . . . ....: .-. hair
.... .
"

and codking oil mayikd niy9 n.~in!&$y.~oil.

... . .. , C :\, ;, i

~ a r -v.i. (-h-) to lie down flat, strktch .. _ out.

a
.. .
wnra n. form; screw (s.D.).
maradaga adv. quickly; erectly. . .
waryiada gotusi n. respected person. . ,

mar& rnaTnu n. saj tree.

marnu n. (marka) tree, . .

mamdeves rnamndesi n. (-y E) wife's younger brother.

m.arh1 marhl hal v.i to crawl, creep. ,

m r 9 u n. (my%)mongoose.
mara n. ( y5) fold.
rna~taM v.?. to fold over, together. . .. . -. .

marha n. (-y5) corpse; dead body.

mala rna2a adj. lazy; show. . .

mtlvuta n. (-6ga) mahout, man who catches and trains elephants.':' ,

masala gunda n. spices.

m a h a ~ in. ( - y l ) ghost; evil spirit; mahani mande n. (-y%)burial .
place.
mahva n. (-y%)mango. . .

muse adv. n. day after to-morrow . 1 ..: , I .. ,

', 19

' mawzasi 11. person whose name is forgotten,in the moment. , . ;

rna~asi n. our man, . . .' : .l

g
.,
 mak-d v.t. (-t-1 to roast in fire; to cook food wrapping food in
leaves or putting in fire. +\

mdga n. February.
mrsriga n. (masks) daughter.
mdbg-6 v.t. (-t-) to die out family, tribe, type of seed, etc.
m ~ c in. dirt; mac; 8- v.i. to become dirty,
mccj-i- v.i. (-t-) to be ripen; maju tuh- v.i. to ripen.
,. .
maj-c v,i. to smell bad; to get spoiled (food); m8ja l a l - to become
stale, bad, spoiled; to go bad of food.
ki- V. t. to cause to prepare.
mGjo n. in our house.
mzt- v.t. e h - ) ta begin, commence: to call.
mdtu Mtula a- v.i: to hide things.
m8tub pp. in cdver of, underneath, inside.
matpi 5- vat.to plan; to arrange,
mdda n. fighting, beating; mada 8- v.i. to be fighting, beating;
nzdda Ei- vet. to beat.
mana n. unit of measure, approx. 3 kg,
m ~ n e k anun. one thousand.
w i g d - i v.t. (-to) to marry.
. . k;- v.t. to assist in marriage arrangements,
mDndi
mat- vat. (-h-) to train animals, birds, etc.
mdtovi n temptation; matovi Ei- v t . to tempt.
rniitrorni adj. only (s.D.).
mjtlomi n. eka) devil, evil spirit (originates from child who died).
madi e'yu n. muddy water.
mans n. wild citrus fruit.
mzni n. respect, honour: mani ki- vet, to respeot.
mii~eyin. ( miiueyadga) person.
h n o v i g- v.t. to obey, heed.
mlindi ki ~ . tto . prepare for use; to train animals.
miipura I mahupurb n. God.
aa'po n, at our place; to us.
ma'ba n, (-y5) our my father,
mdma n. (-y B) maternal uncle.
mdmbu per. pr we (cxcl.).
 399

j mZya n.,mylour mother.

mdya a- v.i. to vanish, disappear; mdya K -v.t. to perform magic;
1

to cause to disappear.
mtiyu n. (-yii) sambhar.
aa'ra n. (-yii) wing.
mJra a- v.i. to grow, spread out.L

ma'ra Liiru n, palm win^.

mar0 per. pr. we (incl.).
rnii~a n. (-yii) creeper; rope.
rniiya ht'?/ii n. a kind of brinjal.
m8y-i- v.t. (-t-) to heal (sore, etc.).
miiyi n. (-y(i) mountain.
rndya' / p t u i l e ~ e in. -ya) a man of the Mali caste.
ona'yzc n. very serious sickness.
mask-i- v.t. (-t-) to exchange. -
mdh- v.t. (-tb) to ripen (bananas).
miih-i- v.i. (-t-) to be dirty.
mit- v.t. (-h-) to blink eyes.
mita arnbu n. arrow with rounded end.
miti miti Ei- v.i. to blink; miti sini ki- v. i. to blink.
mipi mini sin; hi- v.t. to look carefully, w~tchfully.
mirsi n. (-yii) chilli; mimi bdya n. chilli garden; mysi ma?- vat.to
be hot [chilli).
mirvesi mli9esi n. (mirka) son.
miy902a I miyisola n, evening.
mi- v.i. (-t-) t- bathe.
mfl- v.t. (-h-) to give bath.
&nu n. (mnika) fish; m h u k$a n. fish-hook.
minj-i- v t . (-t-) to take by force, to loot.
mipo n. your place.
miba n. (-yH) your father.
mz'mbu per, pr. you (pl. ).
mzyu n. (-ska) your mother.
mirw per. pr. you (pl.).
mfrh-i- v.t. (-to) to like, love; to make friends with.
mgla n. (-ySi) lamb, kid.
 mih- v.t. (-t-) to take by foica; mss'ci A- v. t. to tug; ta take
b y force.
Y

mukb V i. ('ha) to bark,

muka n. (-yZI) small piece, edg.,meat, cloth, pot, ets,
muktovi kZb v.t, to release from pawningS
muguya u. a variety of dhal.
mu~gelz'n, (-ha) nose,
muc-;A ~ . t (4-)
. to cover up; t o jay seige,
mueu n, rascal.
mucon; n. upper tail of a bird.
mu#- v.i. (-t-) to complete; to be finishedJ
mufa n. (-y8) bundle of thatch; gfass.
muti n. (-yB) fist.
rnulka nn.( h y i ) person with dcformed fingers (in.);rnrc!k;
(-ska) person with deformed fingers (f.).
n, (-yii) anus; mud; pZnda n. buttock.
vfi.nunka/mnu.hn. urine; mu$& vii. (-t-) t o urinate, ,
mzcnda n, (-4'3)'past.
munda n. (AY%) tank.
.man$ uli n. (y%)garlic.
- . (sob%mundi) n. (-y%)tap entrance opening to rice field&
nzzcndi
. . n. number (lit, head).
mzcndi
mugdomi (n. aka) wax (bees),
mundra n. (ay8) susumber.
. . .taka n. pure go1d coins,
m,un&ra
mzcnanbu n. area of work,
muta n. (dy2f) pot.
mwat2a n. (dka) nippBe,
mwt?esi n. (-ya) wart,
rnuda ki v*. to foM, roll up; to put to=gethe~:
mudi n, (-yii) ring,
mzldeya n, (eriga) acmsed,
m~cdi.a n. seaf,
mudr-i- v.$. to b w m e matafed, ripen.
mwmh n. (uy@ point (of needle, etc.).
rmunu kXhi ri- to fall, fall forward; munu btl- v.;. t o bow h e a d
mufij4- v.i. (-t-) to drown, sink; to sit in the middle.
muru muru 5- v.i. to grumble; to complain.
murku gatasi n. fool.
wurg-i- v.i. (-t-) to ask, beg again and again. -, !

a u r m u n. (murka) nose-ring (sides).

