Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Thomas Weber
Bloomsburg University
Politics of immigration: final Exam 2
The extensive study and research of immigration scholars since the 1970s has left the
academic community divided on the costs and benefits of immigration. This short essay will
immigration. Once we have our supporting evidence established, I will make an assessment if a
policy stance of increased immigration flows from developing nations to developed countries is a
First, we will outline the benefits of immigration through two perspectives: economic and
social benefits. These benefits will have an emphasis on migration from developing countries to
developed countries. To build and understand these benefits and costs from the most recent
scholarly evidence, we will draw on readings from immigration scholars Bloeraad, Castles, Haas,
and Miller. We will then use the same framework to examine the costs of immigration, with a
can draw on the conclusions made in The Age of Migration. The first economic benefit stems
from the movement of labor; developing nations receive low-skill labor in exchange for hosting
immigrants. This is important to understand in the context of low birth rates in Western nations;
as noted by Castles et al., migration has been the main driver of population of population
growth in many European countries (2014, pg. 122). One can observe that the lack of birth rates
would mean in the future, there would need to be immigration to supplement the workforce. In
the past, Europe supplemented their declining workforce with guest and colonial workers.
Castles et al. write that in Britain between 1946-1959 Irish workers provided manual labor for
industry and construction, and many brought their families and settled permanently (2014, pg.
Politics of immigration: final Exam 3
108). These immigrants help supplement the home nations workforce and are willing to do jobs
rather not preferred by citizens. Several conclusions can draw be to argue that there are economic
benefits of immigration, but they mostly revolve around the necessity of laborers. Next, as our
second benefit, we will examine how remittances are a positive benefit of immigration.
immigrants. Often in need of money, a relatable experience for college students, they brace
themselves for new countries where they are foreigners in search of a better future for their
children. However, to help family who chose to stay, remittances are sent back to their home
countries. Castles et al write how some migrants, such as Nigerians in Britain, have set up
hometown associations, through which migrants club together to send money home for
community improvements (2014, pg. 76). This economic development of their home nations
helps stimulate their economies, educate youth and build a brighter future in their home nations.
primarily with purchasing better homes, pushing their home families which add[s] to the safety
and quality of life and social status of families (2014, pg. 76). Remittances, while often
criticized by the right, are key to developing the home nations of immigrants. The category of
remittances is a benefit that can fit in both the economic and social categories; we can now move
Immigration to host nations often brings cultural clash, but also brings social benefits to
the host nation. Our third key social benefit from immigration is the brain gain when migrants
move from developing countries to developed nations. While a major issue for developing
nations is the loss of high-skilled workers, whereas developed nations gain from high-skill
immigration. Brain gain is defined by Castles et al as occurring when the prospect of moving
Politics of immigration: final Exam 4
abroad motivates those staying behind to continue education, through which the net effect of
emigration on education levels may actually be positive (2014, pg. 77). What this means for
developing nations is that instead of receiving low-skill and low-education migrants, high-
education and high-skill laborers are imported. This would not only mean that their socialization
and cultural integration into their host countries could be easier, but that they also bring more
diversity into their respective academic fields. Their foreign perspective and education also helps
normalize their respective identities as legitimate, helping their perception in mainstream society.
While our next section will cover the social ills of immigration, we conclude brain gain to
western nations is a societal positive of immigration. However, this brain gain is not coupled
While we do experience these economic and social benefits from immigration, there are
some downsides for the sending & receiving nations. Economically, their origin nations face the
loss of high skill, educated labor (known as brain drain). In receiving countries, low-skill
laborers face economic inequality, poor housing conditions and discrimination in the workforce.
