Lutz - Care, Gender and Migration

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Care, Gender and Migration: Towards a

Theory of Transnational Domestic Work
Migration in Europe
a b
Helma Lutz & Ewa Palenga-Mllenbeck
a
Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Germany
b
Goethe University, Germany
Available online: 18 Nov 2011
To cite this article: Helma Lutz & Ewa Palenga-Mllenbeck (2011): Care, Gender and Migration:
Towards a Theory of Transnational Domestic Work Migration in Europe, Journal of Contemporary
European Studies, 19:3, 349-364
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2011.610605
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Journal of Contemporary European Studies
Vol. 19, No. 3, 349364, September 2011
Care, Gender and Migration: Towards a

Theory of Transnational Domestic Work
Migration in Europe
LLENBECKb
HELMA LUTZa,* & EWA PALENGA-MO
Downloaded by [Linkopings universitetsbibliotek] at 17:50 09 March 2012
a
Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Germany, bGoethe University, Germany
ABSTRACT In this article the authors discuss their analytical concept, developed through and for
the exploration of forms and dynamics of transnational labour and care arrangements in domestic
work migration. Firstly, on the institutional level they highlight the interplay between three national
regimes (of migration, gender and welfare/care) to clarify the specific dynamic of transnational care
migration. Secondly, based on intersectionality analysis, the institutional level is linked to the meso
and micro levels of networks/organizations and individuals, to explore how these institutional
regimes act as an opportunity/obstruction structure either as a source of assets or a cause of
marginalization, or both. Thirdly, by adopting the dual transnational perspective of both the sending
and the receiving society, transnational social spaces are shown as the migrants action frame of
reference. Finally, a cross-national comparative study of two cases of transnational East West
migration (from Ukraine to Poland and from Poland to Germany) can provide new insights into the
relationship between transnational migration, gender and care regimes on the one hand, and the
migrants arrangements for labour and care on the other.
KEY WORDS: care work, domestic work, gender, migration, Germany, Poland
Introduction
Transnational migration in care work (e.g. caring for children, the elderly or the disabled)
is becoming more and more significant in European societies. The reasons for this are
varied, and include demographic developments (declining birth rates, the ageing of
society), socio-economic factors (more women joining the workforce, increasing mobility
across long distances) and, finally, the withdrawal of the welfare state from many spheres
of life, including care for the elderly. In Germany, without undocumented carers from
abroad the care system would collapse (for more on this, see Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck,
2010). As the German daily Suddeutsche Zeitung has put it:
The system is illegal, but it works. If it were not for the Hungarian, Polish, Czech or
Romanian women, most of whom are working illegally, domestic care would collapse
completely. Therefore it is tolerated, more or less tacitly. (Kastner, 2008, p. 41)
*Correspondence Address: Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute for the Analysis of Society and Politics,
Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Robert-Mayer-Strae 5, Frankfurt-am-Main, 60054, Germany.
Email: lutz@soz.uni-frankfurt.de
1478-2804 Print/1478-2790 Online/11/030349-16 q 2011 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2011.610605
350 H. Lutz & E. Palenga-Mollenbeck
In this article, we present an analytical model that we apply to our research on domestic
work and elderly care migration (from the Ukraine to Poland and from Poland to
Germany).1 It combines approaches from several thematic areas: (1) migration research
(in particular the transnational approach); (2) social policy analysis; and (3) gender
studies. By applying insights from these areas to the field of domestic work migration, we
construct a model on three analytical levels: the macro level of social institutions (such as
labour markets, welfare and migration policies); the meso level of social networks and
organizations; and the micro level of individuals. We argue that we cannot adequately
explain the emergence and dynamics of transnational domestic work migration in Europe
without taking into account all three analytical levels and adopting the perspective of both
receiving and sending countries.
The article is organized as follows: in the first section, we present our multilevel
analytical model of transnational care migration. We first discuss the macro level of our
analysis with three intersecting national regimesthe regimes of care, gender and
migration. Then we move on to the meso and micro levels of analysis, where we
outline two theoretical approaches which inform the analysis of individuals and
networks/organizations: the transnational approach and intersectionality analysis. In the
second section, we present a case study of the German situation that illustrates the relevant
aspects of the model and how they relate to each other. First, we analyse the role of
national regimes (macro level of the analysis) and how they affect the transnational
organization of care work (meso level of the analysis). Second, we analyse the situation as
seen from the perspective of the migrants (micro level of the analysis).
The Multilevel Framework of Transnational Care Migration2
. Macro level: Intersection of national regimes: migration, gender and care

regimes (laws, labour and care market regulations, cultural codes).
. Meso level: Organization of labour (gendered and ethnically segregated informal
social networks and formal organizations).
. Micro level: Transnational intersectional practices and positions of actors
(gender, class, ethnicity etc.).
The Regime Perspective: The Macro Level of the Analysis