muryi n. cholera, plague.
murla n:(-yir) a m m with crooked ear; murli n. (-ska) a woman
with a crooked ear.
murli kriyil n. (krika) deformed ear.
mursa ii v.i. to covet
aurvesi n. Fka) bac k-bone.
muli muli kak- v.i. to smile.
muski adj. miserly; m,uski gatas; n. miser,
musk-i- v i , to bark (dog).
musri n. (-y%) a kind of lentils.
tnuh- v.t. (-t-) to bury; to stick to something in ground; to erect,
build.
~nuhii! pp. upon, against, in opposition to.
m n c i n. mucous; cold.
~nlita n. (-yj) bundle of grass.
mwla n. (-ya) hammer.
. .
manda n. (-yn) ea,rth-bank.
vniiti n . (-ya) beak; snoutb
munja n. (-yii) forehead.
munj-i- v.t. to smell.
lnzinta n. (-ya) small metal jug, pot, vessel.
m g r n b u 11. (-y ii)'face.
m a y a n. (-ya) small bell used in anklets and bracelets.
sntiyeli n. (-ka) red ant.
~ n i i y i n. (-pi)overhang of roof; ?;p- v.t. to build an o ~ e i -
hang.
m6la n. (-yii) corner,
malu n. principal, loan,
m i i h Eunn n. sweet potato,
mtihu n. (miiska) large monkey.
 4132

m$?- v.i. (-t-) to be spicy, taste good;-to be able (R.D ).

mek- v.t. (-h-) to move, lift up, pull up.
meg-i- v.i. to move; to be pulled up. .
mela n. ( - y ~ )sand hill.
rnefki a- v.t- to jostle; to shove.
med-i- v.t. l-t.) to push; to refuse to give money on (loan).
l
rnenda n (-yzi) knee; menda kuti- v.i. to kneel.
met- v.t. (-h-)to put inside; to let fall; to throw.
wed-i- v i. (-t-) to put down foot; to stop; to.put on coat, etc.,
to be i n water.
meriya (puja) n. human sacrifice.
meya G- v.i. to be available.
meyda n. t-yzi) roof, roof ceiling made up of clay.
melu n. (-ka) pea-cock.
meh- v.t. (-t-) to see.
meh?na !:&g; n. (-ska) cross-cousin (f.); mehvga b y i n. (-y B )
cross-cousin (m.).
me?- v.t. (-t-) to graze; to herd (cattle).
mzca n. ( yg) penis.
mdna n. wax (in the honey comb).
rnbge?e adv. secretly, stealthily, carefully.
mdnda n. (-y8) sheep.
mZtre?esi n. (mPtrayB) mat maker.
m2y-i- v i. (et-) to graze.
mEra n. (-y2) custom.
mcrd-i- vat. (-t-) to eat, chew (joking expression).
mZya n. (-ka) upstair building; stick for fencing.
mdyi n. plough; plough handle.
maa adj. blank, empty; mdla pih- v.t. to turn cattle loose, without
herdsmen, ai the festival time.
moko n. (. iiga) sprouting of crop.
morigori n. (-ka) crocodile.
rnotro n. magi'c.
modeyi n. name of a tree
mono n. wish, thinking in mind; ~ o to+m v.i. t o wish; to have in
mind.
montra' n. (by%) king's advisor; prime minister.
moha adj. great; var. of maha.
mohri mohori n. (-yZt) trumpet. .
mac-i- v.i. (-t-) to be loaded down with heavy load; to be
burdened with many worries and responsibilities.
mdci kib v,t, to join, fit (timbers).
mdta n. (-yil) bundle made by tying something with cloth; hidden\
treasure
mdga n, (-yg) pocket, small bag.
mjpa n, (-y%)outet edge of the shouldeGr.
mdra n. (-yg) corpse,
l m ~ y o v iki- v,t, to twist,
vnnasu n, wish; Var, of rnftr;lsB.
mndh v.t. (-t-) to take away without asking, secretly; mupi- v.t.
to steal.
qnndski orli n, (-yI) a kind of rat,
mndhu n. (mnaska) thorny bamboo.
mgi-lmyi- v.i. (-t-) to change into (horse, GOW, pig, etc.); mqip-
v.t. (-h-) to change into.
wniti mni?it adv. phr, fully loaded; fully drunk.
mgipu n. (..yd) eel.
mni-/my;- v.i. et-)to be able; t o be of use; to fit for.
mnih- v.i. et-) to shine (lightning), glitter; na~ispzcn. lightning.
mninu n, (mnika) fish; var. of rngnu,
mnz'ya n. name of a tree,
rlnL~uka/m~nlca n, urine.
rnnek- v.t. (-h-) to destroy completely; to etase; to make clean
filling holes, etc
mnetig-i-lnznerig-i- v.i. (-te) to die out; to be destroyed.
'

nzn~htan. (-yli) man; husband,

mnok- v.t. (-h-) to ladle out.
mnoh- v.t. (+) to put wood on fire.
arande9esi n. wife's younger brother; var. of marnds?esib
mr~nec./mrn~ n; (matka) tree.
mri?esi n. (mirka) son; var. of mirqesi.
mrzh- v.t. <-t-) to practice; to love.
m ~ a l un. (-ka) hare.
m ~ i -v.i. (-t-) to be able; t o fit for.
!rwogla n. (-yii) eye, shoot of potato, etc.
T
rakasa n. (-ka) giant monster (f.).
rakom n. kind, size, type, variety.
rufiga n. colour (0).
rang74 gatasi n. person who dresses well:
raci ki- v.t. to create.
raja D. (-ya) king, emperor.
r a j i Eiseni n. name of a small tree.
rani n. (-ska) queen.
m n i kuna n. (-ya) sweet potato.
rat- v.t. (=h-)to cut through; ratpi- v.t. (-t-) t o chop.
rats n. July.
ranja n. (-yaj stick for supporting plants, branch.
ramana n. (-y8) vulture.
Tarnrum voc./int. Ram Ram; O! God.
rayi n. mustard; custom or rule in connection with the agree-
ment, esp. of marriage payment.
rayiti n. (-yfi) farmer, riot.
rayka n. badice.
raelzc aR v.i. (-t-) t o echo.
ravu ram in- v.i. (-c ) to growl.
rasa n. juice.
7 8 - v.i, (-t-) to finish; to come to an end,,
~ 5 k -v.t. (-h-) to rub; to smear.
mgi n. ragi, a kind of millet; a kind of white metal.
rririku g a t a ~ i n. thin or sickly man.
r 4 r i g ~ n. (-yz) breast.
r ~ c - i v.t. (-t. ) to wash (clothes); to write.
rdcu n . (rlska) snake; riicu huka n. (-yB) removed skin of snake.
rzji n. region; part of a country.
 S .b b ,
v.t. (-t-) to reign; to rule a country.
i
~ a j gong-;-
r
rdgdi / rlindeni n. (-ska) widow; r8gde?e& n. (rlndiba) widower.
uzpa n. point: r@a vastayi n. sharp pointed (thing). . .

rnna raka adj. pht. beaten up; bruised.