Socially, immigrants face discrimination and alienation in their newfound homes. First
examining the economic downsides of immigration, we will discuss two different categories:
brain drain for developing nations and the labor rights/working conditions of immigrants. Then,
we will move onto to the socially harmful aspects of immigration focusing on discrimination in
In the earlier section brain gain was briefly covered as a benefit of immigration, but it has
an acidic effect on home nations who lose their most educated and skilled citizens. On an
individual level, it makes sense for these people to immigrate to places where they will make
more money and have a higher probability of upward social mobility & security. They
Politics of immigration: final Exam 5
supplement their home countries with remittances, but on a national level, they are hurt by brain
drain. If all a nations doctors were to move, it would leave a nation without medical expertise
and reliant on foreign doctors. Dr. Murad Alazzany writes in Yemen Times that Yemens brain
drain is a real concern that directly impacts the countrys deteriorating health and education
services over 130 of Sanaa Universitys professors have applied for sabbatical leave abroad
(2014). Developing nations lose their most highly valuable people in society, creating a cyclical
effect where highly-educated are inclined to immigrate and the country is left without the people
for a country to flourish. Economically speaking, brain drain is academic drought for developing
countries. Another economic disadvantage of immigration for migrants in their host nations, low-
work and economic hardship come to mind as the American myth is known, through hard work
and perseverance, you will eventually find success and prosperity. The working conditions and
labor rights for immigrants, particularly immigrants from Central America and Mexico, is not
rosy. Irregular migrants are often initially smuggled, Castles et al writing how a US government
report revealed how the percentage of foreigners smuggled increased from 9 per cent in 1997
to 14 per cent in 1999 (2014, pg. 237). The sometimes involuntary trafficking is a result of this
need for labor. In addition, Castles et al also writes how Hispanic advocacy groups alleged that
employer sanctions would increase employment discrimination of minorities (2014, pg. 216).
The compounding of these two factors can reveal the dark, illegal and immoral aspect of
immigration today. Not only facing intense discrimination in the workplace, immigrants are also
falsely stereotyped and characterized by society as a whole. Subject to racist violence and
Politics of immigration: final Exam 6
microaggressions, minorities in America must deal with a lower social status that white
Americans.
We can draw on the aforementioned benefits and downsides to immigration to draw some
conclusions advocate whether or not a policy response of increased immigration flows from
benefits of immigration, including fulfilling labor needs, remittances home and brain gain. These
benefits need to be compared with these immigrants facing questionable working conditions,
illegal trafficking or smuggling and their home nations facing brain drain. Taking all of these into
account, I would say we need to find a delicate balance in order to mitigate to costs and
maximize the benefits. There is no single correct or black and white answer; people will always
be migratory. Not open borders nor bigly (as our president would say), beautiful, walls are the
First, we need to ensure that if laborers migrate, they are treated with the same respect
that citizens receive. While we rely on an American myth of perseverance, immigrants do not
deserve unfair workplace wages and employer discrimination; irregular immigrants do not
deserve to live in a legal limbo and under fear of deportation. In the end, they receive marginal
benefits from migration, like remittances home and a better chance at upward social mobility. A
policy response that would advocate for increased immigration flows would need to accurately
account for the factors new arrivals face, which is not the case today. Concepts of brain
gain/brain drain can be understood as individual gain versus collective gain high-skill
immigrants should be able to immigrate, but they still face disrespect and racism. While they
may be able to secure careers, they leave their home nation without the necessary high-skill labor
in order to develop working institutions key for transition to a developed nation. I argue that a
Politics of immigration: final Exam 7
mixed policy approach is needed in order to make sure both parties benefit in immigration, with
a much needed emphasis on working to fix workplace discrimination and the illegal migration
industry are absolutely necessary. We also need to work with developing nations to ensure they
are working against the migration industry. Concluding, I would not advocate for or against a
policy response that would lead to increased immigration flows. Like water on the beach, there
will always be waves of immigration and it is increasingly difficult to prevent. We need to do our
best to make sure both sending and receiving nations maximize their benefits with importance on
Question 2
Every region of the world approaches immigration with a different policy response. We
will examine three regions, including the U.S., Europe and the Gulf nations. Comparing these
regions push-pull factors, demographic shifts and a policy challenge in each, we can draw on
First, we will examine these how these different pieces of immigration theory can be
economic, environmental, and demographic factors which are assumed tosh people out of places
of origin and pull them into destination places (2014, pg. 28). Some of the push factors we can
observe in contemporary immigration to Europe include the humanitarian crisis and war in Syria
and Libya, forcing refugees to leave their home countries in search of safety. Secondary to
violence is the immigrants need for economic stability, where impoverished immigrants from
Sub-Saharan Africa to Eastern Europe move in a direction towards Northern and Western
Europe.