We consider three different intersecting regimes to be at the heart of the phenomenon of
migrant domestic work in Europe (Lutz, 2007a, 2008b; Williams & Gavanas, 2008;
Williams, 2011a, 2011b).
Firstly, the gender regime, in which household and care work organization can be
seen as the expression of a specifically gendered cultural script in which tasks and
responsibilities are coded as either feminine or masculine. Secondly, care regimes as part
of the welfare regime, concerning a multitude of state regulations according to which the
responsibilities for the well-being of national citizens are distributed between the State, the
family and the market. Thirdly, migration regimes, which for various reasons either
promote or discourage the employment of migrant domestic workers.
The term regime (Esping-Andersen, 1990) as used here refers to the organization and
the corresponding cultural codes of social policy and social practice in which the
Care, Gender and Migration 351
relationship between social actors, state, (labour) market and family is articulated and
negotiated (Williams & Gavanas, 2008). By introducing this term, Esping-Andersen
(1990) explained how social policies and their effects differ between European countries.
While Esping-Andersens model of three regimes (the liberal welfare regime, the social
democratic welfare regime and the conservative welfare regime) has been widely
criticized because it fails to take gender into account (Lewis, 1992; Ostner, 1994;
Sainsbury, 1994; Williams, 1995; Duncan, 2000), the key concept of his analysisthe
relationship between the State, the market and the familyhas been widely embraced.
While his main question can be summed up as how far different welfare states erode the
commodity status of labour in a capitalist system (how are people independent from
selling their labour) and as a consequence how far welfare states intervene in the class
system (Duncan, 2000, p. 4), gender studies scholars have emphasized the explanatory
limitation of this model and argued that it reduces labour to gainful employment, thereby
excluding care work, which in many cases is unpaid labour. Moreover, one has to bear in
mind that Esping-Andersens welfare state regime is an analytical model. As such, it has
its limitations in explaining the complex and dynamic reality of welfare states. This will
become clearer when we analyse changing care regimes in European welfare states.
For instance, in the last decade, Sweden cut its expenses for comprehensive public care
provisions and took measures aiming at marketization in the care sector, which implies
individualization of care responsibilities. This has been going hand in hand with a growing
relevance of migrant domestic work, like that of au-pairs (Platzer, 2010) and informal
domestic migrants (Nilsson, 2005). The same can be said of Mediterranean countries,
which have recently started delegating home-based care, previously carried out by
relatives, to migrant workers (Bettio et al., 2006).
Care as a central element of welfare state regulation is part and parcel of the
organization of gender arrangements (Pfau-Effinger, 2000a) and regimes (Anttonen &
Sipila, 1996; Daly, 2002; Gerhard et al., 2003). This raises questions such as: Is care work
equally or unequally distributed between the genders? Are care work and paid work
equally assessed financially and culturally? What is the relationship between them? And
which institutional support systemswhich are in themselves also genderedare
provided by the State?
European care regimes can be symbolized by a sliding scale, with the traditional care
regime linked to a conservative gender regime at one end and equality in both regimes at
the other. Birgit Pfau-Effinger (2000a) and Simon Duncan (2000) see West Germany as a
prototype of a home-caring society, the Mediterranean stateswith the involvement of
members of the extended familyas traditional, and the Nordic states as the most equal.
Another possible distinction is that of Jane Lewis (1992), who differentiates between
strong, modified and weak bread-winner states. Germany would then count as an
example of the first category, a home-caring society with a strong bread-winner model
where care is primarily womens responsibility.
Within the European Union, the emancipation of women and their inclusion in the
labour force has been a priority for more than twenty years. Next to gender mainstreaming
policies, the reconciliation of personal, family and work life is currently high on the
agenda (for an analysis of the Spanish case see Peterson, 2007).
These policies focus on the dismantling of hurdles that keep women from combining
employment and care work. While one can see the fact that care work is no longer purely seen
as a natural job performed by women as a positive development, the question is how states
have become actors in facilitating this transformation process. Although some European
states have a record of providing public services for children, the elderly and the disabled
through subsidies for care work (parental leave, cre`ches, elderly care and nursing homes),
neoliberal welfare state restructuring now seems to be leading to a market-driven service and
a serious decline of state-provided social care services. Misra and Merz (2005) give the
example of the French cre`che system, which has been weakened by new policies that
encourage families to hire nannies and carers using state subsidies. A comparable case can be
found in the Netherlands, where the commoditization of home and child care was introduced
more than a decade ago and has led to a high dependency on the income capacity and/or
social networks of those who receive care (Knijn, 2001). Thus, the shift to so-called cash for