, . rdna / r~neqesi n. a man of Ram gtoup.
riinda n. rice, cooked meal.
~ d p - v.t. (-h-) to complete.
rzy-i- V.i, (-t*) to split; to break (rock, etc.).
riivir n. grains left over after the harvest; rciuii p&- v.t. (-h-) to-
t glean. . _
\

rrivu n time (.fate).

rGh8 n. pleasure; rehe ?c=; vet. to make merry; rtiha hahn n,
great pleasue,
rik- v.t. (-h-) to loosen; to untie.
rikli adj. broken, tattered; torn up.
rindi num, t w o (fern. or neutral).
ring-i- v.i. (-t-) to become loose; to be open.
rilzZ ad^. n, twice: on two occasions.
r i ~ a r in. two men, people.
r&ni adv. n. two days; ri?nlti?e since two days.
ri num. adj. two.
i (-t-) to fall.
~ . v.i.
rika vii- v.i. to charge for attacking (animal).
riki n, plot, scheme; riki ati-./ak- v.i. to plot ot scheme one &an
on his own in his heart.
ringa n. (hyii) charcoal.
riqa n. debt.
.ri deba adv, n. twice.
$isa kata n. hard word,
risa man- v.i. to be betrothed, togaged.
rih- v.t . (-t-) to beg, pray, ask for; rispa gagatas; n, b e g g a ~ , ~
rue-i- v.i. to wallow in mud (e.g., buffalo9 dog, et+),
ivb~dua- v.i, to gather together.
ruponi n. l-ka) ring, sp'iral, metal ,spring.
~ ~ . b i iv.i.
- (-t-) to rub [paint),
 ru.vo gdld n. whirl wind.
G - v.t. (-h-) to melt (metal).
riiti n. bread (unleavened) . 1
r ~ d e s e adv. constantly; time and agaia.
. rap-;- v.t. (-t-) to twine around, to wind into a ball, to tie round
bandage, belt, etc.; to wash face, head, etc.
r ~ r n b e l i adj. crinkled, twisting, curled.
rily-i- v.t. to melt (metal).
&h- v.i. (-t-) to sweat, perspire.
TGV- v.t. (-t-)to roll fibres; to rub fibres to-gether.
re- v. t. (rec-) to pull.
reka n. folded sheet of paper, layer of cigar, etc.
reku n. (-yl) piece: section; leaves of the paddy.
re7c.u dira n. (ay@ folding!double door.
yennu n. (-yit) a kind of tiger, leopard.
retovi ki- v.t. to make smooth by rubbing.
reve reve d- v.i. to mutter, grumble, to talk to oneself.
reseni adv. n. yesterday.
rZ- v.i. (rPc-) to travel; to roam.
~Eko n. name of forest fruits.
p - v.i. (4.) to be filled to the bursting point, e.g , plastic or
paper bag; to be very full.
r@ucon. so that (not); in order to; ~5@77econ. at that moment, as
soon as.
p v.t. (-h-) t o lower; to take down; to put down.
r8vu n. (-y Si) path (animal).
r vat. (-t-) to go about selling; to distribute.
re;)- V i. (-t-) to disembark, get down, go down; to reach, enter,
rokoni n. a separate place; carpenter" plane.
rokom n. kind, variety.
roceka adj. a few, a little; some,
rcindi num. one; ropdi la7ca -a. each one (thing); ronda' h8depa ad^.
with one voice, one accord.
rob- v.t. ( 4 4 ) to put into, inside, in a tin, cupboard, etc.
roletayi n. it is different (non-;masc. sg,).
 w h e w adv. together, jointly. .. .
ro?oro?otari / ro?muta.~i
'

n. one by one (masc. pl.). . .

~ o ~ o nadv.
i n. day before yesterday. .-.,
ro9orill.a n, forest vine; edible tuber.
roqosi laka n. each one (m.).
r6 num. adj. one; r5 bZyZ9c adv. only once.
~ 6 y l i v,i. (-t-\ to stay.
rFle9etayi n. it is same (non-rnasc. sg.).
rdle9e adv. of the same size.
r6 vanja nnum one hundred.
h - v t. ( -t-) to marry; to carry, e.g., on tray, plate, in box,
etc.
~6he?e[rohe7eadv. to-gether, jointly.
r&va n. soot; black caused by soot and smoke.
I
-?a add. part. used towards younger boys, e.g., aya he! boy.
yak- v.i. (-h-) to taste sweet.
yag-i v.i. (-r-) to boil (water).
~anj-i-v.t. (-t-) to throw out (water); to scatter.
gandi n, palate.
Tapa adv completely; adj. all.
pa9a n. (-ska) young unmarried girl.
gaku n. (-y?L) offering to deity.
ydk-i- v,t. (-t-) to sacrifice.
M%g-i- v.i. (-t-) to sleep.
ydndz~ adv. n. last year.
y i p i n. cow-dung; manure.
- v.i. to crack; to be fiinished; to burst (boils).
~ i k -v.t. (-h-) to break into pieces (pot, etc.).
rig-i- v.i. (-t-) to break (pots, etc.).
yico raca Ei- v.t. t o shake liquid in bottle.
yidpi adj. lower.
rioika adv. n. lower part (of village, etc.).
yi- v.t. (-t-) to cry; to ring.
ySke adv. completely; rike goh- v.t. to drink up completely.
 1

408

it- v.t. (-h-) to make cry; to hag; to ring.

i n - - v.t. (-t-) to burn, flash, blaze; to be white.
<aL
,+
-*

~fsporin.. (-ka) kindling material (small pieces of grass, twigs, -3

"*W
+
-'

leaves, etc.) Lb-*

*?
a$$,
yih- v.t. (-t-) to mzke fire burn, light fire. '.*P"
ruk- v.t. (-h-) to hide; rug-i- v. i. (-t-) to hide. d
'$5

yutva n. ( - v 9 bug l i

puska 5- v.i. to fight (cock). / 1

yuh-i- v.i. (-t-1 to overcook; to be scalded, blistered.

yuhz adv. over-cooked
>.
yuquti n. name of a tree.
yuqma n. (-y%)tick.
~ a v- i. (-t-) to fall out teeth, hair, etc.
~ t 2v.t. (-t-) to plough; rulcl:n. (-y%)ox.
flc-i- v.i. to peck.
rat-i- v.t to strip off (fibres from bark, etc.).
yasa kodi- v.t. to dress one's own hair. >l1
1
I
ylisa yasa adv, phr. smoothly. il
i'
lirh- v.t (-t-) to stroke dog, baby's head, etc.; t o pat.
yep- v.t (-h-) t o destroy; to break.
~ e p /rev-i-
- v.t. (-h-/-t-) to dig out from soil, ground; to take out
1
;l/
soil from hole, goods from bags and boxes, excavate. /l'
iii
rh- v.t. (-t-) to sharpen; rZka vali / ~ Z m p avali / fimpori nali shar-
pening stone.
rdqrna n. (-yli) finger tip.
4
yong-i- v.i. (-t-) to be white; to be light skinned; yorigilaasa' n.
light skinned person.
~ O k ipp. under. B

y6ki dnrti n. earth.

ydydu adv. n. year before last.
rw- vet. (-h-) to chop, lop off (branches, etc .).
y6y-i- v.i. (-t-) to stay.
rfih- v.t. c -t ) t o light lamp.
r&i pp. under, below.