Politics of immigration: final Exam 8
These migratory patterns from the developing world to the developed world will
immigrants, unlike North and South America. However, a similarity to be found is that Europe
now has immigrant population shares on par with the USA (Castles et al, 2014). This
demographic shift will mean that social friction will occur between the new arrivals and the
home nation population; it will also mean that government policies will most likely (we will see
after French elections) follow a German/Canadian programs of multiculturalism. The former will
likely affect the perception of migrants and the pull factors that attract immigrants abroad. If you
are going to face discrimination and even racist violence, you might be dissuaded to migrate. On
the flip side, policies that call for more social programs and aid to newly arrived migrants might
One major policy issue for Europe is the rise of the reactionary, occasionally violent,
assimilation of immigrants/refugees will be more difficult than before. Rely on scapegoating and
selective news coverage, these groups feel the bastion of Western civilization is falling to a
global, borderless dystopia. From Farage to Le Pen to Orbn, this anti-immigrant political
movement is only in incubation. This policy challenge to appease the far-right or to see them
voted into power seems like an insurmountable policy challenge. Europe faces this reactionary
right-wing revival with similarities and differences. As with every policy, people win and lose.
One must address their concerns in order to bring policy discussion of immigration from disease-
and demographic shifts that will affect future immigration. Castle et al affirm this belief, writing
Politics of immigration: final Exam 9
how the USA remains the worlds number one destination for migrants, and over half of them
come from Latin America (2014, pg. 133). While we may not be #1 in voter turnout or public
education, Americans can still hold pride in the fact we are a destination for settlers worldwide.
We can identify two major push and pull factors in America. The first identifiable push
factor is the lack of economic stability and social mobility in Central America and Mexico. Many
immigrants, primarily irregular immigrants, find they will still make more money in America for
low-skill labor jobs than in their home countries. The economic gain from immigration to
America is not marginal but life-changing for the children of irregular immigrants in the United
Another major push factor is the political freedom (or lack thereof) experienced by Latin
American and Mexican immigrants in their home nations. Castles et al write how the
industrializing Latin American nations of the 1970s were crushed or opposed by U.S. backed
military regimes, which generally opened the door to neoliberal approaches abased on
privatization, deregulation and export orientation. (2014, pg. 126). These military regimes, such
as the Salvadorian government, committed grave atrocities with paramilitary death squads
against left-wing groups. Understandably, these political refugees were pushed to leave their
One of the identifiable pull factors influencing American immigration in the past was our
Bracero Program. Originating in 1950 to fill labor needs, Castles et al write how the United
States organized 4.5 million young men to work as temporary migrants in US agriculture and
railway track maintenance (2014, pg. 130). While only a fraction, this pull factor then led later
to the legalization and recognition of nearly 87,000 Mexicans (Castles et al., pg. 218). Policies
like this turned the guest-workers into settlers. Economic motivations in turn integrate these
Politics of immigration: final Exam 10
people into the fabric of the nation. Opportunity is a primary pull factor for immigrants coming
Furthermore, an identifiable pull factor for high-skill immigrants to America is our HB-1
visa program. Recruitment and skilled labor is particularly needed in the technology industry,
where companies attract Chinese and Indian graduates. Still facing discrimination and unfair
working hours, the opportunity for them in America can be seen as an enticing pull factor.
A key policy challenge for American immigration is the prevention of deaths from
irregular immigrants. Castles et al state how estimates suggest that over the period 1994-2009,
between 4,000 and 6,000 migrants died trying to cross the US-Mexico Border (Castles et al,
2014). The combination of scorching sun, lack of water and unreliable smugglers result in the
death of these irregular migrants. While President Donald Trump advocated for a border wall,
American lawmakers need to adequately address these deaths and work to prevent them. Next,
Migration to the Arab Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and UAE) is usually perceived as
some of the harshest immigration policies in the world. Low-skill laborers from the developing
world, such as the Philippines, Nepal and Bangladesh, move to the gulf region economic reasons
and face brutal working conditions. However, their immigration was not the first to the region.
Initially, the Gulf nations chose to employ fellow Arabs. We will identify major push-pull
One major pull factor that drew immigrants in the past was the oil boom of the 1970s.