care payments in Europe since the early 1990s covers different forms of allowancesin the
form of cash or tax credits and incentivesto help finance care services provided by
relatives, nannies or migrant domestic workers (Williams, 2009, p. 17f.). The consequences
of the current intensified neoliberal welfare state restructuring and its gender dimensions in
response to the financial crisis 2008 are unfolding now with increasing clarity.
The literature dealing with the intersection of care and gender regimes is being expanded
(Pfau-Effinger, 2000b; Ungerson, 2004; Anttonen & Sipila, 2005; Pfau-Effinger & Geissler,
2005; Crompton et al., 2007), yetwith some exceptions (see, for example, Williams,
2004, 2011a, 2011b; Lister et al., 2007; Lutz, 2008a)many authors disregard the third
regime that plays a significant role here, the migration regime.
Migration regimes determine rules for non-nationals entry into and departure from a
country. They are based on the notion of the cultural desirability of in-migration, and they
decide whether migrants are granted employment, social, political and civil rights, and
whether or not they are granted access to settlement and naturalization. Migration policy in
the European Union has always been dominated by the so-called needs of the labour
market. However, gender norms were always deeply inscribed in the definition of these
needs. A good example is the West German guest worker system (1955 1973), which
was started not because of a general labour shortage but because of the States preference
for the housewife marriage which could only be continued by recruiting (male)
workers from abroad, rather than encouraging German women to enter the workplace.
Similarly, current migration regimes in many European countries prefer a policy of
managed migration (Kofman et al., 2005), which means giving priority to skilled work
while considering care as unskilled work, and can also be characterized as admission and
repel policies (Arango, 2004). In order to enable female nationals to reconcile care work
and working life, some European states have decided to impose quotas for the recruitment
of domestic workers (Spain, Italy, Greece) or have opened their borders to them (Britain
and Ireland). Others, such as Germany (cf. Cyrus, 2008) or the Nordic states (Widding
Isaksen, 2010) have been reluctant to acknowledge the need for migrant domestic and care
workers, let alone to include this need in their managed migration policies. This, however,
does not mean that migrant domestic workers are absent from these countries; they are
present and endure the difficult conditions of life in a twilight zone (for Germany, see
Lutz, 2011).
Interestingly, several country-specific studies (for examples see Lutz, 2008a) show that
in many countries the work of migrant domestics does not fall under labour law, providing
an indication that care work is deeply gendered and considered as a family affair rather
than proper work and an employment relationship (e.g. Mather, 2006, p. 36 for Spain;
Hantzaroula, 2008, p. 65 for Greece).3
Taken together, these developments show that a new gender orderonce the dream of the
feminist movementis not in sight. Rather, middle-class women have entered what
Jacqueline Andall (2000) has called the post-feminist paradigm, reconciling family and
work by outsourcing (parts of) their care work to migrant women. The presence of migrants
willing to do this work does in fact help them to balance work and life and to cushion their
gendered responsibilities. In addition, the outsourcing of care responsibilities to another
woman working in the home leaves the gendered division of care work in their families
intact. This tendency is reinforced by the rise of the adult worker model (Lewis, 2004) with
the demand for equal involvement of men and women in employment in all industrialized
countries (OECD, 2001, p. 129); what is missing, however, is a public debate about the
filling of the gap women will leave in the realm of reproductive work (Lutz, 2010a).
Nevertheless, as already mentioned, it is important to acknowledge that migrant domestic
workers are not cultural dopes responding to the demands of employers and migration
regimes. They have their own agendas, and their subjectivity needs to be emphasized.
NGOs (Respect, 2000, 2001) and, on rare occasions, trade unions have dealt with the
problems of migrant domestic workers; even the European Parliament (2000), albeit with
little practical effect, has discussed a Report on regulating domestic help in the informal
sector (Cyrus, 2008).
Today, however, the majority of migrant domestic workers seem to perform their work
in unacceptable working conditions. It is clear that the European discussion on migrant
domestic work needs to be opened up and conducted in various institutions and on various
levels (e.g. anti-discrimination regulations, worklife balance including that of the migrant
workers, migration policies, etc.).
The latest studies on domestic work migration show that in order to explain it, welfare
state policies and in particular the welfare-states care systems need to be taken into account
(Lutz, 2008a, 2011; Williams & Gavanas, 2008). Looking at this issue from the perspective
of welfare state studies, migration is increasingly becoming a key to understanding the care
systems of welfare states (cf. Ungerson, 2003; Yeates, 2005; Lister et al., 2007).
In our analytical framework, we (systematically) combine insights from studies
on domestic-work migration (cf. Anderson, 2000; Hochschild & Ehrenreich, 2002;
Hochschild, 2003, 2008; Lutz, 2011) with research on care models of welfare states (cf.
Ungerson, 2004; Anttonen & Sipila, 2005; Pfau-Effinger & Geissler, 2005; Crompton et al.,
2007; Lister et al., 2007).
The Meso Level