. , S
 la cl. expressing wish, doubt, anxiety.
$aka cl. each; con. because, therefore; pp. for; as much 2s.
*L-w4 I laka jiimbu n. (-yl) a type of guava. ,. . 1
lakibara n. Thursday.
lako adv. n./pp. top, above, high.
1
lage adj . bad; lage 6- v.i. to wreck; to become useless; lagese
adv. badly.

i
$4 lageve d- v. i. to become unclean.
lage9eti adj. bad, evil; unclean.
;i i
% $1 laja n. shyness, shame; laja 8- v.i. to be ashamed;" Eaja r&g-i-
1; 3
- .
I l
.. v.i. (-t-) to get rid of shame.
ii: lafa n. (-ya) rubbish; bush.
;,1
'I
lati bayga n. walking stick; stick.
ij Zadi n. mud.
l
l
Eandayii n.rice-wine.
I
I
lapeyi n. (-ka) chin.
I
:
l
lamba adj. long.
l
lavaya qotatasi n. demanding person.
I
I .
la'kavari kitarli n well-finished ornaments/decorations.
lng-i- v.t. (-to) to scold; ldgtyi 4- v.i. to argue, quarrel.
15c-i- v.t. (-t-) to measure.
18deve adv. without trouble, easily.
E5qdi n. June.
ZZinteri, n. lantern.
laba n. gain, profit.
lgri n. truck.
Zgri n,cattle-shed.
l a w n. climbing gourd.
ZBsE-i- v.t. (-t- ) to measure.
ZgoaySi adv. n. in the night.
adv.n. morning; la9isi9e adv.n. early morning.
l$?n adv. n. 'night; 1P?ay8 adv. in the night. .
lidi lid; adv. phr. softly'.
linja n, yolk of egg.
lihi n . ( ya) carvings.
liv-/ni?- v.i. ( t-1 to stand up. - ,. . _..,

lidi lidi,yi-:v.i. 1-t-) to fall away heavily (rain). . .

limba kiiyfi n. (-y;i) lemon fruit.
A

Zz'mba fim.r.nu n. neem tree.

Ifmbu n. while ant. , .

ljyo
,,.. 3- v.,i. ?O wither..
livi'lnva' adv. softly; bending easily.
l i s e ~ in. (-ka) drum (largest).
lzldu ludu adv. phr. softly.
lqnj-j-, y . i . (-i-.)
> . .to ache; to throb with pain.

luh- v.t.'(-t-) to cause pain; to hhnt with group of men; bifa M-

v.t. to hunt in group, beating, shouting, etc.
16ya D. (my21 lip.
lzilu n. ( - y % )thread.
12ilu pals': n. name of a tree.
leka n. number, account; time (indicating fate). -
lekuni n. f - y 8 ) chisel.
leko adv. n,.lpp. on, upon, above; var. of blco; leko leko d - V i. to
attrsct at tent ion; to show off; l e h darmu/lekopurtc .n.heaven.
lekobi ki- v.t. to write.
lefi.z~nin. (&a) tail,
l - i - v.i. (-t-) to hang.
leba n. (-ya) lump; leha d- v,i. to hecome lumpy.
lernb-k- v. i. (-t-) to use; to behave towards (someone\; to treat
(wmeone).
.
leri koh?oyn n variety of small millet grain.
leli marnu n. (-ka) tamarind tree.
leh? pp. / con. as, like, according to; lehZ ki adv. like, about.
Ee7 v.t. (-t-) to hang.
lequri n. dew.
lZki per- v.t. (-h-) to glean. -
I8ko koapda n. sword, replica used in worship or festival. .
ZZko d o ~ q an. boat, replica used in spirit worship.
lZko mrnu n. (&a) silk cotton tree.
c e e
a Q a
2 Z T
*
N
r
 vang*i- v.i. ( t-J to bend.
vam n. (-p) bamboo for beating; bow-stririg,
-'.
vaj-i- v,t. (-t-) t o cook.
vat- v.t. (-h-) to husk maize; to oEer libation,
va!i n. (A@)small ball of food, clay, etc.
vad-i- v.i. (-t-) to sob.
vadi n. (-.ySi) loan, debt; interest,
vanda n, taste (s.D.).
vand-i- v.t. et-) to taste,
vati n. (-yil) wick,
vana vasomi d. v.i. to wail (in mouinlng),
vanja num. (one) hundred,
van@ n. (daska) finger,
sayi (sg.) pp. side, direction, by the side of; in possession of:
~~yidi/bayidi n, appointed time (e.g., for court-case).
vayda n. instalment, fixation of time.
vara n. (-yST) slice (small of fruits),
ware cl. also,
varovo nd(-yii) strip of meat,
varda pfyu n. torrential rain,
varse n. (lyil) row, line,
vavqayi Lid vat.t o empty out,
car6 adj, only; empty,
vala cl. perhaps; mane vale perhaps there is,
vali n. (valka) stone.
valha n. (-yii) small village,
sah- v.t. et-)to fry; vaspi 8 -V i. to be ffied.
vah- v.i. (-to-) to be sharp; vaspi ki-v.t. to sbarped.
vahi: n. (-ya) intestine.
~ a 7 i(pl.] pp. by the side of, side, direction; vayi, (sg.),
t i side.
. ~ ~ a s i pp.
VG- v.i. (-t-) to come.
vdk- v.t. (-h-)' t o pour; ualig-4- v.i. (it-) to leak.
eiid-i- v.t. (-td) to peel*,
vina a. appearatfee, Iook, shape.
w%nona adv. n. next year.
v jderi jmp. you come (p1.); formed from vP- to come.
asy-i- v.i. to become dry, to wither; vagi ki- v.t. to dry.
vam adv. n. (-ya) week; careku adv. n. a full week.
773ru n. flood. .
vdromi n. Sunday.
a t i ~ v an. (-yir) strip of meat; var. of varouo.
viira n. name of a tree.
vdla mnda n, miscel ianeous i terns; uila sanda jdli- v.t. to talk
meaninglessly; vdla sanda 8- v.i. to be in a state of
confusion.
viil-i-lvdl- v.i. (-t-/h-) to stagger; to sway, wave in breeze; to
stumble when drunk.
oah-i- v.i. (-t-) t o be tired; to suffer; vZSu n. trouble; weariness.
vig-i- v.i. (-t-) to thatch; vika n. thatch.
vij-i- v.i. (-to) to break into small pieces; viji ki- v.t. to break
into pieces.
viri vanja n. (-yg) catapult.
oirl-i- v.i. (-t-) to melt.
visteri n. (-ka) leaf plate.
&h- v.t. (-G) to step on, tread, trample; to give in marriage
(betrothed); viski- v.t. to knead; to squeeze.
vivuri n. (vika) grass for thatching house.
vivuyi n. hiccough; occurs only i n combination kuta vivuyi.
vise adv. n. to-morrow.
vit- v.t. (-h-) to shift, shake.
vid-i- v.t. (-t-) to move.
viri s&v?r1 bz'ri szvii n. millet type of gram.
vz'sa n. unit of measure; var. bz'sa.
vask-i- v.t. (-t-) to knead; to squeeze; vih-ki > viski.
vihii n. (-ySL) fly.
we- v.t. (-t-) to be burnt, cooked.
ve7c-i- v.i. (-t-),to choke when drinking or eating; to have food
go down in the wrong way. ..
vegu n. (veska) fire-wood; vegu iiku n. wood and leaves,
vet- v.t. (-h-) to retutn something; @end;+v.ii to return.
vend; n. silver;
uepd-i- vci. to return; vende kz'- v,t. to repair; vende veh- v,t:(tO
answer, reply.
ves- v.t, ( - c - ) to hear, listen to; to ask (a question).
vendorz' n. ( ~ k a tongue.
)
verbla n, mad man,
vela n. (dy?L) small bundle of leaf tobacco.
vela uli n. (bn) white onion,
ve1.u n, (velka) bow,
velpu adj. wide (s.D.),
veh- vat. (at-) .to tell.
v6 k- v.t. (-h-) to announce, publish.
v8ki n. heat rash.
v d ~ g - i - v.i. (-t-) to get spread.
vz~gerimarnz4 n, b i ~ tree. a
vec~i- v.t. (-t-) to pull up, to pull out, to take out.
vzpa marnu n, margasa tree,
vgp-i. v.t. (-P) to beat, hit; v ~ p n- l v.i. to fight,
vzy-i- v . i . (-t-) to dawn; vZya puta n. dawn.
~ e y an. sun; age; -hood (e.g., kokasl v@a boyhood); vtya d- ~ , i ,
to become late; v@a dumbe adv. sunaset, time of the sunsset,
vzya tcitoni n. water-lily.
veya taran; n. rays of the sun,
v g ~ ahan; vavl n, west; viya hhapu n, east,
v.t. (-t-) to become hot; vbpz' k i - v 6 t ,to make warm.
vZ7- ~ . t (-t-)
. to beat, hit, strike.
vt'vla n. ( - y ~ )large root of treds.
vrik- v.t. ( a h ~ )to untie (s.D.),
S
saka 6- v.t. (at-) to help, fende-r help.
sakri n. false witness,
sagila n. (zyg) wife9ssister's .husband.
snja n. things. .. ...

