/';-=09 )(8*=-0/']

11:46:50 AM
 VI VARI um

A JOURNAL FOR MEDIAEVAL PHILOSOPHY AND

THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
REVUE CONSACRE A LA PHILOSOPHIE MDIVALE ET
LA VIE INTELLECTUELLE DU MOYEN GE
ZEITSCHRIFT FR PHILOSOPHIE UND GEISTES LEBEN
IM MITTELALTER

VOLUME 8, 1970

VAN GORCUM - ASSEN - NETHERLANDS

Reprinted with permission of

Van Gorcum, Assen by

SWETS & ZEITLINGER B.V.

LISSE - 1985

11:46:50 AM
VI VARI um
A JOURNAL FOR MEDIAEVAL PHILOSOPHY AND
THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

editors C. J.de Vogel,(Utrecht)- L. M. de Rijk,(Leyden)- J.Engels,

(Utrecht).
oftheEditorial
Secretary Board: Prof.L.M. deRijk,WitteSingel
71,
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publishers RoyalVanGorcumLtd.,(Dr. H. J. Prakke& H. M. G. Prakke)
Assen,TheNetherlands.
subscription Perannum:Hfl.i ($. 7,00/.3)
single copies Hfl.i$.oo ($. 4,2$/.1.7s)
published Twiceyearly, eachnumber
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submitted
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shouldbe type-
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should be numbered
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outeacharticle. be
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11:46:50 AM
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII (1970)

FAROUK A. PlatoandAl/arabi.A Comparisonof Some Aspects

san kari of Their Political Philosophies 1
Oshkosh
, Wisconsin

L. m. de RijK On the GenuineTextof Peterof Spain s Summule

Leyden logicales (Conclusion) 10

servus ThomasGascoigneand RobertGrosseteste

: Historical
GIEEN and CriticalNotes $6
Rome

j. ENGELS V "autobiographie" du jongleurdans un Dit du ms.

Utrecht Paris, B. N.J. Jr. 837 68

JACQUES Le latinmdivalet la languedeschartes 81

MONFRIN
Paris

j. ENGELS NoticesurJean Thenaud 99

Utrecht

L. M. de RIJK On the Life of Peterof Spain, the Authorof the

Leyden Tractatus,called afterwards
Summule logicales . 123

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES I
REVIEWS 157
BOOKS RECEIVED 8o, I 9

11:46:50 AM
 Plato and Atfarabi

A Comparison of Some Aspects of Their Political Philosophies

FAROUK A. SANKARI

paper seeks to answer the followingquestion: What are some

This of the parallels between Alfarabsand Plato's positions regarding
political philosophyin general, and the ideal state and the ruler,
in particular?
I have tried, so faras I have been able, to trace the Platonic sources
of certain aspects of Alfarabs political philosophy. This process has
revealed that some elements are all Platonic but that Alfarabi has
elaborated them, in some instanceshas refinedthem, and, above all,
has woven them togetherfor the firsttime in the historyof Islamic
thought in order to suit the Islamic ordinance. This study has also
revealed that certain elements in Alfarabi's political philosophyseem
to be a developmentoriginalto him and have no counterpartin Plato.
Alfarabs political philosophy,like classical political philosophy,
startswith ends. It examines how men live and what they are, and it
takes its bearingsby how men ought to live, and how theyoughtto be.1
Alfarabitells us that man is a social and political animal "and by
nature each man has to be bound with other men in everythinghe
seeks. He, therefore,needs to associate with his kind and for this
reason he is called the social or political animal."2 He must, therefore,
combine with others in communities: "Man belongs to the species
that cannot accomplish their necessary affairsor achieve their best
state, except throughthe associationof manygroups of them in a single
"3
dwelling. This notion remindsus of Plato's view of man's needs and
thestate:

. . . so,having
alltheseneeds,we callononeanother's
helptosatisfy
ourvarious

1Alfarabi,
Almadinah
2Alfarabi,
"Tahsil ",Rasa*
Cairo,1948,pp.102-103.
Alfadilah
il Alfarabi
al-Sa'adah, 134^A.H.,p. 16.
, Hyderabad,
3Alfarabi,
ThePolitical , translated
Regime from theArabic
byMuhsimMahdi in:Medieval
Political
, Glencoe,
Philosophy p.32.
1963,
I

11:46:56 AM
 ; andwhenwe havecalleda number
requirements ofhelpers
andassociates
to
inoneplace,we callthata state.1
livetogether
Alfarabisubdividescommunitiesinto varous sizes:
Somehuman societies areofmedium
arelarge,others size,stillothers
aresmall.
The largesocietiesconsistof manynationsthatassociateand cooperate with
oneanother; themedium onesconsistofa nation
; thesmallaretheonesembraced
bythecity.Thesethreearetheperfect Hencethecityrepresents
societies. the
first of
degree perfection.2
Here we observe certain parallelismsbetween Alfarabiand Plato.
Alfarabi's theory of association corresponds, with qualifications,to
Plato's polis. However, Alfarabiwent a step furtherthan Plato and
talked about a large association comprisingthe whole world and the
middle-sized nation. This may well be due to Alfarabi's Islamic en-
vironment; it agrees with the universalismof Islam as a way of life.
Alfarabiadds, in AlmadinahAlfadilah , that the firstassociationin which
the highestgood and the utmostperfectionattainableis the city-state,
not a smallerpolitical unit. Since man is guided by freewill and choice,
true happinessis attainableonly in the ideal state (almadinahalfadilah).3
For only in it do men help each other in promotinggood ratherthan
evil.4
Plato's views on divisionof labor based on man's naturalaptitude
can be traced in Alfarabi's emphasison the need of manypeople, who
must work togethereach according to his ability in order to satisfy
one another's needs. Plato expresses this view in the Republic :
You remember how,when we first
began to our
establish commonwealthand
severaltimessince,we havelaiddown,as a universal that
principle, everyone
oughtto performtheonefunction in thecommunity forwhichhisnaturebest
suited
him.s

Alfarabi's emphasis on cooperation and division of labor is shown in

thefollowingpassage:
Thecityandthehouseholdareeachcomposed partsofa determinate
ofdifferent
number, someless,somemoreexcellent, to eachotherandgradedin
adjacent
different eachdoinga certain
grades, andthereis combined
workindependently,
fromtheiractionsmutualhelptowards oftheaimin thecityor
theperfection
households.6

1SeeF. M.Cornford,The ofPlato

Republic (Oxfordetc. II,367E,p. $6.
2 Mahdi,
Siyasah , in:Medieval
Almadaniyjah Political 1963,p. 32.
, Glencoe,
Philosophy
3Alfarabi between
distinguishes true andimaginary
happiness happiness.
4Almadinah , p. 97.
Alfadilah
s Republic
, XII,433A,p. 127.
6Alfarabi,
FusulAlmadani, edited byD. M. Dunlop,
andtranslated Cambridge, 1961,p. 37.
2

11:46:56 AM
 .Alfarabscomparison of the states (city, nations, cultivatedWorld)
to the bodyand its memberscorrespondsto Plato's. Justas the members
of the body cooperate to achieve and preserve perfecthealth, so the
parts of the city, the city-statesof a nation, and nations of the world,
cooperate to guaranteeand maintainhappinessthroughvirtueand good
deeds.1 In FusulAlmadani , Alfarabiconfineshis comparison to the city
and thus comes closer to Plato than in hisAlmadinaAljadilah. "The city
and household may be compared with the body of a man."2 What
applies to the individualalso applies to cities and nations: anotheridea
correspondingto Plato's views in the Republic .3
In the ideal cityteachingand education lead to virtueand the arts.
Teaching leads to the speculative virtues, and education provides
ethical virtuesand practical arts. Alfarabidevotes a few pages in Tahsil
Alsa adah to a detailed descriptionof the fourfoldperfectionin ethical,
intellectualand speculative virtues,and practicalarts, the possessionof
which lead to ultimate happiness.4 Careful examinationof Alfarabi's
views on this subject reveals parallels with Plato's view on education
of philosophers and guardians in his Republic . Alfarabi's members
of the body are of hierarchical nature; at the top stands the chief
(ra'is), that is the heart. The rank of the rest of the members varies
according to their proximityto the heart. It is the same with the
state. When all parts of the state serve the purpose of the chief, we
have the ideal state. But whereas the members of the body function
involuntarily,the citizens of the state have their will and freedom
to choose.
Alfarabi distinguishesbetween the 'indispensable' city, which
correspondsto Plato's and the ideal city.5
The cityis sometimes andsometimes
"indispensable" ideal.The indispensable
(or minimum) cityis thatinwhichthemutualhelpofitsmembers isrestricted
to
attaining
merely whatis indispensable
forthecontinuance ofman,hislivelihood
andpreservation ofhislife.Theidealcityis thatin whichtheinhabitants
help
eachothertowardtheattainment ofthemostexcellent ofthingsbywhichare
thetrueexistenceofman,hiscontinuance,hislivelihoodandthepreservation
of
hislife.6
Here the indispensable city seems to be contrasted absolutely

1Almadinah , op.cit.,pp.97-98.
Aljadilah
2 Fusul
Almadani, op.cit.,p. 37.
3Republic
IV,427C-434D.
Tahsil
Alsa*
adah, op.cit.,pp.64-72.
5 Republic
, op.cit.H,369D.
6 Fusul
Almadani, op.cit.,p. 39.
3

11:46:56 AM
with the ideal, but it is in appearanceonly. Alfarabiregardedfourclasses
'
of states as opposed to the ideal city: the ignorant' city (almadinah
aljahiliyyah), the 'unrighteous' city (almadinah alfasiqah), the 'mis-
guided' city (almadinah aldallah), and the 'altered' city (almadinah
almutabadillah).1Of these, in principle, the 'ignorant' city does not
know the true good, and follows false goods; the 'unrighteous' city
knows the true good, but does not follow it; the 'misguided' cityhas a
distorted view of true good and the 'altered' city formerlyheld the
true view, but has abandoned it. It is quite obvious fromthe large space
devoted to the descriptionof the 'ignorant' city in AlmadinaAlfadilah ,
thatthiscityis the most importantamong the statesapposed to the ideal
city, and unlike the others, it includes a number of distinct types.2
When, therefore,Alfarabi,speaks of the 'indispensable' cityin contrast
with the ideal, he is simplyintroducingone of manyvarietiesof cities
which according to his theory,expounded elsewhere, are opposed to
the ideal.
The ignorant cities are discussed brieflyin AlmadinahAlfadilah ,
more fullyin the Siyasah, are not at all in TahsilAlsayadah.Plato clas-
sified these states according to their political constitution; Alfarabi
uses some of the same terms without showing much interest in the
constitutionsfromthe political point of view. Alfarabi,however,distin-
guishesmore subdivisionsof the statethanPlato :

As forthecitizens oftheignorant cities,theyarepoliticalbeings.Theircities

andtheirpolitical areofmany
associations kinds, whichcomprise (i) indispensable
ofvilemeninthevilecities,(iii>theassociation
(ii) theassociation
associations,
ofbasemenin thebasecities,(iv) timocratic in thetimocratic
association city,
association
(v) despotic in thedespoticcity,(vi)free
associationinthedemocratic
cityandthecityofthefree. 3

The states mentioned so far by Alfarabiall correspond to Plato's

and four of them go back to Plato's Republicwhere they are called
timocracy,oligarchy,democracy, and tyranny.*
To the Platonic cities, Alfarabiadds three more ignorantcities,
namely the vicious (fasiqah), the altered (almutabadillah), and the
erring (dallah) cities. All these three terms occur in the Qur'an and

1Almadinah , op.cit.,p. 109.

Alfadilah
2Almadinah , op.cit.,pp.126-131.
Alfadilah
3Medieval Thought
Philosophical , op.cit.,p. 42.
4 Republic
VIII-IX,
43A-s76B.
4

11:46:56 AM
had, therefore,a definitemeaningfora Muslim. Rosenthal,commenting
on thesecities,observes:
It seemsplausible
to assume thatAlfarabi
introduced in order
themdeliberately,
by thisamplification to effect
an of
assimilation Plato's states
imperfect to
Islamicnations.It is also probablethattheMuslimthinker understood"right
beliefsand convictions" and theiroppositein boththeirPlatonicandIslamic
meaning.1

If we examine Alfarabi's and Plato's conception of the ideal form

of government,we findcertain parallels and variationsin their views.
In Fusui Almadani, Alfarabiadmits four sources of authorityWhen he
refersto the ideal city. "The chiefsand rulers of this city are of four
descriptions."2
The firstsource of authorityis the King in Reality in whom are
combined six conditions: wisdom, perfect practical wisdom, excel-
lence of persuasion,excellence in producingan imaginativeimpression,
power to fightthe holy war in person, and the absence of physical
impedimentswhich would preventhim fromattendingto the matters
which belong to the holy war.3 In AlmadinahAlfadilahAlfarabispeaks of
twelve qualities (khaslah) which the ideal ruler must possess. Such
qualities are innate, while the conditions do not superveneuntil after
maturity.4Among the qualities of the ruler laid down in Almadinah
Alfadilahare the following: the ideal ruler must possess an inclusive
art - the ^rt of ruling; he mustbe perfect,in the sense of being a philo-
sopher; he must have the power of representingin words what he
knows; he must have the power of guidingmen to happiness; and he
must have the power of carryingout actions.s
Here we observe Alfarabiblending certain Platonic and Islamic
qualificationsof the ruler; he is more inclinedtowardsPlato in Almadinah
Alfadilahand more towardsIslam in the Fusul. In AlmadinahAlfadilahall
the twelve qualities are derived from Plato's Republic .6 Alfarabi, in
the Fusul, is very Islamic in the concept of jihad (holy war) which is
alien to Plato. He insiststhatthe rulerwould devise methodsof political
oratoryand utilize them in order to support his own characterand to

1Erwin Political
I. J.Rosenthal, inMedieval
Thought Islam
, Cambridge, p. 137.
1962,
2Fusul
Almadaiiyop.cit.,p. go.
3ibid.
Almadinah , op.cit.,pp.iof-107.
Alfadilah
5Ibid.
6 Republic
yVI,485-487.
S

11:46:56 AM
 persuade the citizens and princes of certain actions when necessary.1
This, of course, runscounterto Plato's objection to rhetoric.The ruler
described here appears to be modelled more on the Islamic thanon the
Platonicpattern.
Anothersource of authorityin Alfarabi's ideal city is the group.2
Alfarabidistinctlyrealizes the possibilitythat no one man will possess
all the requisite conditions for ruling, in which case authoritywill
have to be shared by a group. This group may be a substitutefor the
rule of the ideal king. In the Sijasah, Alfarabialso envisagesthe rule of a

group of virtuous, good and happy people' in the followingpassage:
"And when it happensthatof these kings(muluk) at one time thereis a
group (jama' ah) either in a city or a nation or several nations,all their
group is like a single king (malik), because of the agreementof their
"3
plansand aims.
The thirdsource of authorityis the chiefof the city in whom are
unitedthe followingqualities: the possessionof knowledgeof theancient
laws and traditionswhich the firstgenerationof Imams acknowledged
and by which theyruled the city; the possession of excellent discrimi-
nation of the places and conditions in which those traditionsmust be
employed according to the purpose of the earlier generationstherein;
the possession of the power to produce what is not found explicit in
the old traditions; further,the possession of excellence of idea and
practical wisdom in the events which happen one by one and are not
such as to be in the ancienttraditions,in order to preservethe prosperity
of the city; and the possession of excellence of rhetoricand persuasion
and production of an imaginativeimpression. At the same time he
should be able to go on to the holy war. Such a one is called the king
according to the law, and his rule is called lawfulkingship.*
This is the second ruler for whom six conditions are laid down.
Perhaps the most significant featurein the presentpassageof the Fusulis
the naming of the man who representsthe third alternativeas malik
al-sunnah , the lawfulking.To myknowledge,thisnamingdoes notappear
anywhereelse in Alfarabi's works, and the explanationof its appearance
in the Fusulcould be looked for in the Republicof Plato. In the Republic
it is characteristicof the rightgovernmentof monarchyand aristocracy
that the laws of the city are maintained.s In the Politicus , when one
1Tahsil
Aha*adah
, op.cit.,p. 72.
2 Fusul
Almadam, op.cit.,p. so.
3Alfarabi, Almadaniyjah,
Siyasah Political
in:Medieval , op.cit.,p. go.
Philosophy
Fusul
Almadani,op.cit.,p. $1.
s Republic
(EndofBookIV).
6

11:46:56 AM
man rules according to the laws, he is called king. Probably it. is the
latterwhich is the originalof Alfarabsnamingof the lawfulking and
not thelawfulking'sconditions.
The fourthsource of authorityis the chiefsaccording to the law.1
This source occurs when no man is found in whom all the above
qualities are united, but theyexist separatelyamong a group, and they
togethertake the place of the kingaccording to the law. This seems to
be a developmentoriginalto Alfarabiand has no counterpartin Plato.
In the finalanalysisof authorityand ruler, it is necessaryto explore
more fullythe notion of equating Alfarabs Imam with Plato's Philo-
sopher-King.In his Tahsil Alsa adah, Alfarabiobserves that th philo-
sopher, supremeruler,prince, legislator,and Imam is but a singleman:
So letitbe cleartoyouthattheideaofthePhilosopher,Supreme Ruler,Prince,
andImamis buta singleidea.No matter
Legislator, whichoneofthesewords
youtake,ifyouproceed tolookatwhateachofthemsignifies,among themajority
ofthosewhospeakourlanguage, youwillfindthattheyall finally
agreebysigni-
fyingoneandthesameidea.2

Proceeding to look at what each of Alfarabi's terms signifies,we

findthat "the legislatoris he who, by the excellence of his reflection,
has the capacityto findthe conditionsrequired for the actual existence
of voluntaryintelligiblesin such a way as to lead to the achievementof
supreme happiness."3If this legislatorintendsto possess a craftthat is
authoritativerather than subservient,'the legislatormust be a philo-
sopher.'4 The name 'prince' signifies'sovereignityand ability,'5 To be
completelyable, he has to possess the power of the greatest ability
which comes frompossession of art, skill, and virtue. "Thereforethe
true prince is the same as the philosopher-legislator."6 As to the ideal
Imamin the Arabic language,"it signifiesmerelythe one whose example
is followedand who is well received; thatis, eitherhis perfectionis well
received or his purpose is well received.7 The supreme ruler is "he
who does not need anyone to rule him in anythingwhatever, but has
actuallyacquired the sciences and everykind of knowledge, and has no
need of a man to guide him in anything."8This supreme ruler knows
1FasulAlmadani
, op.cit.,p. i.
2 Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 79.
3 Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 79.
4Ibid.
s Tahsil
Alsa'adah,
op.cit.,p. 78.
6 Tahsil
Alsaadah,op.cit.,p. 79.
7 Ibid.
8Sisayasah op.cit.,p. 36.
Almadanijyah,
7

11:46:56 AM
what he ought to do. He is' able to guide others into true happiness.
Therefore, when Alfarabiasserts that the meaning of the philo-
sopher, supremeruler, prince, legislator,and Imam is butja single one,
he creates a synthesisbetween Plato's Philosopher-King1with the ideal
Islamicruler. It has been achievedby the Greek and Islamicrequirements.
As was suggested earlier, this synthesisrepresents Alfarabi's great
contributionto Islamicpoliticalphilosophy.
The focus on law in both Greek and Islamic civilizationsprovided
the nucleus of the synthesis.But we should realize the big distinction
between the Sharah, a divinelyrevealed law to the Muslim law-giver,
and the Nomos of the Greek, the Laws of Plato, in particular. The
Sharah guaranteedtwo-foldhappiness,here and hereafter.Philosophy
alone enabled man to understandthe meaning of that law.
Generally speaking, Alfarabi concentrates on the philosophical
-
qualificationsof the firstruler, especially in TahsilAlsa adah. In Alma
dinah Alfadilah , he brieflytalks about the dominant position of the
Sharah as the guarantorof happiness and perfection,without giving
more details of it. This is not surprisingto the writer, since Alfarabi
was occupied with Plato's arrangementin the Republic , although this
applies more to AlmadinahAtfadilah,AlsiyasahAlmadaniyjah , and Tahsil
Alsa adah, which is mainlyconcernedwith happiness.Since it emphasizes
the role of the ruler in the ideal Muslim city, it is naturalthat Alfarabi
shoulddevote largespace to the conditionsand qualitiesofthe ideal ruler.
In the last passage of TahsilAlsa'adah, Alfarabidiscusses the nature
of falseand vain and counterfeitphilosophers.The discussionis modelled
after Plato's description of the false philosopher in the Republic.2
The false philosopher is "he who acquires the theoretical sciences
without achieving the utmost perfectionso as to be able to introduce
others to what he knows in so faras their capacitypermits."3 The vain
philosopher is one "who learns the theoretical sciences, but without
the acts
going any furtherand without being habituated to doing
consideredvirtuousby a certainreligion or the generallyaccepted noble
acts."* The counterfeitphilosopher is "he who studies the theoretical
sciences without being naturallyequipped for them."5
In conclusion then, certainparallelsbetween Plato's and Alfarabi's

1Republic
V,417C-487.
2 Republic
VI,487-497.
3 Tahsil
Aha*
adahyp. 80.
4 Ibid.
s Ibid.
8

11:46:56 AM
views on political philosophyare explicit. These parallelsare especially
abundantin Alfarabs ideas on man's association, the virtuouscity, its
hierarchy,its ruler, and its opposites. When Alfarabi equates the
philosopher, firstruler, king, law-giver, and Imam, he completes a
synthesisbetween Plato's Philosopher-Kingwith the ruler of the ideal
Islamic city. Which representsAlfarabs great contributionto Islamic
politicalphilosophy.

PoliticalScienceDepartment
Wisconsin StateUniversity
Oshkosh Wisconsin 54901

11:46:56 AM
 On The Genuine Text of Peter of Spain's

Summule logicales (Conclusion)

L. M. DE RI JK

Dating From The

V Some AnonymousCommentarieson The Summule
ThirteenthCentury*.

Msgr. Grabmannfoundseveral commentarieson the Summule logi-

cales datingfromas early as the thirteenthcentury1 . Some of them are
anonymous.This group will be discussed in this part of our studyon
the genuine text of Peter of Spain's famous text-book of logic.
The first anonymous commentary mentioned by Grabmann is
found in Munich, C.L.M. 19.438, ff. ira-i2vb. The manuscriptdates
from the fourteenthor the beginning of the fifteenthcentury (not
fromthe thirteenth,as Grabmannthought2),and gives only a fragment
of this commentary. (Inc. Natura est vis insita rebus ex similibus*
similia procreans)*. I have serious doubts whether Grabmann's dating
of the commentaryitself back to the thirteenthcenturyis correct.
Its composition is quite differentfrom that of the thirteenthcentury
is and
gloss commentarieswe know. The usual divisiotextus lacking
quite a number of interpolationsin Peter's text are commentedupon
without any reservation. I am sure that this commentaryshould be
struck out from the list of thirteenthcenturycommentariesas given
by Grabmann.
Next Grabmann discussed* the anonymous commentary Omnes
homines yfoundin several manuscripts.Anotheranonymouscommentary
dating from the thirteenthcentury,which was mentionedby Grabmann,
is thatfoundin Montecassino,Archivio della Badia, 362 V V. Both com-
mentarieswill be discussedbelow, (sections 4 and 7).

* Thepreceding partsofthisstudy inthisJournal

appeared and7
6 (1968),pp. 1-34;69-101
(I9^9),pp.8-61; 120-162.
1Martin Grabmann, undFunde
Forschungen
Handschriftliche zudenphilosophischen desPetrus
Schrien
, desspteren
Hispanus Johannes
Papstes derBayerischen
XXI(fi277)in: Sitzungsberichte Akademie
derWissenschaften,Philos. 1936,Heft
Hist.Abt.Jahrgang 9, Mnchen 1936,pp.63-70.
2op.Cit.
yp. 6$.
3exsimilibus
MS;Grabmann wronglyreadmobiibus.
4 Itabruptly intheopening
ends(f.i2vb) lemma (Ratio otthetract
dicitur)
multipliciter Delocts.
5Op. pp.67-69.
Cit.,
IO

11:47:07 AM
 During my last visit to a number of librariesin France, Spain and
Italy1I found several other commentarieson Peter of Spain's Summule
which certainlydate fromas earlyas the thirteenthcentury.

i - The Gloss Cum a Jacilioribusfound in Paris B.N. Lat. 6675

The manuscript Paris, B.N. Lat. 6675 consists of 3 folios and

comes from the St Martial Convent at Limoges, (olim Sancti Martialis
). A somewhat later hand added on the top of f. ir: C.
Lemovicensis
Lemovic.194 and another: C. Reg. 6074. The firsthand wrote at the
bottom of this page : CXCIV. It was writtenin the second half of the
thirteenthcentury. A much later hand wrote in the firstfly leaf:
Fragmenta de Rhetoricaet Logica, circafinemXIII saeculi. However any
on
fragment rhetoric is missingin our manuscript,as we have it now.
In fact,it contains an incomplete, ratherextensivecommentaryin the
formof glosses on Peter of Spain's Summule.It opens as follows (I give
the complete text of the firstlectio).

i ra.2va: <C)uma facilioribus ad difficiliora

innatasitnobisvia,secundum Aristotilem
in Primo Phisicorum, et idemAristo tilesartemlogicesdifficili
tertradiditet obscure,
necesse fuitpredictam artem (autem MS)subcompendio nobistradi.Quamnecessitatem
videns Magister P. Ispanus, huiusoperiscompilator, hocopuscompendiosum et facile
compilavit. Exhocpatetnecessitas huiusoperis.
Causaefficiens fuitmagister P. Ispanus.
Causamaterialis estsillogismus in se et in suis partibus consideratus.
Causafnalis
estduplex:estfinis intraet finis extra.Finisintraest cognitioeorumque tractantur
in hac scientia.Finisextratriplexest: propincus sicutcognitiototiuslogices;
remotus sicutphilosophia ; remotissimus sicutbeatitudoanimead quamomnisscientia
finaliterordinatur.
Causaformalis duplexest: forma tractatusetforma tractandi.
Formatractatus consistit
in divisione libriin capitula et capitulorum in partesdiminutas.Formatractandi idem
estquodmodusagendi.Qui duplexest. Quidamestnecessarius propter addiscentes
sicutexemplorum positivus, namexemplaponimus ut sciantqui audiunt,secundum
Aristotilem Primo Priorm. Modusautemagendidiciturnecessarius propter scientiam.
Est triplex:diffinitivus, divisivus, probativus et improbativus, ut posteapatebit.
Titulus talisest: incipiunttractatus magistiPetri
Ispani.
Supponi turautemisteliberrationali philosophie cumsit de sermone, sermoautem
esteffectus rationis, nonnatureequemoris.
Hisvisisaccedendum estad formam tractatus.
Isteliberdividitursecundum quosdam
inproemium et tractatum. Sedhocnichilest,quiainprincipio huiuslibrinontangitur
intentio actoris,quoddebetfieriinproemio. Etideoprimaparshuiuslibrinonpotest

1I wish mysincere
toexpress thanks
totheNetherlands ForPureResearch
Organization (Z.W.O.)
whichmadethese
visits
possible hergenerous
through help.
11

11:47:07 AM
diciproemium. Propter quodaliterdicendum estquodisteliberprimasui divisione
dividitur in partesduas.Primoponitquoddampreambulum ad suumprincipale in-
tentimi;secundoprosequitur de principaliintento.Secundaparsincipitibi: Sed
quia disputaticiHec est divisiopresents lectionis.Et dividitur in partestres.
Primodifimit dyaleticam. Secundoponitcorrelarium1 (quorelarium MS). Tertioponit
etimologiam vocabuli.Secundaparsincipitibi: Et ideo. Tertiaibi: Et dicitur
dyaletica.Isteparticule remanent indivise.Et sic in universo in presenti lectione
sunttresparticule.
Circaprimam autemsic proceditur: estarsartium
dyaletica , idestde numero septem
artium;velalitersic exponitur: estarsartium
dyaletica perexcellentiam, quiaexcellit
artesaliasquantum ad modumarguendi quo preparaiomnibus aliisscientiis. Et sic
dyaleticaestarsartium habens viam> idestprebens viam,ad omnium metodorum ,
principia
alioruma sedeclarando ea perprobabilia.
Tuncconcludit correlarium. Et sequitursic. Quod prebetviamad omnesscientias
estpriusin adquisitione. Sed dyaletica esthuiusmodi, ut dictumest (irb). Ergoest
in adquisitione scientiarum prior.Vel ibi estlocussecundum quosdam a regulaque
dicitquodde prioribus est Et
prius agendum. quamvis istum locum non habeamus,
tamen reducitur istelocusadlocum<a>convertibili secundum quosdam. Namsecundum
Boetium multisuntloci quosnonhabeamus, qui tamenad aliosreducuntur.
Sedhocnichilest.Nammultasuntpriorain adquisitione sicutpropria
scientie, prin-
cipiauniuscuiusque scientie,que tamen non prebent viam ad principiaomnium artium.
Namsolaprincipia communia prebent viamad principia omnium artium. Propter hoc
dicendum estquodibinonestlocusa convertibili, sedpotiusab inferiori ad superius.
Namquodprebet viamadprincipia omnium artium,estpriusinadquisitione scientiarum,
etnoneconverso.
Consequenter sequituretimologia dyaletice.Et patetquod dicit.Sed notandum ibi
secundum Ysidorum: disputatio diversorumputatio rationibus vallata
.2
Item.Notandum ibi quod disputatio magisappropriatur dyaletice quamalicuialii
scientie,cumalie scientie nondisputent nisiinquantum accipiuntmodumdisputandi
a dyaletica. Et hocapparet sic ad multaargumenta. Si enimarguatur sic: alie scientie
disputent ( !), non vero dyaletica, patet.
Et in hoc terminatur expositio literalis.

( Dubitabilia
)
Circapresentem lectionem dubitandasunt.Primoquedamque suntextraliterm,
secundo que sunt in est
litera videndum. Circaprimum sunttriavelquatuorinquirenda.
Primm estquidestsumma,tractatus, etintroductio.Adquoddicendum quodsumma
est compendiosa traditioeorumque alibidiffusius Introductio
pertractantur. est via
et
brevis aperta seu faciliordemonstratioeorum quealibidifusius
sunt Tractatus
tractata.
veroesttraditioeorum attrahuntur.
queexdictisautenticis
Undenotandum quod in qualibetsummaistatriaattendenda: facilitas
(falcitas
MS)
(compendiositas et >. Rationemodi diciturintroduction quia 'introductio'
dicitur . et *duco
ab 'intro* intro
, ducis'quasiducens ; ducimur
scientiam auteminscientia
secundum
(!) perfacilia, Primo
Aristotilem . Etideofacilitas
Phisicorum intro-
attribuitur

1correlarium seems
, notcorrolarium tobetheusual inMediaeval
orthography Latin.
2notfound
inourtextofIsidore's
Etymologiae.
I2

11:47:07 AM
ductioni. Sed quodattendi turin summaestcompendiositas. Namquandosumma fit,
ea queprimoerantdifusa subcompendio compilantur. lindecompendiositas attributur
summe. Tertium quodrequiritur insumma estquodipsaa dictisautenticis extrahuntur.
Et ideodicitur tractatus quasi tractus a < >, quia extraitur aliunde. Et sic patet
quod ista tria: summa , introductio, tractatus sunt idem in re sed diffrant ratione.
Item.Notandum quod summula differt a summapenesbrevitatem. Undesummula
potest sic diffiniri: summula est brevis traditioeorum que alibi sunt tradita, quanonpotest
essebrevior jque artis summa contineatur declaret.
Secundovidendum est quid est ars,et quidmethodus et quidstudium. Arsautem
magistraliter sicdiffinitur: arsestnitum infinitatis
compendium ; namea que suntinarte
quasiinfinita, continentur finitis reguliset factis(?); insigne rationismiraculum; nam
miraculum est infinita reduci;quod in arte contingit; imperiosum nature consilium;
(iva) sed notandum: istanaturaest ingenium naturale, de quo dicitUgo de Sancto
Victore inlibrosuoDe magistro1 : ingenium estvisinsitaanimo,queimmoderato labore
obtuditur (!) sed moderatoexercicioacuitur.Ista autemnaturaredditpotentem
hominem ad completum scientieadquirendum. Ut dicitTullius:naturapotentem,
arsfacilem, ususpromptm redditartificem. Cum(?) autem artemsi perseconsideres ,
minimam reperies quantitatem ; si vero (ad) subiectaapplices,idest ad materiam sibisubiectam,
maximam reperies potestatem. Undeuna regulamodicequantitatis potestin plurescon-
structions .
Ex predictis igitur artisdiffinitio apparet que talisest: arsestfinitum infinitatis
compen-
dium,insigne rationis miraculum , imperiosum nature consilium, quam siperseconsideres
,minimam
quantitatem
reperies ; si veroad subiecta applices , maximam reperiespotestatem2.
Aliterdiffinitur a Tullio:arsestcollectio , idestaggregatio, multorum , idest
preceptorum
multarum maximarum, ad unum finem , idest principlem, tendentium. Dico principlem
quiain scientia possunt essepluresfines nonprincipales, sicutpatetingramatica. Finis
principalis estcongruum eligendum et incongruum evitandum. Finesautemnonprin-
cipalessuntsicutrecteconstruere, reetepronuntiare, reetelitteras indictione ordinare.
Ex hoc patetsolutiohuiusargumenti: gramatica estars; et nonhabetunumfinem,
secundum Petrm EliesuperPrimm Maior is,immoplures ; ergomaledictum estquod
tendit ad unumfinem. Et iampatetsolutioex predictis.
Dicitur'ars'de 'arto,artas'quiaanimum artatet retrahit a curaistorum sensibilium.
Methodus autemestarsbrevisdevitansobliqui tateset confusiones. Undenotandum:
*methodus* habetduas . Uno enimmodoidemest methodus
significations quodrecta
semitaque citius ducit ad terminm via
quam publica. In alia tarnen significationeme-
thodusidemest quodscientia brevis in qua omnisconfusio et obliquitas evitatur. Et
sicaeeipitur hic.Undemethodusi aeeipitur hicmetaphorice ad similitudinem viebrevis
que citiusducitad terminm quamviapublica.
Item.Notandum quideststudium. Studium estve<h)emens applicatio animi,secundum
Tullium in Rethorica sua3,ad aliquidperagendum, idestperfecte agendum. Undequi
verestudet, nonsolumdebetsciscere utsciat,sedutperfecte agat. Tunc autem perfecte
agit,cumexercetoperavirtutis, et ideo verestudiosus est virtuosus.