Castles et al write how The sudden rise in the price of oil generated financial resources to
undertake major construction and infrastructure projects. (2014, pg. 179). This required the
hiring of foreign workers, primarily from surrounding Arab nations like Egypt and Yemen. The
Politics of immigration: final Exam 11
need for labor was a major pull factor for arriving immigrants. However, a push factor we can
identify is the political activism of these Arab groups. While the Middle East was a political
battlefield for the cold war, the Saudi Arabian government saw these groups, particularly
Palestinians, as subversive. (Castles et al., pg. 179). This ended up leading to those Arab
A demographic change we can see in the Gulf region is the dichotomy between workers
and employers. In many Gulf countries, the immigrants outnumber the citizens. For example,
Castles et al write how in the UAE has a population of over 3 million, of whom at least 70% are
migrants (2014, pg. 180). This demographic change and stark contrast between citizenry and
non-citizens means that these nations might be induced to curb immigration, or turn these non-
citizens into permanent settlers. The Arab Gulf countries are working towards more humane
One policy challenge that the Gulf region is the reality of permanent settlement. These
South Asian. We can perhaps draw on this to understand why the Gulf nations have chosen to
only take in a handful of refugees from the Syrian Civil war and other regional conflicts. The
Gulf nations will have to focus in the future on providing aid and resources to their immigrant
Generally, these regions face different specific policy challenges but the same
overarching issues regarding immigration. For example, stated above is the fact that America and
Europe now host around the same number of minorities. This means that both countries ought to
have more policies for integrating and assimilating their new arrivals. However, policies diverge
with de facto American lasses-fair integration opposed to European style language and cultural
Politics of immigration: final Exam 12
classes for their immigrants. The Gulf region does not focus on integration or assimilation, but
rather prefers to bring in passive or politically inactive immigrants solely for labor. The policy
challenges faced in all three regions all relate back to the safety and living conditions of
immigrants. While Europe has to deal with far-right, anti-immigrant agitators, The United States
has to deal with a dangerous border that has left thousands dead. The Gulf region has to focus on
improving the conditions of their immigrants, primarily so they arent dying building stadiums in
extreme heat. The similarities between all nations is the globalized facet of immigration, where
people have over-the-border social capital to move to new communities. By knowing people in
these respective regions, transnational migration is less of a huge leap. It is easier to connect with
Question 3:
For almost every nation in the world, emigration and immigration top their policy
agendas. This essay will examine how these nations look outwards at the governments of Canada
and Luxembourg for immigration policies. We will first examine two lessons learned from
Luxembourg is a tiny European state, but their immigration policies can provide us some
insight on how to get integration correct. Using Fetzers Luxembourg as an Immigration Success
Story as our primary resource, we can first examine the conditions that allowed for their relative
ease with immigration. This will give context to why their immigration polices work. First and
foremost, Fetzer writes how they have enjoyed one of the highest if not the absolutely highest
per capita income in the world (Fetzer, pg. 109). Luxembourg is an economic paradise
compared to other nations in the world. This context will illuminate to us a factor why their
A first major lesson that we can draw from Fetzers analysis of Luxembourg immigration
policies draws on the need for a strong economy. Regions that have weakened economies or
lead to xenophobic rhetoric and polices (Fetzer, pg. 110). Instead of looking at immigration as a
necessity for the economy, they see it as invaders coming to steal jobs away from the native
population. One lesson we can draw is that in order to counter xenophobic responses from the
host countries population, a strong (even socialist) economy is beneficial. Foreign nations should
A second lesson we can draw from Luxembourgs immigration polices is the need for
political consensus on the immigration issue. The author writes how political elites must
maintain a pro-immigration consensus and above all else not allow immigration to become an
electoral issue dividing the political parties (Fetzer, pg. 110). Building on the foundation of the
first lesson, a strong economy, the issue must not be politicized enough to make it the single
issue voters vote on. We can apply this theory to the British referendum and the current election
in France the primary dividing factor is immigration policy, above everything else. While
aspects of the economy and other policy fields are important, immigration policy is politicized
the most. If a government was able to keep discussion between political elites instead of anti-
establishment rightwing parties, it would drastically reduce friction between host nationals and
immigrations.
Canada is often cited as the best model for working multicultural immigration policies.
First, a major lesson that can be drawn from Canada is their permanent immigration policy,
which aims to admit the equivalent of 1 per cent of its total population of about 34 million each
year. (Castles et al, pg. 134). With the fracking boom, bountiful coastlines and bustling cities,
Politics of immigration: final Exam 14
Canadians view immigration as a necessity for growth and expansion instead of an issue. The
permanent policy of immigration means that Canada remains a prime destination for migrants
worldwide. If nations with dwindling populations (like present-day Japan) they could supplement
Canada also features multicultural, integration policies unlike other hands-off countries.