sayu n. ornaments; -
, . . .
I
-

sato n. truth; sateye ad^. really. truly,

mtrzc n. (-ySi) enemy. . _ . , -. . . . . . . . .

sanarzc n ~ c un . Saturday. ..
sapi adj. quiet; sapi & v.i. to be quiet. . . ..
sapta adj. flat. . - . -,. l

sapra W - v.i. to be. tasteless. .. . . !,v

sapytz n. (-YE) a slap with hand. .. -. t

sama con. but. ..... S

.
s a w d- v.i. to prepare. e. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . :
.

sarnnda l samgda n. ( - y l ) trellis, support for vine, creeper, etc.,

pandal. . .

sarndi n. (-ya) affinal relation (relation by marriage); ,samde?esi

n. relation(m.) by marriage; samdeer?i n. relatioq(f.) by
marriage. 1
samduri n. (-ka) sea.
saya n. (-y%) small feathers of a bird.
. . l
i
I i

sayi n. (-y8) shadow.

sarilsare con. when, after. l1
sari W - v.i. to fit, to be fit.
sari hal- v.i. (-c-) to arrive at; to reach.
sarz' particle helps to keep story moving.
sarngi n. violin.
sarra n. (-y%)cross pieces in roof for attaching thatch, tiles, etc.
sayva n. (-yg) plate.
sala &U n. butter milk.
saldi adv. n. mid-morning .
salma adj. cool.
-saval-saz7aha 1-savana particle expressing the meaning after occurr-
ing after completive adverbial participles.
sSiv~isi n. (-y%) aluminium decorative hair-pin.
savukari n. (-y%)rich man; merchant.
s a v ~n. veneral disease. 1
sasta adj. cheap. 1/ 111
eahalsa lsa cl. expresses doubt, probability, possibility,uncertaintyr
etc.
-
sahaya expression meaning is n't it,expecting an affirmative II (!
answer,

1
11
l

- -- --",W - - " - - - --- --- 4

sahi n. (-yL\ pfocupfne.
sahni n. (-y2) roof.
sahya n. (-ya) line of houses, street. y

sah9rorni n. (-ya) chicken hawk.

sski n.'(-p) witness; saki a- v.i. to bear witness.
sagai- to grow, spread out; to file out; to proceed; sgga hal- v.i. t o
go in file.
sat-i- v.t. (49) to block out light; to cover up.
sdqa n. chick pea.
sdta / &to num. seven.
siinepa n. (-ya) prostitute (m.) ;srinepi n. (ska) prostitute (f.).
slipa n. ( ~ ~ 2 1mat
) (bamboo). .
&a n. ( - y q line, row (in a garden).
sBri num. four.
sari brit; adv. phr. all around the boundary (four limits).
d r i va?i pp. around, on all sides.
sari s u p adv phr. all around, on ail sides.
siya dri? vat.(et-) to sprinkle cow-dung .mixture. .
sayi n, noise (from music).
s6li n. (-yH) bark; skin of fruits.
faviri orZi n. (-ya) a kind of jungle rat.
sgsa n. strength (0).
sas~omi n. (-k-) story.
sik- v.t. (-h-) to be angry; to bare teeth; to ~ b u k e huff.
;
sika- n. (-y?L) trouble, problem; siku 3- v.i, to become entangled;
to be mixed up; siku ki- v.t. to put in trouble.
sikla n. one who laughs a lot and for a long time.
singgsana n. c singasaniyii) throne.
.
siligi d w e r i n. (-ka) palace gate-way
sij?eyi orli n. I-yii) a kind of rat.
sita n. disease in crops caused by insects,
sita b6gi n. custard apple. ,
sin; ki- v.t. (-t-3 to look.
sipn n. (-yli) clay plate.
sip% n , dense bush, ., ,

a i g i n. (-y~i)container made from leaf. . .

.I __
. . .
sima n. (-ya) tongs (for turning, holding coals etc. j, scissors,
pliers, etc.
simniya n. (-ka) large axe. -\

simbra adj. isolated, deserted, lonely.

siy- v.i. (-h-) to go bad; to wither (leaves). -
s i r - v.i. to be torn cloth, paper, etc ; s k i in- v.i. to burst oped;
to be split off, applies to trees and vekelables.
sirki dunga n. (-y%) pump (made with bamboo), syringe.
sirni n. (-yg) toe ornament (female); toe-ring.
sirla n. (silerika) change (coins).
s i ~ v siyvi
i adv. phr . spluttering; fizzled.
sila pnciya n. dhoti.
sihra n. (silerika) money, coins, change; var. sirla.
silara pr&- v.t. to retail.
siliki danga n. horn, flute played for festival.
siliki miiya n. (-yti) dancing bells.
silk-i- v.i. (-t-) to splash.
silki salha adv. phr. rustling; swishing (when walking).
sistu n. (-yii) tax.
sihomi n. (sihomka) mane; bristles.
sigu n. shame.
siti n. (-y8) letter.
sind-i- v.t. (-t-) to blow nose.
sZndi lcu,na n. edible root.
si~zdimarnu n. (-ka) wild date palm.
sipa n. bowl (brass).
sipZa n. (-y8) small stick.
sima n. (-ya) Hack ant-
sz'yi n. name of bush, leaves of '~hich used ss sea$.
sila n. (-yZi) padlock; bolt.
sila gat- v.t. (-h-) to bar doorlwindow.
sz'vesi n. (-ka) pus.
siheli n. )&l;(' sinall clothes (girls).
suka seri n. fly catcher bird.
sukri ne'czc n. Friday.
suja 8- v.i. to quarrel.
mti- v.t. (-t-) to roll up (cigar, paper, etc ).
szctu, adv. around.
sutu p?@ adv. phr. worried, concerned. - 1

sund-i- / ind-i- v.t. (-t-) to shut.