As far as migration theory is concerned, our model draws on the transnational migration
approach (e.g. Glick Schiller et al., 1997; Pries, 2008): trans-migrants live in more than
one national context, thus creating transnational social spaces with their own practices,
organizations, mental maps and collective identities. The people who inhabit them do not
consider their everyday life-world in two or more places as a temporary one. For them, it is
just as real and durable as life within one locality in one nation-state. Ludger Pries
(2008, p. 236) distinguishes between three dimensions of (transnational) social spaces:
social institutions; organizations; and life-worlds (see also Faist, 1996; Portes et al., 1999).
His interpretation of the organizational level is useful for our model, because it includes
informal social networks together with formal work organization (Pries, 2008, p. 186). Our
meso level includes and reflects various actors: (a) the migrants, their families and their
(family and friendship) networks; and (b) the formal and informal organizations like
private and state agencies involved in the procurement and placement of domestic
workers.
Following Thomas Faist (1996), we highlight the importance of social networks and
organizations as a connecting link between the macro and the micro level (see also Munst,
2007; Elrick & Lewandowska, 2008).
The Micro Level

On the micro level, individual practices, identities and positions come into view. Since
migrants live transnational family lives, they need to reconcile work abroad with family
life at home. Gender-specific characteristics are mirrored in everyday life practices,
and simultaneously the individual migrants position in transnational social spaces is
marked by intersections of life-cycle, class and ethnicity that can turn out to be (more
or less) resourceful.4 When trying to identify these positions, it is important to investigate
the care responsibility of the migrant in the household (as a spouse, parent or even child);
the age of starting migrants (young adult or pensioner) is of great relevance, as are the
migrants social networks, skills, abilities, economic resources and their biographical
experiences, which may be turning into biographical resources. This approach seeks to
avoid the essentialism of a narrow preoccupation with, for example, gender as women
alone or with women and men as statistical variables in data collection, and focuses
instead on the question of how gender, together with ethnic and class asymmetry, is a
product of the social order in institutional and socio-political processes and produces it at
the same time. The subjects of concern are the social construction of masculinity and
femininity, together with ethnicity/class in daily actions, the differential meaning of
private and public work places and the gender-specific evaluation and the differential
consequences of migration experiences for male and female migrants in the context of
being couples, parents and families (fragmented families, distant parenting, etc.).
The German Case Study

In and through the following case study, we use the model outlined above as an analytical
tool, and at the same time we demonstrate its fruitfulness for an understanding of the
complexity of the interaction of institutional and organizational contexts and individuals
choices in elderly care migration from Poland to Germany.
The Macro Level of Analysis