1Didascalicon,
Destudio
legendied.Buttimer(Washington1939),p. s719"22.
2Forseveraldefinitions
ofars,seeL. M.deRijk, AContribution
Modernorum.
Logica toTheHistory
ofEarlyTerminist
Logic.Vol.II, PartI: TheOriginandEarlyDevelopmentofTheTheoryof
Assen
Supposition, 1967,pp.171-176, esp.p. ijg.
3 Cfr.De inventione
2 (36).

13

11:47:07 AM
Nuncvidendum est de istisnominibus, scilicet*sciential'sapientia '
' philosophic ,
'ars*. 'doctrina
*et 4 * conveniunt et qualiter
,
'facultas* (ivl)) 'methodus*, disciplina qualiter
differunt. Et nuncquerendum est quareseptemartesnominantur magisartesquam
scientie veldiscipline. Sciendum quodistaquatuor nomina, scilicet'scientia'
' , 'sapientia*,
'philosophic*, 'facultas* differunt ab istisquatuor, scilicet 'doctrina*, disciplina*,'methodus*
et 'ars*. Namprimaquatuordicunthabitm informativum animeabsolute, alia vero
quatuor dicunt habitm anime informativum non absolute sed per exerci tium. Item.
Primaautemquatuor differunt interse,quiaunumse habetperadditionem ad alterum.
Nam'scientia* dicithabitm informativum animeabsolutequi consistit in solacogni-
tione. 'Sapientia* autemadditsuprascientiam ut
saporem, sapientiadiciturquasi
saporosa scientiaI. Philosophia autem supra sapientiam additamorem.Namquod est
saporosum postsaporemredditamorosum. Supraautemphilosophiam additfacultas
facilitatem. Namamorredditomniafaciliasecundum TulliumLibrode < ).
Istaautemquatuor nomina, scilicet*doctrina *, 'disciplina*, 'ars*, et 'methodus* differunt
a predictis quiadicunt idquoddicunt inexercitio. Etitadifferunt interse quoddoctrina
dicitur proutestin docente,disciplina proutestin discpulo. Etnotaquodsecundum
Basilium disciplina estmorum< >. Arsautemet methodus dicuntur
prout consistimi in exercitio < > sive discipulus sive quilibetalius.
Licethoc nomen'methodus* sitarsbrevis,ut visumest,arsautemdicitur sivefuerit
brevis, siveconfusa, exhocpatetquodpotiusseptem artesvocantur artesquamscientie,
cumpotissimum perexercitium adquirantur etarsconsistt inexercitio, utvisumest.
Ex hoc etiampatetquaretriviales scientiemagisvocantur artesquamquadruviales,
quia triviales magishabentur per exercitium quamquadruviales. Coniugendo (!) ex
dictione cumdictione et sillabacumsillabaet littera cumlittera fitaliquisgramaticus
bonus; diffiniendo autem,dividendo et sillogizando fitbonuslogicus ; cumautemquis
se exerceatin pulchroeloquioet ornatoefficitur bonusrethoricus.
Item.Videndum est utrumtrivium prcdt quadruvium vel econverso. Et notahic
et
quodgramatica logica et rethorica faciunt trivium quia sunt quasi tres vie ad unum
finem tendentes, scilicet(sed MS) ad eloquentiam. Symiliter geometria, arismetica,
astrologia et musica;et dicuntur quadruvium quasiquatuorvie ad unumfinem ten-
dentes, scilicet Et
sapientiam. quod quadruvium prcdt trivium, videtur (2ra).
Resestantesermonem. Sedquadruvium considrt remettrivium sermonem, secundum
Ysaac.Ergotrivium sequitur quadruvium. Solutio.Aliquid dicitur prius alterodupliciter :
autvianature, autviadoctrine. Trivium pecedit quadruvium via nature. Et sic obicitur
si via doctrine trivium peceditquadruvium. Namscientiassermocinales priusde-
bemusaddiscere quamreales,cumprimoparent modmsciendiqui estanteomnem
scientiam aquirendus secundum Avaroys (!) supraSecundum Methaphisice. Ex hoc
patetquod mathematice magis vocantur artes (artis MS) quam alie scientie reales,
sicutnaturalis et methaphisica, quiaistemagisaquiruntur perexercitium quammathe-
matice.Alieautemappellantur necessitate doctrine, quia verissima doctrina habetur
abeisa doctore (dotoctore ( !) MS).
Item.Appellantur discipline quia verissima disciplina in eis generatur in discipulo.
Et appellatur disciplina et doctrina magisquam scientia naturalis, quia istanomina
'disciplina*et 'doctrina* dicunt id quod dicunt in exercitio et iste matematice magis

1Cfr.thedefinitionofsapientia condimento
estsaporii
: sapientia SeeL. M.deRijk,Logica
conditio.
II i, p.418.
Modernorum

11:47:07 AM
adquiruntur quamscientia
perexercitium Etsicmagis
naturalis. appellatur scientia
quam,
naturalis.

Hic dubitatur utrumdyaletica sitars. Et videtur quodnon.Omnisarshabetunum

finemsecundum Tulliumin sua Rethorica. Sed dyaletica habetpluresfines,Primo
Topicorum. Ergodyaletica non est ars. Item. Nulla sientia speculatur de omnibus,
Primo Phisicorum.Dyaletica speculatur de omnibus, ut habetur ibidem.Ergodyaletica
nonestscientia. Item.Omnisscientia estuniusgeneris determinati, Primo Elencorum.
Sed dyaletica est indeterminati generis, ut dicitur ibidem. Ergo non est scientia.
Item.Instrumentum scientienon est scientia.Dyaleticaest huiusmodi, secundum
Boecium superPorphirium. Ergodyaletica nonestscientia.
Ad oppositum patetper Aristotilem Primo Topicorum , quoniamdicitdyaleticam esse
artem. Item.Omneilludestscientia quod habet subiectum <et> et
partes, prdprietates
considrt de subiectoet de partibus subiecti.Sed dyaletica habetsicutsubiectum
sillogismum,eteiuspartes et proprietates considrt. Ergoestscientia. Quodconcedo.
Sed intende quodduplex est scientia: propria et communis. Item communis duplex
est: quedamper quamhabetur verascientia,sicutmethaphisica, et alia perquam
habetur modussciendi,sicutlogica.Dico ergoquod logicaest scientiacommunis
preparans modumsciendiceterisscientiis et ministrans, secundum Avarroym Se-
cundoMetaphisice.
Ad primum argumentum in contrario factum respondeo. Et dico quod duplexest
etnonprincipalis.
finis:principalis Dicoergoquoddyaletica habet unum finem princip-
lem,scilicetoppositionem, sedhabetpluresfines nonprincipales, sicutexercitationes
et obviationes,uthabetur Primo Topicorum. Etitadyaletica estars.
Ad aliuddicendum. Estduplexscientia:communis et specialis.Dico ergoquoddya-
leticaestcommunis scientiaettalisbenede omnibus speculatur. Scientia
tarnen specialis
nonde omnibus speculatur. Et sic obicitur. Et perhocpatetsolutioad secundum.
Ad tertium dicendum est quod dyaletica potest dupliciter considerari. Uno modo
inquantum docens,et sic estparsphilosophie, et estgeneris determinati, et sicnon
speculatur de omnibus. Aliterpotestconsiderari inquantum utens,et sic est instru-
mentum philosophieetspeculatur deomnibus et <est>generis seusubiecti indeterminati.
Et diciturdyaletica utensinquantum alie scientieutuntur modoargumentandi quem
preparai.Diciturautemdocens inquantum versatur circascientiam sui subiectiqui
dicitursillogismus.Etperhocpatetsolutio adobiectiones.

Item.Dicitauctorin littera quoddyaleticaestarsartium < >*.Seddiver-

simodegramatica dicitur arsartium per excellentiam
: quia excellit
omnes aliasartes
quantum ad modumconstruendi et litteras
etsillabasordinandi quem preparat ceteris
scientiis.Sed logicadiciturars artiumper excellentiam quia excellitaliasscientias
quantum ad modum arguendi et diffiniendi
quemceteris scientiispreparatet ministrat.
Etsicpatetsolutio.
Item.Diciturquod dyaletica prebetviamad principia omnium metodorum. Et est
ipsamethodus. Ergoipsaprebetviama<d> seipsum.Solutio.Istadistributio est ac-
commodata, idestaliisa dyaletica;
accommodata sicuthic: 'ceium
tegitomnia*; verum est:
aliaa se.Similiter
dicoinproposito, sicutpatetinexpositione prime litere.
1Ourmanuscript hasanomission
apparently here.

11:47:07 AM
Item.Dicit quod dyaletica
prebet omnium
viamad principia Sed metaphisica
artium.
prebetviamad principiaomnium artiumprobando ea, uthabetur
QuartoMetaphisice.
Nonergodyaletica.
Solutio.Et dico quodutraqueistarumprebetviamad principiaomniumartiumsed
Nammetaphisica
differenter. declarat aliarumartiumsecundum
principia veritatem,
logicasecundum Hancdifferentiam
opinionem. ponitAvaroys supraQuartumMeta-
phisice.

Item.Dicit: dyaleticaestpriorin adquisitione scientiarum.Sed contra.Metaphysica est

prioromnibus ut habetur
scientiis, in PrimoVeterisMetaphisice. Ergodyaletica non
estprior.Item.Gramatica estpriorin aquisitione aliarumscientiarum, utdicitYso-
dorus.Nonergodyaletica.
Solutio.Adhocdicendum estquodaliquascientia potestesseprioralteraduplici ter:
autvianature autviadoctrine. Sivianature, sicmetaphisica etomnes aliescientie reales,
sicutnaturalis
etgeometria, precedimigramaticam etlogicam. Seddyaleticaetgramatica
precedunt viadoctrine omnesaliasscientias, namdyaletica et gramatica prparant aliis
modum
scientiis sciendi.Namgramatica preparat modum construendi, dyaleticamodum
argumentandi. Istismodisenimpotest aliquisadperfectionem alicuiusscientiepervenire
secundum Avaroym supra Secundo Metaphisice. Sic (2va) gramatica et logicaprecedunt
aliascientias
viadoctrine. Sedaliquascientia potestesseprioralteraviadoctrine du-
vel
pliciter: via vel
originis via Si
nobilitatis. via sic
originis, gramatica pecedit dyale-
ticam.Si via nobilitatis,sic dico quod dyaletica peceditgramaticam. Nammodus
construendi quempreparat gramaticaaliisscientiis via originis pecedit modumar-
guendi quemdyaletica aliisscientiis
preparat. Sed modus arguendi quempreparat logica
vianobilitatis
pecedit modumconstruendi quempreparat gramatica. Et sic apparet
quomodounapecedit aliamet econverso. Et patetsolutioad argumenta.

Item.Queritur utrumdyaletica possitprobaresua principia. Et videturquodnon:

Nullascientiaprobatsua principia, secundum AristotilemPrimoPhisicorum. Ergo
dyaleticanonprobatsua principia, cum sit scientia.Item.Omnisprobatio fitper
priora,secundum Boecium.Sed nichilest priusin scientiaipsisprincipiis. Ergo
scientianonpotestprobaresua principia. Quarenec dyaletica.
Contra.Dyaletica prebetviamad omnium methodorum secundum
principia, Aristo-
tilem.Ergoprebetviamad suaprincipia. Et itaprobatsuaprincipia.Item.Circaidem
versaturmetaphisicus et dyaleticus
secundum AristotilemQuartoMetaphysice. Sed
metaphisica sua
probat principia, QuartoMetaphysice. et
Ergo dyaletica.
Adhocdicendum quoddupliciasuntprincipia
: quedam complexa etquedam incomplexa.
Dico autemquoddyaletica benepotestprobare suaprincipiaincomplexa,sednonper
mediumrealesed per mediumvocale.Que principia declaranturper expositionem
suorum terminorum. Etsicpossibile
principiademonstrari.Namsecundum Aristotilem
LibroPosteriorum, principia
cognoscimus inquantum trminos cognoscimus.
Argumenta ad hoc factaconcedimus. Ad argumenta in contrariorespondeo. A<d)
primum cum diciturquod nullascientia sua
probat principia, verum est de scientia
etnonde scientiacommuni,
speciali quemadmodum Et ideo dyaletica
est dyaletica.
sua
potestprobare principia. Ad secundum dicendum quoddyaletica potestprobare
16

11:47:07 AM
suaprincipia
perpriora,quoniamperexpositionem termini
terminorum; autemsunt
priores;quaresua principia.
Et sic patetsolutio.

Here ends the firstlectio. Althoughour authorhas, in theforegoing

lines (see above, p. 11), argued the incorrectnessof the title proemium
for the opening part of the Summule in the opening
, he calls it proemium
linesof the second lectio :
2va: Sed quia disputado,etc.Finitoproemio Etdividitur
tractatus.
incipit inpartes
duas.

Some observationscan be made about the firstlectio, (i) Like

all other early commentariesour glosses call Peter's work Tractatus ,
not Summule . (2) Our author apparentlydid not read scientiascientiarum
in his text nor the second sentence opening with Sola enimdialetica.(3)
The only authors quoted by our Anonymousare Aristotle, Cicero,
Boethius, Isidore of Sevilla, Hugh of St. Victor, Petrus Helyas, and
Averroes. (4) His firstlectiocontainsa numberof interestingdefinitions
of the terms summa ', 'tractatus'
'
, introductio'
' '
, summula and 'ars'.
As to the last term, our author gives a paraphrasingcommentaryon
the well-knownars-definition which is foundin manythirteenthcentury
1 are
treatises1. ($) Next the terms methodus ' and ' studium defined
and the differentusages of the terms 'scientia','sapientia', 'philosophia',
'facultas','ars', 'methodus', 'doctrina'and 'disciplina'are discussed in an
extensive way. (6) Finally, some questions are raised about the first
lemmataof the Summule .
This introductorypart of the commentary,as it is given in the
firstlectio,is somewhat more extensivethan what is said by Guillelmus
Arnaldi. However, for the greater part the same items are discussed
and the discussionsshow remarkableresemblances.GuillelmusArnaldi's
commentaryseems to be of a somewhat later date than our anonymous
gloss. This may appear from Arnaldi's rejection of the distributio
accommoda2 which is stillaccepted as a correctexplanationof such phrases
as 'Deus creavitomnia' by our anonymous author^. Besides, Arnaldi
rejects the distinction via originisand via nobilitatisas a solution for

i SeealsoL. M.deRijk,Logica II i, pp.174-17$.

Modernorum Seealsotheprecedingarticle
ofthis
seriesinVIVARIUM p. 124.Seealsobelow,
7 (1969),(pp.120-162), p. 2if.
3Seetheprevious article
ofthisseries
OnTheGenuine TextofPeterofSpain'sSummule
logicales.
IV: Thelectura TractatuumbyGuillelmusArnaldi, MasterofArtsat Toulouse (1238-44)in:
VIVARIUM 7 (1969),p. 133.
3Seeabove,p. i.
17

11:47:07 AM
the question of the priorityof grammarto logic1. Ifour date of Arnaldi's
work is correct (between 123^ and 124^, or at least before 1248)2
the presentgloss on the Summulemust have been writtenin the early
1240' s at the latest.
This anonymouscommentaryon the Summule logicalesis incomplete
and containsonly the followingparts:
I De introductionibus ( irb-irb)
II De predicabilibus (1 rb- 18va)
III De predicamentis (i8va-24vb)
IV De suppositionibus (24vb-29va)
V De sillogismis (30^-32^)
VI De locis (3 3ra~37ra)
VII De jallaciis (incomplete) (3 ; 46ra-3vb).
The place of the tract De suppositionibus is noticeable, but it seems to
be well-reasonedin the opening lines of the tract De sillogismis , where
the author says that Peter of Spain had discussed the parts of the syl-
logism beforeand now goes on to deal with the syllogismitself(30^).
Some more remarks on this commentaryare called for. First,
the lemma Caliditas enim is found in it and commented upon (f.
23vb), so that we must conclude that this interpolationalready oc-
curred in the Summule text which our authorhad at his elbow3. Second,
the jcos-interpolationis not found (33ra)4. Third, the example given
of the exemplum- argumentationis interestingbecause of its couleurlocale:
3^va-vb . Item.Videtur quodin exemplonil sequatur,quia ex particularibus nil se-
in nil
quitur;ergo exemplo sequitur.
Solutio.Nil sequitur sillogisticeex particularibus.
Exemplum tamenbenesequitur.
Et sic patetsolutio.Exemplum ad sillogismos,
sic reducitur quiaindefiuntduosillo-
gismi,< > quodpatetper in
Aristotilem libro iorum
Poster < (33vb)
>.
contra
'affines affines
pugnaremalum est
contra
sedTolosanos estpugnare
Vascones contra
affines affines
ergoTolosanoscontraVascones
pugnaremalum est'

Similiterin alio debetaccipiparticulare probatum in minoripropositione sic:

4 contra malum est
quoscumqueaffines pugnare
affines
sedBigorianoscontra estpugnare
Bearnenses affinescontra
affines
contra
ergoBigoreanos Bearnenses
pugnare malum est*
.
Sicpatetreductio exempli.
1Compare ourauthor, above,p. 16,withArnaldi's onthisitem,
remarks op.cit.,p. 134
2Seeop.cit
.,p. 10.
3Forthisinterpolation, inVIVARIUM
ofthisseries,
article
seethefirst 6 (1968), pp. 3-4.
Seeibid.,
pp.2-3.
I8

11:47:07 AM
So we find mentioned here the inhabitantsof Toulouse ( Tolosani ),
those of Navarra and part of Biscaya ( Vascones)l, those of Bigorre and
Barn (Bigorianiet Bearnenses), all of them people from the South of
France and (or) the North of Spain. The conclusion may be drawn
thatour commentarywas writtenin that region.
Finally, the tract on fallacies commented upon by our author is
, not the Fallacieminores
theso-called Fallaciemaiores printedby Bochenski
in his edition.

2 - Two Glosses foundin Ivrea, Bibi. Cap. 79, and Rome, Biblioteca
, B. mise. 63
Vallicelliana
The manuscript79 (XIV) of the Biblioteca Capitolare at Ivrea2
(in Pimont, Italy) consists of 189 folios, not 181 as Dr. AlfonsoPro-
fessionesays in his catalogue of the library.3 This manuscriptseems to
date fromthe second halfof the thirteenthcentury*.It measures 2^6 x
ijS mm and is not foliated,with the exception of the fourthpage which
is numberedf. 1. Four pages numbereda, t, c, and d precede.
The manuscript contains a complete copy of Peter of Spain's
Summulelogicales(ff. ir~97v) and nearly the complete text of his Syn-
categoreumata (ff. 99r-i89r); the firstfolio (98) which contained the
opening lines of the lattertract,has been torn out, presumablybecause
of a beautifulinitialin the opening lines of the Syncategoreumata.
A gloss commentaryon the Summulehas been written in a con-
temporaryhand on the folios c, <J,and in the marginsof the folios
ir-33v. The firstpages are partlyillegible as a result of damp stains.
FortunatelyI found in a miscellaneous codex of the Biblioteca Valli-
celliana in Rome (cod. B. 63 misc., ff. 284-309) a commentaryon
the Summule , the opening part of which shows a number of remarkable
resemblanceswith that of the Ivrea gloss. First I give a description
of this part of the Vallicelliana manuscript.
This part (2 84ra-309ra) certainlydates from the thirteenthcen-

1See]. G.Th.Graesse, oderVerzeichnis

latinus
Orbis derlateinischen derbekanntes-
Benennungen
tenStdteetc.,Meere,Seen,Berge undFlsseinallenTheilen
derErde,nebsteinem deutsch-
lateinischen EinSupplement
derselben.
Register zujedem undgeographischen
lateinischen Wrter-
buche. Dresden1861(London, p. 2o.
Utrecht),
3Ivrea
isthemodern namefortheAncientEporedia.
*SeeG. MazzatintiandA. Sorbelli,Inventari
deiManoscritti d*ItaliaIV (1894),
delleBiblioteche
[pp.1-20],cod.79; Edizione a curadiIloVignono,
riveduta Alba1967.
4Thecatalogue hassec
wrongly . XIV.
19

11:47:07 AM
tury. It has the heading logicetractatus(in a later hand) and contains
a gloss-commentary on the followingparts of the Summule :

I De introductionibus (2 84*8-29irb)
II De predicabilibus (29iva-293rb)
III De predicamentis (293rb-296rb)
IV De sillogismis (296rb-298va)
V De locis (298^-307)
VI De suppositionibus (307ra-3o8ra); breaks off
VII Defallaciis (308rb-309ra); only a few notes.

It ends as follows (308^-309^) :

De sufficien-(309ra)-cia metarum queritur quaresuntquinquet nonplureseque

pauciores. Ad hoc dicendum quod omnis finissophiste autestex parteactus,autex
parte rei,aut ex parte sermonis. Si ex parteactus, sic estredargutio.Si ex parterei,
ter: autex partereisecundum
sic duplici se, autex parterei comparate ad animam.
Si secundum se, sic estinopinabile. Si comparate ad animam, sic estfalsum, quiaab
eo quodresestvelnonestetc . Si expartesermonis, sicdupliciter: autexpartesermonis
comparati ad intellectum - et sicestsolecismus -, autex partesermonis superfluentis,
et sic est nugatio.DEO GRACIAS

The Vallicelliana glosses on Tracts II-VII are completelydifferent

from those given in the Ivrea gloss, but those on the firsttract of the
Summule open in a similarway. I give the opening words of the Valli-
cellianagloss (2 84ra) :

Ut vultAristotiles in Phisicis,omnecompositum scilicetex

ex duobusconficitur,
materia et forma.Sed cumab eo quoddatesse unumquodque habeat,
perfectionem
ab ilio a quo aliquidhabetessenecessarioab eodemperficitur et completur.Cum
ergounumquodque compositum a
naturale forma habeatesseet non a cuius-
materia,
libetreinaturalis
forma estperfectio1
.

This is practicallythe same incipitas that of the Ivrea gloss, folio c.

It is true that folio c of the Ivrea codex is almost illegible as a
result of damp stains, but many parts are prettyreadablewiththehelp
of the Vallicelliana text:
Ut dicit.... in Phisicis, s. tumex duobusconf ex materia
et forma.
Sed cumab eo quoddatesse < )l habeat,ab ilio a qupaliquid
ab eodemconficitur
esse, necessario .... completur. Cum ergo.... q. . . que

1Thereseems : estperfection
tobewritten thelatter
, while isfollowed
word bya signreferring
to
anillegible
marginal abovethecolumn.
note(correction?)
20

11:47:07 AM
 .... naturale
composi habeatesse. . . forma
.... a materia,
cuiuslibet
rei naturalis
esta forma1.
perfectio
As a matterof fact the resemblance ends after the introductory
part. I give the complete text of thispart, afterthe Vallicelliana codex:
ff.284ra~va(= Ivrea79, ff*,
ca-da):UtvultAristotiles in Phisicis,omnecompositum
scilicetex materia
ex duobusconficitur, et forma. Sedcumab eo quoddatesseunum-
quodqueperfectionem habeat,ab ilio a quo aliquidhabetessenecessario ab eodem
et completur.
perficitur Cumergounumquodque compositum naturale
a forma habeat
esseet nona materia, cuiuslibetreinaturalis forma estperfectio. Undedicit:forme
triplexestcomparatio(for:operatio?): complet opus,ordinaiet dividit veldistinguit,
Cumergohomositquoddam compositum naturale,
oportet quod a suaforma habeat
perficiet compleri.QuodnottAristotiles in Phisicissub hiisverbis:uniuscuiusque
reiforma estperfectio.
Sedcumanimasitforma hominis, corpusautemmateria, oportet
quodanimasitperfectio hominis, iuxtailludAristotilis in libroDe anima:animaest
formasive perfectio corporisorganiciphisicivitampotentiahabentis.Cumigitur
omneimperfectum appetatperfici et animanatasit de se inperfecta, ut in libroDe
animaPhilosophus attestatur,
oportet quodantequam sive
compleat perficiat hominem,
quodab alio compleatur. Perficiturautema duobus,videlicet moribuset scienciis;
moribus in bonumoperando, scienciisin verumspeculando. Verumautemspeculari
nonpotestnisi in aliquoalio mediante arte,scilicetdoctrina.
Patetigiturex predictis
quodinteromniaaliaartemaxime indigemus. Quarevidendum
estquidsitars.

After these learned phrases, our author gives the well-known

Ciceronian definitionof ars and next the definitionwhich is frequently
foundin thirteenthcenturytreatises2.This definitionis here ascribed
to Aristotleand commentedupon.

Ibid. : Arsautema Tulliosic diffinitur: arsestcollectiopreceptorum ad unumfinem

tendentium. Ab Aristotile in hunemodmdeseribitur: arsestinnitatis
finitumcom-
pendium , rationisinsignemiraculum , imperiosumnatureconsilium; si
quam per se consideresf
minimam reperiesquantitatem; si veroad subiectaapplices9maximam invenies
potestatem.
Maxima verohuiusdiffinitionis estsubtilitas.RecteeniminquitPhilosophus: arsest
etc.,
innitatis quia illud quod de se infinitumest, per artem ad maximam tur
duci
tatem.Hoc autemmiraculosum
fini estin operibus.Et hoc estquodsubiungit Philo-
sophus:rationis insigne miraculum, imperiosumnatureconsilium.Ubi enimnaturadeficit,
arssubveni t et habundat, ut patetin loripede8. Quam per consideres
si se etc. Arsenim
perse considerata minime estquanti tatis,cumnichilhabeatquantitatem nisicorpus.
Adsubiecta veroapplicata maximam continetpotestatem. Preceptaenimartispossunt
adsubiecta plurima applicari.
1Compare Robert Anglicus*commentary asithasbeenpreserved inTodi,Biblioteca
Comunale,
cod.4.Seeourthird articleofthisseriesin thisJournal7 (1969),p. 2g andthefragment
found inVat. Lat.3022,ff.83ra-84vb in:Vivarium7 (1969),pp.123-124.
* Seeabove, p. 17.
3loripes = strapfooted,
i.e.limber.
21

11:47:07 AM
Cumergosumus debemus
artem,
inquisituri pociusillaminquirere
quemodum ceteris
omnibus
etviaminquisitionis
subministrat Hecautemestdialetica
preparai. vellogica.

Thus logica or dialeticais introduced and several definitionsof it

are mentioned and explained:

De qua dicitAlgazelquodfinislogiceest sciencia,finisautemsciencieestfelicitas

eterna. De hacautem dicitAugustinus1: dialeticaestares( !) artium,scientia
scientiarum
quesola seitetsolascientes sinequanulla.Arsartium
scirefacit, dicitur
perexcellentiam,
sicut' virgovirginum'ldeusdeorum . Quesolaseitetc.Hocautemdicitur perexcellentiam.
Namnulluspotestperfecte scirenisiperhanc.Sinequanullasubiungitur quoniam nulla
scienciapotestperfecte haberinisilogicamediante.
De hac autemdicitBoetius2:Hec est, inquam,scalarisdominapenetrans (284rl>)
aliarumvestigia et ad quarumlibet scientiarum fastidiaprebetincrementa virtutum.
Scalarisdiciturquiaestgradus : primoenimincipit a termino ; deindecognoscenda est
propositio et tercioargumentum; deindeestsillogismus inquirendus.
De hacautemdicitAristotiles in PrimoTopicorum: dialetica cumsitinquisitivaveri
et falsiad omnium metodorum viamhabet.
principia
Ethocestquoddicitur inprincipio Tractatuum*: Dialctica
estarsarcium etc.

4 and ' summa9are discussed:

Next the terms introducilo9

Sciendum autemquodea que dicuntur in librissubconfusione, in hiisTractatibus

et
in aliis ad introductionem rudiumet etiamaliorumtraduntur planomodo.Unde
intitulaturin huncmodum sumula: Incipiunt siveTractatus
Introductions magistiPetri
Hispani. 1
Et diciturintroductw ab 'introduco
, -cis',quiaintroducit hominem ad maiora.Intro-
est et
ducilo levis(!) plana doctrina eorum que alibisub confusioneterminantur.
Item.Nota quod introductio est levis(!) et compendiosa aliquorum sumatim (!)
traditioingenerali
queestnecessaria adea que inspecialideterminantur.
Suma( !) estquedam compilacio comprehendens communia adspecialianondescendens,
supplens truncata,
exponens difficilia,
explanans incidencia
utilia, (*br:inevidentia
?)
etinpertinenciade<re)linquens.
'
In the next passage the author explains the terms dialetica'
1 i
'ars9y scientia
' , and 'methodus9
doctrina9, disciplina9 :

littereaccedamus.
Ibid. Hiisvisisad explanationem Primoautemde divisione
Sumule
velTractatusdicamus.Dividiturautemsummula terinduaspartes.Primo
istaprincipali

1CpDeordineII 13(38).SeeL. M.deRijk, II i, p.439,n. 2.

Modernorum
Logica
2 ps.-Boethius,
Dedisciplina ed. Ducei(EddaDucei,Unsaggio
scholarium medievale.
di pedagogia
StudiSuperiori,
dello Pseudo-Boezio.
scholariumn
Il "De disciplina Torino1967),p. 89:
"Hecestenim(inquam varia scalaris
lectio) domina,
quepenetranti vestium adscientiarum
natura
fastigia
quarumlibet prebet virtutum.
incrementa
3Notetheuseofthistitleforthework.
22

11:47:07 AM
ponitprohemium, secundotractatam (!). Primaparsibi: Dialetica est ars etc.
Secunda ibi: Sonus est etc. Ordopatet.Sicutenimignorancia nagacionis anteigno-
ranciam disposicionis, sicprimaparsantesecundam. Perprohemium enimremovetur
ignorancia negacionis, pertractatum veroignorancia disposicionis.Vel: sicutgenerale
antespeciale, sicprima parsantesecundam.
Primaparsestpresents lectionis. Et dividitur in duas,quoniam in primaparteponit
diffinicionem dialeticeet eiusinterpretacionem ; in secundatangit modum procedendi,
ibi: Sed quia disputacio.Primainduas: Primoponitdiffinicionem dialetice ; secundo
eiusinterpretacionem, utibi: Dialetica autemdicitur.Primain duas.Primoponit
diffinitionem. Secundo ex eo infertcorrelarium (!), utibi: Et ideo in acquisicione.
Etsicpatetsententia leccionisingenerali.
Circaistamleccionem quedampossumus notare.Et primoad evidenciam diffinicionis
4 4
dialetice, utrumistanominaquinqu,scilicet'ari', 'sciencia* , doctrina* , disciplina*
,
4
et metodus' idemvelnon.Adhocdicendum
, sintidemvelutrum significent quod}sta
nominasupradicta idemsuntin substancia vel secundum rem,differunt autemin
conside racionesive secundum raciones.Quoniamdoctrina est scienciasive dicitur
prout estindoctore.Quodpatetpereiusdiffinicionem. Doctrinaestsermoprogrediens
ab oredoctoris ignoranciam discipuli proculexpellens. Disciplina autemdicitur prout
estin discpulo.Undesic diffinitur disciplina: estquidam habitus mentis a doctorein
discipulum derelictus. Scienciaautemdiciturididemproutquies est in animaet
possidetur ab eadem. Unde sic diffinitur: scienciaest nobilispossessioanimi,que
distributa per partessuscipit incrementum et avarum dedignata (284)possessorem
citoelabiturnisipublicetur. Per primam particulam diffinicionispatetquodsciencia
dicitur proutquiescitinanimaet possidetur ab eadem.
Illudidemest metodus.Et diffinitur sic: metodusest aliquodpreparamentum ad
aliquidperagendum. Quod patetper Aristotilem dicentem in Primo1Topicorum:
"Propositum quidem negociiestmetodum invenire exquapossimus silogizare inqualibet
facltate". Et ideoartemmetodum nominamus.
Arsautemdicitur illudidemproutestiamactuinanima.Quodpatetperdiffinicionem
super iushabitam2.