sutifi ven- v.t. to get information; to spy.
suthi n. (-y%) hammer (S .D ).
suds n. (-ya) memorial feast; service.
sunda n. (-y I) snail.
srp9esi n. (-ka) musk-rat; shrew mouse.
surki n. (-yg) basket (very small) used for measuring.
surpu rev- /re(l)- v.t. (rec) to suck in; to slurp; to eat food noisily.
su~yin. (-yB) bamboo flute.
saja n. (-yI) needle; hair-pin.
sari n. (-yti) dagger.
seka n . (-y%) piece; seka seka n . piece by piece.
sek-i- v. t. (-t-) to scrape; to rub with short strokes.
setna 6- v.i. to regain consciousness; to be alert..
sepu n. (-y8) ehappal.
seba ki- v. t. to serve; to care for.
serrigi n. stringed instrument played with bow.
serqeki bandi n. diarrhoea.
serbi nGpa n. land surveyor.
servu n. (-yQ lake.
sehi n. male of an animal (s.D.).
szna n. (-y%) cheese (0),
soko n. (-y8) shirt.
sonyo G- v.i. to accompany.
sota n. (-n) crippled man; soti n. (-ska) crippled woman.
soto n. truth; soteqe adv. truly, really.
solzi n, misfortune, fate.
sopa n. name of a tree.
sopuse adv. similar to, like.
sobs n. (-y3) wet field; 80ba mundi n. entrance to the field.
sobu adj. all.
sobdo n. sound (0).
somdna adv . same as, same (0). I <
7
$5

sombara n8cu n. Monday.

soro in- v.i. to hiss (wind).
sorva n. (-yB) field sown with ragi during last season.
sollce/solkese adv. straight (0).
I .I
s6 num. six.
saki n. (-yB) ear-ring (upper).
$1 s6gzc n. horoscope. , .

s8je adv. straight, direct.

. .
.s6tEi n. (-13) penis.
siina n. gold. '

sbba adv. nicely; excellently.

s6yi n. (-yB) boy-friend.
siiru n. (s6rka) thief.
sala n. (-y%) tin, cup
h \

haki n. hunger; haki 4- v.i. to be hungry; hakiti man- v.i, to be

hungry.
7mriugi n. (-ka) basket (small).
7iatua n. (-y3) spoon; ha& jGcu n. kitchen utensils, cooking uten-
sils.
hnn- v.t. (-h-) to shake clothes; to flap wings.
hati n. (-y8) elephant.
hat; hara n. weapons.
hadija int. expressing certainty, consenting one's statement.
handi a. (-y2L) boundary marker; joint; wrist.
hap- v.i. (-h-) to taste no good.
hapana n. dream; hapana hCn - v.i. (-h-) to dream.
hapli adj. insipid; sad, inactive.
hapli hi- v.t. to hang one's face in shame.
habu/habula adv. perhaps.
haboyi n. danger.
habr-i- v.i. (-t-) to have bad dream, nightmare.
hayi jdngovi 0- v,i. t o sit on eggs; to hatch eggs.
hara n. grass (0).
harku n. implements.
mornu n. sal tree.
harguni pota n. (-y%) wood-pecker.
ha+ n. (-yii) torch.
L

harm n. (-y5i) mustard 1

harg-i- v.i; (-t-\ to lean, to bend over (stick, post).

hnl-lhn(9z)- v. i. (hac-) to go; aux.v. indicates finality, complete-
ness, certainty, intensity, etc.: h a k i ki- v.t. to send.
'

haliya, hale~esi n. (haliyzdga) servant (m.);haleni n. (-ska)

vant (f.).
halehBlhaZ~ adv. etcetra.
fijavunta n. headman; halv.mtepi n. head woman; haeunte?esi n.
headman.
hasp-i- v.t. (-t) to beat with short-quick strokes.
hah- v.t. (-t-) to thresh.
ha90 expression meaning yes, alright.
hasla n. cow- shed.
kd- v.i. (-t-) to die; havi ki- v.t. to cause to die: hdki n. death;
hGta.na?i tuh-. v.t. to perform funeral ceremony, to bury.
hZgu n. cloud.
h@!a n . week; weekly market; h6ta pariga n. market place.
h@-i- v.t. (-t-) to call summon; hBfi ici- v.t. to send for.
hrida n. (-yl) conversation, talk, speech; hcida G- v.i. to talk.
h6qi Ei- v.t. to sift.
ha'nnia 11. (-yB) drying rack above fire-place.
hdpu n. (hapka) thorn; hdpu kuca n. leaves of tb-oiny plant used
asgreens. . .
JLGbya n. (-y8) crow-bar.
hPye d f i y e /hdvz davk adv. phr. for all time, forever.
hlyerni kinasi n. person in authority.
haye hliye adv. phr. to the death.
hdy-i- v.t. (-t-) to beleft over; hgri ki- v.t. to cause some (food,
etc.) to be left over.
hiiru n. salt. \

hlim adj. very; many, much; Adreye adv. very much; hare& adv.
too s u c h , full; more
. , than sufficient.
hn'li n, noise; hdli 5- v.i. to make noise.
hzl-i v.i. (-t-) to be sufficient; h6ti ki- v.t. to make
hn'li g d y i n. quarrel; disturbance.
hzle n. full payment.
hiiziii n grain like millet.
hlik- v.t. (-t-) to distribute: hdspi- v.t. to share out food, to
divide; to organize.
hzfka o l i g i n. (-y%)back of the neck.
hilea man- v.i. to be busy; to have many things to do.
h i h m Z ~ an . (-y!U net for (carrying).
hik-i- v.t. (-t-) to start work; to begin.
hikni n. (-ya) chain
hicu n. fire; hicu gudva n. flame of fire; h i m b~nala
n. (-yii) torch; hicu kzla n. match.
hida hi& adv. phr. with much difficulty or exertion.
hida hidn i- v.i. to be difficult to carry,
big- v.t. (-h-) to shave; h i ~ ~ n. p u (-yn) razor.
hini hi- v.t. to look down on; to despise.
hitri adj. cold.
ktidvi G- v.i. 'to whisper.
hin,ju n. resin, gum.
hineri ~ k 7 o y i n. steam of boiling water; hineri Eyu n. boiling
water.
hindru n semen.
hip4 n. I-yP) scale of fish.
himbori n. (-ka) cloth; hi?nbori kutigu II.edge of cloth; hinebori daLi
n. clothing,
72ir'u-i- v.i. f-t-J to talk slowly (in ear).
hirsa n. (-ya) gizzard; grass seed which sticks in clothes (burr).
hirsze n (-ya) timber used for frame of bed.
hirsu, warn% n. a type of tree.
hil- v.i.1neg.a~~.t o be not, is not.
hih- v.t. (-t-) to sharpen; to shave; to cut hair.
Fuiqeni n. (-ka) chitah.
hisli adj. green, fresh.
hi- v.t. (-t-) to give; aux.v. to permit, allow.
hiriga n. (-yff) turmeric.
 lairiga vali n. (-ka) stone used for pounding turmeric and
other spices.
.,
hingeri adj. yellow. I

hind-i- v.t. (-t-) to blow nose; var. of sindi-

h i p n. (-ya) young one of birds; chicken.
h i p daki n. (-yc~) chest.
himba 8yu n. rice gruel.
hi@ n. mind.
hiyeni / hi?ena' n. shade; hiyeni 8- v.i. to be shady.
hiru n. (-ka) vein; root; nit, louse egg.
hiru h n a n. edible forest tuber.
hire adj. less
hireyi n. name of a festival celebrated in April;
hireyi lgnju n. April month.
hireyi orli n. (-y6) a kind of rat
hire hire adv. phr. little by little: adj. very little.
hih- vet. (-t-) to split fire-wood; to desert.
hispi- v.t. to split wood.
hiveni n. shade; var. of hiyeni
huk- v.t. (-h-) to strip off (clothes): to untie, loosen; to open.
huka n. (-yii) star.
hukese adv. easily; with no diffigaty.
. .. ,,

kukva n ( ya) dried fish.