Today, the German domestic care system is failing to provide any viable solutions for
care-dependent elderly patients and their families, and relies heavily on carers from abroad
(Neuhaus et al., 2009). Analytically speaking, the German care system is based on
premises that no longer apply: the premise that families (above all, the women in a family)
care for their elderly people; that all family members live near each other; that therefore
the provision of a couple of hours of care-giving per day is sufficient, while an official
24/7 care-giving arrangement involving outside help is simply not affordable. The only
affordable alternative, a nursing home, is usually not acceptedour elderly deserve better
than that is an argument frequently made by relatives, as the media reports we have
analysed confirm (Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck, 2010). Parallel to the failure of the care
regime on the political level, there is a failure on the organizational level too. In the
common situation when an elderly person requires care full-time or during the night, all
a German nursing service can offer is to call its emergency service, because that is all most
people can afford. In Germany with its conservative-corporatist (Esping-Andersen, 1990)
or familialistic (cf. Backes et al., 2008, p. 21) welfare care regime, 70 per cent of all
those receiving money from the State use it for care arrangements in their own homes
(cash for care); the service is mostly delivered by family members, primarily by women, or
as a combination of family members and nursing services (Statistisches Bundesamt,
2007). The early 1990s saw the introduction of long-term care insurance; this means that in
Germany care is not tax-financed but financed through an insurance system. The German
legislation provides only for partial insurance coverage, requiring citizens to buy
additional insurance privately (Neuhaus et al., 2009, p. 23). There are three levels of care
indigence, depending on the level of bodily decay. Family members who look after care
recipients at home receive transfer payments for their work, while private nursing services
are paid by the State independently. However, the money allotted by the State for a person
in need of 24-hour vigilance is far too little to pay for an arrangement provided by nursing
services, by a factor of 1:3 (or even 1:4) (Lutz, 2007b). Moreover, these legal commercial
arrangements include a permanent change of care-givers which is disturbing for many
elderly people. Thus the mediocre financial support for commercial care-giving, as well as
uncontrolled direct transfers to families, seem to be the elements of German care police
that boost employment of live-in migrant care-givers in private households (cf. Van
Hooren, 2008). In short, the care system in Germany tacitly depends on the informal work
of migrants, due to the socio-economic trends concerning work life balance and the
specific German culture, policies, financing and infrastructure of care in this country
(cf. Neuhaus et al., 2009; Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck, 2010).
Nonetheless, East European migrants are officially not welcome as care-givers.
We observe that the attitude of politics towards migrant carers is ambiguous. German
solutions are constantly being sought to cope with the care deficit, and at the same time with
unwanted undocumented migration. For decades, the Government has been attempting to
overcome the care deficit by bringing the long-term unemployed into elderly care jobs
(Zimmermann, 2003, p. 22; Dowideit, 2010). Additionally, the present government is
further reinforcing family-based elderly care policy. A draft proposal for the introduction of
family care leave (Familienpflegezeit), which allows for a better balance of work and family
life, is in preparation (BMFSFJ, 2010). In contrast, the Governments position on care work
is turning a blind eye to undocumented elderly carers while officially combating
undocumented work, which can be characterized as tacit acceptance of an open secret.
Hence, we argue that cheap and flexible care workers have become an integral part of the
care regime in Germany, to the point that the system would collapse without the angels
from Eastern Europe (Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck, 2010). The key role of East European
migrants remains unofficial, but nonetheless it is very present in the public discourse on the
care system in Germany. In our discourse analysis of the German press coverage of
migration and care between 1997 and 2008,5 we found a lively discussion of the elderly
care deficit and emphasis on the positive role of migrant carers. Newspaper articles
complain about a mismatch between the facilities offered by the health care system and the
needs on the ground, namely individual care arrangementspreferably affordable live-in
care for elderly people by East European migrants.
The Meso Level of Analysis