Here ends the parallellouspassage in the Ivrea and the Vallicelliana

codices. HenceforththeVallicelliana codex still shows some similarities
with the Ivrea manuscript,but theyseem to be quite incidental. From
this the conclusion can be drawn that the Ivrea gloss and the Valli-
celliana gloss are differentbut apparentlygo back to the same source
for their introductorypart. As a matter of fact this common source
was also used by Robert Anglicus, as also appears from the similarity
oftheopeningsentences3.

i this
isthelastwordofIvrea79,f.cb.
2Ivreahas(f.da):perdiffinicionem
tullii manifestatane
superius
3Seeabove,p. 21,n. 1.
23

11:47:07 AM
 I returnto the Ivrea gloss. On folio da the author continueswith
a numberof dubitabilia:
Hiis visisad evidentiam eorumque dicuntur duo possumus dubitare.Primm est
utrum dialeticasitarsvelnonf rati onequodestartium.j Secundum estde dictisin
littera.
Circaprimum proceditur in huncmodum.Et ostenditur quoddialeticanonsit ars
quatuorrationibus. Quarum primatalisest.Arsestcollectio multorum preceptorum ad
unumfinem tendentium. Quodprobabo.Ergodialetica nonest <ars)cquodprecepta
dialeticenontendunt ad unumfinem.Maiorestquoniam precepta dialetice suntma-
ximeproposi tionesque tendunt ad diversos finesquiaad diversa argumenta inferenda.
Etsicpatetquoddialetica nonsitars.
Secundaratiotalisest quasiper idemmediumsumpta:omnisars tenditad unum
finem,seddialetica nontendit ad unumfinem (quodprobabo.)Ergodialetica nonest
ars.Quodautem dialeticanontendat adunum patetperAristotilem inprimo Topicorum
quoddialetica estad triasicutad tresfines : ad exercitationes,etad obviationes et ad
philosophiedisciplinas.
Tertiaratiotalisest.DicitAristotiles in LibroPosteriorum quodomnisarssivescientia
est uniussubiectipassiones siveproprietates Sed dialetica
considerans. nonestunius
subiecti(quodprobabo). Ergo dialeticanon est ars.Quod dialeticanon situniussubiecti
ostenditurin huncmodum.Nichilquodestindeterminati generis est unius subiecti.
Sed dialeticaestindeterminati generis, ut dicitAristotilesin LibroTopicorum quod
una secundum numerum scientianon potestesse que de omnibus speculatur. Sed
dialeticaest de omnibus, quodpatetper hoc quod dicitur in principio Topicorum
quodad omnium methodorum principia viamhabet.Ergononestars.
Cuiusoppositum probatur sic. Omneilludquodmanifestatur interaliasartesestars.
Seddialetica manifestatur interaliasartes.Ergodialctica estars.
Item.Aristotilesdicitet Augustinus etiamquoddialetica estarsartium, scientiascien-
tiarum.Ergoperlocumab auctoritate ipsorum dialetica
estars.
Quodconcedimus dicentes quoddialetica estars.Adargumenta incontrarium positum
factarespondendum est.Adprimum enimdicoquodduplexestfinis, scilicetgeneralis
Et dicendum
et particularis. quoddyaletica tenditad unumfinem generlem, scilicet
discernereverum a falso,
probabile abinprobabili.

These comments and the followingones show remarkablesimilarities

with those which were found in the previous commentary (Paris,
B.N. Lat. 667^, f.2rb, above, pp. 11-12). However, this commentary
adds some alternativesolutions (e.g.f.db : Velpossumus dicerequod sermo
ordinatus[est] ad movendumvirtutesapprehensivas , scilicetoppinionem et
fantasiam et alias, est subiectum Et
logices. per hoc patet solutioad quartum
quia dialeticainquantum circaomniaetestde omnibus
utensversatur ; inquantum
estdocenSynonestdeomnibus. . . etc.

The gloss containsthe followingparts:

I De introductionibus (ff.ca-7rb)
II De predicabilibus (ff. 7rb- 11ra)
24

11:47:07 AM
III De predicamentis (ff.11^-16)
IV De sillogismis (ff.16va-2 1ra)
V De locis (ff. 2 1 -3ovb)
VI De suppositionibus (ff.3 ira-33vb).

It should be noted, however, that although the

commentaryon the
tracton suppositionis incomplete (it ends in the discussionof 6.13 ed.
Bocheski), it winds up with the words: et hec de suppositionibus dicta
I
sujciant. suppose that the copyist took these glosses over from a
complete treatise and added the clause-formulawhen he finishedhis
laborious work.
Some more remarkscan be made on the Ivrea glosses. First*the
is not mentioned in these glosses, but this seems not
Caliditas-pssdLge
to be conclusive at all, since our glosses do not give a detailed division
of the text in thispartof the commentary.Second,
the^cos-interpolation
is not found,as appears fromthe divisiotextuswhich is
given on f.2irb.
Third, our glossatordoes not give an example of exemplum so that we
cannot obtain from it the usual informationabout the
region where
our commentarycame into existence. However, such a hint is
given
elsewhere by our author. In his discussion of habitusand dispositiohe
givesas an example (f.1ra): Et sic homoAnglicusdijfert a specieab homine
Tosolano(no doubt for: Tolosano ). This is an unmistakablehint to Tou-
louse as the place of originof these glosses. The argumentis the more
conclusive since the Summuletext proper in our manuscript
gives
(f.23V) Italian names in the example of exemplum (Mediolanenses contra
Laudenses;LaudensescontraPapienses ). Finally, on account of some ad-
ditions to the comments given by the previous commentary(Paris,
B.N. Lat. 6675) 1 think that these glosses should be dated somewhat
laterthanthe precedingwork and thanGuillelmusArnalds
commentary
on theSummule.

Finallysome remarkscan be made on the Vallicelliana gloss. As

we have already seen (above, p. 20) this gloss is differentfrom the
Ivrea gloss but has the general introductionin common with the Ivrea
gloss. Their common source is pretty close to that which Robert
Anglicus used for the Todi version of his glosses1. The interpolation
Sola enimdialeticais not foundin the opening sentences of the Summule
text which our author had at his elbow. The Caliditas- interpolation
1Seeabove,
p. 23.

11:47:07 AM
however, was already found in his text, as appears from the divisio
textusgiven (f. 29va) of the lemma Dicitur alterum alteri opponi
etc. (ed. Bocheski, nr. 3.32). From the divisiotextusgiven (f. 298)
at the beginningof TractatusV the incipitof the Tract on fallacies is
mentioned: Disputacio est actus sillogisticus etc. As is known,
these are the opening words of the so-called Fallaciae maiores, not of
the Fallaciae minoresprinted by Bocheski as TractatusVII. The work
seems to have been writtenat some place in France as maybe concluded
fromthe order of the namesGallia and Lombardiain the followingpas-
sage (f. 299va-vb):
de Sorteubisitet respondeatur
... si queratur : "in mundo",
vel "inGallia"vel "in
Lombardia", querereubisitSor.
adhuccontin-(299vb)-git

No more explicit hintsat the place of originare found.

There are some interesting notes on the specific differences

9 and other items
9 and irrationale
' rationale connected with the problem
of theuniversais(ff.3o6rb_va):
Hoc habitoqueritur de hoc quodipsedicit[ed. Bocheski, nr. .4$]quodhie est
divisio in
generis species: "animalium aliud racinale (irracionale MS), aliudirracionale.
Sedhocvidetur essefalsum, quiaracinale et irracionale suntdiffrencie ipsumgenus
dividentes ... ; ergononestdivisiogeneris in species,sedin diffrencias.
et *irracionale *
Ad hoc dicendum estquod 'rationale* possunt dupliciter sumi,scilicet
reshabens racionem velpotensutiracione ; quodidemestquodhomo velangelus. Etsimiliter
'irracionale* utbosvelasinusetsicde aliis.Ethocmodo
, idestresnonpotens utiracione,
* et *irracionale
est divisiogenerisin species.Alio autemmodo*racinale * idemest
quod formailla simplexque adveniens genericonstituit speciem,ut racionalitas et
irracionalitas, que suntforme perquasunaspeciesdiffert ab alia specie,ut asinusab
homine. Et hocmodoestdivisiogeneris in diffrencias.
Et si[c]obicis: sedintelligit auctorsic,alio modosolvi turperPorphirium. Qui dicit
quod eedem sunt differentie
divisive et costitutive ( !), sed divisive generis et costitutive
speciei.Etsicnullaestobieccio.
Posteaqueritur utrum genuspossi t de diffrencia predicar i, sic dicendo : 'racinaleest
' ' * estanimai*
animal*y mortale estanimal* (aliterMS), irracionale estanimai *,vel volatile .
Et videtur quodgenusnonpossitpredicari de diffrencia. DicitenimAristo tilesin
SextoTopicorum, ubi ponittalemconsideracionem ad interimendum de causaquod
nonsitbeneassignata, que talis estin littera iliaplane : "Rursum, si predicatur genus
de diffrencia, nonenimde diffrencia, sed de illisquibusdiffrencia, genusvidetur
predicari, ut animaide homineet boveet de aliisgressibilibus animalibus, nonde
ea diffrencia de
que specie dicitur.Nam si (secundum MS) (de) unaquaque (unamquam-
que MS) differenciarum animaipredicaretur, multaanimalia et diversade unaspecie
predicarentur. Nam diffrenciede speciepredicantur".1 "Amplius, si predicaretur de
1TopicaVI,144a 31-bi .
26

11:47:07 AM
genere diffrencia vel speciesautinferiorum aliquidspecie,nonestdiffiniens; nulla
enimdifferenciarum de
contingit generepredicari eoquodgenus amplissime omnium
dicitur"1.
Etsicbenepatetquodgenusnonpredicatur de diffrencia, quiasi genusde diffrencia
predicaretur, homo esse<t> diversa animalia. Et sic diversa ammaliade una specie
predicarentur. Verbigracia,animalpredicatur de homine,quia animalconcludi tur
inhomine.
Preterea. Esseilludquod <de>alteropredicatur concluditur ineo de2quopredicatur.
Sedanimalpredicatur de homine.Ergoanimalconcluditur in homine.Si ergogenus
de diffrencia predicatur utanimalde racionali velmortali, ergoanimalincluditur in
hacdiffrencia, scilicetracinale velmortale . Ergocumdiffrencia predicetur de specie,
specieshabebit inclusam inse differenciam. Sed habetin se genus.Ergogenusincludi-
turinspecieracionediffrencie. Etsicdiversa animalia essentinspecie,uthomine vel
asino,etsicde aliisspeciebus animalis (animalibus MS).Etsicmulta animalia dehomine
predicabuntur uno. Quod est inconveniens. Si verodicaturquodgenusdescendit in
speciem perdifferenciam, idestmediante diffrencia, et sic estidemanimainumero
quodestinspecieet indiffrencia, hocvidetur essefalsum, quiaidemnumero nonpotest
esseindiversis. Sedspeciesitasuntdiverse. Ergo non erit idem genusnumero, scilicet
animal quodestin eis. Ergo(306)manifestum estperpredicta superius quodde dif-
frencianonpredicatur genus.
Adhocdicendum quoddiffrencia proutestquidracionis etforma simplex etabstracta
abhocetnunc et predicatur de pluribus speciebus et est in plusquamgenus,nonpredi-
caturde ipsa,quia tuncsimplicissi<m)a resestdiffrencia et nullasubicitse. Si vero
diffrenciasuma tursecundum quodestquidaggregativum et converti turcumspecie,
sicgenus de
predicatur ipsa diffrencia. Sed diferencia tunc idem est quodsuppositum.
Item.Notaquodomniscommunitas a singularitate procedit. Sedsi genusde diffrencia
predicaretur proutdiffrencia est quidsimplex,tuncsequeretur inconveniens quod
omnis singularitas a communi tateprocedit. Undenotandum quodcausaetcommunitas a
singularitateprocedit. Sed quod dicit Aristotiles non esse universale preter singulare
inlineapredic^mentali, patetquiain Sorteet in Platoneet in quolibetalio individuo
suntomnesformesuperiores communes, que universalia appellantur. Et procedunt
omne illeforme a singularitate hocmodo: in Sorteenimet in Platoneet in quolibet
alioindividuo esthumanitas particularis que estforma sibiessencialis, etracioneillius
forme particularis homo qui est communis forma, predicatur de Sorte.Animaenim
vidensillamformam particularem inSorte,ipsaanimarecipit similitudinem illiusforme
etabstrahitillamab hiisetnunc etdatsibiquandam communi tatem etmodum dicendi de
pluribus. Unde non est dicendum quod animaabstrahit formam particularem rei
naturalisab ipsare naturali, sedad similitudinem illiusipsaconsidrt etaccipitquan-
damformam et facitcommunem. Sicutarchifaber qui vult facere archam abstrahit ab
aliaarchaformam, ad cuiussimilitudinem facitpluresarchasalias,similiter inSorteest
animairacinale et est animaiet corpusanimatum et corpuset substancia, et sunt
particularesforme Sortis alterius individui eiusdem speciei vel diverse. Et anima in-
<iv)afacitillasformas
tellect communes et abstrahit eas ab omnimotuet materia,
dicoquodabstrahit ab illisformis particularibus. Et animasumitquamdam similitu-
dinemquamfacitcommunem. Et sic communitas a singularitate procedit racione for-
1Ibid.
y144a 28-31.
? eode]eodemMS.

27

11:47:07 AM
marum particulariumque suntnaturaliterin Sorte.Omnesalie superiores formede
tur.Et itaomniaque suntin rectalineasuorum
Sortepredican superiorum recipiunt
ut 'Soresthomo* * . Illaque sunta latereobliquam
estanimai*
predicacionem, , homo re-
cipiuntpredicacionem,ut est
'rationale substancia
' idestpars vel
substancie, 'differentia
, idestpars)substancie.
est(substancia*

The use of the common source for the introductorypart of these

gloss seems to point to the South of France as the place of origin,since
this source certainlycomes fromthatregion1. The date of composition
will be nearlythe same as thatof the Ivrea gloss.

3 - The Gloss Quia omnisnostrafound in Cremona, Bibl. Govern. 27

I found another gloss-commentaryon the firstfive tracts of the
Summuleand on the Fallaciae of Thomas Aquinas in a manuscriptof
of the Biblioteca Governativaat Cremona (cod. ij)2. This codex seems
to have been written in the last part of the thirteenthcentury. The
glosses on Summule I-V are foundon ff. 69ra-i i9vb ; those on Thomas'
Fallaciae are incompleteand foundon ff. 1i9vl) (Incipiunt fallaciefratris*
Thome deAquino ) up to 124vb^#
The title of these glosses is given by a later hand on the top of
f. 691": ExpositiotractatusPetriHispani et FallaciarumSancti (!) Thomede
Aquino.
The firstglossopens as follows(f. 69ra) :
Diatetica est ars artiumet scientiascientiarumetc. Quiaomnisnostra cognitio
procedita notioribus in minusnotaet quantoaliquasuntmagiscommunia, tanto
suntnobismagisnota,ideo ut deveniamus in cognitionem
eorumque traduntur in
libroisto,oportet incipereab hiisque suntcommunissima.Et illasunttria,scilicet
et cuipartiphylosophie
causa,librititulus, supponatur.

The authorshipof the Summuleis discussed in this way (ibid):

Causaefficiens Petrus
fuitmagister Ispanus, scientiam
quiaex quo recepit istiuslibriin
scolaresita quodperscientiam
ipsam,siveinstruit
se, scripsit istamsivedoctrinam
transmutavit et deduxit
scolarium
intellectus ad actum.Etperconse-
ipsosde potentia
quensfuitcausaefficiens.
1SeeVivarium7 (1969),pp.2gand38ff.
2 Onf.124vatheoldnumber .3689isfound.
27
3Theuseoffratris
insteadofsancti
shows waswritten
tlatthismanuscript 1323,theyear
before
ofThomas'
canonization.
Thefirst
halfofourmanuscript works
contains dePersico.
byJohannes
28

11:47:07 AM
The divisiotextusappears to be a substantialelement of these glosses
(f. 69ra-rb);
estdivisio
Formaverotractatus libriintractatus
ettracta-(69 incapitulos
ab)-tus ( !), et
in partes,et partium
capitulorum in partes,doneedeveniamus
ad partesque habent
minimam etindivisibilem.
sententiam

The title given by our gloss is interesting.This work is the firstI know
to mentionalso the title Sumule(69rb) :
talisest: incipiunt
Librititulus siveSumule
Tractatus PetriIspani
magisti .

The Summule are divided into twelve tracts (ibid.).

deveniamus
Hiisitaquesicdeterminatis libri.Liberistedividitur
ad divisionem inpartes
duodecim, secundum quodduodecim Que verosintpartespatebitin
sunttractatus.
processu.

Only the firstfivetractsare commentedupon :

1
I De propositione (69ra-86vb)
II De predicabilibus (86vb-93va)
III De predicamentis (93va-io7ra)
IV De sillogismis ( 107-112vb)
IV De locis (1 12vb-ii9vb).
I give the divisiotextus of the firsttract(69rb-va) :
Sedprimaistarum partium dividitur in partesduas,quoniam in primaparteautoriste
indeterminando depropositione determinai de quibusdam principiisipsiuspropositionis
que habentse sicuttotumet partesad ipsampropositionem. Et in secundapartede-
terminai deipsapropositione. Secunda ibi: Propositio estoratio. Prima parsdividitur
induaspartes, in
quoniam primaparte ipseautor investigatquedam principia necessaria
ad diffinitionem principiorum ipsiuspropositionis et in secundapartedeterminat de
principiisipsiuspropositionis. Secundaibi: Nomenest vox. Primain duas,quoniam
inprimaparteponitquandam propositionem ad commendationem dyaletice siveloyce
et in secunda parteipse(69)investigat ea que suntnecessaria ad diffinitionemprin-
cipiorum ipsiuspropositionis. Secundaibi: Sonus est quicquid etc. Primain duas,
quoniamin primapartepreponit propositionem illamad commendationem dialetice
etinsecunda parteipseponitordinem procedendi. Secunda ibi: Sed quia disputatio.
Primaadhucin duas,quoniam in primapartefacitquoddictum est; in secunda parte
ipse ponitethimologiam dialetice. Secunda ibi: Dici tur autem dyaletica. Prima
adhucin duas,quoniam in primaparteipsepreponit illampropositionem ad commen-
dationem etin secunda
dialetice parteipsesubinfert quoddam correlarium. Secundaibi:
Et ideo in acquisitionescientiarum.Primaadhucin duas,quoniam inprimaparte
facitquoddictum estetinsecunda parteipsereddit rationem cuiusdam dicti. Secunda ibi:
Sola enim dyaletica.
1Thisprobably isthetitlegiven byourglosses tothefirsttract.Seethedivisio ofthefirst
textus
tract(indeterminando
depropositione
, f.69rb).
29

11:47:07 AM
From the opening lines of our commentaryand from this divisiotextus
it appears thatour glosses commentupon a text which alreadycontained
the interpolationsscientiascientiarum 1 and Sola enimdialetica2.
There is an interestingnote on methodus (69vb-7ora), which may
be comparedwith thatin the Gloss Cuma facilioribus(see above, p. 13;
see also below, pp. 34 and 47).
dialeticammethodum 4 '
advertendum
Et ulterius de eo quodipseappellat , quod methodus
potest(7ora)accipiduobus modis. Uno modo secundum quod se habetin re extraet
tuncappellatur methodus viabrevis devitans strate
obliquitates communis.Aliomodoac-
' methaforice
4methodus et sicuthie. sicutmethodus est
cipitur similitudinarie, Quia
brevisviaque citodeducit ad terminm estscientia
vie,itadialetica que citodeducit
adterminm inscientiis.

Another interestingremark is made on the status of the arts of the

trivium.They are artesservilesi.e. those arts whichdiscussthemodusrei,
not resitself(7orb_va):
Verumesttamenquodnonsolumdyaletica dicituresseordinata ad aliasscientias
et
verumetiamgramatica
nonsolumdicituretiamars servilis, et rethorica et omnis
queestde modoreietnonde re. Etexhocapparet
scientia tasillorum
fatui antiquorum
qui connumerabant dyaleticam
gramaticam, et rethoricaminterliberales artes,cum
maxime eoquodnonsuntfacte(7ova)propter
sintserviles, se sedpropter aliasscientias.

Some additional remarks can be made on this work. First, the

interpolatedCaiiJitas-passageis commented upon in an extensive way
(io3rb~va). Second, the tract De locis contains a discussion of the
jcos-interpolation(1 13rl>). Third, that our glosses were compiled in
the Northof Italy(Bologna?) mayappear fromthe example of Exemplum ,
as it is givenby our anonymousauthor (1 13vb):

Exemplum estquodperunumparticulareprobatur peraliquodsimile

aliudparticulare
repertum in hiis,ut Bononienses
(the of
inhabitants Bologna)pugnare Mutinenses
contra
(theinhabitants ofModena)estmalum. Ergopugnarecontra estmalum.
affines

4 - The Compilations"Omneshomines"preservedin eight manuscripts

Msgr Martin Grabmannfound in six manuscriptsa commentaryon the

Summulewhich certainlydates fromas early as the thirteenthcentury.

1Seealso69:etscientia , idestdeserviens
scientiarum scientiis
omnibus etregulans
etdisponens
inomnes
intellectum scientias.
2 Forthese
andother
interpolations, article
seethefirst 6 (1968),
inthisJournal
otthisseries,
PP.2-4.
30

11:47:07 AM
As we have seen before, it is decidedly not the only commentaryof
those days, nor the earliest work of this kind. However it seems to
have enjoyed a large circulation in the thirteenthand fourteenth
centuryschools, since it is found in no less than eight manuscripts
datingall of them fromabout the second half of the thirteenthor the
firsthalfof the fourteenthcentury.
(a) Paris, Nouv.acq.lat. cod. 308 is a parchment manuscriptdating
fromabout the middle of the thirteenthcentury1 . The famouslibrarian
and keeper of the Parisian manuscriptsBarthlmyHaurau wrote on
f. ir the followingpeculiar notice:
Manuscritsurvlin,fortancien,du commencement du 13e sicle,prcieux pourla
matire malgrune lacune la fin.Pierred'Espagne fameux thologien, un
tait
Juif
Espagnolconvertiau catholicismequivivaitau 12e sicle.On a de luiunDialogue
lesJuifs
contre , insrdansla Bibliothquedes Pres.Nousavonsici unecompilation
anonyme, mais certainement contemporaine, de tousses traitsde dialectique,qui
n'ontpasencoret retrouvs. Cetabrgnousen dispense en quelquesorteet trs
certainement
ce manuscrit estuniqueet entirement indit.

No modern student of Mediaeval logic would like to be responsible

for those words, writtendown about a centuryago by such a famous
scholaras Haurau was.
The work is entitled Compilationes supra tractatusmagistiPetri
Yspanij (!) on the top of f. 3ra. It breaks offin the discussion of the
fallacysecundum causam ut non causam in Tract VII of the Summule.

(b) Nuremberg, Germanisches Museum, cod. 27.773. This manuscript

dates from about 1260 and contains ff. ioora-i29rb a tract entitled
bya later hand in the colopyon on f. 129rbas Compilationes
supraSumulas
MagistiPetriHispani 2. It is a complete commentary on all the twelve
tractsof Peter of Spain's Summule . The manuscriptseems to come from
one of the Parisian schools.3

(c) Another thirteenthcenturycopy of these Compilationes

is found in
the BayerischeStaatsbibliothekin Munich, C.L.M. 22.294, ff. 134-
17ovb. The work is completehere, too.

1LopoldDelisle,Manuscrits
latins
etfranais aufonddesnouvelles
ajouts les
pendant
acquisitions
annes . Inventaire
187^-91 Partie
alphabtique, II,Paris p.41,dates
1891, thiscodexintheendof
thethirteenth
century.
2Fortheothercontents
ofthismanuscript,
seeL. M.deRijk,Logica
Modernorum
II 1,pp.54-5S

iS-i6o.
3Seeibid.

31

11:47:07 AM
(d) An almost complete copy is found in the famous library of El
Escorial (Real Biblioteca) in the miscellaneous manuscriptF. Ill 26.
It certainlydates from the thirteenthcentury. Our Compilationes are
foundff.28ira-3o8ra.

(e) A complete copy of the work dating from the fourteenthcentury

is found in the Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothekin Vienna. The
codex V.P.L. 2389 (old number941?) containson if. ir-6or the com-
mentaryon Peter's work which has this colophon:

opustractaum
Explicit (!)
summa
Explicit PetriHyspani
magisti gallici.
munus
Scriptoris et unus.
Deusestotrinus

The same hand immediately continues with the prologue: Omnes

homines natura scire DESiDER ant . Ut dicit Aristotilesin principio
veteris methaphisice.Sed cum etc. (see below, p. 33). This prologue
is found complete on f. 6or-v. This copy of the Compilationes contains
a numberof interpolations1
.

(f) The manuscriptMunich, C.L.M. 690^ originallycontaineda complete

copy of the work. This part of our manuscript(47r-$8r) seems to have
been writtenin the South of France in the second halfof the thirteenth
century.Between the folios 2Vand $3* two squires must have been
lost containingpart of the commentaryon Tract III up to the beginnings
of the commentaryon Tract VII (De fallaciis). From there on the text
is completeand endsf. :

Explicit
expliceat sinecarmine
scriptor vivat.
iste
Explicit liber. sit
Scriptor carmine
liber.

(g) I foundin the Biblioteca del Collegio at Osimo, Italy,an incomplete

copy of the Compilationes . The manuscript (cod. VI, 49) dates from
about 1300 and consists of 320 pages and is not foliated. It opens as
follows: Ad honorem in principio
Dei et beatissimeVirginis.Sicut scribitur
Methaphisicorum, omneshominesnaturasciredesiderant. Sed cum naturevel
aliquis appetitusnaturalisnon sitfrustra. . . etc. This copy breaks off
in the discussionoffiguradictionisin Tract VII. Then follows an inter-
polated copy of Peter's Summulelogicales , which abruptlyends in the
firsttract.
1Theremaining (6ir-7ir)contains
partofthismanuscript andOpus
theOpuscomputi by
sphere
Aroldishusanus
Fridericus (inc.Computus andsomemetereological
estscientia) notes.

32

11:47:07 AM
(h) The miscellaneous manuscriptMunich, C.L.M. 4603 (old number:
Buranus103) consistingof 177 folios datingfromthe twelfth,thirteenth
centuries,containson ff. i44ra-irba partialcopy of our
and fifteenth
(it ends in De locis). This part is written in a thirteenth
Compilationes
centuryhandwriting1 .

The work gives rathershortglosses on the twelve capitulaof Peter

of Spain's Summulelogicales. I give the complete text of the firstlectio
afterthe Parisiancopy (our nr a).

f. 3raIncipiunt compilationes supraTractatus magisti PetriYspany.Omneshomines

natura sciredesiderant, ut dicitAristotilesin principio Sed cumnatura
Metaphysice.
vel aliquisappetitus naturalis nonest frustra, sequiturquod in nobispossibilisest
acquisitio scientiarum etvirtutum. HocenimestquodTulliusdicit:"natura potentem,
arsfacilem, ususproptum redditartificem". Quod autemsit in nobis[appetitus] et
appetitus respectu scientiarum et possibilitas(receptionis)2,potesthaberiper Aver-
roym, qui comparai humanum intellectum tabulenude3paratead depictionem, nullam
autem picturam habenti inactu. Quoniam igitur a naturasumus sciresecundum
potentes
predictum verbum Tulli,eligamus artemque nosfacilesreddatin sciendo,usumque
assumamus que nospromptos faciatin sciendo.Arsenimnaturepotentiam redigitin
facilitatem.
Interomnesautemartesprincipaliter querenda estilia que modum procedendi docet
inscientiis.Hecautem estloyca.
Sednotandum 1 duobusmodisdicitur.Logos enimunomodoidemest(3rb)
quod loyca*
quod sermo et sic dicitur communiter <logica>*quelibetsermocinalis scientia.Alio
autem modologosvellexisidemestquodratio , et secundum hocdiciturloycarationalis
scientia.Etsicproprie accipitur.
Quoniam igitur, utdictum est,loycamodum procedendi inscientiis,
determinat neque
cumaliisnequepostaliassedantealiasestaddiscenda. Quodnoncumaliis,signifcat
Aristotiles in SextoMetaphysice cumdicit: "inanesest quererescientiam simulet
modum secundum quemdeclaratur". Qui enimhocfacit,similis estmedicoinsipienti
quipropinat egroto et librosinspexit et mortuus esteger6.Et quialogicaestmodus
omnium scientiarum et regularectificans?eassimulque seipsam sicutmanus
rectificans,
aliaorgana rectificatet seipsam, ideoarsartium merito nuncupatur.
Et notandum quoddoctrina, disciplina,methodus, ars,et scientia
idemsuntin sub-
stantia,differunt autematione.Diciturenimdoctrina proutest in doctore,quod

1Infactff.i3or-i77vdatefromthe13th century.
2supplied
from Nuremberg27.773andMunich, C.L.M.22.294.
3thusNuremberg andMunich; hastheusual
Paris rase.
supplied
from theotherMSS.
s inane ; inanum
Nuremberg Paris
; malum Munich.
6Munich,C.L.M.22.294has(f.134ra): quiprimodedit bibere
egrotanti libros
etpostea inspexit
sibene etmortuus
fecisset esteger.
regulating.
33

11:47:07 AM
patetpereiusdescriptionem : doctrina estsermoprogrediens aboredoctoris consimilem
habitm derelinquens in animoauditoris. Disciplinadiciturproutest in discpulo,
quodpatet(pereiusdescriptionem)1: disciplina est habitusdoctoris ex doctrina in
discipulo (3va) derelictus.Item. Methodus est est
prout quoddam preparamentum. Et
denominatur arshoc nomine'methodus * methaforice. Methodus enimproprieest via
compendiosa. Undediffinitur sic: methodus estsemitacompendiosa stratecommunis
obliquitates devitans. Et quia traditio artis est compendiosa et devitat prolixitates,
propter hancmetaforam methodus nuncupatur. lindeAristotiles inprincipio Topicorum:
"propositum quidemestnegotium methodum invenire a quo poterimus sillogizarede
quolibetproblemate"; methodum2 , idest compendiosam doctrinam sive artem.Idem
enimdiciturars proutactu, <id)estpreparamentum. Et manifeste colligitur ex eis
diffinitiodataa Tullio: arsestcollectio multorum preceptorum ad unum nemtendentium .
Itemalia: arsestnitum innitatis compendium rationis insigne miraculumy imperiosumnature
consiliumfquam siperseconsideres minimam reperies quantitatem9 si veroadsubstantiam applices
maximam inveniespotestatem.Item*.Estscientia proutestinanimaet proutpossidetur ab
anima.Quodpatetperdiffinitionem4 : (3vb)scientia estnobilis animi
possessio quedistributa
recipitincrementum etavarum dedignata possessorem citoelabitur nisipublicetur.Itemalia:
scientiaesthabitus acquisitus per contemplationem virtutis ex
intelligibilis collationevirtutis
rationalis.
Sicapparet convenientia et differentia interdoctrinam, disciplinam, methodum, artem,
etscientiam.
Sed dicitAristotiles in principio PrimiPosteriorum et in Secundoeiusdemquoniam
scireunumquodque opinamur cumscimuscausas.Ideohuiuslibricausasvideamus.Sed
utdicitidemineodem,quatuor suntgenera causarum, scilicetcausaefficiens, materialis,
formalis,etfinalis. Etadduntur duo,scilicetquistitulus sitlibrietcuipartiphilosophie
supponatur. Istasexopportune inprincipio cuiuslibet libriinquiruntur.
Dico igitur quodcausaeffciens huiusoperisestmagister Petrus Yspanus. Causamateri-
alissivemateria estsillogismus consideratus insesiveinsuispartibus cumdispositionibus
eorundem. Causaformalis est duplex:formatractatus et formatractandi. Forma
tractatus (4ra) est ordinatio capitulorum libri.Que patebitin sequentibus. Forma
tranctandi estidemquodmodus agendi. est
Qui quadruplex, scilicetdivisivus,diffinitivus,
probativus improbativus, exemplorum positivus. Duo primisuntde essescientie, alii
verode beneesse.Divisioenimdebetur totisubiectoet diffinitio respondet partibus
subiecti,probare etinprobare passionibus partium, quoniam proprie passiones probantur
de suissubiectis. Exemplorum positivus utilisestpropter addiscentes. UndeAristotiles:
"exempla ponimus ut sentiatqui addiscit".Causafnalisest duplex:est enimfinis
intraet finisextra.Finisintraest cognitio eorumque in librodeterminantur. Finis
extraduplexest: propinquus et remo tus. Propinquus est cognitio siveintelligentia
librorum Aristotilis vel artisdyaletice. Finisautemremo tus triplexest: remo tus:
eloquentia; remotior; sapientia; remotissimus : beatificado anime ad
intellective,quam
omnesscientiesecundum propinquius et remotius, mediatius et inmedi (4rb)-atius
final
iterordinantur.