huguni n. (-ka) omen.
hung-i- v.i. (-t-) to become loose; to open.
huca k@i n (-ya) loin cloth. :
i

hue-i- v.t. (-t-) to put on clothing (loin cloth); to weave.

huji n. size; age
huta n. (-yii) leech.
hutu p i u adv. phr. with much effort; without let up.
hltnd-i- v.t. (-t-) to cut meat into pieces.
hunde~egi n. (hundaya) ~ u n d iman; hunaeni n. (-sks) a Sundi
woman.
k u k r ~barga n. (-ya) straight stick made from bamboo.
hunu n. lime, chalk
hunj-i- v.i. (-t-) to sleep.
huru n. time, occasion,
huru pnnda n. (yij) snare.
hurui n (-yii) beans.
hulu hulz~gzli n. breeze.
hii- dem.root-that yonder; occurs only bound as in hnvnsi he-
that man over there; hlicnri they-those men over there; h ~ d i
she, it- that woman, thing over there; have' they -those things,
women over there.
hilta vanju n. index finger.
hiit-i- V. t. (-t-) to point out.
hiid-i- v.i. (-t-) to fire (gun, etc.); to burn.
h i d i dem. pr. she, it; that (yonder) woman, thiag.
hiinikr~ adv. that (remote) side, yonder side.
bap-i. v.i: (-t-) to spit; haphi- v.i. to vomit; h z i p h , R. vomit;
spittle.
h~mbavB adv. n. yonder there; Iziimbew adv. over there.
haru ptinda n. (-yi3) snare.
hnyi barga n. (-yB) stick for carrying sheeves.
?i,Wvari dem. pr. they; those (yonder) men.
htivasi dem. pr. he; that (yonder) man.
h ~ v idem. pr. they; those (yonder) women, things.
hasa,ln,ri n. (-ya) shin.
Mh- v.i. (-t-) to be very cold.
heko adv.n. distance; hego adv. n. far, distance.
hendra n . (-ya) cloth, clothing-
henu n sweetness
her- v.i. (-h-) to implicate; to be caught.
herki n. (-yii) neck; herki lej-l,- v.i. (-t-) to hang oneself.
herp-i- vat. (-t-) to appoint; to hand over.
hem-i-/her- v.i. (-t-/-h-) to be caught, trapped.
hers-i- v.i. (-t-) to be deceived.
hel-i- v.i. (-t-) to be valid, be accepted,
hclo n. permission; order,. . .
he?- v.i. (-t-)'to be tasty.
hew5 expression of disgxist and displeasure.
hew% n. hole in mortar for pounding 'grains.

. .
 hews n. ( - y d ) biscuit, cake.
h i dem.adj. that far yonder; hi- dem. root that far; occurs only
bound as in ht?vusi he, that man (far); hE~ari they, thbse
men (far); hzdi shelit, that womanlthing (far); h6ci they,
those women, things (far).
h8 particle inviting attention 'look7.
hik- v.i. (-h-) to itch; to be sticky and gluey.
h g k ~&ka lduka n. palm fibre.
~arn74 n. (-ka) toddy palm.
hzfiguli n. itch from scabies.
n. (-y%) winnowing fan; hZceka n. one winnowins fanfill
hgdi n. mischief.
hbn- v.t. (het-) to see; to look carefully; hCpdn v. imperative (pl.)
look out, be careful; hdgda k o ~ l - i - v.t to look after one-
self; to inspect.
hZdi dem. pi. she, it; that woman there.
hZp-1:- v. t. (-t-) to sweep.
hzpuri n. (-ka) broom.
hzmu v. imperative (sg.) look out, be careful
i~e;mbct9a adv. there.
h.@a n. (-y%)brinjal.

1
- v.t. (-t-) to continue to do, keep on doing something.
n. (-ka) pair of oxen, yoked to plough; plough; h i r ~ki- V. t.
l
B to plough; hdrugotasi n, farmer.
f hEro7ni adv. n. two days ago.
j h&-l- v.i. (-t-) to be ruined, spoiled financially; to lose court-
3
case.
hi?~a~il:dem. pr. they; those men.
htvasi dem. pr. he; that man.
A6vi dern. pr. they; those women, things.
hot-i- / hdc-i- v.i. (-t-) to feel; used only in third person singular.
hojaro num. one thousand; hoja hojaro n. thousands.
hou- v.i- (hop) t o run.
hond-i-1 hondv-i- v.t. to cut up meat.
hone, hone~esi,honesi, n. (honesanga) son-in-law; brother- in-law.
(-y%) bison.
hcmau n. money; price; payment.
homu, d u ~ e r i n. opposite door.
homb-i- v. t. (-t . ) to wash dishes.
horn had -i- v.t. (it-) to make offering to God
magic formulae. . .
horoboro ki- v.i. to make trouble. $

hero horo adv. phr. crouching, creeping.

horla , n. (-yB) large black ant.
' hiiy!litasi n. neighbour.

holu n. (-ka) fire-place; holu ddka n. pot that is always an the

stove to heat water; kettle.
h o ~ o r in. saliva, dribble; h o y o ~ igtih- vet. to drool, to water at
mouth.
hdk-i- v t. (-t-) to chew,.
hdciti 6. v.i, to be drunk; h6citi ki- v.t. to -. make drunk, numb.

hen- v.i., (het-) to enter.

hdta lznju n. next month.
hdp- v.t. (-h-) to cause to go out, take outside.
hdpa kuna n. (-ya) taro.
hrjpha tuv- v.t. to woo, court; to win favour.
hay% nl (-ka) mountain.
hdru Ez~pi n crab. L

hdya n. (-yn) beard.

hdrari n. (-yd) moustache.
hdru ninn C v. i . to be very old.
ha?- v.i. (-t-) to climb up, ascend; to rise (sun).
 Bibliography

Burrow, T., and _ ~ o t e on

s Kuvi with a Short Vocabulary,
Bhattacharya, S., IIJ, Vol. VI: 3-4 (1953), pp. 231 1289.
, . The Pengo Language, Oxford, 1970.
Census of India, 1951, Paper No. I- Languages
(New Delhi, 1954).
, 1961, Vol. I Part I1 'C (ii) - Language Tables
(New Delhi, 1964) .
,-. , 1961, Vol. I Part XI C (i) - Language
Monographs (New Delhi, 1964).
. 3 1971, Census Centenary Monograph No. 10,
Language Hand-book on Mothei-
Tongues in Ce~lsus(New Delhi, 1972).
Fitzgerald, A. G., Kuvinsa Basa: The Khond Language
as spoken by the Parjas of the Madras
Presidency, Calcutta, 1913.
Grierson, G. A . (ed.), Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IV,
Calcutta, 1906.
Israel, M., Kuvi Verbs : A Few Noteworthy
Features, Third Seminar on Dravidian
Linguistics, Annamalai Nagar, 1972.
..I
9 The Role of Metathesis in Dravidian
Eanguages, All India Oriental Con-
ference, Ujjain, 1972.
Y Appellative Verbs in Dravidian
Languages, IL, Vol. 36 : 3 (1975),
pp. 268 - 275.
7
Demonstratives in Kiibi, Kini and Kiivi,
IJDL, Vol. VI: 2 (19771, pp 223-232.
Krishnamurti, Bh., Konda or Kfibi, A Dravidian Language,
Tribal Cultural Research and Training
Institute, Hyderabad, 1969:
 . ,127
, >