German professional care organizations view legal self-employment and the freedom to
provide services on the common market, which has been possible since the EUs eastern
expansion in 2004, as a case of imposed European regulation. They criticize the opening
of the German labour market for the new EU member states from 2011 as creating cheap
competition for the domestic workforce. They argue that migrant domestic workers are
non-professionals and have weak language skills; as a result, their work could cause care
harm (Pflegeschaden) (DBfK, 2006, pp. 1, 4). They often establish a connection between
the issue of migrant carers and the broader discussion on care work as a profession, the
insufficient recognition of care work in terms of pay and the negative role migrant carers
play in this process of de-professionalization. Such objectionsalso used by unions and
commercial care providersare, in part, understandable. However, our own research and
the latest study on the role of East European care workers in the domestic care sector
(Neuhaus et al., 2009, pp. 90ff.) show that in everyday practice, migrant carers and
domestic care providers do not necessarily compete, but rather can complement each other:
the former offer everyday practical and social support, the latter provide medical care.
As the majority of care migrants are undocumented (Larsen et al., 2011, p. 16), most of
them rely on informal social networks, working on a solidarity basis or semi-
professionally (Munst, 2007; Elrick & Lewandowska, 2008). By contrast, since 2004 a
legal transnational market for such servicesfor self-employed workers or workers
provided by a foreign agencyhas started to emerge. Bi-national commercial agencies
placing East European care workers in German families play a key role here. The growing
number of placement agencies that we counted on the internet illustrates the rapid growth
of this sector: in 2007 we found twenty-eight such agencies, in 2010 there were over 100.
However, the use of the adaptability of the European service provision guidelines for
this particular sector is controversial from a juridical point of view. Some actors, like the
bi-national Polish-German placing agencies, argue that this guideline promotes the
freedom of service supply by single workers at any location within the European Union,
while legal experts (e.g. Dollinger, 2008) disagree and argue that the provision of health
services is excluded from the guideline, since one of the conditions for self-employed
workers is the requirement to work for more than one client, which is usually not the case
for live-in migrant domestic care-givers. Recently a district court in Munich decided in
accordance with this judicial conception and considered Hungarian live-in migrant care
workers employment illegal, because it did not comply with the German criteria for self-
employment such as serving more than one client, independence from clients instructions
and the requirement that the entrepreneurial risk should be borne by self-employed
persons (Suddeutsche Zeitung, 2008).
Although the legal situation of transnational placement agencies is still unclear, our
research6 shows that they seem to fill a gap in the structure of the German care system.
Transnational agencies function as the formal counterpart of informal social networks;
they benefit family employers because the workers are flexible and affordable, and for
migrant workers they provide (legal) contracts, including the payment of fees to the
placement agencies. However, as the legal status of the contract is unclear, as the working
hours in any live-in situation exceed the contract agreement and in the absence of a formal
workplace control, there seems to be little advantage in comparison to the undocumented
situation (Karakayali, 2010). In the future, there is likely to be closer co-operation between
domestic (non-)commercial nursing services and transnational agencies that join forces to
provide both professional nursing and time-consuming support in everyday life. For the
time being, this seems to be the second-best practice7 (see also Neuhaus et al., 2009 for
Germany; Schmid, 2009 for Austria).
This case study shows how transnational domestic work migration is embedded in
institutional requirements and organizational forms. It also demonstrates how the above-
mentioned three national regimes (gender, care and migration) interlock. The dominant
ideology of care provision in a given society (home or institutional care) has an impact on
whether or not women tend to have (full-time) professional careers; it also influences the
dominant organizational model of care (within the private household of the family, by paid
care-givers or in institutions), and finally it defines the role of the State. The model of
direct transfer payments, as practised by the German care-givers allowance, evidently
furthers undocumented domestic work migration. The changes in the migration regime
since 2004 have resulted in the emergence of formal organizational structures which
address the institutional and organizational deficits of that regime by providing flexible
and affordable live-in migrant care labour, but at the same time the result of this is the
emergence of an unprotected semi-legal second labour market with precarious working
and living conditions.
In order to understand the phenomenon fully, we need to focus on the motives and
considerations of the migrant workers and their families.
The Micro Level