1supplied
from Munich,C.L.M.22.294,
f.134.
2 methodus
Paris.
3item ; idemParis
Munich , Nrnberg.
4diffinitionem , Munich
Nrnberg ; inductionem
Paris.

34

11:47:07 AM
Tituluslibriest iste: incipiuntIntroductiones1 PetriYspani.
Et dicitur4titiAus
*
magisti
4 Sol sicutsol illuminttotum ita titulus
a Titan, quodest , quia mundum, illumint
totumlibrum.lindequidam:abrasolibrititulo,paginaremanet quasimuta.
Supponiturautemrationali philosophie, quia tractatde sermone.

{Dubitabilia
)

Hiis ita breviter pertractatis, antequam ad formam accedamus tractatus,occurrun

aliqua dubitabilia. Dubitatur primo utrum de dyaletica sitscientia Et dico
possibilis.
quod sic. Secundo utrum una vel plures. Tertio quia dictum est quodsillogismus sit
subiectum indyaletica, utrumhochabeat veri tatem.
Circaprimm sic queritur:utrum dyaletica sitscientia.Et videtur quodnon. Ortinis
arstenditad unumfinem. Dyaletica non tendit ad unum finem. Ergononestarsvel
scientia.Probatiomaioris.Tullius:ars est collectiopreceptorum2 ad unumfinem
tendentium". Probatio minoris. Aristotiles: "dyaletica utilisestad tria:ad obviationes,
exercitationes, et ad secundum philosophiam disciplinas". Ergotenditad tresfineset
nonad unum.Adidem.Nulla(4va)nulla(!) scientia estde corruptibili. Dyaletica est
de corruptibili. Ergononest scientia.Probatiomaioris.Boetiusin Arismetica sua:
"scientiaest eorumque inpermutabilem sui finem sortiuntur". Probatioassumptes.
Est enimdyaletica de contingentibus. Contra.De omnieo quod habetprincipales
causaset elementa, estscientia.Dyaletica
possibilis esthuiusmodi. Ergode ipsapos-
sibilisectscientia. Item.Aristotiles in Topicis:"dyaletica cumsitinquisitiva veritatis,
ad omnium methodorum principia viamhabet".Ergo,ab auctoritate, estscientia.
Dicendum quoddyaletica estscientia.Ethabeorationes hocprobantes procausa.Unde
concedoeas.Adprimum dicendum quodduplexestfinis : principalis etnonprincipalis,
sivegeneralis et specialis.Finisgeneralis dyaletice estdiscernere veruma falso.Qui
unusesttantum. Finisverononprincipalis sumi turad obviationes et cetera*.Et iste
potest essemultiplex. Adsecundum. Dyaletica potestduplici terconsideran: ingenerali
vel in particulari. Si in generali,permanens et perpetua est. Si in particulari,prout
scilicetaccipitur prodyaletica que estin Sorte vel in Platone, corruptibilisesteoquod
corrupto Sortecorrumpitur particularisdyaletica que in ipsoest.Incorrumptibile (!)
autem semper est.
Nuncde secundo.Omnisscientiaunaestque est (4vb)uniussubiecti.Dyaletica non
estuniussubiecti.Ergononestunascientia, sed plures.Probatio Aristotiles
maioris.
in PrimoPosteriorum: "scientiaest uniusgenerisdeterminati, parteset passiones
considerans". Probatio minoris. Aristotiles in QuartoMetaphisice: "circaidemnego-
tiantur et
loycus,metaphisicussophista", idest circatotum ens sivecircaomnia. Cum
ergoloycus negotietur circamulta, subiecta loyceerunt multas. Item.Loycus determinai
de terminis, de enuntiatione, de sillogismo, et de proprietatibus6 eorum.Illaautem
suntplura.Ergosubiecta loyce erunt plura.Oppositum videtur. Illud estsolumsubiec-

1Forthistitle,seethethird ofthisseries,
article 7 (1969),pp. 30and47-48.
VIVARIUM
2 other
MSS;Paris hasprincipiorum.
3assumpte Paris ; minoris
, Munich Nrnberg.
4 Nrnberg
.
5multeParis.
6proprietate
Paris.

3S

11:47:07 AM
tumin scientia de quo principaliter determinatur in ea. Seddesillogismo solumdeter-
minatur principaliter in dyaletica et omniaalia ad ipsumfinaliter ordinantur. Ergo
sillogismus est solummodo subiectum in dyaletica. Sed ab unitatesubiectiscientia
dicituruna. Dyaleticaest huiusmodi. Ergoest scientia.Quod concedo.
Adprimum. Maiorem concedo.Minorem interimo. Ad probationem respondeo quod
duplexest loyca,scilicetutenset docens.Undeverumest quodutenscircamulta
versatur.Et de taliin-(ra)-telligit Aristotiles.Sedloycadocensversatur tantum circa
proprium subiectum. Et de tali intendimus hic. Vel die quod est minor duplexet
distingue earnsicutdictumest.Adaliuddicendum quodquamvis dyaletica determinet
de terminis et<c>.,de omnibus tarnen [de]ipsispropter sillogismum. Ideosolumsillo-
gismus est subiectum, quoniam ubicumque unum propter alterum, utrobique tantum
unum est.
Nuncde tertio,utrum sillogismus sitsubiectum istiusscientie.Et videtur quodnon.
Dicitureniminferius quodsillogismus sit instrumentum eius.Tuncarguo:nichilunum
et idempotestessesubiectum et instrumentum eiusdem, sicutmalleus nonpotestesse
instrumentum fabriperquodfabricat et materia supraquamfabricat. Sed sillogismus
est instrumentum loyceper quemfacitfidem.Ergonon est subiectum eiusdem.
Contra. Illudestsubiectum inscientiade quo principaliter determinatur in scientia.
De sillogismo principaliter determinatur in dyaletica.Ergo est subiectum in ea.
Quod concedo.Ad oppositum dicendum quod idemet eodemmodoconsideratimi
nonpotestesse subiectum et instrumentum. Sed diversimode sumptum potestesse
hocetillud.Dicoergoquodsillogismus potest consideran quantum ad sui constitutionem
sive composi tionem tam($rb)ex principiis complexis quamincomplexis. Ethocmodo
estsubiectum artis.Velquantum ad finem ad quemordinatur, scilicetad fidem facere.
Ethocmodoestinstrumentum.

Then follows, in the Parisian manuscript, the title Capitulum

and not De propositionibus
. That De introductionibus
introductionum , is the
correct title of the firstchapter of the Summule , was already argued
in one of the previous studies of this series1 and it appears also from
the openingphrasesof the next lectiowhere our authorgives the general
divisionofthe Summule (rb):
Dialetica est ars artiumetc. Cognitiscausishuiusoperisnuncaccedendum est
ad formam tractatus,que estdivisiolibri.Dividiturautemisteliberinduodecim capi-
tula.In primocapitulodeterminatur , in secundode predicabilibus,
deintroductionibus
intertiode predicamentis,inquarto inquinto
de sillogismis, insexto
delocisdyaleticis,
de suppositionibus,in septimode locissophisticis, in nonode
in octavode relativis,
in decimode appellationibus,
ampliationibus, in undcimo in duo-
de restrictionibus,
decimode distributionibus.Ubicapitula videbitur
incipiant, in processu.
1OnTheGenuineText
ofPeter
ofSpain s Summule IllTwoRedactions
logicales. ofa Commentary
upon
theSummulebyRobertus inVIVARIUM
Anglicus 7 (1969),[pp.8-61],pp.29-30;47-48.Like
Grabmann,FatherJamesA.Weisheipl (inhisexcellent
study: intheArts
Developments at
Curriculum
in
Oxford the Fourteenth
Early ,
Centuryin: Mediaeval
Studies 28(1966),
[pp.1^1-17^],
p. n. 13)
wrongly forthewhole
thetitleintroductiones
takes work.Inmyviewthistitleisnotcorrect for
William work
ofShyreswood's either. SeeVIVARIUM 7 (1969),p. 30,n. 3.
36

11:47:07 AM
There is another gloss on this item in the second lectio. It is found as.
the firstdubitabileof this lesson ($vb-6ra):

Adevidentiam eorumque proposita sunt,quedamoccurrunt dubitabilia.Primodubi-

taturde divisione capitulorumhuiuslibri.Secundode dictisin littera.De primosic.
Dictumest (6ra) quodinprimo capitulo determinatur , in secundode
de introductionibus
Contra.Totusisteliberintroductorius
predicabilibus. est,scilicetinlibrosAristotilis.
Ergoquodlibetcapitulum est introductorium in librosAristotilis.Ergonulla<est>
divisio.< ).
Adprimum dicendum quodlicettotusisteliberintroductoriussit,tamenilludprimum
capitulum non solumin librosAristotilis sed in capitulasequentia Ideo
introducit.
anthonomasice( !) introductions
capitulum .
nuncupatur

The meaningof the phrasears artium

, too, is discussedin thislectio
(6ra-rb):
Adaliuddicendum quoddyaletica diciturarsartium,nonquodsitmelioraliisartibus,
sedquiadeservit
aliisartibus omnibus, sicutmanus diciturorganum orga-(6rb)-norum,
nonquodsitmeliusorganum aliisomnibus, sed quiadeservitomnibus aliis.Sedista
nonconsonai
solutio expositioni. Ideodicendum quod dicitur
ars artiumperexcessum,
nonquodsimpliciter
sitmaiorvelmelioraliisutratione sedquiadatmodum
subiecti,
inomnibus
procedendi aliisartibusetrectificai
omnes aliasartes.

The distributio
accommoda is adduced as an explanationforthe phrase
methodorum
omnium principia(6rb) :
Ad tertium dicendum 'habetviamad omnium
quod sic est intelligendum '
methodorum
scilicet
principia' aliarum scientiaruma se. Similiter
hie: 'celum omnia
tegit ; ergose;
et *Deuscreavit
omnia' et
; ipseestde numero omnium;ergocreavit se. Undeestibi
distributio
accommoda.

Unlike the introductionthe glosses on the lemmataof the Summule

are ratherconcise. They do not containanythingnoticeable as compared
with the previous commentaries. Unfortunatelythe lemma on Exem-
plumdoes not give any geographicalname. Thereforethe origin of our
commentarycannotbe concluded fromit, as was possible for the other
commentarieshithertodiscussed. As a matter of fact I could not find
any clue to the school in which our glosses originated. However, it
should be noted thatthe oldest copies of the work came fromParisian
libraries[our items (a), (b), (e), (f) and (h)]. To be sure, one of them,
Munich, C.L.M. 6905 [our (f)] seems to have been writtenin the South
of France in the second half of the thirteenthcentury. From this the
conclusion might be drawn that, like the previous commentaries,
these glosses, too, originatedfromsome school in the South of France

37

11:47:07 AM
or the North of Spain and that this commentarywas introducedto the
Parisian Faculty of Arts, as early as the second half of the thirteenth
century.In this connection it should be rememberedthat Adenulfof
Anagni,who was a professorin Parisabout 1270, afterhis death (August
26th, 1289) left to the College of the Sorbonne a copy of Peter of
Spain's Summulelogicalesand Syncategoreumata1 , from which it appears
that Peter's work had alreadybeen introducedin Paris by the i2 7o's.

- The Gloss Quia instrumentum

foundin MS Cordoba Bibl. del Cabildo1$8

Heinrich Denifle pointed to a thirteenthcenturymanuscriptof

Peter of Spain's Summuleand Syncategoreumata belonging to the Biblio-
teca del Cabildo at Cordova (Spain). He mentionedthe ancientnumber
3182. It must be the same manuscriptas that mentionedby Heine in
Serapeum VII, p. 203 :

membrn. XIII-XV.FragmenteausBoetii unddecathegor.

lib.topic. syllab(!), M. Petri
dialctica
Hispani :
(beginntDialctica
estarsartiumad omnium
methodorum viam
principia
DarnachFragmente
habens). einesCommentars berdieseSchrift.
Vonverschiedenen
Hnden.

During my visit to this libraryin the autumn of 1968 I found this

manuscriptunder nr. i$8. It dates from the end of the thirteenth
century, with the exception of ff. ir-29v which contain a twelfth
and De categoricis
centurycopy of Boethius* De topicisdifferentiis sillo-
gismis. The second part contains the complete texts of the Summule
(73ra-1iovb). The latter work
(3ora-72vb) and of the Syncategoreumata
has thefollowingexplicit( 11ovb) :

sincatamagisti
Expliciunt petrihispani.
LaustibiChris liberexplicitiste.
te, quoniam
Hicliberestscrip sitbenedictus.
tus.Quiscripsit

Then follow some straynotes (ibid.) on the four causes of the work
(causa ejpciensin istolibro estipse magister ). They apparentlyrefer
petrus

1Lopold
Delisle,Lecabinet dela Bibliothque
desmanuscrits III (Paris1881), p. j :
Nationale
Inunovolumine
tractatus
etsincategoremata Petri
magisti Hyspaniexlegato
magisti
Adenul, prepositi
Sancti Thisisanitem
Odomari. fromtheSorbonne of1338.About
catalogue Adenulf ofAnagni, see
Mittelalterliches
M. Grabmann, III(Munich
Geistesleben 19^6),pp.306-322.
2 Chartularium
Universitatis
Parisiensis
I, p. 42.
38

11:47:07 AM
to the Summule , since the syllogismis called the material cause of the ,
work.
Then follow (i i ira-i 26vb) the incomplete glosses on the Summule
mentioned by Heine. This commentarydoes not contain the usual
general introduction and immediately starts with the first lemma.
The anonymousauthor does not speak of lectioneseither. I give the
glosses on the firstlemma (inra_rb):
Diateticaest ars etc. Quiainstrumentum proprium et completum dyaleticedispu-
est sillogismus
tationis dialeticus, ideo accedentibus ad dyaleticam necessarium est
haberenotitiam de sillogismo. Sed quia sillogismus est quoddamtotumcompositum
ex suispartibuset ad cognitionem tociusnecessaria estcognicioparcium, cumpartes'
proxime
principales et inmediate sint
sillogismi proposiciones, ideo ad cognicionem
sive noticiam sillogisminecesseest proposi tionumnotitiam prehabere. Et ideo in
prima particulahuiuscompilationis agitMagister de propositionesivede enunciacione,
queidemsuntinsubstantia, licetdiffrantracione.Ethocsequendo modum Aristotilis
in libroPeryarmenias, in quo determinai Aristotiles de enunciacione que est pars
materialissillogismi.Procedit autemMagister sic in istaprimaparticula huiusoperis
(operationisMS),quiaprimo determinai de enunciacione et
completa perfecta, hocest
de propositionibusde inesse,secundode enunciacione incompletaet diminuta, hocest
de propositionibusmodalibus. Et hecibi: Modus est adacensrei determinacio.

In the next lines our author continues (iiira_rb) his division of

what he takes to be the firstpart of the firstchapter (nrs. 1.01-1.27
ed. Bocheski). On f. iiirb he opens the discussion of the lemma
Nomen est vox etc. (nr. 1.04 ed. Bocheski) but aftera few lines
he abruptlycomes to speak of the definitionof dialeticaas given in nr.
i. o i of the Summule, and the usual items are dealt with (ars, trivium,
quadruvium , methodus
, dialetica docensand uteris(1 1irb-i 12ra). I give
two interestingglosses on methodus (1 1irb-i 1iva) :
Etnotaquodmethodus diciturviarecta
devitans Utsi quisvelletireab (11iva)
obliquitates.
ab (!) unaextremitate diametri,dividens
circulum in duo equalia,ad extremitatem
quampossetiresupraveliuxtadiametrum velcircumferenciam ; et tunciliaque esset
diceretur
sibidiameter methodus alterius.
respectu
methodus
Et dicitur a 'meia',quodesttrans, et lodos'quodest via,quasitransvium ,
idestviabrevis
etrectadevitar's Et ad huiussimilitudinem
obliquitates. dialeticadicitur
metodusquiaestvia rectaet sineobliqui
tate,idestsineerrore.Qui enimsecundum
artem nonerrat.
operatur,

After some objections and their solutions our author continues his
discussionof vox. This order seems to point to a rathercareless com-
pilation of our commentaryout of other glosses. In this connection
it should be marked that the glosses on Chapter I, which are finished

39

11:47:07 AM
on f. 12 iva, are immediatelyfollowed by a few glosses on Chapter V
(De locis; i2iva-i2 2ra) and some glosses on Chapter IV (De sillogismis;
122ra-i 26vb), which break offat the foot of f. i26vb.
Some furtherremarks on this commentarycan be made. First,
the divisionof the text given in the opening lines of this tractsuggests
that the title of the firstChapter was not De introductionibus but De
propositionibus. The latter title is frequentlyfound in our later manu-
scripts, indeed. As we have seen in the previous studies, the original
titleis De introductionibus.1
Second, the glosses on the firstitems of ChapterV unfortunately
do not contain a discussion of Exemplum so that any geographical in-
dication such as given by most of the other commentaries,is missing.
Third,thediscussionof the interpolatedsentenceSola enimdialetica
probabiliter disputtde principiisomnium artium(nr. i.oi ed. Bochenski)
does not seem to belong to the text our author had at his elbow, but
he quotes it in his comments(i i iva) :

viamadprincipia
habere
Diciturautemdyaletica omniummetodorum,idestadprincipia
aliarumscientiarum,
quiaprobabiliter de aliarum2.
disputtprincipiis

On the other hand the/cos-interpolationwas already in his text,

as appears fromthe divisionof nr. 5.04 ed. Bocheski (12 2ra) :

Prima(sc.pars)in duas(sc.dividitur), quiaprimoponitdiffinitionem

secundum Boe-
tium,secundoexplanationem ipsius,ibi: Est oratio in qua. Secundadividitur in
In
quatuor. primaponit diffinitionem secundum
entimematis Aristotilem.In secunda
ponitdiffinitionis
explanacionem, ibi: Ycos autemidemest etc. In tertiaremovet
dubitationemincidentem,ibi: Si quis obiciat; et hic primoobicit,secundosolvit,
ibi: Ad hoc dicendumest. Hec estdivisioistiuslectionis et sententiain generali
;
inspeciali in
patet littera.

We see from the last sentence that our commentarygoes back to one
which had the usual division into lectiones.
Finally, this commentaryseems to have been compiled in the last
quarter of the thirteenthcentury. It seems to be of little use for the
reconstructionof the original text of Peter of Spain's Summulae.

1Seeabove,
p. 36f.
2 CfrLambert Summula
ofAuxerre's ( adloc.).
40

11:47:07 AM
 6 - The GloseSalamantine(by one master Bartholomeus?) found in
fourmanuscripts
The Parisian manuscriptB.N . Lat. 6433 contains among other works
an extensive gloss commentaryon the Summule.It formerlyhad the
numbersMCCLXXXII, 728, and 790. The firstpart (ff. a-h; i-i2)
dates from the fifteenthcentury. It contains among other works the
Logicaparva by Paulus of Venice (ff. ira-43vb), an anonymouscopy of
Thomas Aquinas' commentaryon the Posterior Analytics(ff.4ra-72vb),
which is incomplete; next, aftersome blank folios (73-76) an anony-
mous work beginningwith the words: Philosophice speculationissublimis
intuitus ductu
perspicacisinvestigations mundanemachine universum ambitm
comprehendensomnium rerum essentias
, ,
proprietatesvirtutes
, opera, ordinem,
pondus, mensuram, etc. 12 It
effectus (77- 3vb). appears to be an incom-
plete copy of Peter of Spain's Scientiade anima, which was edited by
Manuel Alonso Alonso fromthe MS. Madrid, BibliotecaNacional 33 141.
Fromff.129ra up to i49vb an anonymouscopy of Caietanusde Thienis'
commentary on De animais found2.
Next the anonymousgloss commentaryon the Summuleis found
(ff.i3ra-28vb).It opens as follows:
in PrimoPosteriorum
UtaitPhilosophus ad hocquodscientia habeatur de aliquare,
triaexiguntur. primoquodhabeamus
Exigitur notitiam
causeilliusreide quascientiam
volumushabere.
For the rest of the opening chapter,see below, p. 46.

The same incipitis found in another Parisian manuscript,Nouv.

acq. lat. 258, ff. 77r-i26v3. It has the old number R. 6954 (f the
Bibliothquedu Roi) and originallybelonged to the abbey of Silos (where
it was numbered40). It seems to date fromthe firsthalfof the fifteenth

1Pedro Hispano, Obras I Scientia

Filosficas deanima
libri , segundaedicinBarcelona1961.Father
Alonso didnotknowourmanuscript, which alsohasescaped to De Raedemaker's attention.
SeeJozef deRaedemaker, Unebauche decataloguedescommentaries
surleDe anima,parusauXIIIe,
XIVe etXVesiclesin:Bulletindela SocitInternationalepurl'Etudedela Philosophie
Mdivale
(S.I.E.P.M.) s (i963)>Louvain 1963,[pp.149-183], p. 170,nr.344,andibid.6 (1964),[pp.
119-134],P. I29.
2 SeeDe Raedemaker, ., p. 170,nr.344.Itopens
op.cit asfollows (i29ra):Quequidema prioribus
deanima
tradita sunt.Postquam inprimo
Aristotiles librodeterminvitdeanima secundumopiniones
antiquorum, nunc determinatsecundum propriam opinionem. Dividiturautem inquatuor
hicliber
tractatus.
3Themanuscript wasanalysed byB. Haurau, Noticesetextraits
dequelques latins
manuscrits dela
Nationale
Bibliothque Paris
VI(Paris 1893),pp.155-1$6.
41

11:47:07 AM
century1and contains an acephalous text of the Summulewith some
r
interpolations(ff. i r-71 ; it opens with: ad lineam,partesautemcorporis
ad superciem , in the middle of nr. 3.16 ed. Bocheski2). On f. yiT
the same hand added the colophon: Explicitprimapars. Deo gratias.Amen .
From ff. 7iv-76v an anonymousand incomplete copy of Theobald
of Placentia's Vhysiologus is found (Incipittractatus de naturaanimalium ).
Our commentary occurs on ff.jjT-i 26v in a somewhat abbreviated
formand is given as a collection of short notes. It is incomplete here.
The last glosses are on the modiof habere (f. i26r; nr. 3.38 ed. Bo-
chenski), although the last entry is MOTUS AUTEM SEX SUNT ( =
nr. 3.36). Half of f. i2 6v and f. i2 7v contain meaninglessscribbles
and f. i2 7r a computistictable.
On f. i29r the same hand that wrote ff. jjT-ii6y opens a set of
questioneson the lemmata of chapter I of the Summule . It clearly bears
the stampof the thirteenthcenturygloss works alreadyknown:
f. i 29r: Dialetica estars artium. Modoobicitur.Dicitin textu:dialetica
estars.
Contra.Quiaomnisarstendit ad unumfinem, nontendit
seddialetica ad unumfinem,
ergodialetica nonestars.MaiorpatetperThulium (h in Rectoricis
(!) etc.3.

This work occurs from i29r-i4ov (last lemma: Lex contrariarum ;

nr. 1. 16 ed. Bochenski). Ff. I4ir-i42v contain other matter,written
in a laterhandwriting.
On f. 1431*a new tractbegins, written,again, by the hand which
wrote the Summulecommentaries.It opens as follows:
Sequiturde consequentiis. <P)rimonotaquod consequentia secundum diversos di-
versimode diffinitur. Secundum Bilingam* sic diffinitur:consequentia estquo<d)dam
agregatum ex antecedente et consequente cumnotaconsequentie. Secundum Alber-
tm6 consequentia estquedam propositioypotetica composita ex antecedente et conse-
quentecum notaconsequentie. Secundum rrandulfums( !) veriorimododiffinitur:
consequentia estillatioconsequen tisex antecedente cumnotaconsequentie7.
1SeeLopold Delisle, Mlanges , Paris1880,pp.114-1
etdebibliographie
depalographie 1; seealso
below, n.7.
2Folio62rcontains someexercises ofthepenandf.62visalmost blank. Thiscopy oftheSummule
containstheso-called Tractatusmaiorum (19T-gsr)
fallaciarum andgives as example ofExemplum :
andAstoricenses
Legionenses (f.gr).Thechapter Delocis($r-i6r)isinterrupted bythatDesillogismis
(Sr~7V;which isnotcomplete anddoesnotcontain
either) the^kcos-
interpoltion.Onf.8ra table
ofsyllogisticrulesis found. (Inc.:Adpueros introducendos.Insillogismorum materia quinqu
conclusiones seuregule disponuntur).
3 Compare above,p. 3.
4 RichardBillingham (14thc.).
s AlbertofSaxony (i3i6(?)-i39o).
6 RalphStrode (c.i3o-c.i4oo).
7 Thefactthat thedefinitions byRichard
ofconsequentia Billingham (c. 1349),Albert ofSaxony
(d. 1390),andRalph Strode(c. 13o-c.
1400)arementioned andthelatter's isgiventhepreference
canbeadduced insupport ofa dateforourmanuscript nottoolongafter 1400.
42

11:47:07 AM
 There followsixteennotesand tenruleson consequentia(143*- i49v).
Next fourrules and some notes on disjunctivepropositions(i49v-iir),
fourrules on dictiones exclusive(iir~v); some commentson the regule
causati (iiv-i3r); on dictionesexceptive(i3v-i4v) and, finally,
part of a discussion of the dictioneshabentesvim confudendi (154V).
Folio i ssT+y containsothermatter.

I found a third copy in the Biblioteca del Cabildo at Toledo

(Spain) cod. 94-27. This miscellaneous manuscript seems to date
fromthe second halfof the fourteenthcentury.It containson ff. ir-6ir
our commentary. Then follow some stray notes on logical topics
(ff.6ir-63r; Inc. Nota hic quandam regulam < > ad proban-
dam quamlibet consequentiam sillogisticam). On f. 63V only eight
lines are found of a tract on Obligatio. Ine. (O)bligatio est quedem ars
mediante qua oponens (!) potest ligare respondentemut ad suum
placitum respondeat. Vel obligatio est ordinatio sive oratio mediante
qua quis obligatus tenetur affirmativevel negative respondere ad
obligtm. This is a tract on Obligatio, which in MS Vienna, V.P.L.
4698 (ff. is ascribed to one Martinus Anglicus. Folio 64 is
blank. On ff. 6$r-68v an anonymouscopy of William of Heytesbury's
tract De sensucomposito et diviso is found. (Inc. (A)rguendo a sensu
composito ad sensum divisum frequenterfallit consequentia).
Folio 69 is blank, too. On. f. yoT-86van anonymouscopy of Martinus
Anglicus' tract De consequentiis is found (Inc. Consequentia est quedam
agregado ex antecedente et consequente cum nota consequentie)1.
On ff.87r-9vsome Suppositiones are found. (Inc. Quoniam ignorantibus
suppositiones terminorum veritates latent, ideo oportet suppositiones
volentiscire); next De Ampliationibus (ff.96r-97v), and De appellationibus
(97v-ioov) seeminglyby the same author. The formertract has the
incipit: Sequitur de ampliationibusAmpliatio est acceptio terminipro
aliquo vel aliquibus ultra id quod atualiter (!) est. The second opens
as follows: Sequiturde apelationibus.Apelatio est proprietascomparandi
ad illud pro quo supponit subiectum mediante verbo quod est copula
illius propositionis.On f. ioov the colophon is found: Expliciuntnota-
bilia apelationum2. Deo gratias. F. ioir has again: Expliciuntapelationes

1Another may
copy befoundintheVatican Urb.
Library, Lat.
, 1419,f.6or.
2 Thisisprobably titleofthistract.
thecorrect ComparetheMSErfurt, Q. 24$,ff.233r-
Amplon.
237v; 24or-24iv,
wherethesametracts arefoundwiththenames:Reguledeampliationibus
,
deappellationibus.
Regule
43

11:47:07 AM
(!) and then: IncipitTerminus in quemidestspeculumpuerorum.Here a
commentary (Inc. Nobile fluens) upon Richard Billingham'sSpeculum
iuvenum seems to begin. It ends on f. 122v with the colophon: Expliciunt
. F. 123 is blank and ff. 124 and i2$r contain some stray
Tractatus
notes on logical subjects and some drawings.
As to the Toledo copy of our commentary,like the second Parisian
copy ( Nouv. acq. lat. 2^8) it gives the commentaryincompletelyand
in a differentredaction than it is found in the firstParisiancopy (B.N.
Lat., 6433).
In the Toledo copy the following parts are found. On Ch. I
(De Introductionibus): ffiT-2jy ; on Ch. II (De predicabilibus)
: ff.27^3 T;
on Ch. III (here: De sillogismis) : ff. 3r~4iv; on Ch. IV (here De
predicamentis): ff. 42r-6ir. As in the second Parisian copy (B.N.
Nouv. acq. lat. 258) here, too, the whole commentaryhas the form
of note,the last of which given in this copy is :

f. 61r: <N)otaquaredicituribifortase duosmodosquosponitPhilosophus

(!) propter
in QuintoMetafisice,ut f alashabetcelumet febris,
habetfabulose
diciturf. Et in
hocterminatur totum.

The second Parisiancopy (Nouv. acq. lat. 2$8) ends with the same note,
whichreadsthere(f. 126v) :

propterduosmodosquos ponitPhilosophus
Notaquod dicituribi fortasse Quinto
ut allashabetcellm;febris
Metafisice, de gigante
habethominem fabuloso.

The firstParisian copy (B.N. Lat. 6433) concludes the chapter De

as follows(f. 2 13vb):
predicamentis
Fortasse
autem. In istaparteexcusat se. Et dicitquodfortasse aliimodiapparebunt,sed
dicitquod omnesilli modiqui consueverunt dici, peneomnesenumerati sunt.Et
'
notaquoddicit'fortasse duosmodosquosponitPhilosophus
propter QuintoMetafisice1,
* 2
ut Alias (!) habetcelum* habet hominem* ; de Alante(!) fabulose
dicitur.Et in
, 'febris
hocterminatur lectioet perconsequens materia PredicamentorumcumAnte
(predicamentis)
etPost etcetera.
(predicamentis)

From this comparisonit will be prettyclear that fromthe manu-

scripts hitherto discussed the MS Paris, B.N. Lat. 6433 contains by
far the best copy of the work, and that the two other manuscripts
have only rathernegligentabbreviations.Besides, the copy in MS Paris
1Aristole, esp.a 20anda10.
23,1023a8-2$,
Metaphisics
2for:Atlas.

44

11:47:07 AM
B.N. Lat. 6433 is much more complete. There our work has the fol-
lowingparts:
Chapter I On : ff. i3ra - 17 3rto
De introductionibus
Chapter II On De predicabilibus : ff173rl> -184
Chapter III On De sillogismis1 : ff. i84rb-i9ivb
Chapter IV On De predicamentis1: ff. I9ivb - 2 13vb
Chapter V On De locis : ff. 2 13vb-2 3ra2
Chapter VI On De suppositionibus: ff.237- 247
Chapter VII On Defallaciis* : ff.247va-2^8rb.

The last chapter is incomplete and breaks off in the lemma Unde '
sophiste etc. Folio 2$8v is blank.

During my recent visit to Spain (Autumn 1968) I found in the

Biblioteca Capitolare Colombina at Sevilla under nr. 7-7-7 (R. 12.479;
old numberon f. ir : 2^89) a complete copy of thisgloss commentary.
The manuscriptseems to date from the second half of the fourteenth
century.Our work is the only work containedin the manuscript,where
it is found from ff. 2ra-i6^ra (with i24M*, i28w*, 136^*, i42M*).
On the top of folio 2r a later hand wrote: Bartholomew inprimam partem
PetriHispani Its explicitruns as follows:

i6ra:Modoad secundum quodcontinuum in infinitum

estdivisibile in potentia
est
frustradicoquodnon,qttiaillapotentianonestrespectuactusproximi, ideononest
frustra.
Et in hocterminaturlectio,et perconsequens
totusliberBartholomeijsupraprimam
partem petriispanide ordinepredicatorum.
magisti Deo gratias.AMEN.

So the supposed authorshipof one Bartholomeusseems to have

been taken from the explicitwhich was writtenby the same hand that
wrotethe whole text.