Bloemrand writes how Canadas political tradition focuses on how immigrants and their
descendants can retain their unique ethnic heritage and simultaneously contribute to the
Canadian whole (Bloemrand, pg. 139). The ability to have dual identities in Canada contributes
to the inclusion of immigrants into their mosaic. This symbolic response to the American
melting-pot shows to immigrants that the government is in full support of immigration and is
In brief, both Europe and the United States can draw many lessons from immigration
policies of Luxembourg and Canada. The first lessons learned from Luxembourg is the need to
balance the needs of immigrants with the needs of the native population. Depoliticizing
immigration and a strong economy deflect and minimize the chance of support for anti-
immigrant far right parties. From Canada, we see how a government approach to immigration as
integral to the country and the economy produces a positive connotation to immigrants. By
constructing immigrants as needed for the economy, alongside multicultural polices, produces a
welcoming environment for newly-arrived immigrants while balancing the concerns of native
citizens.
Question 4
Different countries have produced a wide array of integration pathways for their
immigrant communities. Some states prefer to leave immigrant groups on their own, while some
Politics of immigration: final Exam 15
opt for government-backed integration programs, while a few call for separation. All of these
practices work in different ways to integrate migrants into their new homes. For three
representative countries, this essay will first examine the United States hands-off integration
model, then Frances assimilationist integration policy, then lastly Canadas official Multicultural
integration model. Then we will discuss the trade-offs of these models between cultural diversity
The United States does not have an official integration policy. In the tradition of non-
intervention in social policy, Castles et al write how the US authorities regard special polices for
immigrants as unnecessary government intervention (Castles et al, 280). The lack of policies for
integrating immigrants largely leaves themselves to integrate, with mixed results. This leaves
irregular migrants and those without the education level unable to receive benefits or a chance at
citizenship, which works to alienate them. It also leads minorities to form ethnic communities
where they share the same cultural beliefs and values. These communities build social capital,
micro-economies and allow for cultural diversity. If one is to visit any major cities Chinatown,
they would be able to see how segregated yet pluralistic the USAs immigration policy is. It
allows for these communities to negotiate their American identity themselves. Americas lack of
a formal integration policy leaves immigrants to sink or swim, to separate or integrate in their
new home.
France works on an assimilationist integration policy, where new arrivals and historically
colonial minorities are integrated into a secular national identity. It works on the idealistic
unacceptable. The idea is that immigrants should become citizens, and will then enjoy equal
opportunities (Castles et. al, pg. 275). This policy works under the assumption that if minorities
Politics of immigration: final Exam 16
are able to assimilate into French culture, the will become part of the national brotherhood under
the values of the French revolution. However, their official policy of secularism has led to social
friction. Only last year, heated debate over womens rights to wear hijabs in public resulted in
worldwide outrage against their model of integration. Minorities in France, despite the fraternal
ideals of national unity, face discrimination and racism. French Presidential Candidate Marine Le
Pen has challenged their immigration and integration policies, calling for increased surveillance
of Muslim communities. France has been plagued by their ideals of national unity and the
security; monthly terror attacks illuminate the discontent and weakness in integrating Muslim
minorities.
Multiculturalism is defined by Castle et al, which implies both the willingness of the majority
group to accept cultural difference and state action to secure equal rights for minorities (Castle
et al, pg. 270). This policy of government intervention to ensure fair and equal treatment works
to both accept the differences and integrate minorities into the Canadian mosaic. The government
provides money for minority advocacy organizations, thereby legitimizes and promotes
symbolic ethnicity while also pushing for immigrations incorporation into the social, economic
and political fabric (Bloemraad, pg. 141). This policy safeguards the culture of immigrants
while allowing for plurality, unlike Frances policy which calls for them to drop cultural
practices in favor for a national identity. This model works best for the promotion of cultural
diversity, but also helps address state security by making minorities more comfortable with
All three models work to integrate their migrant populations in different ways, with
different results for each. Lastly, we can examine some trade-offs with each model in regards for
Politics of immigration: final Exam 17
the promotion of cultural diversity and state security. The American model allows for cultural
diversity to flourish without state intervention, leaving immigrants a canvas for which to bring
their unique identity to. However, this system leaves minorities with little outreach from the
government. Compared to Canada, their system uses government intervention to integrate and
incorporate minorities into their mosaic. France intervenes to force their immigrants under a
banner of secularism and a national French identity; aspects of French culture are highlighted
while cultural and religious symbols like hijabs are banned. This last model is a dialectical force
for terrorists to capitalize on. If minorities feel oppressed by the government, they are more
inclined to not assimilate and in some cases, radicalize under this pretext. America and Canada
both face terrorism as well, but immigration and integration with regards to state security is more
focused on the US-Mexico border. Each model promotes or downplays cultural diversity and
Question 5:
she emphasizes political incorporation as the pretext for full integration for immigrants in their
host nations. The history and philosophical roots of each nation play heavily into both America
and Canadas state-citizen relationships. This essay will seek to pick apart her groundbreaking
work to better understand how history and policy impact effect immigrant communitys political
mobilization.