Here, we need to illustrate how individual practices of migrant carers are embedded and
can be explained against the background of the everyday transnational lives of migrants
and their families (micro level), the transnational organization of work (meso level), and
the institutional contexts of sending and receiving countries (macro level).
Because the migration of East European domestic workers is predominantly
transnational (involving recurrent commuting between countries), the perspective of the
sending countries is absolutely indispensable for an adequate understanding of the
migrants situation. The basis of our analysis is the assumption that social structures
simultaneously impact on the actions of individuals and are reproduced by such actions.
As argued above, female Polish migrants in Germany and Ukrainian migrants in Poland
are increasingly filling a care gap that women in the respective countries leave behind by
entering the workforce, a gap that is filled neither through task adoption by their male
partners nor by the State. Our research shows that the situation of the migrants is
significantly co-determined by gender, ethnicity, age, family cycle and class, which can be
exemplified by the following points. Currently, older Polish women close to pensionable
age have good prospects in the German labour market sector for foreign domestic workers,
because German employers consider them good live-in carers for their elderly parents or
in-laws (see also Satola, 2010). They ascribe certain characteristics such as warm-
heartedness and a hands-on attitude towards life to their eastern pearls (as Polish
domestic workers are often described). This positive ethnic ascription goes hand in hand
with the conviction that women are inherently better qualified to do care work, as they
have innate social and emotional competencies. Also, the life experience and personal
commitment of older female migrants is much appreciated. This is why German clients
frequently and explicitly ask for older care workers, as the owners of transnational
employment agencies confirmed. On top of this, the sexuality of these women seems to
play a role in the sense that younger women are seen as potentially sexually more active
and outgoing, and there is therefore the perceived risk that they would leave or challenge
the live-in care arrangement.8
In this case it is obvious that, oddly enough, the combination of three characteristics
age, ethnicity and gendercan indeed be a resource for elderly Polish domestic workers in
Germany (for many other examples, including being a mother as an employment resource
for nanny jobs, see Lutz, 2007a). In the country of origin, age is a cause of discrimination
on the labour market, and in transitional economies like Poland and Ukraine middle-aged
women have been particularly affected by unemployment in recent years. In part, the
reasons for this are similar to the situation of East German women on the labour market:
intermittent professional careers, and female gendered labour-market sectors which are hit
by a high unemployment rate in the transitional economies (around 20 per cent) and have
affected women more than men (Kawa, 2007, p. 208f.). In a transnational context,
however, their gender and, to some extent, their age places these older women in a position
which is advantageous, even though it is outside their country of origin.
But at the same time, gender and age have negative consequences for the migrants in this
transnational context because this work migration also determines a care drain from the
countries of origin. From our analysis of the care situation of families and children left
behind, it became clear that the absence of one spouse can have various negative
consequences for the family, depending on age, family constellation and the existing
support networks (Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck, 2011). This is particularly true with regard
to the social isolation of children and educational problems that grandparents or the single
parent staying behind have difficulty coping with. Often, these and other social costs of work
migration make themselves felt only years later. The struggle for economic successno
matter whether success means securing ones very existence or building a new houseis
often fought at the familys and, especially, the childrens expense. This is particularly
problematic because the intention of migrant women and their reasons for leaving are
the opposite: they leave home because they want to offer a better future to their children,
take care of uncovered expenses and so on. The empirical evidence from our study also
makes clear that the absence of a migrating mother can have, but does not necessarily
determine, negative repercussions on the lives of the families and children left behind.
Crucial aspects that co-determine the outcome are the availability of social support
networks, the quality of care arrangements, the frequency and quality of personal contact
between the mother and the family, the ideology of motherhood and the meaning ascribed to
the migration of the mother/parents (Lutz & Palenga-Mollenbeck, 2011; Zentgraf & Stoltz
Chinchilla, 2008/2011). We found cases of stable and well-functioning care arrangements,
examples of transnational motherhood implying, for example, the virtual day-to-day
presence of the mother in the familys life or visits home on a regular basis. The evaluation
of this situation, is, further complicated, however, by the public discourses on good
mothering in the sending countries. Our analysis of the Polish and Ukrainian press9 revealed
that there was a very lively interest in the issue of labour migrants children between late
2007 and 2008/2009. Labelled as Euro-orphans in Poland and as social orphans in Ukraine,
non-migrating children were described as the silent victims of their parents (and, in
particular, their mothers) labour migration. These discussions are problematic, because
they oscillate between opposing normative expectations: on the one hand, the permanent
presence of both parents in a childs everyday life is expected; on the other hand, there are
gendered norms of care work which are hardly based on actual facts. The example of a Polish
grandmother who cares for her two-year-old granddaughter illustrates this well. Our
observation of the relation between this grandmother and the child, as well as several
interviews with the mother, the father and the grandmother herself, revealed that the
grandmother was, in fact, a very competent care worker. Nevertheless, in her interview
the grandmother spoke about the pressure she felt to justify her competence as a carer; in this
context, she referred to Polish TV reports on children of migrants who were poorly looked
after by grandparents.
In addition to gender and age, another important aspect is class. Polish or Ukrainian
migrant domestic workers often experience status inconsistency due to the low prestige of
their work in the receiving country, as they are usually very well educated. Whether these
negative aspects are to a certain extent compensated for by the income and the increased
economic status in the country of origin perceived very differently by the individual actors
(see Karakyali, 2010).

By now, the shortage of care workers in Germany that has been increasing for years
seems to have improved the competitiveness of the Polish migrants. Also, increasing
opportunities for legal employment may increase the migrants scope for action.
However, this is just one side of the coin. On the other hand, as the German experience
with labour market policy shows, the potential for the legalization of domestic work must
not be overestimated. In particular, the self-employment of migrants should not be
applauded prematurely as a voluntary and lucrative form of work. Just as with the labour
market at large, the road to self-employment often leads straight into precarious
employment instead of a privileged existence (see, for example, Bode, 2009 for the French
experience with the political regulation of self-employment in domestic care for the
elderly). Our interviews with some self-employed migrant domestic workers made clear
that the shift from undocumented or employed status to self-employment did not change
the situation of the interviewees positively (in terms of higher income, better job
opportunities, more personal freedom, etc.) but rather placed more responsibilities and
risks on the workers shoulders. For instance, due to the specific conditions of self-
employment in Germany (see earlier), our Polish interviewees needed to rent an office
(together with other care workers from one agency) to avert the suspicion of being de facto
employees. The self-employed persons in the Polish sample had constantly to keep up to
date with all legal regulations concerning, for example, tax and residence law in Germany
and the social insurance system in Poland. As such regulations are often confusingly
complex, domestic workers need help with administrative detailsfor which they may
have to paywhen negotiating contracts with clients.
Finally, pursuing both the perspectives of both individual actors and national regimes
makes it possible to show how the agency of migrants and their employers, respectively, can
influence policies in both sending and receiving states. The employment of elderly migrant
domestic carers establishes a situation where elderly migrants care for elderly Germans.
This scenario is not only fortunate for the Polish state, which benefits from the remittances of
these extremely loyal citizens, but also most welcome for Germany where the work is
performed not only by family members (as the State or the churches prefer) but by migrants.
As the bulk of their salaries comes from the state allowances for caring family members,
the outsourcing process is camouflaged: the State keeps up the pretence of family-care
provision, and the employers use and benefit from this arrangement; for the employees, the
setting seems useful for the reasons outlined above.
This is also a topical example of the solidification of the individualization of care