Unlike the othercopies, the Sevilla copy is complete:

I On De introductionibus: 2ra-28ra
II On De predicabilibus : 28ra-4iva

1Theorderofthetracts
asgiven benoted.
hereshould
2Thepages23rb;23$*;236r_v; areblank.
237*"
3theso-called
Fallacie tobenoted.
maiores,
4S

11:47:07 AM
 III On De predicamentis : 4iva-74vb
IV On De sillogismis : 74vb-92va
V On De locis : 92va-ii3vb
VI On De suppositionibus : 113vto-123va
VII On Dejallaciis : i2 3va-i46vb
VIII On De relativis : 146vb-1i ra
IX On De ampliationibus : iira-i2ra
X On De appellationibus : i2ra-i2vb
XI On De restrictionibus : i^2vb-i^6ra
XII On De distributionibus : i^6ra-i6^ra.

The introductorypart of this commentaryruns as follows. I

give
the text afterthe Sevilla manuscript,Bibl. Capit. Colomb
. 7-7-7, f. 2ra:

UtaitPhilosophus in PrimoTosteriorum
, ad hocquodscientia habeaturde aliquare tria
exiguntur. turautemprimoquodhabeamus
Exigi notitiam causeilliusreide quascien-
tiamvolumus habere.Secundo exigiturquodsciamus illamremab illacausadependere.
Tertioexigi turquodillaresnondepend <e>atabaliacausa,sivenonexistt abaliacausa.
Et hicponitur enimsubistisverbisactoritate Philosophi in PrimoPosteriorum, ubi
dicit: scire autemopinamur unumquodque simplicitersednonsophistico modoqui
estsecundum accidens cumcausam arbitramur agnoscere perquamresestet quoniam
illiusestcausaet nonestcontingens aliterse habere.Modoergoquiascireestremper
causascognoscere, idcirco,cumnosvelimus scirehunctractatum, oportet nobisscire
causas,lindevidendum estquidsitibicausaeficiens (!), materialis,
formalis,etfinalis,
et quistitulus,et cuipartiphilosophie supponatur.
De primoestdicendum quodcausaeficiens estduplex.Quedamestuniversalis et com-
pleta, alia et
particularis quodammodo incompleta. Universaliset completadicitur
ipseDeus. Que est omnium causaet noncausata.Particularis et quodammodo in-
completa duplexest,quoniamquedamest inventiva, alia compilativa.Inventiva fuit
Aristotiles. Compilativa fuitmagister PetrusIspanus de ordinepredicatorum (!).

The remarkson the other causae are the usual ones alreadyfound
in the previous tracts. When dealing with the title of the work, our
authorsays(2rb) :

Quistitulus?Incipiunt a magistro
Tractatus Petro
Ispanodeordine edicti(!);
predicatorum
qui vidensmagnam dificultatem
in logicahoc opusculumad utilitatem
scolarium1
novorum subcompendiocompilavit2.
1ThefirstParisian Lat.6433)has:adutilitatem
(B.N.
manuscript etintroductionem
clericorum
novelorum
(!). TheotherParisian
manuscript, 2$8 (f.jjv) andtheToledo
Nouv.Acq.lat. manuscript (f.2ra)
add: adutilitatem
novelorum
studentium.
2 Toledo(f.2v) has:incipiunt
tractatus
editi,idestcompositi, a magistro
Ispano (!) de ordine
predicatorum.Paris
B.N.Nouv.Acq.lat.has(fj8r): Incipiunt tractatus
editiidestcompositi a
magistropetro
ispanodeordine Therest
predicatorum. ofthepassage ismissing
inboth manuscripts.
46

11:47:07 AM
The divisiotextusmakes it clear that our glossator (c.q. his source) .
had an uninterpolatedtext at his elbow (2rb):
Modohochabitoad divisionem libriaccedendo,liberistea primasuidivisione
(pri-
marie MS)induasdividitur.
suedivisioni Etinprima difinit Insecunda
dialeticam. ponit
ordinemrespectudicendorum. Secundaibi: Sed quia disputatio.. Primain tres.
Primodifinitdialeticam.Secundoponitcorrelarium. Tertioponitethimologiam
vocabuli.Secundaibi: Et ideo. Tertia:Diciturautemdialetica. Hec est divisio
lectionis.

As is easily seen, our author did not read the well-knowninter-

' in his text. And he did not findthe addition
polation Sola enimetc/ 9
et scientiascientiarumeither, as may appear from the firstlemma
(ibid.) :
Dicitergoprimosic: Dialetica est ars arcium,idestunade numeroliberalium
arcium, ad omniummethodorum principiaviamhabens. . . ., idestad principia
omnium scienciarum (!)
aquisitarum persillogismum.

When dealing with the firstlemma: Dialetica estars artium , our author
gives an extensivediscussionof the task of logic among the seven liberal
' containsa usefulhint at the
arts (2va_vb). The definitionof methodus'
regionin which our glossoriginated(2vb) :
Quartoqueriturquid sit methodus. Dicendumquod potestcapi dupliciter. Uno
(modo)propriesivestricte;alio modomethaphorice. Propriediciturvia brevis.
Ut
(si) quisvelitire Zamoram, ilia via que est brevior
ectior, et compendiosa,dicitur
methodus. Methaforice 4icituresse scientia.Unde methodus strictediffinitur
sic:
methodusestquedam viabrevis
etutilisobliquitates viedevitans
longe perquamcicius devenitur
adterminmpreoptatum.

The firstParisian manuscript (B.N. Lat. 6433) has a similar text

(i 3vb). Unfortunately,the MS Paris, B.N. Nouv. Acq. lat. 2^8 has an
abbreviatedtext of this passage (f. 8ov). Toledo gives (f. 4V) a some-
what differentreadingand omits the phrase Ut si quis.
The example of Exemplum mentionsZamora again. I give the first
part of this gloss (9vb):
Hie
Exemplum. actor ponit quartamspeciemargumentations . Et dicit quod
exemplum autemestquandounumparticulare probatur peraliudparticularepersimile
repertum in eis. Ut 'Zamorenses Taurenses
contra pugnare malum est; ergoSalamantinos
contraAlbenses
pugnare malumest'[quaremalumest] quiamalum estafinescontra afines
inferrebelm(!), quoniam fitibimaxima (!).
exstrages
Undenotaquod exemplum nonmultumde necessitate concludit. Namubicumque
fuerit,omnimoda similitudo
tenet,sed assignata
aliqualidissimilitudine non tenet.

47

11:47:07 AM
Et hoc estquodcommuniter soletdiciquodargumentum a similidisolviturperdis-
simile.lindenonsequiturquodsi Zamorenses contraTaurenses pugnare malumest,
quodetiamsitmalumpugnare SalamantinoscontraAlbenses. NamforteZamorenses
nonpugnant Taurenses
contra (corrected
from aliquacausalicita; propter
Albenses) quod
estmalum. contra
SedforteSalamantinos Albenses
pugnarebonum est.NamsiAlbenses
Termiorum1
ultralimites
velintse extendere capiendoquodsuumnonest,lieitumest
Salamantinos contra
pugnare eos2.

From this detailed discussion it is clear that the Spanish cities

Zamora, Toro, Salamanca and Alba de Tormes are all of them well-
known to our author. Zamora cannot be the seat of the school, since
the author speaks of the shortest way to Zamora (see the previous
quotation). The finalremarksfoundin our last quotation seem to point
to Salamanca as the seat of the school, which is quite obvious, too, for
general reasons. As a matterof factSalamancahad a cathedralschool as
early as the twelfthcentury3.King Alfonso IX of Len founded the
University (Studium Generale ) of Salamanca probably c. 1227-28,
at any rate at some date before his death in 1230*. We know from a
royal document issued by this king that as early as the end of the
1220*8 the original staffof the Universityconsisted of one legist,
three canonists, two masters of logic, two of grammarand two of
physics*.Unfortunately only the mastersof theologyare mentioned for
the early period6. However, the firstattemptto found a universityat
Salamanca proved abortive. So King FerdinandIII of Castile, the Saint,
could become its second founderby issuing a charter of privilege in
12437. The prosperityof the universitydates only from the days of
1theriver Tormes which Albais called after.
2Thecopies found inParis, B.N.Nouv.Acq.lat. 258andToledoBibl.delCabildo , 94-27donot
containthechapter onDelocis.
3SeeHeinrich Denifle, DieEntstehung desMittelalters
derUniversitten bis1400Berlin 188^(reprint
Graz1956), p.479.
4 Seeibid.ypp.479-480 andH. Rashdall, F. M.Powicke, andA. B. Emden, TheUniversities
inThe
MiddleAges U.(Oxford 1936),p.75.
s SeeJosM.deOnis,Memoria sobre elestado enesta( = ofSalamanca)
dela instruccin Universidad
al curso
correspondiente de1881 1882(Salamanca
acadmico 1882),p. 132,n. . Vincente dela
Fuente, HistoriadelasUniversidades , y dems
, colegios deensenanza
establecimientos enEspaa I Madrid
1884, p. 29.
* SeetheChronic byLucasdeTuy(Tudensis) ap.Hispaniaillustrata
IV,p. 113.(Cp.Rashdall,
p.7,n.1).
eu.yop.cit.y
7 Vincente delaFuente, op.cit.,I, p. 89; hnrique Arteaga,
fcsperab Historia e interna
pragmatica de
la UniversidaddeSalamanca I La Universidad deSalamancay losReyes.(Salamanca1914),p. 19.It
should benoticed that thePrior oftheBlack Friarsisamong thesubscribers
ofthisact: enestami
cartaloayan deveer e deenderaar : ElObispo e elDean,e elPrior
deSalamanca, delospredicadores
e el Guardiano delosdescalos ... e Pedro Munniz calonigodeLen, e Migael
Perezcalonigode
Lamego.
48

11:47:07 AM
AlfonsoX, the Wise (El Sabio), who himselfwas an illustriousscholar
and, therefore,a worthy patron of the university1.It is this King's
charterof 124 which laid the basis of the main privilegesof Salamanca2.
As to the date of the composition, it may be remembered that
our commentaryis based upon an uninterpolatedtext of the Summule*
and that the set of questions found in the firstParisian manuscript
(B.N. Lat. 6433, (ff. i29r-i49v) betraysall the characteristicsof the
thirteenthcenturygloss works*. I feel inclined, therefore,to date the
workin the thirteenthcentury.
As to the ascriptionof the work to one Bartholomews on the top of
f. 2r and in the explicitof the Sevilla manuscript,nothingcan be said
with certainty.This much is certain that the explicitis remarkablein
speakingof totusliber. . . supraprimampartemmagistipetriispani. etc.
The Sevilla copy gives a completeglosson the whole Summulae , not only
on itsprimapars. Or does the phraseprimaparsjust refer to the Summulae ,
whereas the Syncategoreumata should be referred to as secundapars?
Such a referenceis not knownfromelsewhere.
I do not know of any (master?) Bartholomeusat Salamanca either.
He may have been a fourteenthcenturyredactor of the glosses, since
the occurrence of our glosses in manuscriptsdating not before about
1350 is certainlyremarkable. In spite of the thirteenthcenturycha-
racteristicsof our gloss and of the set of questions found in Paris,
B.N. Lat. 6433, ff. i29r-i4ov, the date of our Summulaegloss remains
uncertain. Further investigationsare needed.

7 - The Commentaryfoundin Montecassino362 VV

The Archivio della Badia (joined to the Biblioteca Abbaziale)

at Monte Cassino possesses a manuscript(362 VV ; at the bottom of
ii CasinensisN 716) containingthe text
p. 3: Isteliberestsacrimonaster
of Tracts I-VI of Peter's Summulaeinterspersedpartiallywith a com-
mentary. Grabmann surprisinglyneglected* the informationgiven by
Dom. M. Inanguez O.S.B, in his catalogue of this library6.I start by
1SeealsoNoeZevallos Ortega, XylasArtes
Alfonso Liberales
in: Arts
libraux
etphilosophie
aumoyen
ge.Actesduquatrime congrs de philosophie
international mdivale- Montral,
Canada
2 septembre
(27aot- 1967)Montral- Paris1969,pp.627-629.
2 SeeRashdall
etc.,op.cit.,p. 76.
3beeabove,p. 47.
Seeabove,p. 42.
5op.cit.y
pp.69-70.
6 Codicum
Casinensium
manuscriptorum Casini
I, (Montis
Catalogus 1928),pp.213-21g.
49

11:47:07 AM
giving Inanguez' description of this codex (which is numbered, not
foliated), with some additions and corrections:
p. i : Calendar
p. 2 : Some lines with physicalterms (Aer, sanguis, epar, vesica etc.)
p. 3 : 3a-i8b :
videlicet
Inc.Duo suntoperasapientis, dequibusnovitetmentientes
nonmentiri mani-
inPrimoElenchorum.
posse,uthabetur
festare

These are theopeningwordsofthewell-knowntractentitledArsopponendi

. The tract is incomplete here. Other copies are found in
et respondendi
Paris, B.N . Lat. 16.390, ff. I7va-i93vb; 16.617, ff- I3ir-i6iv
(both copies with the incipit: Sicut (<U)t) scribiturin libro primo
elenchorum,duo suntopera sapientis,scilicet etc.). A remarkable
version of part of this treatise,with a prologue, is found in Vat. Lat.
437, ff.46ra-2ra,where it opens as follows:
tus de modoopponendi
Hie incipittracta et respondendi.
Circaartemopponendi
ponunturhec. Et primoponuntur duodecim argumentaper que possuntprobari
omniaproblematainomniscientia homovultinmundo. . . .(46rl))
sivearteetquicquid
Duosuntoperasapientis etc.

The interrelationsof these copies (c.q. tracts) need some furtherinves-

.
tigation1

This part of our manuscriptis writtenin handwritingof the last quarter

of the thirteenthcentury.The remainderof it (pp. 3-339) was written
by a hand probablydatingfromthe firsthalfof the fourteenthcentury2,
after1323, as appearsfromp. 203h, where Thomas Aquinasis mentioned
as sanctusThomasby the same hand which wrote the text. This section
containsthefollowingparts:
-
The firsttractof Peter of Spain's Summule(De introductio
pp. I9a-9i^:

1SeeM.Grabmann, op.cit.,
pp.38-40; Thesame, des12.und13.Jahrhunderts,
DieSophismataliteratur
mit eines
Textausgabe Sophismadesoetius EinBeitrag
vonDacien. zurGeschichtedesEinwirkensder
aristotelischen
Logik dermittelalterlichen
aufdieAusgestaltung Disputation,
philosophischen in:
zurGeschichte
Beitrge derPhilosophie
undTheologiedesMittelalters
36,1.Mnster i.W.1940,
pp.29-33.- Especially intheopening
onepassage asfound
linesofthetreatise inVat.Lat.
4537
needsourattention,
indeed.
2 ThedategivenbyInanguez andGrabmannforthewhole israther
(s. XIII-XIV)
manuscript con-
fusing.

11:47:07 AM
nibus) with an interspersedcommentary.The latter begins as follows
(afterPeter's text,nrs. i.oi ed. Bocheski)1:
p. i9a_b):Adevidentiam eorumque inpresenti lectionedicuntur queramus de primo
verbomagisti quandodicitquoddyaletica estarsartium. Et occasionehuiusqueratur
quidsitars.
Adhoc dicendum quodarsestcollectiomultorum preceptorum ad unumfinem ten-
dentium, idestcollectiomultorum documentorum et multarum regularum que ordi-
nantur ad unumfinem, scilicetad cognitionemilliusde quo principaliter
intenditur
(p. i9b) in arte. in
Quod patet gramatica. Omnes enim reguleet omnia documenta
quetraduntur ingramaticaad hocsuntutcognoscamus orationemperfectametcongru-
am.Etsimiliter inloycaomniaqueibidicuntur adhocsuntutcognoscamus sillogismum
secundum seetsuasspecies.

Dom Inanguez in his catalogue rightlysays2: SummulaeLamberti(viz.

Lambert of Auxerre) commentarti more in Petri Hispani Summulassunt
dispositae. Grabmann rejected this information.However, Inanguez
was right,for the interspersedcommentarywas taken from Lambert's
Summula.As a matter of fact what follows after the phrase Ad hoc
dicendum quod is almost literallythe same text as is founde.g. in MS.
Trojes 2402 (written in 1281) presumablyone of our best copies of
Lambert's works. Thus Montecassino 362 VV, pp. i9a-2ia, firstline =
Trojes 2402, ff. ira_2rb> Then follows a passage in Montecassino pp.
_
2 ib 22a) which does not occur in the Troyes copy:

Consequenter quidsitsubiectum
queritur in totaloyca.Etsoletdicicommuniter quod
de
quoniam quo
sillogismus, ( !) et eiuspartibus determinaturin totalogica. . . etc.

This note was apparentlytaken by our anonymousauthor elsewhere.

Then follows Peter's text (nrs. 1.02-1. 03 ed. Bocheski). The
commentaryopens as follows(pp. 23a-27a) :
Ad evidentiam eorumque in hacpartedicuntur primoquareloycusincipit
queritur
a sonoet nonab aliquoquodsitantesonum.Adhocdicendum quodloycusestartifex
sermocinalis
. . . etc.

Lamberthas ( Trojes2402, f. 2rb) the same text. Again, our anonymous

author adds some notes which are not found in Lambert's Summula .
Hence it clearly appears that what we have here is not an older re-

1without theinterpolation
: Solaenim , which
diatetica wasadded hand
byanother atthetopofthe
page.
2op.Cit.
yp. 69.
3Foritsdateandpublication,
seeVIVARIUM pp.160-162.
9 (1969),
SI

11:47:07 AM
daction of Lambert's work but, on the contrary,a later commentary
which made use of Lambert's Summulein order to add some comments
to the lemmataof Peter's Summule.
Thus Peter's whole Tract I is interspersed with notes mainly
takenfromLambertof Auxerre'sSummula.

pp. 91^-1 20a: Peter of Spain's TractII (De predicabilibus) with an inter-
spersed commentary,mainly taken from Lambert's Summula , again.
The commentarybeginson p. 93b :
In principioistiuslibri,sicutin principiocuiuslibetlibri,quinqusuntinquirenda,
quecausamaterialis,
scilicet queefficiens,
queformalis, cuipartiphilosophie
quefinalis,
supponatur. < ) Causa fuit
efficiens MagisterPetrusYspanus
< >.
Notadifferentiam interpredicamentum, predicabileet predicatimi,
quoniampredi-
camentum nichilaliudest quamordinatio predicabiliumin lineapredicamentali
se-
cundum subetsupra, a latereetinlinearecta.
onwards the text may be compared,
From the phrase Nota differentiam
again,withLambert'swork ( Trojes2402, f. i8vb).

pp. 120^-169^: Peter's TractIII (De predicamentis), with an interspersed

commentary, which opens as follows (p. 121a):
Adevidentiam predictorum primo queritur
quareinprincipioPredicamentorum
ponuntur
et ad quidvalent.Adhocdicendum
istediffinitiones quoddecernsuntpredicamenta.
Illa verodecernpredicamenta possuntcomparari ad suumsuperius, scilicetad hoc
quod estens. Et sic in hoc quodest ensequivocantur,cum ensperpriusdicatur de
substantia,
per posterius a substantia
de accidente.Et omniaalia predicamenta sunt
accidens.Etsicdicuntur equivoca.
As a matterof factour best thirteenthcenturymanuscriptsof Lambert's
work do not contain a chapter on the categories, so that we must as-
sume that just like William of Shyreswood's compendium1and the
Logica Cumsitnostra 2, Lambert'sSummula did not discussthe Aristotelian
categoriesin a separatechapter. However, latermanuscriptsof Lambert's
work, e.g. Padua, Universitaria 647 (S. XIV) do have a tract De pre-
dicamentiSybut, in fact, this is nothing else than the text of Peter's
tract of the same title together with interspersedcomments. Now,
these commentsoccur in the Montecassino manuscript.So the comments
1SeetheeditionbyGrabmann, inlogicam
DieIntroductiones von
desWilhelm (fnach1267)
Shyreswood
Literarhistorische undTextausgabe
Einleitung Akad.d. Wiss.Phil.Hist.
in: Sitz.Ber.d. Bayer.
Abt.1937,H. 10(Mnchen 1937),pp.30-104. Norman Kretzmann,William s Intro-
ofSherwood*
toLogic
duction with
j translated anintroduction andnotes, 1966.
Minneapolis
2 SeeL. M.deRijk,Logica
Modernorum
, II,1,pp.416-438 and2,pp.413-451.

11:47:07 AM
found there, pp. i2ia-i69b are practicallythe same as what is given
by Padua Univ.,647, pp. 39b-66a, but the formertextis more extensive,
again1.
pp. 169b- 17 Peter's fourthTract(De sillogismis ), withoutcommentary
pp. I77a-i97a: Peter's fifth Tract (De locis), without commentary
pp. 197^203^: Peter's sixth Tract (De suppositionibus), without com-
mentary. It has the explicit Explicittractatusde sup-
:
positionibusterminorum . Thomas Aquinas' work on
fallacies immediately follows (Incipiuntfallacie sancti
Thome ):
pp. 203b-229a: The Fallaciae attributedto Thomas Aquinas
pp. 229^-242^ A commentaryon the preceding work. It opens as
follows:

Ad evidentiam tis tractatus

totiuspreceden sive locissophisticis,
qui est de fallatiis
queramusquasdam communes
questiones que soientquericommuniter circascientiam
Et eritprimaquestio,utrum
sophisticam. sitscientia.
sophistica Etvidetur quodnon,
quoniam queestapparens
iliascientia et nonexistens,
scientia nonestscientia . . . etc.

This commentarywas not taken from Lambert's tract De fallaciis.

Then follow the texts of Lambert of Auxerre's TractIII, IV, and V.
pp. 242a-26ia: De argumentation sillogistica(title added in a modern
=
handwriting) Troyes2402, ff. 2ra-34rb.
pp. 26ia-279a : De argumentation dialetica(the same modernhandadded :
r
De locis) = Trojes 2402, ff. 34rb-43ra.
pp. 279a-339a: De locis sophisticis(no title given) = Trojes 2402,
ff.43ra-7iva.
On p. 339b, aftersome notes, the colophon is found: EXPLICIUNT
TRACTATUS LOYCE DEO GRATIAS AMEN.
The pages 340-342 contain a numberof straynotes on logical subjects.
So this manuscript contains parts of Peter of Spain's Summule
(Tracts I-V), partlyinterspersedwith comments taken from Lambert
of Auxerre's Summulatogetherwith the Fallaciae ascribed to Thomas
Aquinasand the TractsIII, IV, and V of Lambert'sSummula.
1E.g.Montecassino
inserts beforePostea
queritur
quaredicatloicus descendit
quoddeiustitia iustus
et
dicat
gramaticus econverso p. 123a;cp. Padua,p. 40a)another
(Monteos., Sedadhuc
objection:
quoddicat
etvidetur
obicitur, falsum
quandodicit
quoddenominativa solocasu.However
differunt
thediscussion
before starts
ofthepostpredicamenta as.,p. i64b;Padua,
(Montee 62b)Padua hasan
Sedprimovidetur
insertion: debeant
quodpostpredicamenta diciantepredicamenta
, quoniam
dictumestsupra
quodantepredicamenta ad cognitionem
valent etideopredica-
predicamentorum
mentis . . . etc.
preponuntur
S3

11:47:07 AM
 As to the commentaryon Peter's work, it was takenfromLambert's
work (c.q. froman interpolatedtext of it) and suppliedby otherglosses.
It seems to be oflittleuse.

8 - Conclusions

A numberof general conclusionsmay be drawnfromthese studies

on the genuine text of Peter of Spain's so-called Summulelogicales
and on its date and place of origin. They will be brought out more
fullyin the Introduction to my edition of Peter's logical works, which
will be publishednextyear.
I abbreviateas follows:
I, 2 = On The GenuineTextof Peterof Spain s Summule logicales
I, p. is [in VIVARIUM 6 (1968)].

(1) The correct title of Peter's work is Tractatusy not Summuleor

Introductions.See II, 70-71; III, 13; 29-30; V, 17; 29; 33; 46.

(2) The firstchapteris entitledDe introductionibus

, not De propositionibus
as Bocheski has it. See III 14; 30; 47-48; V, 36; 40.

(3) Our earliest manuscriptsof the work already contain a number of

interpolations.I mentionsome of them:
(a) ed. Bocheski nr. 1.01: [scientia scientiarum] . See II, 100;
V 17; 23547.
(b) ibid. : [Sola enim dialetica probabiliter disputt de principiis
omnium aliarum scientiarum].See II, 100; III 26-27; V 17; 23; 2S;
40; 47.
(c) The Caliditas- interpolation (nr. 3.32, ed. Bocheski) is
found in all the early commentarieshithertoknown. See I, 3-4; III,
o-i; IV, 136-138; V 18; 2g.; 30. However, Simon of Faversham
(d. 1306) rejected this passage as not authentic. See IV, 138. As a
matterof fact two of our earliestmanuscriptsof Peter's work omit the
Caliditas-pssge.

maiorum
(4) All glosses give theircommentsupon the so-called Tractatus
Jallaciarumor Fallaciae maiores, not on the shorter tract which was
edited by Bocheski in his edition of Peter's work. It is the longer

11:47:07 AM
tractwhich was part of Peter's work, not the shorterone, which seems
to have been added (c.q. substituted)at a later date (not before the
i2 8o's, I would guess). See III 30; IV 134-136; V 19; 26; 4^, n. 3.
(t) As to the originof Peter's work it seems to be of some importance
that the region of Southern France and Northern Spain, not Paris,
was the main scene of the earliest commentarieson the work. See III
38-39; IV, 139-140; V, 19; 2s; 28; 37; 38; 47fr.
(6) Since our earliest gloss commentariesseem to date from as early
as the i24o,s, Peter's work must have been written in the 1230^
at thelatest. See III, 40 ; V, 18 .

Leyden
FilososchInstituut
WitteSingel 71

SS

11:47:07 AM
 Thomas Gascoigne and Robert Grosseteste:
Historical and Critical Notes

SERVUS GIEEN

may be more than one reason why that scholarly Chancellor

There of the Universityof Oxford, Thomas Gascoigne, had a particular
devotion for his predecessor Robert Grosseteste1 . Beryl Smalley
suggested that it was St. Jeromewho linked both Chancellors together
over the gap of two centuries.2As a matterof fact,Gascoigne's program
for the Universityin the mid-fifteenth centurywas a patristicrevival
which proposed an effectiveand authentic reform of the clergy.
It was to bringthem to a more learned and less scholastic,more biblical
and less financialinvolvementin theirministry,particularlyin preaching.
It seemed to him that the combination of scholarship and spiritual
interpretationof the Bible found in Jerome's works, was the ideal
that ought to be imitated. In his day Gascoigne could not findanyone
who came so close to Jerome's spiritas Grosseteste.Odd to say, it was
precisely the unscholastic strain of Grosseteste's exegetical writings,
which to his contemporaries appeared obsolete and archaic, that
gained him the gratefulsympathyof Gascoigne.
These general and correct statementsmay be furtherillustrated
by various circumstancesand by referringto the background.According
to his own words Gascoigne startedcollectingmaterialsforhis principal
work, the Dictionarium , in 14343. That same year he had
theologicum
1Thebasicstudy onThomas Gascoigne isstillWinifred
A.Pronger,"ThomasGascoigne",
English
Historical , LIU(1938),606-626;
Review LIV(1939),20-37;seealsotheexcellent inDNB,
entry
VII(1908),920-923, byR. L. PooleandA. B. Emden, ABiographical totheUniversity
Register of
Oxford toA.D.ioo,II (Oxford, 19^8),pp.74^-748.
2 Beryl Smalley, TheBiblical , in Robert
Scholar , Scholar
Grosseteste andBishop. inCom-
Essays
memoration oftheSeventhCentenary ofhisDeath. byD. A.Callus
Edited (Oxford,195$)p. 96.
3 u. . . quamexpositionem. . . egoThomas Gascoigne,inEboracensi inAnglia
diocesi natus,
vidiOxonie annoDomini 14340 quando incepisecundumformam tabuleetsecundumordinem
litterarum librum
alphabeti seuscriptum exsacrascriptura
collectis
deveritatibus etexscriptis
sanctorum et doctorum".Thomas Gascoigne,Dictionarium (MSLincoln
theologicum Collegelat.
118,p. 14a).Someextracts ofthiswork havebeenprintedbyJ.E. ThoroldRogersunderthetitle
Locie libroVeritatum.Passages from
selected theological
Gascoigne's the
illustrating
dictionary,
56

11:45:47 AM
obtained his mastershipin theology at Oxford1. Being no more an
undergraduate,he ventured to ask permission from the Greyfriars
to visit the famouslibraryof theirfriary.In those days there were two
libraries at Greyfriars:that of the undergraduatesand the other of
the friaryitself2.It is open to discussion whether this double library
was due to the reactionof the Friarswhen in 1412 theywere no longer
allowed to use the Universitylibrary3.In any case the young doctor
was anxious to see the libraryof the friary,forit containedthe precious
collection of importantbooks that Robert Grossetestehad bequeathed
4
to the Friars because of his love for Friar Adam Marsh'*. Among
them were manyautographsof the Lincoln Bishop*,and even a pair of
his sandals were jealously preserved there as relics6. Gascoigne must
have been fascinatedby this superb collection of books he needed so
much forhis work. No other librarywas used by him more assiduously
throughouthis academic career. He explicitlymentions in his Dictio-
nariumthathe worked there in het years 1434, 14s1 and I46?,

conditionofChurch andState,1403-1448 (Oxford, 1881).However, sincetheselection is by

nomeans exhaustiveandtheedition abounds inerrors oftranscription,myreferenses aregiven
fromthemanuscripts.
1Emden, p.746.
2 Gascoignewasthefirst tonote this fact,e.g.: "estilleliberinlibraria
conventussednoninlibrara
studentium. Dueenimsuntibidem librarieinter fratres minoresOxonie" (MSLincoln College
lat.117,p. 19b);seealsoibid.p. 114aandMSLincoln Collegelat.118,p. 16aandp. 89a.
3Munimenta Acadmica (ed.H. Anstey, RollsSeries
, 1868),p. 264.Onthelibrary ofGreyfriars see
A. G. Little,TheGreyfriarsinOxford (Oxford Hist.Soc.XX,Oxford, 1892),pp.7-62; R. W.
Hunt, "TheLibrary ofRobert Grosseteste", Robert Grosseteste
(ed.cit.pp. 121-145;N. R. Ker,
Medieval ofGreat
Libraries Britain (London, 1964),p. 141-142; K. W. Humphreys, TheBook
oftheMediaeval
Provisions Friars
, 1215-1400 (Amsterdam, 1964),p. 116.
4 "Praeceterisetiam familiarem habuit fratrem Adam deMarisco Bathoniensisdioecesis,ordinis
Minorum, insacratheologica doctorem eximium etfamosum; obcujusaffectionem libros
suos
omne conventui fratrum Minorum Oxoniae in testamento vit".Nicolaus
lega Trivet, Annales
(ed.Thomas Hog,Londini, 1845),p. 243.R.W.Hunt hascollectedalltheevidence about Grosse-
teste's
libraryinthearticle quoted in note3. A copyofPeterComestor's Historia scholastica,
givenbyGrosseteste to Matthew Paris,maysurvive in Brit.Mus.MS Royal 4. D. vii.See
Richard Vaughan,Matthew Paris (Cambridge, 1958), p. 15and129(note3).
5On Grosseteste s autographs seeR. W. Hunt, loc.cit.,p. 132-135, 138-141. Someyears ago
S. H.Thomson found a newMSwith autographs ofRobert viz.Vienna
Grosseteste , sterreichische
Nationalbibliothek,MSlat. 1619.See hisarticle"AnUnnoticed Autograph ofGrosseteste",
MediaevaliaetHumanstica, XIV(1962),55-60,withonephotograph. However, comparing this
photograph withother certainly authentic hand- written notesoftheBishop, I cannot convince
myselfthatitisthesame hand.
6 "Hecdominus Lincolniensis . . . cuiussandalia episcopalia factade cirpisego doctorThomas
Gascoigne Eboracensis dioscesis vidiet suntOxonieinter fratresminores inlibrara conventus
sednoninlibraria studentium fratrum" (MSLincoln 118,p. 89a).
7 "VidiOxonie annodomini 1434o" (MSLincoln 118,p. 14a);"vidi illaOxonie inter mi-
fratres
noresannodomini 1451etpostea" (MSLincoln 117,p. 117b);"quod scriptumvidiannoChristi
1455"(ibid.p. 629a);"idem opusegovidiOxonie pluries annoChristi mmoCCCCmoquinquage-
simosextoetantea" (ibid.p.640b).
S7

11:45:47 AM
but we may safelysuppose thatfora long time he had been an intimate
friendof the Friars,so much so thatthe yearbeforehis doctoratehe was
presented with such a fine volume as Bodley 1981. This manuscript,
containingDe civitateDei of St. Augustineand Moralia in lob of St.
Gregory had even belonged to Grosseteste himself, who had made
subject notes and indexing symbolsin it. Modern scholars use it now
as the touchstonefor identifyingGrosseteste's handwriting.Evidently
Gascoigne became perfectlyacquainted with the books of the Friars,
and nowadays most of our knowledge about their librarystems from
passingreferencesin his Dictionarium and fromannotationsjotted down
in the marginsofhis books.
That Gascoigne eagerlyconsulted the works of Grossetestein the
friarylibrarybecomes apparentat the firstglance into his Dictionarium .
No less than quotations were found by Winifred A. Pronger2.
To a great extent these quotations are so full and copious that they
might prove very useful in tracingsome of Grosseteste's lost works,
or even in reconstructingthem, and also in preparing the critical
edition of other writingsof the Lincoln Bishop. From one of those
quotations it appears, for instance,that in 14$s a work Contraluxuriam
was still extant at Greyfriarsamong the autographs of Grosseteste.
It has been suggestedthat this work survivesin the Pavia MS Aldini
69, fol. Sr-Sjv*. However, apart fromthe factthatthe rubric "Sermo
beati episcopi LincolniensisregniAnglieapprobatusper ecclesiam velud
dieta beati Augustini"is not quite to the point*, Gascoigne's quotation
does not occur in this tract. The Aldini 'sermon' could be a fragment
of the Contraluxuriam , thoughits style seems to me different fromthe
passage quoted by Gascoigne. In order to make an identificationof
Grosseteste's work easier, I give here the full text from Gascoigne:

te vobisab omnifornicatione
Luxuria. Attendi scientes in primisquia omnis
estcrimenmortale,
fornicario dicenteApostolo:'Noliteerrare,nec fornicarii
necidolisservientes Dei possidebun
. . . regnum [I Cor.vi,9-10].Necdicatur,

1Ina noteatthefoot offol.107a,writtenin1433,Gascoigne says:"istum

explicitly librumdedit
mihispontesubsigillo suoconventus fratrum minorum Oxonie" from
(quoted S. H. Thomson,
TheWritings
ofRobert Grosseteste
[Cambridge Univ.Press, 1940],
p. 27).
2 Other
authors citedare:St.Jerome (2200times), St.Augustine
($otimes),Hugh ofVienna
(gootimes),DunsScotus (110times),St.Gregory (44times),St.Ambrose(3^ times),Thomas
Aquinas(3$times), Bonaventure (7 times).SeeW. A. Pronger, "ThomasGascoigne", Hist.
Engl.
Rer.,UV (1939),34-
3Thomson, Writings, p. 181; Hunt,loc.cit.p. 136.
* Therubricis intheupper margin offol.8$r.The sermon isfarfrom
, however, beingwhat
theinscription
suggests, forina tediousmanner itdealsmainlywithsodomy.

i8

11:45:47 AM
 sicutquidamimperiti dicunt,quodfornicatio estresnaturalis et ideononest.
peccatum. Scireenimdebetquodconiunctio mariset femine etpropagatio prolis
resestnaturalis. Sedpruritus carnis,ardoret estuatio concupiscentialiset pudi-
bundusmotusmembrorum genitalium contraimprium rationis,que sicut
improba pedissequa comitantur semper opusnaturale quo proles soletpropagari,
venerunt nonde natura sedde peccatoprimiparentis. Si enimprimus parens non
peccasset, nonessetaliquisardorconcupiscentialis autpruritus carnis autinordi-
natusmotusmembrorum genitalium contraimprium rationis,sed sineomni
ardoreconcupiscentiali et carnispruritu et inordinato et pudibundo motuper
coniunctionem mariset femine fieretpropagatio prolis.Concupiscentia igitur
que comitatur opusnaturalis propagationisde peccatovenitet nonestnaturalis
sed potiuscorruptio nature.Ipsadamnabilis est et nonipsumopusnaturale.
Et ipsasic inficitopusnaturale quodpropter ipsamtotumreputatur in culpam,,
damnabilem, nisi excusetur per bonum matrimonii. Et quamgravissit culpa
fornicationis et omnisillicitusususillorummembrorum
et adulterii attendere
potestex penispropeccatocarnishumano generiinflictis, ut patetin diluvio
Noe et quandoperiitPentapolis igneet sulphure etc. Videetiamqualespedis-
sequas habeat luxuria,ut patetin David qui propter luxuriam fidelem Uriam
interfecit, et sic in ceteris.Hec omniaet pluraalia bonacontraluxuriam
habetdominus Lincolniensis,doctorGrosseteste, in quodamscripto suocontra
luxuriam,quod scripsit manu sua propria. Et illud scriptum manusua
ex
propriaego ThomasGascoignevidi OxonieannoX1 14.55,et estintermi-
noresin libroregistrato 'EpiscopusLincolniensis I.' Et dominus Lincolniensis
scripsitillumscriptum contraluxuriam manusuapropria in libropostdictum
dominiLincolniensis XXIII,et tamenilludscriptum dominiLincolniensis cum
manusuapropria contraluxuriam nonestin numero dictorum suorum, sedest
opusper se distinctum, scriptum manupropriadominiLincolniensis contra
luxuriam. Et illudscriptum dominiLincolniensis doctorisRobertiGrosseteste
estinterfratres minores Oxoniein libroregistrato 'Episcopus Lincolniensis I,'
foliovicsimo quinto,utvidiannoX1i4x.