The origins of both the United States and Canada lie in their allegiance to the Crown in
Britain, with the latter a loyal statist and the former a treasonous republic. Among the United
States first grievances against the King was in 1773 when London banned colonial
naturalization, which led the founding fathers to introduce the radical idea of citizenship in the
Politics of immigration: final Exam 18
Articles of Confederation (Bloemraad, pg. 20). This idea was transformative and introduced
citizenship instead of being a subject. Initially, it was restricted to white Anglo-Saxon men and
was later expanded to include more free persons, including free blacks and Chinese eventually
(Bloemraad, pg. 21). In the modern era, this system of citizenship has modernized into an
English exam, proof of residency and basic American history. This formative path however
provides roadblocks to American 10+ million irregular migrants who live here undocumented.
The American tradition of citizenship leaves citizens relatively unchecked by the government
unless they choose to naturalize themselves. However, this hands-off system provides new
arrivals with little knowledge of the political system, leaving their political incorporation
minimal at best. This system also cuts immigrants out of the social system until they are citizens.
against British tutelage (Bloemraad, pg. 23). Canadian Citizenship can largely be defined as
subjects under the crown, which was not true citizenship but allotted privileges anywhere in the
British Empire. Bloemraad writes how in 1947 the Canadian Citizenship Act was passed, thus
established for the first time clear, legal Canadian Citizenship, accompanied by the first
Canadian passport (Bloemraad, pg. 24). What this can tell us this that the Canadian State was
not considered a nation-state with complete autonomy from the Crown until later on;
incorporation of immigrants into society was not a priority until later multicultural policies were
introduced; anyone could become a citizen after this was introduced. In addition to their
citizenship polices, Canadas social safety net includes immigrants, granting benefits to non-
citizens as well as citizens.This tradition has led Canada to a state that does hold a heavily belief
in Canadian identity or nationalism, leaving them more open to having dual identities than some
hardline Americans.
Politics of immigration: final Exam 19
These different rituals of citizenship and State-Citizen interactions leads us to today. Both
this history and their policies impact the political incorporation of immigrants into society. As
participatory citizenship, the first being acquisition of legal or formal citizenship and
engagement in the political system of the adopted country (Bloemrad, pg. 5). We will use this
framework to understand how political participation, history and policy affect how immigrants
One major finding from this extensive study concluded that for community leaders,
government settlement and diversity polices often eased their path (Bloemraad, pg. 191). This
process in Canada assisted community leaders (and later, politicians) into advocating with their
own voices. The state-back multicultural polices of Canada allotted new immigrants with the
tools and finances to build community organizations. For an individual covered in the book,
coordinator of interpretation services Today he runs one of those agencies (Bloemraad, 191).
On an individual level, state-back polices led this son of an immigrant to have a career in
community organizing. He became an integral component of the integration process for new
Portuguese arrivals, thus inspiring and integrating a whole new generation of migrants. This
history of Canada is important to recognize in our analysis. This means for the future history of
Canada, Portuguese will be incorporated into not only the political system, but will feel
Canadian as well.
Overall, Bloemraads book explains to us the key differences between the philosophical
roots of citizenship in both American and Canada, and how the history of each contribute to
Politics of immigration: final Exam 20
immigration policies today. Political incorporation is key to integrating any migrants into their
newfound homes.
Politics of immigration: final Exam 21
References
http://www.yementimes.com/en/1811/opinion/4265/Yemen%E2%80%99s-Brain-Drain.htm