Mahapatra, B. I?., Languages of India.- A ~ r i e f.$bivey,

VIIIth All India Conference of Linguists,
..
Delhi. 1978, pp. 17-25.
Qrissa District Gazetteer, Koraput, Cuttack, 1966
Schulze, F.V.P., A Grammar of the Kuvi Language with
copious examples, Graves, Cookson and
Co., Madras, 1911.
-- 9 Vocabulary of Kuvi-Kond Language,
Madras, 1913.
W infield, W. W., A Grammar of the Kui Language,
Calcutta, 1928,
428

Corrections
Page Mistake
6 t it
16. clnster cluster
19 japarnu japmu
21 pitvuni pitvuni -
dr dv
hilooosi hilovsi
cu py 'our cup your
hallow hollow
-a, - , . .
-a, -1
beaccumplished be accomplished
dec-ension declension
fina final
drahli drahli
drapka drnpka
nehquti nehsuriti
marnu marnu-ti
geni ttive genitive
excep except
nehvur -t-'j neh9uri-t-i
dokavi dokra91
kuti kiili
na ns
id&?% f das%
herone herons
usku musku
WO two
tanjigatayi tanjigaf asi
boyeri b6yeri
adverbia adverbial
- -ti-
green fresh green, fresh
in - tin-
foI1owin following
kinori kin ovi
tuhne tu knesi
daughter daughters
tbsta~atih tosta9atihi
woulp would
mea meat
, more more words
adverbia adverbi a1
per -.cctive perfective
nite finite
Page Mistake
207 aa as a
S1 S?
209 ntransitive intransitive -\{

210 6j- oji-

212 gati gaii
217 othersal so others also
220 iniihi injih
227 idi idi
228 akela jakela
229 bate beat
232 he the
-
234 ie e
235 Iaus ative Causative
C11 In
dokri gokri
237 peech speech
SS is
241 iya fya
250 Minor sentences (S) Minor sentences (S)
251 consis consist
ropk rope
stice stick
253 direc direct
261 gav gave
268 mekn rnekni
arigepwlat angep8ra
njihi injihl
iguca guca
271. p1ace palace
273 ancester ancestor
277 hought thought
279 everday everyday
teasting tasting
280 h37 ha91
283 everythink everything
285 occassion occasion
292 are Ore
294 njaha injah%
296 raji raji
306 psai pA s i
313 (brit) but
316 vayalise viiyali9e
ninaclea ninasa
318 burha burha bulhi butha
jnifiga jinidga
322 dii hqi dohor
Page Line Mistake Correction
224 5 khya kisva
336 34 oot root
337 4 Ina ina
340 32 Fdem. , . dem.
345 2 kapik kapki
350 32 ki@i kGri
351 13 keta " kqa . .
353 1 lula liilu
359 31 gob gohU
32 g0h9 gohsTi
2Q kagre dagre
34 a~ l i d Fli
l drahli drahli
2 driq- dris-
7 tjtisi tTni
15 fastidiou fastidious
9 n3gu riicu naga racu
12 bird (bird)
9 form foam
9 baaufu
, I

bayalu
9 c8) (-ya
19 maryiadu . . mariyadu
32 m5pura nla guru
6 bPyEse . bereoe
31 lass liiva
30 iha lehE
27 vid-i vid-i
 .
About the Author

Dr. M. Israel, born i n 1932 at

Coiachel, Kanyakumari Dt., took his
B.A. from the University of Kerala in
1958. I n 1961 he passed the M.A.
Degree Examination in Tamil Language
and Literature trom the University of
Madras. He did research for Fh.D.
under the guidance of Prof. M. Varada-
rajan at the University of Madras and
took his doctorate'in 1965. He served
i n a few colleges in Kanyakumari Dt.
and now he is serving as a Reader in
the Madurai-Kamaraj University.
He is the author of five books and
about eighty research papers. He has
earned a reputation as a good teacher,
researcher and research guide. He
has participated i n several national and
international conferences and presented
research papers.
i As an academic staff fellow spon-
sored by the Commonwealth Association
of Universities during 1973-1974, he
specialised in Comparative Dravidian
Studies 'under the guidance of Prof.
T. Burrow. He visited West Germany
and then he attended the Linguistic
Institute in U.S.A. as a visiting scholar
- .
in 1.976 He knows English, Hindi
Malayalam, German and Kuvi.
': His specializations include Tamil
grammar, Ancient Tamil Literature, Lin- . '

guistics and Comparative Dravidian

Studies. Now he is devoting his time t o
field work in Kui, a Dravidian Language*
 I.
l :.
l ..-
%
I .r
>
)a
-,F
, . S . .
h r7 . . :L%.&
fF
* ?B

Some. of the"&mmsr@s
.p expreded by Scholars .
,,"
>.-

l &on
d

.,a
-.,, * r;.. e
I ?*>,

+ 3

i . ' ~ 6 Tzeatment
e of M O I ? & ~ J O in
~ ~~ o l k ~ p ~ i ~...r n ' ~:F: -2'
I I
*-
a book by the author
+
of the present publication' : .L

I
*is

** F* . , " h
"1?
1 . -'AW= work based ** upon origin$ research, it repre;
sents a significant contributiov to the study of e "

Tamil Grammar. I am certain that this-will nVg.only

*be helpful fors better underitandirig of ~ o l k i ~ ~ i y a r n ~ -
.? itself but @so 'for a greatel appreciation ,of the
ancient Ta,mil language in its historical perspective.
This publication will be a valuable addition in the
5

field o f Tgamil Studies'

- Dr. M. ~aradarajan
Foimerly Vice-C hancellor of the Madurai University *.
.. . . . .
.S, The ~reatment$ofMorphology in Tolkap- '

piyarn is to be recommet$ded for the thorough know-

ledge..* of the subject, itshciarity and common sense,
and the general validity of the conclusions'.
I*-
i i

- Prof. T. Burrow
University of Oxford
l. . . . ..
This clearly represents a t eiy important
contribution to thye study of Tamil and l myself '.

shall certainly find it a valuable work ~f reference'.

> -
.
S
- Dr. R. E. Asher
University of Edinburgh
'. . . . . Dr. Israel's work i s a valuable contribution
to' Tamil linguistics, following upon and supersed-
ing such work as P. ~ u b r a h m a n ~ a .
Gastri's History
of Grammatical ~hebriesin. Tamil cMadras, 1934) ,,
' draws-his material nkt only from Tqlkiip- .
~ i s e l y , he * \

..
"

piyam, ,but also from ' t e x t&~ t h a tare traditionally r&

h
' * a
"" '. (8;
garded 'as appioximately "as a@ient. such as P.ura"*"-
nagigu'. ,.+ t i
1

.
5r
1. 1
. Dr. J. R. Marr
f

- g

d
Un'iversity of London
. 4