Another work of Grosseteste that might be identifiedwith the

-
help of Gascoigne, is his comment on Boethius' De consolatione philo
sophiae. Of course I would not like to repeat the old error of ascribing
the comment of William of Conches to the Lincoln Bishop2. Never-
theless,I want to give here a passage,attributedby Gascoigne to Grosse-
teste, which hitherto has remained unnoticed. It was even affirmed
that there was no such evidence at all in Gascoigne's Dictionarium* .
Under the same headingLuxuriaGascoignequotes :

1MSLincoln 118,p.64a-b.
2 Seeonthisquestion
Thomson, , p. 243-244.
Writings
3Ina noteonp. 243Thomson writes:
"There issomemistake
inBaur'sconstruction
ofthetext
ofGascoigne's
LiberVeritatum
, which
neitherintheedition
ofThorold
Rogersnor,I amkindly
informedbyMissWinifredProngerwhohasreadthewholeMScarefully,intheautograph
of
ascribes
Gascoigne thecommentary
toGrosseteste".

59

11:45:47 AM
 enimnonamoresedspelucrietvoluptatis
. . . meretrices commiscent se cuilibet.
Hec dominus LincolniensissuperBoiciumDe consolatione
, prosaprima,'felix
quipotuitsolvere vincula terre',hecmetro12o,id estaurum
gravis et argentum
que a
exeunt mentes
terra,que ligavit hominum. linderecteappellantur vincula
terrequibusligatus homonec cognoscere necdiligere
poterit suum creatorem.
Hec ibidemsanctus LincolniensissuperxiimetroBoiciiDe consolatione1.
What gives relevance to this text is the fact that it does not occur
in William of Conches' commentary,at least not in the reliable thir-
teenthcenturycopy I consulted at the Vatican Library2.Of course this
passage may be found in one of the other manuscriptsof William's
comment, perhaps in such that had been erroneously ascribed to
Grosseteste*. In that case, Gascoigne might have been led into an
erroneous assumption. If, however, Gascoigne's quotation cannot be
traced, what truthlies in the affirmationof Arnoul Grban that he
freely excerpted Grosseteste's commentaryon Boethius for his own
purpose4? For Pierre Courcelle' s bare statementthat "the attribution
to Robert of Lincoln of a Latin commentary,thoughattestedsince the
fifteenth century,has no foundationwhatsoever"5would then demand
furthercorroboration.It would be superfluousto say that Gascoigne's
quotation does not originatefrom Grosseteste's own copy of De conso-
latione which survives in the Oxford MS Trinity College 17, fol.
ir-42v, 9or-98v6. Although this text is interestingon account of
the indexingsymbols,subject notes and referencesto worksof Augustine
and Seneca in the Bishop's handwriting,it has no comments or ex-
planationsin the margins.
It is especially the now lost notes of Grossetesteon the Pauline

1MSLincoln 118,p. 63a.

2Vatican,Biblioteca MSlat.2o2,
Apostolica fol.24va-26va, wherethetwelfth
metrum ofbook
IVis expounded, which "Felix
begins: quipotuit boni/Fontemvisere
lucidum.'Felixquipotuit
solvere
gravis/Terrae vincula".
3FortheMSSseeThomson, , p. 243f.,andP. Courcelle,
Writings "Etude surlescommen-
critique
mentairesde la Consolation de Boce(IXe-XVe Archives
sicles), doctrinale
histoire etlittraire
dumoyenge,XIV(1939),129-131.
* "Accipite
igiturscolares acindisciplinae
gratiosi mecum
palaestra militantes
Parisius hocopuscu-
lumnonmagistrale, sedsociale,nonexnostri ingenii imbecillitale
formtm, sedexdiversorum
Boetiiglossatorumdictis excerptum,
multipliciter eiuscommentatoris
putaLyconiensis dignissimi,
fratris
NicolaiTraveth ordinis
praedicatorum quidictum opussubtiliter
utrimque,licetsubnimia
transcurrit
brevitate, ; ex quadam etiamglosalicetantiqussima nonnullas utiles
applicationes
elicuimus;
principaliter tamenRonierum deSancto Trudonesecuti
sumus quemquiasuper Boetium
satis
diffuse
scripserat etmulta
abreviavimus paucum adpropositammateriam resecare
subservientia
disposuimus" (Paris, Nationale
Bibliothque MSlat.9323,fol.3v;quoted byCourcelle, loc.cit.
no).
s Courcelle,
loc.cit.95.
6SeeR. W.Hunt inRobert Grosseteste
(ed.cit.),p. 133.
60

11:45:47 AM
Epistlesand on theirGlossaordinariathatare oftenquoted in Gascoigne's .
Dictionarium. However it is remarkablethat not all of the Epistles are
equally represented.Most of the cited passages are glosses on Romans
and I and II Corinthians.Only a few citationsof Galatians,I Timothy,
Ephesians,Titus and Hebrews have so far come to my notice and none
of Philippians, Colossians, I and II Thessalonians and Philemon1.
gone throughonlyhalfof the two stoutvolumes
Yet I have systematically
that take up Gascoigne's main work. Neverthelesswe may question
whetherGrossetesteactuallydid commenton all the Epistles,or should
Gascoigne's selection be so misleading?
Frequent use is also made of Grosseteste's commentaryon the
Psalms2.AlthoughGascoigne explicitlystatesthatthe Bishop expounded
the Psalter 'from the firstPsalm to the hundredthinclusively he
himselfprefersto quote from the later Psalms, which are explained
in a more continuousand orderlyfashion.As is known, up to Psalm 80
the commentaryis a rather confused selection of Dicta and sermons
which somehow or other deal with a Psalm text. Gascoigne certainly
was aware of the disorderin the work and possiblyhe knew the reason.
He noted that there were two copies of the commentaryin the library
of Greyfriars:one in Robert Grosseteste's handwritingand the other
'in a better script'*. That means that Grosseteste's copy was badly
writtenand probably was a working copy with the marginsfilled up
with scribbles and notes which only the author could understand.
It has been suggestedthat the 'better' copy survivesin MS Bologna,
ArchiginnasioA. 98r36.This manuscriptis indeed a beautifulbook with
1To giveanideaoftheproportion ofquotations: against34quotations from thecomment on
Romans, 27and26from respectively I andII Corinthians,I cameupononly5 quotations from
andI Timothy,
Galatians twofrom Ephesians andonefrom TitusandHebrews. Atthesame time
I cameacross30quotationsfrom thecomment onthePsalms.
2Seenote24.Onthiscommentary seeM.R.James, "Robert onthePsalms",
Grosseteste Journal
, XXIII(1922),181-184;
Studies
ofTheological Thomson, , p. 75-76;B. Smalley
Writings inRobert
Grosseteste p. 76-77.
(ed.cit.)y
3 "Scripsit
idemdoctor super psalterium usqueadpsalmum centesimum inclusive(MSLincoln
117,p. 640b);"exponuntur ibipsalmi pereundem doctorem a psalmo primo usqueadpsalmum
centesimum (MSLincoln
inclusive" 118,p. 16a).
4 "Etnotaquodexponit psalterium usqueadpsalmum 100inclusive etmanu suapropriascripsit
et opussuumsuper psalterium meliori scriptuestOxonieinter fratres
minores et registratur
'Episcopus ff!"(MSLincoln
Lincolniensis 118,p. 151b);"psalterium expositum manu
etscriptum
suapropria Oxonieinter
registratur fratresminores 'Episcopus ; et psalterium
Lincolniensis
suum manu domini Lincolniensis ibidem 4 Lin-
quodnonscribitur propria registratur Episcopus
colniensis
ff'.w(MS Lincoln 11 8,p. 306a).
6Thomson, , p. j$. Thecatalogue
Writings number oftheBologna MSis983,not893asThomson
writesbymistake. Fora description seeG.Mazzatinti, Inventari
deiManoscritti
delle d*
Biblioteche
XXXII
Italia. (Firenze,1925):Bologna , byA. Sorbelli, p. 123-124.
6l

11:45:47 AM
red and blue coloured initialsand a decorated frontpage. It is written
in a good Englishhand from the beginningof the fourteenthcentury.
By its colophon we are assured that the text was reproduced fromthe
original in the libraryof Oxford, doubtless that of Greyfriars.1 From
about io8-ii2, at least, the book was in Italy in the libraryof the
friaryof St. Dominic at Bologna2,but this does not presentdifficulties,
for it arrivedthere not earlier than 13863. So it remainsquite possible
thatGascoigneshouldhave seen it at Oxford. However, it maybe object-
ed that no trace has been found of the pressmarkwith which the
English Franciscansused to sign their books. According to Gascoigne
it was marked 'Episcopus Lincolniensis ff'*. But the Bologna MS
displaysonly an old number 16. II. 17, which may referto the shelves
of St. Dominic's libraryat Bolognas In my opinion, also the colophon
makes it rather doubtful that the book should have belonged to the
Greyfriarsof Oxford. An Oxford Friar Minor copying the work for
his own use would probably not have said that the book was made
'secundum exemplar librorumlibrarie Oxonie'. In one way or another
he would have noted that the original was in his own library,not in
thelibraryof Oxford. The text rathersuggeststhat the book was copied
on behalfof a man who did not belong to the Oxford community.But
there are other indicationswhich lead one to understandthat the MS
of Bologna can hardly be identifiedwith the 'better written' copy
Gascoigne saw in the Oxford libraryof Greyfriars.We find that the
Bologna copyisthad beforehim tworedactionsof Grosseteste'scomment
on Psalms 80 and 81, and he transcribedboth of them, the one after
the other6. The second redaction represents several even longer in-

1 "Explicit Lincolniensis
super psalterium quantum reperitur ipsumfecisse secundum exemplar
librorum librarieOxonie. Amen" (MSBologna 983,fol.i73vb).
2FabioVigili mentionsthisMSinhisfinding listoftheconvent ofSt.Dominic with thewords
"Linconiensis expositio
episcopi super Psalterium." Thislistwasmade after
1508andbefore April
i12. SeeM.-H.Laurent, FabioVigili deBologne
etlesBibliothques audbutduXVIe sicle
d'aprsle
MS.Barb. lat.318^(Studi e Testi,CV,CittdelVaticano, 1943),p. xxiiandi.
3Itdoesnotoccur intheoldcatalogue, madebefore 1386,ottheconvent, whichwasedited by
M.-H.Laurent, FabioVigili, p. 203-23^.
* Seeabove note27.Onthepressmark usedbyFranciscan convents cf.N.R.Ker,Medieval Libraries
ofGreatBritain (ed.cit.),p. xix.
s G. Mazzatinti,loc.cit.p. 123.
6Thefirst ofPsalm
exposition 80isonfol.6iva-63vb; that ofPsalm 81follows onfol.63vb-6^rb.
Thesecond canbe readonfol.66rb-68vb
redaction and68vb-7ova. Between them lies,among
other comments, thefirst partofthetreatise orsermon Deconfessione
(Inc.: "Quoniam cogitado
hominis . . seeThomson, , p. 12s and172).Thatinthesecond
Writings redactiona studentora
secretaryisatwork may appear from suchanexpression as "inprecedentipsalmo dicebat"(fol.
68vb).
62

11:45:47 AM
sertions, especially in the notes on Psalm 81, but on the whole its
referencesto the sources are less accurate and less elaborate than in
the firsttranscript.Since it is hard to believe that Grossetestewould
have writtenboth redactions in his own copy, we must assume that
the transcriberof ArchiginnasioA. 983 collated more thanone book in
the libraryof Greyfriars.With these facts in mind it is now easier to
understandthe full sense of the colophon of the Bologna MS. We
need no longer be puzzled by those enigmaticwords 'librorumlibrarie'
as tautology,^for the Bologna copy was made according to the books in
the Oxford library, insofar as they proved to contain Grosseteste's
comment on the Psalms: "Explicit Lincolniensis super psalterium
'
quantumreperitur ipsum fecisse secundum exemplar librorumlibrarie
Oxonie. Amen"1. It is tempting,though little less than arbitrary,to
propose the Vatican MS Ottobon. lat. 185, fol. i96ra-2ivb as a new
candidate for the 'better written' copy noted by Gascoigne2. Though
the fragmentof 20 folios, bound togetherwith Bonaventure's commen-
taryon the fourthbook of the Sentences , is writtenin a beautifulEnglish
bookhandfromthe middle of the thirteenthcentury,we can produce no
furtherevidence thanthat its text is notablydifferent fromthe Bologna
collation. This could be a hint that it might be a direct copy from
Grosseteste's autograph.
The close relationshipof Gascoigne and Grossetestehas recently
received a new confirmation.In 19^4 the Bodleian Libraryacquired a
little manuscriptthat probably once belonged to the library of the
FranciscanMission of Abergavenny.It is a notebook of Thomas Gas-
coigne, containing drafts relative to his Dictionariumtheologicum* .
By no means do I intend to give here an exhaustive description of the
book nor to investigateits exact relation to the Dictionarium . I just
wish to say a word on the place that Grossetesteoccupied in thiswork
also of Gascoigne's. We are not surprised to find that here, again,
Grosseteste is one of Gascoigne's favoriteauthors. He is quoted no
less than go times. Frequentlyused are his comments on the Psalms
(17 times) and on I and II Corinthians(respectively7 and 14 times).

1MSBologna aremine.
983,fol.i73vb.Theitalics Thomson, reads
, p. yg,erroneously
Writings
quemforquantum.
2 Vatican,
Biblioteca
ApostolicaMSOttobon. Thismanuscript
lat.i8$,fol.i96ra-2ivb. was
noted
first byVictorin
Doucet, surlesSentences",
"Commentaires Archivm
Franciscanum
Historicum
,
XLVII(i94)103.
3 Bodl.Libr.MSLat.th.e. 33.SeeNotable toanExhibition
Guide
Accessions. in19^8(Oxford,
held
P4-
I9S&)>
63

11:45:47 AM
Other referencesto Grosseteste'sworks are: commentson II Timothy
(4 times), Romans (3 times), Galatians (twice), Ephesiansan I Timothy
(once), Proposition1(once), sermon Natis et educatis2(once). Once
more we meet those emphatic, clumsy, egotistic assertions to the
effectthat he himselfhad seen Grosseteste's handwriting.A typical
page, of which a plate was reproduced in the guide to a Bodleian ex-
hibition, mightbe transcribedhere. Having quoted a text of Grosse-
teste, Gascoignegives the reference:

doctorRobertus
Lincolniensis Grosseteste,
superpsalterium David,superpsal-
mum68, in expositione suapropriaet propria
manusuascripta.Et sic scripsit
superpsalteriumusquead psalmum 100inclusive.Ethocopussuumsicscriptum
manusuapropria vidiegoThomasGascoigne, filius
et heresRicardiGascoigne,
domini quondam mandrii de Hunsslet,
Eboracensis
dicesis.Et hocopusdomini
Lincolniensis,
quodpropria manusuascripsit,
estOxonieinterfratres minores,
in libraria
et registratur conventus d'. Et annoChristi14^6
'opusLincolniensis
hoc opusvidiet hoc tuncscripsi.3

The theme of preachingand pastoral care is omnipresentin this

notebook, as could be expected froma man who was profoundlycon-
vinced that preachingwas panacea for all evils*. And again Grosseteste
provided useful texts. The notebook recommends the example of St.
Gregoryand thatof Robert Grosseteste.These men, takingthe Gospels
as their subject, expound all its contents, proceeding from the be-
ginningand explaining one passage after the other. They were alive
to the true purportof a text. When, for instance, the text was dealing

1ThisProposition forms
or Propositio partofthedocuments issued byGrosseteste at thePapal
Curiain 12go.SeeThomson, , p. 141-147.Thepassage
Writings quoted byGascoigne became
almost proverbial:"Cumfacta estecclesiarum appropriatio,factaestin ecclesia Dei omnium
malorum perpetuatio"(MSLat.th.e. 33,p. 60).Itoccurs inGrosseteste's memorandum which
wasreadaloudbyCardinal John ofSt.Nicholas, butina more sense
specific : "Cum vero religiosis
sitecclesiarum parochialiumappropriatio,pretactorum malorum firmataestperpetuatio" (Brit.
Mus.MSRoyal fol.127ra).
6.E.V,
2SeeThomson, , p. 117.
Writings
3Bodl.Libr.MSLat.th.e. 33,p. 41.Cf.also:"etistedoctor diversa
scripsit operain7 scientiis
etintribus
liberalibus etinsacra
philosophiis theologia; queopera excedunt inquantitatevoluminis
totum opusdoctoris deLirasuper vetus etnovum testamentm utegoiudico quividiillaopera
manu
scripta propriaipsiusdomini Lincolniensis
quando fuicancellariusOxonie posttertiam elec-
tionem meam adilludofficium annodomini 1444"(p. 29); "etidemdoctor Grossetestehabet
idemetprobat istamveritatem insermone suode curapastorali quiincipit 'Natiseteducatis',
quemsermonem vidiscriptum manu etscriptum a propria ipsiusdomini scilicet
Lincolniensis,
doctorisRoberti quinatus
Grosseteste, fuitin Angliaet,utdicitur, in Northfolchia." (p.6o).
NotethatGrosseteste's native placeis usuallydescribedas "inthecounty ofSuffolk", whereas
hereitisstatedtobeinNorfolk.
4 W. A. Pronger, "Thomas Gascoigne",Engl. Hist.Rev.,LIII(1938),617; LIV(1939),30-31.

64

11:45:47 AM
with prayer,they were carefulto definewhat prayeris, which prayer
findsacceptance by God and which not, on which conditions, what
results can be expected when a prayer is acceptable to God, why
God sometimesdoes not granta petition, why he prohibitsprayerfor
certain sinners and why we direct vocal prayers to God though He
knows the inmost secrets of our hearts1.It is obvious that Gascoigne
wanted his preachers humblyto instructthe people in the evangelical
way of life and that he would not appreciate any kind of oratorical
fireworksor scholastic quibbling.
In connectionwith a verse of Romans xv, where St. Paul professes
to have completed the preachingof the Gospel from Jerusalemas far
abroad as Illyricum, Gascoigne makes a personal confession that de-
servesto be quoted forits historicalinterest:

. . . hoc dicitApostolus, ut audientes hec laudentDeumet optentquodomnis

spirituslaudet Deum semper[cf.Ps. cl. 6J.Et etiamdicithoc,utalii homines
imitentur eumin hoc operepredicandi secundum gradum vocationis sue per
Deum.Ego enimmiserThomasGascoigne Eboracensisdicesis,filiuset heres
RicardiGascoigne de Hunsslet, vocatusdoctortheologie olimet cancellarius
Oxonie,offero me misericordie Dei ineffabiliut meimisereatur et deleatini-
qui tates
meas. Credo enim quod non predicavitotbona- [utinam] predicassem -
nectotiens predicaviutdebui,necmodoorandietflendi. LausenimDeo semper
quodaliquandopredicavi Eboraciet aliquandoLondoniis in diversis ecclesiis,
et in omnibus ecclesiisOxonie,et in comitatu Oxoniein diversis locis,et in
Pontefracto et Doncastrieet in villade Ledyset in Coventria et in Notyngham
et invillaEvesham etin Southsex et in villade Scheen,nonlongea monasterio
Syon,et in aliislocishienonnominatis. Omnisspiritus laudetDeumsemper.
Amen2.

There is anotherremarkin the notebook to which I would like to

call attention. As is well known, Gascoigne several times affirmed

1 "Solebant
enim episcopi etrectores
predicaresuispopulis eissubditis
omnia quatuorevangelia,
a principio,
incipiendo etsicpostillare
textm,idesttextm posttextm exponendo Et
inferre.
quandotextm declarabant
populo, illaquepertinebant
declarabant admateriascontentas
ineodem
textu.Exemplum ; quando enimtractabantde oratione,tractabantetdeclarabant
artculos
con-
cernentesmateriam scilicet
orationis, quidestoratio. Itemqueoratio Deoetquenon.Item
placet
que essentconditionesorationis.Itemeffectus consequentes orationem Deo placentem.Item
quaredominus aliquando nonconcedit Item
petita. quaredominus precipit
aliquandononorandum
procertispeccatoribus salvandis
quamdiu permanent in statueodempeccati, sicutJeremie70
dixit
dominus 'noliorarepropopulo hoc',scilicetIerusalem,idestnoliorareutpenaeisdebita
ulterius
differatur, meadivina
quiasententia contra eosconsummata est.Itemdeclarabant
quare
oramus
vocaliter ad Deumex quonovit occultacordis sinevoce.Sicenimdeclaravit materias
quando predicavitGregoriusdoctor et episcopusLincolniensismagisterRobertusGrostet
..."
(MSLat.th.e.33,p.28).
2 MSLat.th.e.33,p.68.

11:45:47 AM

that Grossetestewas doctor sacre theologie de Oxonia'1. FatherDaniel
A. Callus pointed out that this expression does not necessarilyimply
that Grosseteste obtained his mastershipat Oxford. It may simply
mean that he was for some time Regent-masterin Oxford, a fact
which has hever been disputed2. However, Gascoigne might have in-
tended to say that he obtained his degree at Oxford. In our notebook
4
the statement doctor sacre theologie Oxoniensis' is stressed by the
words 'ut patet in litteris Universita tis Oxonie missis Clementi iiii
pape pro eius canonizatione'3. A similar text, also in the hand of
Gascoigne, occurs at the end of the treatise De cura pastoraliin MS
Bodley 312: "Iste dominus Lincolniensis fuit doctor sacre theologie
Oxoniensis, ut patet in litera testimoniali quam post mortem eius
scripsitclerus Oxonie Clementi iv pape pro eius canonizationefienda"
(fol. 184V). Accordingto Gascoigne, a copy of thisletterwas preserved
at the AugustininAbbey of the Blessed VirginMaryat Osney (Oxford-
shire)*. From a Barlow MS with the letters of Grosseteste Tanner
copied the note that Grossetestewas "doctor SS. Theol. Oxoniensis,
ut patet in litera univ. Oxon. missa Clementi iv papae, cujus copia
est prope Oxoniam in abbatia de Osney, in quodam nigro libro"s.

I do not know if there is any possibilitythat this black book* survives
among the books thatonce belonged to Osney Abbey. Could the letter
have been included in the Chronicleswhich now are among the Cotton
manuscripts6 ?
At the same time one more point oughtto be emphasizedregarding
the texts we have just mentioned. Describing the various stages of the
attemptedcanonizationof Robert Grosseteste,Eric W. Kemp surprising-
ly statesthatafterthe firstrequest for canonizationunder AlexanderIV
(12 4-1261) no furthermove was made for some twenty-five years.
He wondered why the Universityof Oxford should not have given
any answer when duringthe autumnand winterof 1286/7 the Bishop,
Dean and Chapter of Lincoln sought support for their petition. Now
1Soina noteinMSBalliol College "doctor
fol.181v.Theexpression
235;, sacretheologie
Oxo-
niensis"is founde.g.inMSLincoln College4,fol.i7ra;MSLincoln College 117,p. 30aand
9$b;MSLincoln College 118,p. 306a.
2 D. A. Callus,
"Robert GrossetesteasScholar", Grosseteste
Robert p. -6.
{ed.cit.)y
3MSLat.th.e. 33,p. 28.
4 "Etestcopiahuius inmonasterio
litere canonicorumde Osney"(MSBodley 312,fol.184V).
Thistextisreferred byT. Tanner, Britannica-
Bibliotheca Hibernica
(London, 1748),p. 347,note0.
5Tanner, , p.348,note
Bibliotheca S.
6 SeeN. R. Ker,Medieval Libraries
, p. 140-
141.
7 E. W. Kemp, "TheAttempted Canonization ofRobert Robert
Grosseteste", Grosseteste
(ed.cit.),
p. 244-24^.
66

11:45:47 AM
it is evidentfromthe textsquoted above, thatthe Universityof Oxford
and its clergyhad already presented their plea to Rome nearlytwenty
years earlier, during the pontificate of Clement IV (126^-1268).
The 'litera testimonialis' they sent to the Pope thus constitutesthe
link between the firstmission of Nicholas Grecus duringthe papacy of
Alexander IV and that of Canon Simon de Worth promoted by Bishop
Oliver Sutton soon afterhis election in 1280.

It is my conviction that upon several other questions concerning

Robert Grossetestenew lightmay be thrownby a furtherexamination
of Gascoigne's works. The new edition of Gascoigne's Dictionarium
theologicum, which is being preparedfor the Oxford Historical Society1,
will thereforebe welcomed by studentsof the Lincoln Bishop. On the
other hand, any outline of Gascoigne's personalitywill remaindefective
unlessfulljustice is done to the amountof ideas and inspirationGascoigne
derived from Grosseteste. I am aware of the difficultieswhich will
attend the investigationof the doctrinal and intellectual bonds that
linked both Chancellors. In such an essentiallyeclectic work as Gas-
coigne's theological dictionaryit is all but easy to segregatehis real
tenets frommere borrowingsor simplymentioned opinions. Further-
more, the quotations from Grosseteste's works apparentlyare deter-
mined by the Chancellor's pastoral anxiety to provide materials for
the instructionof his clergyratherthan selected on account of his own
doctrinal concern. Nevertheless, the historical and cricical notes to
which we limited ourselves in this paper may have sufficiently proved
that the fate of the Chancellor, who in Dean's Register of Oriel was
4
describedas one of the most honourednames in the long roll of Oxford
University'2,is inevitablylinked up with his predecessor, who in his
century,even in the eyes of the foreignerSalimbene, was considered
'unus de maioribus clericis de mundo'.