obligations in the receiving societies and the leaking of economic market logic into this
sphere. The market concerned is a veritable twilight zone, where the unspoken but
generally accepted guidelines seem to be non-discrimination by employers and non-
intervention by the State (cf. Lutz, 2007b).
Conclusions
On the basis of a case study, we have argued for the use of a three-tier model for the
analysis of the emergence and dynamics of domestic and care work migration. We have
demonstrated that three national regimes (migration, gender, welfare/care) interact on
the macro level; moreover, this macro (policy) level needs to be connected to the meso, the
organizational level as well as to the micro level of individuals actions. Using these tools,
it is possible to investigate to what extent all these factors offer opportunities or create
obstacles for female migrants; in other words, to what extent they are a resource, a cause of
marginalization or both at the same time. Through the adoption of a transnational
perspective, the perspectives of both the sending and the receiving societies are taken into
account. Unless we look at both contexts, it is difficult to understand how migrants
navigate the transnational social space in their actions.
Acknowledgements
We draw on the findings of the project Landscapes of Care Drain: Care Provision and Care Chains from the
Ukraine to Poland and from Poland to Germany (20072010), funded by the German Scientific Foundation as
part of the EUROCORE collaborative research project Migration and Networks of Care in Europe.
Notes
1
We conducted and analysed twenty-two narrative-biographical interviews with Ukrainian and Polish
migrant women and forty-one narrative interviews with family members (spouses, grandparents,
children, friends) in Poland and Ukraine. We also carried out a media discourse analysis on migration,
transnational parenting and care in Ukraine, Poland and Germany.
2
For an initial outline, see also Lutz (2010b).
3
Moreover, migrant domestic workers are not only discriminated against because of their gender but also
because of their ethnicity/citizenship. This is similar to the situation in the USA, where we observe
a general tendency to exclude foreign workers from the protection of labour law.
4
These insights are drawn from the intersectionality concept (see Lutz et al., 2011).
5
We analysed 279 articles in the German press, in the timeframe of eleven years (19972008). We chose
three daily newspapers: the liberal-conservative Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the liberal-critical
Suddeutsche Zeitung and the tabloid Bild Zeitung.
6
We conducted seven expert interviews with owners of transnationally operating placement agencies.
We also talked to several domestic migrants who co-operated with such agencies.
7
We do not see this solution as the first-best practice for two reasons. Firstly, the legalization of migrant
domestic work and a shift from employment to self-employment can result in the reproduction of
precarious working conditions not much different from those of undocumented migrants. Secondly, the
intensive nature of care work means that several workers have to be employed at the same time.
Simultaneously, the high mortality of patients means that employment relationships are unstable and
can be terminated without due notice. As a result, carers depend either on informal networks or formal
placement agencies that claim a portion of their pay for themselves.
8
It is also evident, though never explicitly stated, that this group is seen as not very demanding and
prepared to work for lower salaries than younger and trained Germans.
9
For a detailed analysis, see Lutz and Palenga-Mollenbeck (2011).
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Care, Gender and Migration: Towards a

The Multilevel Framework of Transnational Care Migration2

. Macro level: Intersection of national regimes: migration, gender and care

The Regime Perspective: The Macro Level of the Analysis

The Meso Level

The Micro Level

The German Case Study

The Macro Level of Analysis

The Meso Level of Analysis

The Micro Level

(see Karakyali, 2010).

This is also a topical example of the solidification of the individualization of care

Mediterranean, Journal of European Social Policy, 16(3), pp. 271285.

Munst, A. S. (2007) Personliche und ethnische Netzwerke im Migrationsprozess polnischer Haushaltsarbeiter-

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