Rome
IstitutoStoricodei Cappuccini

I Information
given ABiographical
byA. B. Emden, oftheUniversity
Register toA.D.ioo,
ofOxford
II(Oxford, p.747.
1958),
2 Ibid.
yp.746.
67

11:45:47 AM
 L' ,, auto du jongleur dans un Dit
biographie"
dums. Paris, B.N.ffr. 83J

J. ENGELS

manuscrit 837 de l'ancien fonds franais de la Bibliothque

Le nationale Paris contient au feuillet 213 recto et verso un Dit
anonyme en 68 vers octosyllabiques rimes plates, intitul Le
departement , c'est--dire "La dispersion de mes livres". Ce
des livres
Dit fut dit en 1823 par Mon dans son Nouveaurecueil1 , lequel four-
nira plus tard des exemples aux dictionnairesde Godefroyet de Tobler-
Lommatzsch. En 18$6, Victor Le Clerc lui consacra quelques pages
substantiellesdans VHistoirelittrairede la France2.En 1898, A. Tobler^
proposa deux corrections.En 19 17, Lngfors*a signall'incipit d'aprs
le ms. 837, le seul, parat-il, avoir conserv le Dit. En 1932, Le
Departement deslivress'est trouvinclus dans la reproductiondu clbre
recueil manuscritprocure par Omonts, mais cet vnement, ma
connaissance,ne lui a pas valu un regaind'actualit6.
Mon attention a t attire sur ce Dit pendant la prparation
d'une tude sur Les noms de quelques manuelsscolairesmdivaux ?. Il
contient en effetun assez grand nombre de titres, ce qui confre un
intrt particulier ce petit pome, par ailleurs bien compos et

1M. Mon,Nouveau defabliaux

recueil etcontes , despotes
indits franais , XIIIe
desXIIe , XIVeetXVe
, 2 vol.,Paris,
sicles 1823,I, pp.404-406.
2 XXIII(Findutreizimesicle
), Paris, 18^6,pp.99sqq.
3Zeitschrift
furromanischePhilologieXXII= 1898,p. 94.
A. Lngfors, Lesincipit
despomes franais auXVIe
antrieurs sicle
, rpertoire
bibliographique
tabli
Vaidedenotes deM.PaulMeyer , vol.I (seulparu),Paris p. $8.
,[1917]
5Fabliaux envers
, DitsetContes franais duXIIIesicle, dumanuscrit
fac-simil 837dela Biblio-
franais
thquenationale
, publisouslesauspices del'InstitutdeFrance (FondationDebrousse) parHenri
Omont, Paris,1932,pp.425-426.
6LeDitn'estpasmentionn parmi lesrfrences aums.837dans Romania destomes
, Tables XXX1-LX
(1902-1934) parMario Roques, II,Paris,1958,p. 70.MmeA.-M.Bouly deLesdain, secrtaire
de la section romane de recherche
l'Institut destextes,
et d'histoire a bienvoulum'crire:
"Jen'aitrouv, dansnosfichiers, aucune autrerfrence quecellesquevousconnaissez dj
(Lngfors etl'dition
Mon) etaucune mention d'untravailrcent oumme relativementrcent".
7 Parue dansNeophilologusLIV= 1970,pp.10-112.
68

11:47:22 AM
allgrementcrit. Comme il est devenu peu accessible, j'en prsente
plusloin une nouvelle dition.
Le ms. Paris, B.N. f. fr. 837, sur vlin, a t amplementdcrit.
La plus ancienne descriptionest due l'rudit du XVIIIe sicle Jean-
Baptistede La Curne de Sainte-Palaye1 . C'est la notice 578 conserve
la Bibliothque nationale dans le ms. 16g de la Collection Moreau2
aux pages 206-229. L'incipit du Departement des livresy est relev
la page 217.
Sainte-Palayea mme fait excuter des copies de bon nombre des
textescontenusdans le ms. 837, qu'il a annotes de sa main; elles sont
conserves dans les mss. 2763-2767 de la Bibliothque de l'Arsenal*..
La copie du Departement deslivresoccupe les ff.39r-4ovdu ms. Ars. 2765.
Nous disposons ensuite de descriptionsplus rcentes du ms. 837,
rdiges par Paulin Paris4, par l'auteur du Catalogue de 1868$, par
Omont (la plus dtaille)6 et par Faral-Bastin?.
On est gnralementd'accord pour admettre que l'criture du
manuscrit- auquel Faral-Bastinont attribu 1276 comme terminus
-
post quem le situe dans la findu XIIIe sicle. Les dates de composition
- diffrentes - des textes
pour chacun d'entre eux que renfermele
ms. 837 sont donc galementantrieures 1300. Je ne sais pas ce qui
a amen George L. Hamilton8 affirmerque le Departement des livres
daterait seulement du XIVe sicle. D'autre part, la critique interne
du Dit exclut le XIIe sicle, notammentla mention du Doctrinaleet
du Graecismusy et aussi la langue, en particulier les formes Chatones

1J'aitmissurla pisteparle renvoi laconique "Sainte-Palaye,not.578"chezPaulin Les

Paris,
manuscrits dela Bibliothque
franois duroi. . ., VI,Paris,184$,p. 404.
2 Bibliothque
nationale,
inventaire
desmanuscritsdela Collection
Moreau parH. Omont, Paris,1891,
p. 141,etpp.201-221:Mmoires deLa Curne deSainte-Palaye
, sursestravaux
etsa bibliothque.
Cesdernires pages
remplacent la Liste
desouvrages oucomposs
prpars parLaCurnedeSainte-Palaye
publieenappendice (pp.25-28)au vol.X (1882)duDictionnaire deVancien
historique langage
- L'ouvrage
franois. deLionel Gossman, Medievalism andtheideologies
oftheenlightenment
, Theworld
andwork ofLaCurne deSainte-Talaye
, TheJohns Hopkins Press,Baltimore,Maryland,1968,m'est
arrivtroptardpourpouvoir treutilis.
3Catalogue desmanuscrits
dela Bibliothque
deVArsenal parH. Martin, Paris,
IH,1887,pp.96-102,
etVIII,1899,pp.216-227. Voiraussil'Inventaire prcitd'Omont, p. 212.
*Op.cit.
ypp.404-416.
s Bibliothque - Dpartement
impriale desmanuscrits. Cataloguedesmanuscrits tomepremier,
franais,
Ancien fonds,Paris,
1868, pp.94-96.
6 Ed.cit. Pourlescotes
, Introduction. successivesdumanuscrit dont laprsencedans
lescollections
royalesestatteste,
parJean Gosselin, garde dela Librairieroyale,dsle XVIesicle,
voiribid.f
PP.V-VI.
7 E. FaraietJ.Bastin,
Oeuvres deRutebeuf,
compltes 1959,pp.11-12.
I, Paris,
8Modem VIII= i9io-i9ii,p. 6i2.
Philology
69

11:47:22 AM
 , largement postrieures, comme je crois l'avoir montr1,
et Theodelet
1200.

Le Dit du Departement des livresest crit la premire personne.

Le "je" s'adresse un public pour relater un certain nombre d'vne-
ments de sa vie. Ces vnements ont inspir Victor Le Clerc le
passage que nous allons citer2. Aprs avoir dclar: "Le jeu, ce fatal
ennemi de Rutebeuf et de ses pareils, dut contribuersouvent faire
dchoir ceux-l mme entre les trouvresqui avaientle plus de talent",
il continue:
"L'exemple suivantva nous prouver que s'il n'est point ncessaire
"de croire, comme on l'a prtendu, que des membres du clerg
"soient les auteurs de presque tous ces pomes, on peut du moins
"supposer que plus d'un clerc devint trouvre, puis jongleur, et
"peut-trepls. En voici un qui, tout en se moquant de ces anciennes
"tudes, nous transmetde prcieux matriauxsur les livres des coles
"et les habitudesdes coliers. Il raconte, ou on lui faitraconteren vers
"faciles et nafs, comment, chapp de son couvent, il a jou ce
"funestejeu du tremerei , o les jongleurs, ainsi qu'on le verra bientt,
"perdaientsouvent, comment il y a perdu lui-mme la collection
et
"entire de ses livres sacrs et profanes, dont il nous fait connatre
"le departement ou la dispersionen diffrentesvilles de France. La vo-
cation de ce malheureux,qui n'a plus ni chape, ni manteau, ni cotte,
"ni tabard, n'tait pas trs-ardente;car les premiers manuscritsqu'il
"ait exposs ces fcheux hasards sont prcismentceux qu'il aurait
"d le plus respecter. [ . . .] On ne peut douter que ces plaintes d'un
"tudiantqui avait ainsi perdu, suivantson expression,toute sa clergie,
"et qu'on suppose tre devenu alors un rimeur en langue vulgaire,ne
"soient attribues un ancien lve des moines; car il finitpar pro-
mettre quiconque lui donnera de quoi racheter ses livres, de le
"recommander aux prires du chapitre, lorsqu'il sera revenu dans
"son couvent".
Dans ces lignes, l'historien expose, non sans brio, une conception
de la situation sociale et morale au XIIIe sicle - plus prcisment
de la dchance - de clercs devenantd'abord trouvres,puis jongleurs
ambulants,et qu'il taie d'une interprtationdu Dit. Cette interprta-
tion part de l'ide que les vnements que le "je", aux vv. 1-60,

1Articlecitde Neophilologus.
2 Article
citde['Histoire , XXIII= 18^6,pp.99-100.
delaFrance
littraire

70

11:47:22 AM
prsentecomme autobiographiques,ont rellementeu lieu. Dans cette
hypothse,plusieursquestionsse posent.
La premire est de savoir qui est ce "je". Est-ce l'auteur du Dit
ou plutt r excutant? Au cas o ils sont distincts, les vnements
relats ne pourraientavoir t vcus par les deux la fois. De toute
faon, le "je", qui demande (vv. 61 sqq.) au public de lui donner de
l'argent, ne saurait se concevoir que comme l'excutant, mme si
celui-ci devait s'identifieravec l'auteur sinon, comme l'admettraitLe
Clerc, avec le "versificateur"du Dit. Cet excutant qui parle la
1
premirepersonne,je l'appellerai ici lejongleur.
La seconde question concerne la crdibilit des vnementsque
le jongleur relate sur son propre compte. Ds l'entre en matire, il
raconte son public que tout le monde lui demande ce qu'il a fait de
ses possessionset pourquoi il n'a plus de quoi s'habillerconvenablement.
C'est que tout a pass au jeu de ds, et la bonne chre. Il y a long-
temps que cette folie lui a fait gaspiller ses biens, en particulierses
livres. Il n'est peut-tre pas de bourg en France o il n'ait laiss un
de ses manuscrits.Et le jongleur d'numrer 34 livres latins qu'il a
d abandonner de la sorte dans 28 villes. Lui-mme ne saurait les
racheter de sa vie. A moins de trouver des personnes gnreuses, il
aura donc perdu son bagage intellectuel. Pour stimuler la gnrosit
de son auditoire, il promet en terminantque, si un jour il retourne
dans son couvent, il feraprier au chapitrepour ses bienfaiteurs.
Que le jongleur se soit ruin au jeu de ds au point d'y perdre
mme ses habits et ses livres, ne parat pas d'emble invraisemblable.
En revanche, que dans cet tat de dnuement il destineraitl'argent
obtenu de personnes charitablesau seul rachat de ses livres, l'est dj
quelque peu. Sa bibliothque de trente-quatrelivrescomportediffrents
traits scolaires, parmi lesquels un A.B.C, et un Donat. Le jongleur
aurait-il conserv ces deux manuels lmentaireso autrefoisil avait
appris l'alphabet et le latin? Elle comporte aussi un Missel, un Antipho-
naireet un Graduel.Mais ce sont l des livres de sacristie. D'ailleurs,
si quelqu'un avait l'ide de se promeneravec ces lourds volumes, sans
doute pas un jongleur prsumambulant.Notons aussi que YAntiphonair e
et le Graduelse doublent, et qu'il y a deux Ovide et trois livres de
Psaumes.Cette bibliothque personnelle du jongleur est fantaisiste.En
outre, plusieursitems, tels la Patentreet le Credo,de mme que VA.B.C.
1Surce terme, abondante
voirla bibliographie dansTobler-
Lommatzsch, Wrter-
Aitfranzsisches
buch
. . IV,i960,coll.1705-6, notamment
s.v.jogleor, Raleigh OldFrench
Morgan, and
"jogleor"
Kindred
Terms
, Romance VII= I93"i94>
Philology PP279~3
2S-
71

11:47:22 AM
et le Donat dj mentionns,sont des manuscritsminusculesexigeant
tout au plus quelques feuillets.Leur valeurtaitdonc minime. Auraient-
ils t accepts comme enjeu au trmerel? Ainsi, de fil en aiguille,
rhistoricit du passage en vingt-huitvilles de France, o le jongleur
aurait vendu ses livres, se trouve mise en question. Son tour de France
n'est pas plus rel que sa bibliothque personnelle. Enfin,la faon
dsinvolte dont il envisage de retourner peut-tre un jour dans son
couvent,n'est pas celle d'un dfroqumisrablequi s'efforced'apitoyer
le public sur son sort. Manifestement,le jongleur lui-mme est fantai-
siste aussi. Il n'est ni l'auteur du Dit, ni le "versificateur",mais sim-
plementun personnagefictifdont l'excutantjoue le rle.
C'est dire que le Dit est un texte littraire; plus exactement,
une pice rire. Son comique rside dans l'numration de tant de
titres combine avec l'numration de presque autant de noms de
villes o les manuscritssont censs avoir t perdus au jeu l'un aprs
l'autre par le jongleur. Essentiellement,c'est l le thme du Dit du
Departement des livres; dans la terminologieclaire de l'Ecole historico-
gographique, c'en serait le "motif", lequel d'ailleurs concide ici
avec le "type"1. Le procd littraire est connu par ailleurs. Stith
Thompson l'a analys, pour les contes populaires, dans sa discussion
sur les Formulataies ( Cumulative taies, Chain taies)2.Je cite ce qui suit:
A veryspecialgroupofstories illustrates
thedifficulty ofclassifying on thebasis
eitherofcomplexity ofplotor ofthehumanness oftheactors.In thisgroupof
theformis all-important.
stories Thecentral situationis simple,buttheformal
handlingofitassumes a certain
complexity ; andtheactors arealmost indifferently
animalsor persons. Suchstories we callformula tales.
Formula talescontain a minimum ofactualnarrative. Thesimplecentral situation
servesas a basisfortheworking out of a narrative pattern. Butthepattern
so developed is interesting,noton accountof whathappens in thestory, but
on accountof theexactformin whichthestoryis narrated. Sometimes this
formalismconsists ina sortofframework whichencloses thestory andsometimes
inthatpeculiar pilingup ofwords which makesthecumulative tale.Inanycase,
theeffectofa formulistic storyis alwaysessentially andtheproper
playful, nar-
ofoneofthesetalestakesonall theaspects
rating ofa game[. . .].
Formulatales,especially chainsand cumulative stories[. . .] haveaesthetic
valueoftheirown.The essential formal is
quality repetition [ . . .p.

Les lments dgags par Thompson se retrouventdans le Dit.

: le jongleur a perdu ses livres au jeu, fait
The simplecentralsituation

1StithThompson, , NewYork[1946],
TheFolktale pp.414-41
.
2 Op.cit.,
pp.229-234.
3 Op.cit.
yp. 229;p. 234.
72

11:47:22 AM
divers banal et du reste lieu commun; the exactformin whichthestory
is narrated: le cumul des titreset des noms de villes; repetition [as an]
formalquality: le possessifde la premire personne, mon, ma,
essential
etc. (41 fois, sur 68 vers, dont 29 fois avec un titre, et culminantdans
le mon couvent ); ce pronom + titre prcds de la conjonction et
(15 fois); prposition suivie d'un nom de ville (27 fois), prcde
la
en outre d'une formedu verbe tre(9 fois); rptitionde perdre(6 fois),
de laisser ( fois); de tout (7 fois). Ce que l'on pouvait tre tent
d'attribuer un vocabulaire fruste, se rvle tre un effetde style
voulu. Le cumul et les rptitionsassurent the essentialplayfuleffect ,
qui est renforcpar la plaisanteriefinaledu retour ventuelau couvent.
On peut mme assignerla place que le Dit, thoriquement,pour-
rait occuper dans les classificationsdresses par Thompson respective-
ment pour les "types"et les "motifs"des contes populaires. Dans celle
des "types"1,le Dit se situerait dans la section IV Formulataies, nos
2000-2199, Cumulative taies, plus exactementparmi les nos 2000-2013,
Chains based on numbersor objects2. Dans celle des "motifs"3,il se
situeraitdans la section Z, nos 0-99, Formulas , plus exactementparmi
les n08 20 sqq.y Cumulative tales. Tales arrangedin chains
4.
Je disais: thoriquement.En effet,bien que les livres et les manu-
scrits puissent entrer dans les contes populaires5, les titres cits par
le jongleur classent le Dit dans le domaine savant. En fait, avec le
Departement des livresnous avons affaire une "bibliothque imaginaire"
trs ancienne, antrieurede quelque trois sicles celles de Saint-
Victor et de Gargantuachez Rabelais. A l'agrment produit par les
cumuls, les rptitionset les enchanements,devait s'ajouter pour le
public forcmentassez cultiv auquel le Dit tait destin, le plaisir
intellectuelde reconnatre la vole tous ces titresfamiliersdes temps
d'tudes. Probablementaussi un peu la satisfactionde voir les manuels
scolaires sur lesquels ils avaient tant su, perdus au jeu et sems aux
quatrevents.
La constatationque la narrationpar le jongleur de la dispersion
de ses livres dans les diversesvilles est un procd littrairedtermin,

1A.Aarne - S. Thompson,Thetypesofthe , Aclassification

folktale andbibliography
, second
revision,
Helsinki,1964.
2Ibid.yp.522sqq.
3Stith Thompson, Aclassification
literature,
offolk-
Motif-Index ofnarrative infolktales
elements , ballads
,
myths , mediaeval
,fables romances
, exempla , andlocallegends
, jest-books
,fabliaux andenlarged
, revised
edition,6 vol.,Copenhagen, 19^^-19^8.
4 Ibid
., V, pp. 40sqq.
5VoirMotif-Index, p. 88(s.v.books),
VI,p. 87(s.v.book), p. 491(s.v.manuscript).
73

11:47:22 AM
achve d'liminer l'hypothse qu'il s'agirait d'vnements vcus.
L'interprtationhistorico-biographiquedu Dit par Victor Le Clerc,
en tout cas sous la forme labore qu'il lui a donne, ne recueillera
plus actuellement beaucoup de suffrages.Toutefois, le fait est que,
aujourd'hui encore, les biographiesdes potes du XIIe au XIVe sicle,
mdiolatins autant que vernaculaires, restent obnubiles de mythes.
C'est notammentpar oubli du principe de mthode que les lments
prsents comme autobiographiquesdans un texte littraire doivent
tre considrs, jusqu' preuve du contraire, comme relevant de la
fictionlittraire.

Aujourd'hui, le ms. 837 ne peut plus tre communiqu. Pour

publier le Departement , il faut se contenter du fac-simil
des livres
procur par Omont, dont le dchiffrement ne soulve qu'un problme
ou deux. La transcription"diplomatique" excute pour Sainte-Palaye,
prsente quelques menues erreurs,ainsi qu'un lapsus au vers 7, qui a
pass dans son Dictionnaire historique.Mon a faitune mlectureau vers
38.
Le texte du Dit conserv dans le recueil manuscritest une copie,
qui ne parat pas toujours fidle l'original. Dans cette dition, je
serai aussi conservateurque Mon, et ne corrigeraiqu'une seule faute
manifestede scribe,au vers 37.
Le choix de la ponctuationtait par momentsdifficile,notamment
devant les et enchanants. Enfinde mieux les faire ressortir,tous les
titres- tanttprcis et tanttdlibrmentvagues- des livresnumrs
par le jongleur,sontmunisd'une majuscule.
Le cas chant, j'ai fait tat des annotationsde Sainte-Palaye,des
traductions donnes par Mon dans son Glossaire, et des gloses de
Victor Le Clerc.
L' AltfranzsischesWrterbuch de Tobler-Lommatzscha mis con-
tribution l'dition-Mon du Dit, don til a recueilli la plupart des
vocables significatifs.Il tait d'autant plus indiqu d'en citer syst-
matiquement les lemmes qu'ils renvoient aux autres grands diction-
nairesd'ancien franaiset fournissent souventdes paralllesintressants.
Quant aux livres liturgiques du jongleur, le lecteur intress
pourra trouver des informationsdtailles dans le livre de C. Vogel,
auquel il sera renvoy. Pour les livres scolaires, je renvoie ici une fois
pour toutes au chapitre suggestifPreparatory Teachingin the Parisian
Colleges , aux pp. 97-1 24 de Garlandia, Studiesin thehistoryofthemediaeval
university par AstrikL. Gabriel, Frankfurt, 1969. Pour les quatre petits
74

11:47:22 AM
manuels,le Donet, le Catonnet et VAvionnet,
, le Theodelet le lecteur pourra
se reporter mon article de Neophilologus LIV = 1970, mais les at-
testationsdu Departement des livresn'y ont pu tre insres temps.
L'identification de plusieurs lieux-dits reste incertaine. J'ai
tir grand profitdu dictionnairetoponymiquede M. Gysseling,lequel
atteste les localits ds avant la date de composition du Dit.
Parfois, une traduction a t donne en note afin d'aider ces
lecteurs qui l'ancien franais ne serait pas aussitt transparent.

Sigles,en ordrealphabtique:
CV : Cyrille Vogel, Introduction aux sourcesde l'histoiredu cultechrtien
au mojenge, Spolte, 1966.
DC : Dictionnairede droitcanonique. . ., publi sous la direction de
R. Naz, Paris, 193^-196^.
GY : M. Gysseling, ToponjmischWoordenhoek van Belgi, Nederlandy
Luxemburg , Noord-Frankrijk en West-Duitsland(vr 1226), 2
vol., Bruxelles, i960.
FO : Le fac-simildu ms (voir ce sigle) publi par H. Omont aux
pp. 425-6 de Fabliaux, Dits et Contesen versfranais du XIIIe
sicle. . ., Paris, 1932.
LC : Victor Le Clerc, article dans VHistoirelittrairede la France
XXIII = 1856, pp. 99-100.
M : M. Mon, Nouveaurecueilde fabliaux et contesindits , des potes
franais des XIIe, XIIIe, XIVe et XVe sicles
, Paris, 1823,
pp. 404-6.
MG : Ibid., Glossaire , pp. 455-98.
ms : Le Dit du Departement des livres qui se lit au feuillet 213 du
manuscritParis, B.N. f.fr. 837.
SA : Les annotationsde Sainte-Palaye SC (voir ce sigle).
SC : La copie du ms (voir ce sigle) excute pour Sainte-Palaye, et
conserve dans le manuscritde l'Arsenal 276^, ff. 39r-4ov.
SD : Sainte-Palaye (J.B. de La Curne de), Dictionnairehistoriquede
Vancienlangagefranois,Paris, 1875-1882.
T : A. Tobler, article dans Zeitschrift fur romanischePhilologie
XXII = 1898, p. 94.
TL : Tobler-Lommatzsch,Altfranzsisches Wrterbuch (1925- ).
UT : Ulysse Chevalier, Rpertoire des sourceshistoriques du mojen ge,
Topo-bibliographie , 2 vol., 1894-1903.
WL : R. E. Latham, RevisedMedieval Latin Word-List . . ., Londres,
1965.
75

11:47:22 AM
 [LE DEPARTEMENT DES LIVRES]

i Chascuns enquiert et veut savoir

Que je ai fet de mon avoir,
Et commentje sui si despris
4 Que n'ai chape ne mantiaugris,
Cote, ne sorcot, ne tabart.
Tout est al maie part.
Li tremeriausm'a abatu.
8 Par ma folie ai tout perdu.
Tout mon avoir et toz mes livres,
Grantpiea que j'en sui dlivrs.
En duel ai torn mon revel,
12 Quer je cuit que il n'ait chastel
En France que je n'i alaisse
Et de mes livres n'i lessaisse.
A Gandelus lez La Fert,
i6 L lessai-je mon A.B.C. ,
Et ma Patrenostre Soisson,
Et mon Credo Monleon,
Et mes .vii. Siaumes Tornai,
2o Mes .XV. Siaumes Cambrai,
Et mon Sautier Besenon,

(Ledepartement): TLII 1408ligne24.

aladispersion",
v i (enquiert):"s'informe".
v 3 (despris): MG467;TLII 1714ligne11.
"dguenill,
v 6 malepart):"audiable", TLVII3^7lignes2^-6.
v 7 (tremeriaus): ouTonjoueauxdez"(Sy4).
"table - (m'aabatu);SCtranscritm1a batu
, lapsus
quia passdansSD(IX89a).
v 10 : "Ilya longtempsqueje nelesai plus".
vu : "J'aichang monplaisir
entristesse".
v 12 (Quer): SCetM: Quar.
v i (Gandelus): Gandelu
L'actuel dansle Dpartement de la Seine,
unequinzaine dek.m.
ausuddeLaFert-Milon; GYI 386b.
v 16 (A.B.C.): TLI 43 ligne31.
v 17 (Patrenostre):TLVII483ligne45,"me ton.Gebetbuch",mais plusexactementunms.avec
l'oraisondominicale, unPater
peut-tre noster
glosatus.
v 18 (Credo): TLII 1024.9 (Monieon):IC,lisant
Monloon(ms?),glose"Laon",mais onpourrait
songeraussi Montlevon
30k.m.sud-estdeGandelu; voirUTII 2002b.
v 19 (mes.vii.Siaumes): Les"sept
psaumes dela pnitence",
constitusparlespsaumes 6, 31,
37,o,101,129et 143dela Vulgate.
v 20 (Mes.XV.Siaumes): Lespsaumes 119-133de la Vulgate,constituant
la "Cantique des
montes".
76

11:47:22 AM
 Et mon Kalendier Dijon.
Puis m'en revingpar Pontarlie.
24 Iluec vendi ma Letanie,
Et si bui au vin mon Messel
A la vile o Ten fet le sel.
Aus espices Montpellier
28 Lessai-je mon Antefinier.
Mes Legendes et mon Grel
Lessai-je Dun-le-Chastel.
Mes livres de Divinit
32 Perdi Paris la cit,
Et cels d'Art et cels de Fisique,
Et mes Conduis et ma Musique.
Grantpartie de mes auctors
36 Lessai Saint-Martin Tors.
Et mes Do[n]s est Orliens,
Et mes Chatons Amiens,
A Chartresmes Theodelet,

v 22 (Kalendier):Uncalendrier; desftes del'anneoudessaints? Cf.TLII 178ligne3.

v 23 (Pontarlie^:Pontarlierdansle Dpartement duDoubs.
v 24 (Letanie):TLV 337lignes 1-2, 338ligne1, "meton. dasBuchdasdieLitanien enthlt",
v 2 (Messel):"missel", TLV i68$ligne21; CK4.
v 26 (Alavileol'enfetleseP:Onpeutnotamment songer Salins(LC)ou Lons-le-Saunier,
lesdeuxdans leDpartement duJura.
v 27 (Ausespices): "labonne chre". Lespices quel'onservait Montpelliercomme dessert
taient
rputes; cf.TLIII1167ligneig.
v 28 (Antefinier):"antiphonaire", le livrequicontient lesantiennes, TLI 40$ligne3; CVg.
v 29 (Legendes): TLV 306ligne2. Aufond, cevocable a icipluttle sensdelegendier
, voirle
lemme suivant deTL,"Legendensammlung, Legendenbuch". - (Grel): "graduel"
(SA.LC) ;
TLIVosligne26,etCV,329.
v 30 (Dun-le-Chastel): Chateaudun (SA)dansle Dpartement de l'Eure-et-Loir,
v 31 (Divinit):"thologie" (54); TLII 1969ligne38.
v 33 (Art):MG4^8: "Magie, divination"; TLI 2lignes 21-2:"hier art= Grammatik ?".-
(Fisique):"mdecine" ou "sciences TLIII 1883ligne1.
naturelles",
v 34 (mesConduis): TLII 669ligne 43. "Medieval writersofthe13th century andlaterapplied
thename conductos (orconductum ), with somedegree ofloosenesstocertain Latinsongs of
thenthto 13thcenturies". G. Reese,Music inthemiddle ages, Londres, 1941,p. 201.
v 35 SC,rsolvant
(partie): mall'abrviation pourpar,transcrit ; SAajouteen marge
piti
partie"
"p[oulr ! - (auctors);TLI 687ligne39.
v 37 : SCetMconservent
<Do[n]s) laleondoues deFO,laquelle esttoutefoisunefautemanifeste
decopiste.Avant T,Sv4a reconnu icilepetitDonat.
v 38 (Chatons): SCtranscrit correctement la formede FOavec-t-,La faute de M, chacones
,
a tsignale parT.
v 39 (Theodelet):SCetMlisent, oucorrigent, -s.Lamme rimeimparfaite (Donns-Chatonnet
)
selitencore auxvers332-3 dela Farce demaistre
Jehan Jenin.
77

11:47:22 AM
 4o A Roem mes Aviones.
Mes Ovides est Namur,
Ma Philosophie Saumur.
A Bouvines delez Dinant,
44 L perdi-je Ovide le grant.
Mi Regimentsont Bruieres,
Et mes Gloses sont Maisieres.
Mon Lucan et mon Juvenal
48 Oubliai-je Bonival.
Estace le grantet Vigile
Perdi aus dez Abevile.
Mes Alixandresest Goivre,
2 Et mon Grecime est Auoirre,
Et mon Thobie est Compiengne
- Ne cuit -
que je jams le tiengne
Et mon Doctrinal est Sens.

v 40 (Roem): Rouen dansle Dpartement de la Seine-Maritime.Le ma sansdoute tamen

parlapremire lettredumotsuivant. Mimprime Roen.
v 42 (Philosophie): TLIII 1857ligne42.- (Saumur): dansle Dpartement deMaine-et-Loire,
v 43 (Bouvines): Cene'est paslacommune duNord oeutlieulabataille de1214,mais lapetite
villeBouvignes-sur-Meuse quelques k.m.au nordde Dinant (GYI 177a,autrefois sa
rivaledansl'industrie de la dinanderie.
v 44 (Ovide legrant) "estlenomsouslequel esthabituellement dsignaumoyen gele pome
desMtamorphoses", disait Gaston Paris djen 188g dansVHist. litt.Fr.XXIX, p. $08,
note2.
v 4$ (Regiment) : TLVIII618ligne10.Onpeutsonger aux"rgimes desant" ou"desprinces",
maisletitre Glosesduvers suivant pointe pluttversunlivrededroitcanonique". L'expression
regimen animaram au sensde "canon law"estatteste dsle onzime sicle{WL,398s.v.
- (Bruieres
regentia). >: Ona lechoix entre diverseslocalits
dumme nom ; voirGYI 199.
v 46 (Gloses): Sansdoute la Glosa auDcret deGratien. Voirlanoteprcdente, DCV 972et
TLIV38$ligneig.- (Maisieres): Ona denouveau le choix,voirGYI 6gia et696a.
v 48 (Oubliai): LCimprime Oubliiai, tortpuisque lei deceverbe taitsyllabique.- (Bonival):
Parmi lesdiffrentes localits dece nom,onprfrera cellesituedansl'arrondissement
deChteaudun; voir(771443-4.
): Stace.
v 49 (Estace - (Vigile ): Virgile.
v go (Abevile): Ona encore le choix, voirGYI 34-$.
v gi (Alixandres)- LC: "1'Alexandreis de Gauthier de Chtillon"; MG456: "Estmisici pour
Quinte-Curce, sonhistorien". Letitre esttropvague pourtrancher.- (Goivre): MG476:
"Nomde villecorrompu". LCgloseCoeuvre; dansce casil s'agiraitde Coeuvres-et-
Valserydans leDpartement del'Aisne, 30k.m.estdeCompigne. VoirGYII i1a.
v 2 (Grecime): Le Graecismus , la grammaire latined'Evrard de Bthune,mort en 1212; TL
IV604ligne19.- (Auoirre): Auxerre dansle Dpartement del'Yonne.
v 3 (Thobie): LC:"leTobias deMatthieu deVendme"; Migne,V.L.log,933-80.
v gg (Doctrinal): Le Doctrinale metricam, la grammaire latined'Alexandre de Ville-Dieu;
TLII 1980ligne 2.- (Sens):dansle Dpartement del'Yonne.

78

11:47:22 AM
 $6 L perdi-je trestoutmon sens.
Ainsi com je vous ai cont,
Jamsne serontrachat
Mi livre en trestoutema vie,
60 Toute ai perdue ma clergie,
Se je ne truisaucune gent
Qui me doingnentde lor argent;
Autrementne les puis ravoir.
64 Or li doinst Diex sens et savoir
Qui m'en donra, par tel couvent
- Se je -
reviengen mon couvent
Je feraiproier en chapitre
68 Que Diex ses pechiez li aquite.

Explicitle Departement
deslivres
.

v 60 (clergie>: doctrine"
"science, (SA);cf.TLII 478-9.
v 62 (doignent):"donnent"(5/1).
v 6$ (partelcouvent>: "avecmapromesseformelleque";cf.TLII 988.Mimprime,
tort,
SAcomprend:
convent. "l'estat
quimeconvient",cequinevapasavecchapitre
duvers67.
v 66 <couvent>:
Till988.
v 67 (chapitre): TLII 246-7.
"Kapitelssaal",
): "quitte
v 68 (aquite pardonne"(SA); Mimprime,
sansraison,
acquite.

79

11:47:22 AM
 Books Received

M.T.BeoniobrocchieriFumagalli, DurandodiS. Porziano

. Elementi
filosofici
dellaterza
del"Commento
redazione alleSentenzie".
Publicationidell'Istituto
diStoriadellaFilosofia
La NuovaItalia1969pp.XXII-141.L. ioo.
di Milanonr17. Firenze,
dell'Universit
Thomasvon Sutton,Quodlibet. derKommission
Verffentlichungen frdie Heraus-
gabeungedruckterTexteausdermittelalterlichen Band2. Herausgegeben
Geisteswelt.
vonMichael Schmaus vonMariaGonzlez
unterMitrbeit - Haba.Verlag
derBayerischen
Akademie derWissenschaften. bei derC. H. Beck'sehenVerlagsbuch-
In Kommission
handlung Mnchen 1969.L-681 S. und4 Tafel(mitZitateundSach-undPersonen-
index(S. 661-681).DM 92,-.
MagniOperaOmnia
Alberti , Tomus VII,ParsI (huius numerus
editionis currens8): De anima.
EdiditClemens stroicko.m.i. 1969;XXIIund284 Seiten.Einzelpreis: 146.- DM,
Halbleder158- DM, Halbpergament 162- DM. Subskrip4pnspreis : brosch.132-
DM, Halbleder142- DM, Halbpergament 146- DM. VerlagAschendorff Mnster.
DieserBandisteinBestandteildesgrossen Kommentars Alberts_zusmtlichenSchriften
vondemderMetaphysik-
desAristoteles, Kommentar als BandXVIbereits erschienen
zudenbisherigen
ist.ImUnterschied Druckausgaben diesesWerkes istindieserAusgabe
dievonAlbert benutzte
lteregriechisch-lateinischeUebersetzung hinzugefgtworden.
DiesevonManuelAlonsonurnacheinigen Handschriften edierteUebersetzung wurde
frdie vorliegende
Ausgabe unter Benutzung weiterer Handschriften neu bearbeitet.
Der Inhaltdes Kommentars ist besonders deshalbvon Bedeutung, weilhierbereits
Stellunggenommen wirdzu der abweichenden Interpretationder arabischen Philo-
sophen, in
insbesondere der Frage nach der Einheit des die
Intellekts, den
erstMji 60er
Jahrendes 13. Jahrhunderts die Geister erregte und zum lateinischenAverroismus
fhrte.
Alberti
MagniOpera Omnia, TomusXIV i . SanctidoctorisecclesiaeAlbertiMagniordinis
operaomniaadfidem
praedicatorum codicum manuscriptorum edenda,apparatu critico,
notis,prolegomenis,indieibusinstruenda curavitInsti
tutum AlbertiMagniColoniense
BernhardoGeyer praeside.
TomusXIV, ParsI, Fase. 1: SuperEthica.Commentum et quaestiones.Treslibros
prioresprimm ediditWilhelmus kuebel. Mnster, Aschendorff,1968. XIV und
219 Seiten.Einzelpreis: brosch:11- DM. Subskriptionspreis: brosch:100- DM.
Der BandXIV der EditioColoniensis enthltdenzu Beginnderfnfziger Jahredes
XIII. Jahrhundertsin Klnverfassten undbisherungedruckten Kommentar Alberts
zurNikomachischen EthikdesAristoteles. Zunchst erscheinen diedreierstenBcher.
DemTextdes Kommentars istin einembesonderen Apparat die vonAlbertbenutzte
Uebersetzungdes RobertGrosseteste beigegeben, die im Text durchKursivdruck
hervorgehobenist.DieserKommentar unterscheidetsichvonder grossenAristoteles-
dadurch,
paraphrase dasser nicht nur einenTextkommentar in strengem Sinnebietet,
sondernauchmitzahlreichen Quaestionen den Inhalterlutert undmitderchrist-
lichenEthikin Beziehung setzt.Da er derersteKommentar Mittel-
des lateinischen
alterszurNikomachischen Ethikdes Aristoteles ist,stellter einenwichtigen Beitrag
zur Frageder Aristotelesrezeption dar. Der Bandist nurbroschiert denn
lieferbar,
sollmitdemnochfolgenden
dieserFaszikel 2. Faszikel(derdieBcher 4 und5 enthlt)
denerstenHalbband desBandesXIVbilden.Das Titelblatt frdiesenHalbband sowie
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80

11:47:29 AM
 Le latin mdival et la des chartes*
langue

JACQUES MONFRIN

historiensdu Moyen ge, moins qu'ils ne soient spcialiss dans

Les les poques les plus tardives de cette priode, vivent parmi les
chartes latines. Mais ils sont plus attentifsau contenu qu' la
forme. Il leur importe de connatre les faits qui sont rapports, les
circonstances qui ont entour ces faits, les institutionsdont chaque
affaireparticulire rvle le fonctionnement.La langue, en tant que
telle, ne les intressepas directement; s'ils sont amens l'examiner,
c'est pour des raisonsqui restenten dehorsdu domainede la linguistique.
Elle est pour eux un lment de critique, parmi d'autres, comme
l'aspect de l'criture, la qualit et la formedu parchemin,la disposition
du sceau, et bien d'autres dtails. La graphie,dans ses menues particula-
rits, la grammaire,le vocabulaire, le rhytmedes phrases d'un acte
sont-ils en accord avec les usages que l'on remarque dans les autres
pices certainementmanes de la chancelleriedont il prtendsortir,cet
acte est authentique et directementutilisable pour l'histoire; si, au
contraire,les discordancesdominent,il y a des chances pour qu'il soit
faux.
En revanche,ceux qui, comme la plupartd'entre nous, s'intressent
d'abord l'histoire de la langue latine au Moyen ge n'ont pas t
souvent tents d'examiner ces petits textes dont le formalisme,le
manque de varit les rebute, non sans quelque raison.
A y regarderde plus prs, ils constituentpourtantune source de

* Texted'uneconfrence donne enfvrier 1970 l'Instituut de l'Universit

voorLaatLatijn
d'Utrecht.
Jetiens direicitoutce quecetexpos doitauxpublicationsdeMM.Cl. Brunei, Lelatindes
, dansRevue
chartes destudes t. 3 (192s); A. J.Fridh,
latines, etformules
Terminologie dans lesVariae
deCassiodorc,Stockholm, Kaiser
1956;P. Classen, undKnigsurkunde
reskript , dansArchiv
frDiploma-
, i (19ss) et2 (19^6); H.Fichtenau,
tik Arenga, Graz-Kln, desInstituts
19^7{Mitt, fursterreichische
, Ergnzungsband
Geschichtsforschung XVIII),et,d'unemanire auxtravaux
gnrale, de monre-
grett maitre GeorgesTessier.
8l

11:45:45 AM
renseignementsfort apprciable. Tout d'abord, partirdu moment o
le choix de la langue est libre, ce qui se produit lorsque les rdacteurs
d'actes ont leur disposition une langue vulgaire ct du latin, et
lorsque les rgles institutionnelleset juridiques ne leur interdisentpas
l'emploi de cette langue vulgaire,le recours au latin est l'indice d'une
certaine vitalit de cette langue dans le milieu o ils vivent. Or, nous
savons au fond assez mal la connaissance relle du latin que pouvaient
avoir certainsmilieux mdivaux.
La qualit du latin employnous donne une information supplmen-
taire. Comme les chartes ont l'avantage d'tre, par nature, dates et
localises, les formes, les tours et les mots que l'on y relve peuvent
tre situs exactement dans le temps et dans l'espace; ils constituent
donc des matriauxde choix pour l'histoire de la langue. Nous arrivons
une prcision que les textes littrairesne permettentpas toujours. De
plus, ce matriel est immense. Dans la plupart des cas, nous avons plus
de documentsqu'avant longtempson ne pourra en tudier; cela n'em-
pche d'ailleurs que dans certainssecteursprcis, et il fautbien le dire,
des secteurscruciaux, la documentation se faitrare. Elle n'est pourtant
jamais totalementabsente.
Comme ceux de tout texte crit, les rdacteursde chartes,ou plus
gnralementd'actes, utilisentdes mots qu'ils disposentdans une forme,
une structuregnrale. Je traiteraisparment i) de la structuregn-
rale des actes et de leur style,de la forme.J'essaieraide montrerque les
chartes constituentune sorte de genre littraire,mineur si l'on veut,
mais traditionnel,car il est li celui de Vepistolalatine, et de suivre,au
cours du Moyen ge, l'histoire de ce genre legu par l'antiquit comme
presque tous les autresgenreslittrairesmdivaux; 2) du vocubulaire.
Etant donn dans bien des cas la nouveaut des choses signifies,le
matriel lexical legu par l'antiquit a subi des remaniementstels que
son analysene peut plus tre conduite comme une tude de tradition.

Si l'on embrassed'un regardd'ensemble les milliersd'actes que nous a

laisss le Moyen ge, des originesau XVe sicle, on s'aperoit que, du
point de vue de la forme,ces actes se distribuenten deux types. Les uns
ont une allure subjectiveet sont rdigs la premirepersonne,du type
"Talis, Dei gratia Francorum rex. . . mandamus" ou "Ego talis notum
faci quod vendidi"; les autres, moins nombreux et d'un usage limit
dans le temps, se prsententsous la forme objective et sont rdigs
la troisimepersonne: "Notum sit omnibusquod talis fecit". En remon-
tantaux origines,on s'aperoit que les Romains de la Sptantikeconnais-
82

11:45:45 AM
saientces deux typesd'actes et que, dansles grandeslignes,leur structure
taitdj peu prs ce qu'elle est au Moyen ge.
Je n'insisteraigure, parlantde la forme,sur les actes de rdaction
objective que les diplomatistesappellent "notices", assez frquentsdans
les premiers sicles du Moyen ge, parce qu'ils sont souvent extrme-
ment secs et se bornent narrer un fait ayant des consquences
juridiques. Ils ne deviennent intressantspour nous que lorsqu'ils
empruntent l'autre catgorie, dont nous allons parler dans un instant,
quelques-unes de ses parties. Plus tard, sous la plume des notaires du
XHIe sicle et des sicles suivants,apparaissentdes actes galementen
formeobjective. Leur rdaction obit des rgles si prcises qu'ils ne
peuventdonner lieu qu' des observationsmineures.
En revanche,nous aurons une large moisson d'observations faire
sur les documentsrdigs la premirepersonne. Vous connaissezleur
dispositiongnrale, dont je rappelle trs brivementl'essentiel, tant
entendu que l'un ou l'autre des lments qui vont tre numrs
peuvent manquer. On trouve d'abord le nom de la personne de qui
mane l'acte (la souscription): "Ego talis" suivi du nom de celle
laquelle il est adress: 'tali' (l'adresse) et d'une formule de salut:
'salutem'. Vient aprs ce que les diplomatistesappellentun prambule,
c'est--dire une ou plusieurs phrases, exprimant une vrit gnrale
d'ordre moral, qui trouveou est cense trouverson applicationdans les
dispositions prises: du type par exemple "Il est bon d'acqurir des
biens spirituelsqui ne prirontpas au moyen de biens matrielsdont la
mort nous spare 'ou bjen' Le bon ordre d'un royaumefait la gloire
d'un prince".
On arrive souvent ensuite directement l'nonc des dispositions
prises: dans le premiercas : "Par consquentje donne tel tablissement
religieux,dont les moines prierontpour moi, telle terre", ou bien, dans
le second cas "J'ai donc prescritde porter remde tel ou tel abus".
Souvent s'intercale entre les deux lments un troisime, qui expose
l'occasion et les raisons de la mesure: par exemple - je prends notre
deuxime cas, celui du royaumeordonn - "On m'a rapport que les
officiersde telle provincese livrent des abus".
L'acte peut tre complt par des formulesgarantissant l'excution
des dispositionsou menaantles contrevenants.Il se termine,du moins
en principe,par une date de tempset de lieu.

Cette architectureest, dans ses grandes lignes, inspire par des rgles
qui ont pris corps bien avant la chute de l'empire romain,rgles appli-
3

11:45:45 AM
ques la rdaction des lettres prives, aussi bien qu'aux actes des
empereurs, qui se prsententla plupart du temps comme une lettre
adresse un fonctionnairecharg d'excuter la volont du prince.
1) Souscription,adresse, salut.
Nous les trouvonspartout. Il suffitd'ouvrir n'importe quel recueil de
lettresde Cicron ou de Pline: "Marcus Quinto fratrisalutem".
2) Prambule.
La ncessit de ne pas commencer sans un exorde ressortit la fois la
rhtoriqueet la philosophiepolitique et morale.
Les rgles de la rhtorique,telles qu'elles ont t dgages par les
Grecs de l'poque hellniste,puis par les Romains, indiquaientque tout
discours, toute lettre devait dbuter par quelques propos destins
frapperet retenirl'attention et la bienveillance des auditeursou du
destinataire: c'est la "captatio benevolentiae", fondementde toute la
topique de l' exorde. L'une des ides les plus souventexploites est celle
du sentimentd'insuffisanceque ressentcelui qui prend la parole ou, la
plume, sentimentsincre ou non: ce qui est modration chez les uns
peut tre habilitchez les autres.
Les philosophespartentd'un autre point de vue, que Platon, par
exemple, dveloppe dans les Lois: le souverain ne doit pas imposer sa
volont par la force, mais par la persuasion. Il ne doit donc pas formuler
ses volontsex abrupto , mais, dans un prologue, exposer la ncessitet la
justesse des mesures prises. Cette manire de prsenterles choses est
aussi celle de la prdicationmoralisantedes Stociens.
L'usage du prambule est constantds qu'une lettre a un certain
caractrede solennitet adopte un stylesoutenu. Dans la correspondance
de Cicron, aussi bien parmi les lettres expdies par lui que parmi
celles qu'il recevait de ses correspondants, les prambules sont fr-
quents. Mais, ce qui situe bien le niveau du styledans lequel ils sont de
rgle, c'est que, lorsque le grandorateur crit son frreQuintus ou
son ami Atticus,lettresfamilires,il n'use jamais d'un pareil procd.
En revanche, la chancellerieimpriale, dans les dernierssicles de
l'Empire, s'en sert systmatiquement:elle a de manire dfinitive
adopt le style noble, impos dsormais pour longtemps aux actes
mdivaux. L'empereur n'en vient jamais au fait: il commence par
exprimer une vrit gnrale, le plus souvent de caractre moral, qui
n'a pas de rapportavec le contenude la lettre,mais y conduit.
Il conviendraitsans doute de nuancerces indicationstrs gnrales,
mais je n'insiste pas. L'tude de M. Fichtenau, en mme temps qu'elle
fournitde nombreux exemples de cette pratique, en retrace l'histoire

84

11:45:45 AM
avec une grande pntration. On pourrait, propos de la Narratio ,
l'expos du faitqui donne lieu la rdactionet l'expdition de la lettre,
puis de la partie principale, dcision ou ordre du prince, requte du
sujet, faire des observationsparallles. Sur ces deux points, il est bien
clair que nous ne trouvonspas normalement,dans la lettre prive, la
mme rgularitque dansles documentsissusdes bureauxde l'empereur.
En revanche, la date apparat dans les unes aussi bien que dans les
autres.
Il n'est pas tonnantque les chancelleriesde l'antiquit aient suivi
les rgles de l'Ecole. Elles employaient souvent des rhteurs qui
appliquaient les rgles de leur art, comme les chancelleries du Moyen
ge emploierontles clercs; et il me semble voir un air de familleentre
tous ces plumitifs gage.
Ds qu'elle futorganisede manireun peu complexe, l'glise chr-
tienne prit modle sur l'administrationcivile, et nous voyons les papes
couler l'expression de leur volont dans les mmes moules que les
empereurs. On peut donc dire que, vers la finde l'antiquit, les faits
sont assez nets et rvlentune pratique bien entre dans les moeurs. La
lettreofficielle,civile ou ecclsiastique,estune formeun peu particulire,
solennelle et sans abandon, de Vepistolalatine, et soumise, comme elle,
aux principes de la rhtorique.
Pour les actes privs le problme est un peu diffrent.Les formu-
laires tablis par les juristes proposent, mme si le contrata la forme
d'une epistola, des mises en formetrs spciales. Il y a l un problme
qu'il n'est pas ncessaire de traiterdans l'expos gnral que je tente
aujourd'hui.

Ce qui a t dit jusqu'ici fait donc apparatreque, dans sa structure,la

chartemdivale est l'hritiredes actes publics et des lettresde l'anti-
quit. La discussionque les diplomatistesont introduitesur ce point, se
demandantdans quelle mesure les actes du haut Moyen ge reprsen-
taientbien la traditionromaine, ne nous concerne gure: car ce qu'ils
ont en vue est la porte juridique des actes. Je crois que du point de vue
de la forme,tout le monde est d'accord pour trancherdans le sens de la
continuit.
Elle se rvle aussi dans les dtails de rdaction et de style. Voici
quelques exemples. Lorsqu'un acte est adress une personne dter-
mine, ce qui est le cas le plus habituel, on la nomme dans la formule
initiale. Mais il parat peu courtois de la dsigner seulement par son
nom, ou par le pronom tu ou vos, dans le texte: on utilisera, en lui

8*

11:45:45 AM
parlant, des tours du typeJraternitas tua, excellentiatua, etc. Tradition
qui veut que Ton dise aujourd'hui sa majestaux souverains,sonexcellence
un ministre,et son eminence un cardinal de 1'Eglise romaine. Vous
verrez par quelques indicationsqui vont suivre que cette habitude est
fortancienne. Le processus qui a abouti ces formuless'est pratique-
ment tout entier droul au cours de l'antiquit.
Au dpart, on dsigne la personne dont on parle ou qui Ton parle
par un mot abstrait.Les exemples sont nombreuxchez les comiques, et
restentfrquentschaque foisqu'un auteur veut donnerun tour vif son
discours: "Sed eccam ipsa egreditur nostri fundi calamitas", dit un
personnagede VEunuquede Trence, lorsqu'il voit apparatreune jeune
personne trop habile dpenser les deniers de son soupirant. Dans un
autre registre,celui de l'lgie amoureuse, l'amant dira de son amante
"Amormeus , Mea amoenitas, Dilectiomea". L'objet aim est dsignpar le
nom du sentimentqu'il fait prouver, et le pronom possessifsouligne
que ce sentimentest prouv par celui qui parle. Enfin,celui qui crit
peut dsignerson correspondant(ou celui qui parle son interlocuteur)
par le nom d'une qualit qui le distingueparticulirement: "Majestas
tua" dit Horace, "Tua pietas" dit Pline en s'adressant l'empereur.
Ce dernier usage finitpar contaminerle prcdent: tuusest alors
employ dans tous les cas, si bien que l'on en vient dire parlant une
personne,Dilectiotua, Amoenitas tua. Et nous arrivonsau tour si frquent
au Moyen ge.
On pourraitclasserles appellatifsde ce type,tels qu'ils apparaissent
dans les chartes,en trois catgories:
1) Qualit que possde le correspondant:Sanctitas , Beatitudotua, Prden-
tia tua. C'est le tour Majestastua.
2) Qualit qui situe le correspondantpar rapport celui qui parle:
Fraternitas tua.
3) Sentiment que le correspondantfait prouver celui qui parle:
Reverentia tua, Dilectiotua. Au dpart, le possessiftait la premire
personne et insistaitsur le sentimentprouv par l'crivain (c'est le
tour Amormeus), ensuite, la seconde personne, il souligne comme
l'manation qui sort de la personnede l'interlocuteur.
Dans l'pistolographie chrtienne des premiers sicles, nous
assistons une floraisonde ces appellatifs: Benignitas , Dignatio, Gravitas
,
Prudenti a, Pietas, Amplitudo D
, ignitas, Excellentia.
L'esprit crmonieuxet formalistede la cour de Constantinopleet
de celle de Ravenne s'empara de ces dsignationset les codifia: on eut
toute la srie des titulaturesrservesau souverain: Aequitasy dementia;
86

11:45:45 AM
 , Gloria, Mansuetudo
Excellentia , Pietas; celle des grands personnages
ecclsiastiques: Beatitudo, Sanctitas; celle des grands personnages
laques: Celsitudo, Eminentia, Magnicentia ; on eut aussi les titres
rservsaus infrieurs:Devotio ; puis les simples
, Diligentia, Experientia
titresde courtoisie: Fraternitas, Gratia, Potestas, Prudentia.
Le latin mdival puisera abondamment cette source en boule-
versantsans doute le schma qui vientd'tre esquiss; mais au fondil ne
feraqu'amnagerune situationacquise.
Prenons au hasard un autre secteur, celui des verbes d'ordre, si
frquentsdans les actes publics. Le Bas-empireutilisaitdj avec prdi-
lection les tours que nous trouverons si souvent du type censemus
destinandum jubemus,volemus
, decernimus, . On pourraitsouligneraussi cette
politesse affecte qui se traduit par tant de prcautions: l'enveloppe-
ment, par des priphrases nombreuses, des formules attnues, de
l'expression d'une volont sans appel; puis le souci d'viter la forme
subjective: l'crivainne s'introduitque le plus tardpossible.
Enfin,il faut bien rappeler ce fait si connu: c'est pendant la fin
de l'antiquit que se sont tablies les rgles du cursusqui prconisent,
pour les finsde phrases,certainesalternancesde syllabesaccentues et de
syllabesatones, concidantavec une dispositionparticulirede la coupe
des mots, rythme intensifqui avait remplac le rythme tonal des
clausules classiques.

Lorsque les bouleversementsdu IVe et du Ve sicle eurent ruin l'em-

pire romain,les principesanciensne furentpas pour autantabandonns.
Diverses circonstances,d'ailleurs, en favorisrentla survie. En premier
lieu, je l'ai dj dit, le stylede chancelleriedes empereurset des hauts
fonctionnairesavait t adopt par les papes et les vques. Et comme
les structuresde l'administrationecclsiastique se maintinrentau milieu
des royaumesbarbareset continurent fonctionner,elles perpturent
les anciennes rgles de l'art d'crire: nous ne faisons l que relever
l'application un cas particulierd'un fait trs gnral et bien connu,
mme si la discussionsubsistesur quelques modalits,en particuliersur
le possible maintien, au Vile sicle, de quelques bureaux d'criture
lacs. D'autre part, le hasard voulut que le souverain ostrogothTho-
dorie, install Ravenne, et qui avait acquis une sorte d'hgmonie au
moins morale sur les autres rois barbares, s'assura les services, pour
rdigeret expdier ses lettres,d'un homme qui mit tous ses soins les
bien tourner, l'instar de la chancellerieimpriale, Cassiodore, et que
cet homme eut l'ide de runirles meilleurschantillonsde son savoir

11:45:45 AM
fairedans un vaste recueil de lettres,les Variae, qui jouit aussittd'une
grandediffusionet fututilis comme modle.
Ainsi nous sommes, avec la langue des chartes,en pleine tradition
romaine: l'art de les crire faitpartie du legs de l'antiquit, au mme
titreque tantd'autres habitudesintellectuelles.

Comment cette traditiona-t-elle t perptue au Moyen ge? C'est ce

que nous allons maintenantexaminer, en considrant la fois les pro-
blmes relatifs la structuregnrale des documents et ceux qui con-
cernent les faitsgrammaticaux.
Je rappelle que, lorsqu'on s'intresse particulirement ces der-
niers,au dtail de la graphie,de la morphologieet de la syntaxe,il est de
bonne mthode de ne fonderl'tude que sur les documentsoriginaux,
les copies tant suspectes d'altrations (en fait il s'agirait plutt ici de
corrections) de toute sorte. Les romanistesconsidrent depuis long-
temps les chartes comme d'excellents tmoins, dats et localiss, des
formes de la langue; les germanisteset les anglicistes aussi. Ils ont
fortementinsist, surtoutdepuis quelques annes, sur la dfiancequ'il
convient d'avoir l'gard des copies. Peut-tre d'ailleurs sont-ilsalls
un peu trop loin. Les originauxsont souventl'aboutissementde proc-
dures complexes, qui altrent le caractre immdiat de leur criture.
D'autre part, certains cartulaires, compils une date de bien peu
postrieure aux actes qu'ils runissent,offrentde ceux-ci des textes
qui mritenttoute confiance.Je pense au magnifiquecartulairede l'ab-
baye de Sainte-Foi de Conques, en Rouergue, ou ces recueils o les
Templiers des diversescommanderiesdu Midi de la France recueillirent
les titresde leurs possessions. C'est une affairede cas d'espce, et une
tude diplomatique et critique doit, dans tous les cas, prcder le
dpouillement linguistique1 .
Cette rserve de mthode faite, il suffirade dessiner grands
traits l'volution du latin des chartes, parce que l'histoire de cette
traditiona t mainte fois tudie. Je voudrais toutefoissoulignerplus
fortementqu'on ne le faitparfoisqu'elle parat solidaire du fluxet du
refluxgnral de la culture au cours du Moyen ge et se diversifie la
foissuivantle temps et le lieu.
L'poque mrovingiennea la fcheuse rputationd'tre l'un des
points extrmesdu reflux.Les choses sont sans doute un peu plus com-

1 J.Monfrin,LeModedetradition
desactes etlestudes
crits dansRevue
dedialectologie deLinguistique
Romane
, t. 32(1968).
88

11:45:45 AM
plexes. Toutes les tudes conduites sur la cinquantaine d'originaux
qui s'chelonnent entre 629 et 750, de Clotaire II Ppin, Maire du
Palais, ont en effett conduites par des romanistesqui se sont surtout
attachs dpister les traits qui annoncent ou mme attestent les
volutionsromanes.A les voir du point de vue de la traditionlittraireet
stylistiquede Vepistola , on s'aperoit qu'elles sont fidlesaux modles
antiques: le prambule est particulirementsoign et dveloppe des
considrationsmorales dans la traditionimpriale. J'empruntel'exem-
ple suivant l'ouvrage de M. Fichtenau: Thodose II avait crit, en
449 : "Boni principiscura vel primavel maxima est, quietem provincia-
lium propitia sollicitius mente tractare, quibus quanto plus fuerit
humanitatisinpensum,tantoproniusamor devotionisincumbit".
Clotaire II reprend,vers la findu Vie sicle: "Usus est clementiae
principalis nicessitatem provincialium vel subjectorum sibi omnium
populorum provida sollecicius mente tractare et pro quiete eorum
quaecumque juste sunt observanda indita in titulis constitutionecon-
scribere,quibus quantumplus fueritjustitiaeadque integritatis inpensum,
tanto proniusamor divutionisincumbit".
M. Fichtenau, qui rapproche les deux textes, souligne une modi-
ficationintressante: humanitasa t remplac par justitiaet integritas :
le vieux concept antique de l'humain,de l'humanismepeut-tre,dispa-
rat devantdes vertusplus prcises, antiques aussi, mais adoptes par le
christianisme.De plus, humanitas , vid de son sens ancien, tendaitalors
prendre un sens concret et dsigner l'hospitalit ou les prestations
dues aux officiersroyaux en mission; les thologiensd'autre part s'en
servaientpour dsignerl'un des aspects de la natureou l'une des natures
du Christ. Il n'tait pas sa place ici. On pourraitrpterbien des fois
l'preuve et la faire,non plus sur le prambule, mais sur la structurede
l'expos ou du dispositif.On constateraitque les formulesse dvelop-
pent, s'accumulent, mais se renouvellentpeu. Elargie aux textes trans-
mis dans de bonnes conditionspar des copies, et aux textesdes formulai-
res, recueils de modles prparspour aider les scribes de chancellerie
dans leur travail, l'tude donne, de faon constante, des rsultats
analogues.
Il faut toutefoissouligner un aspect important,c'est le manque
d'homognit de la tenue littrairedes documents. Parfois quelques
lignesbien venues, o l'on sent l'exprience des crivainsde chancelle-
rie du Bas-empire,sont brusquementsuivies de phrases effroyablement
-
gauches les choses vont mme si loin parfoisque l'ensemble n'a gure
de lien -, comme si les rdacteursavaient insr dans leur prose incer-

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taine des restes d'antiques formulesmutiles au point qu'assurmentni
eux ni leurs lecteursne pouvaientles comprendre.
Si, examinantmaintenantnon plus la structure,mais le dtail de la
grammaire,nous prenons 1'ensemble des faitset non pas seulementles
'fautes', nous constatonsque cette langue est, elle aussi, un mlange de
traditions et d'innovations. Tout compte fait, les conclusions sont
singulirementsemblables celles que l'on tire de l'tude de Grgoire
de Tours, de Frdgaire,de la correspondanced'Avitus ou de Didier de
Cahors. Dsir de fidlit la traditionantique, maladressedans l'utili-
sation des lments de culture transmis,exagrationset incohrence
d'hommes qui connaissaientles procds rhtoriques,mais qui n'ont pas
hrit en mme temps du sens littrairencessaire pour les bien em-
ployer, parce qu'ils sont isols dans une socit devenue trangre ces
raffinements,parfois gauchissements conscients de la tradition: le
remplacementhumanitasen est un exemple, et peut-treun symbole.
Au niveau du dtail de la langue, incertitudequi laisse s'infiltrerde
nombreuxvulgarismes.
On sait comment les choses changrentau temps de Charlemagne
et qu'en deux-tiers de sicle, des environsde 780 850, la vie intellec-
tuelle fitde tels progrs que l'on parle courammentde Renaissance.
Les actes diplomatiques bnficirentde l'impulsion donne par le
souverainaux tudes; l'assez grand nombre de pices conserves,pour
une priode qui s'tend encore sur tout le IXe sicle, dontla rpartition
gographiqueest un peu meilleure qu'aux ges prcdents,devraitper-
mettre des analyses plus fines que celles qui ont t conduites pour
l'poque mrovingienne:le travailattendencore des ouvriers.
Les tudes dj faites montrentquand mme avec quel retard la
rforme carolingienne exera ses fruits: l'installation dfinitiveau
Palais des premiers matres trangers,Paul Diacre et Alcuin, date de
782. Or, c'est seulementau dbut du rgnede Louis le Pieux, vers 818-
820, que la langue des prceptes impriauxest vraimentpure et sre
d'elle mme. Il a fallu prs d'une quarantaine d'annes pour que le
travaildes rformateurspasse dans les faits. L'activit prcoce du petit
cercle littrairede la cour masque parfoiscette ralitsociale.
L'ordonnance gnrale de Vepistola,prambule, expos, formules
impratives,change peu et sur des points importantspour les diploma-
tistes,sans doute, mais ngligeablespour nous. Les anciennes formules
sont remplaces, la chancellerie de Louis le Pieux, par de nouvelles,
plus claires et mieux ordonnes; sous Charles le Chauve (840-877)
quelques notaires, Vmancipant dans une certainemesure des modles
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traditionnels,se sont appliqus soigner la langue en choisissantleurs
mots et leurs expressionsnon sans tomber parfoisdans l'artifice et la
prciosit, et imposer leur style,grce un judicieux quilibre des
propositions,une allure oratoire et priodique" (G. Tessier).
Malheureusementnous manque encore 1'tude qui feraitapparatre
comment s'est fait le renouvellementdes formules,et quelle source,
au cours de leur travailrdactionnel,les notairesont puis. Jepense que
le recueil des Variaede Cassiodore, ceux des lettresdes papes Lon et
Grgoireont d grandementles aider : mais tout cela serait vrifier.Il
ne faudraitpas sparer d'ailleurs l'tude des actes de celle des lettres:
certainsl'ont si bien senti qu'ils ont suggr, tort sans doute, que le
recueil de la correspondance de Loup de Ferrires aurait pu tre
constituavec l'ide de servirde formulaire.
Je n'ai parl jusqu'ici que des documents mans de la cour. On
commence, surtout lorsqu'on arrive vers la fin du IXe sicle, avoir
quelques textes provenantdes diversespartiesde l'empire, et pouvoir
suivre ainsi le rayonnementde l'oeuvre carolingienne. Publiant les
diplmes d'Eudes, roi de France (888-898), mon collgue et ami,
M. Robert-Henri Bautier a cru remarquer que certains passages des
actes du souverain sont calqus sur les requtes prsentes par des
intresssoriginairesde la Septimanie et de la Marche d'Espagne. On
voit alors apparatreau milieu d'un texte correct, sinonais, des phrases
qui ne dpareraientpas un diplme du Vile sicle : "Monasteriiqui est
situs"; "vergit a villa Paulus vel ad ipsos stagniosusque ad proedicto
gradu". L'instituteurcarolingienn'est visiblementpas pass par l.
Un travail trs suggestifet qui n'a ma connaissance jamais t
entreprisde ce point de vue consisterait rassemblertous les textes
diplomatiquesdu IXe sicle et en tudier la latinit: nous mesurerions
ainsi le rle qu'ont pu jouer pour l'puration de la langue et l'amliora-
tion de la rdactiondes centreslittrairesactifscomme Tours, Angers,
Orlans, Lyon.
De-ci de-l, nous aurions mme une vue sur les rgions plus
recules: je pense par exemple Tassez belle srie des chartesdu IXe
sicle conserves aux archives de Rodez, au milieu des montagnesdu
Tagusruthenicus , sur les contrefortsmridionauxdu Massifcentral.
C'est en tout cas dans cette voie qu'il faudrarsoluments'engager
ds que l'on abordera l'tude des Xe et Xle sicles. Le matriel est
abondantet assez bien rparti. On peut esprer en disposer commod-
ment, lorsque les recueils de pices originalesantrieuresau Xlle sicle
serontrunis Nancy pour la France du Nord, par les soins de M. Jean

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Schneider, Toulouse pour le Midi par ceux de M. Philippe Wolff.
La prsentationgnrale reste fidleaux deux types: lettre(charte)
et relation impersonnelle des faits (notice). Le second est en nette
croissance et sa pauvretrdactionnellenous engage le laisserde ct.
Une certaine libert dans la rdactiondes prambules,des exposs, des
clauses excutivesou comminatoires(menaces contre les contrevenants)
rendentles chartesplus savoureuseset plus significatives. Y a-t-ilconci-
dence ou discordance avec la carte des centres littraires?Je ne peux
qu'essayer de vous livrer une impressiond'ensemble. En Lotharingie,
dans la rgion de Reims (avec Flodoard, Gerbert et Richer), autour de
Fleury (avec Abbon et Thierry),dans la valle de la Loire (avec Fulbert
et Yves de Chartres),en Normandie (avec Lanfranc,au Bec-Hellouin) la
bonne qualit des chartes est en harmonie avec ce que nous savons de
l'activit des coles.
L'influencede ces derniresparatprofonde,et il n'est pas douteux
qu'elles mettent en circulation un assez grand nombre d'hommes
capables de tenir honorablementla plume. Un exemple privilgi est
fournipar l'tude des chartesde Cluny,fondeen 9 10. Dans les premiers
temps de la fondationdu comte Guillaume, cette rgion n'avait pas t
touche par la rformecarolingienneou au moins les effetsn'en avaient
t que passagers: les documents, rdaction et langue, sont d'une
barbarie effroyable,comparables aux pires spcimens mrovingiens,
avec en moins les souvenirsincohrentspeut-tre,mais bien reconnais-
sables, de la traditionantique qu'avaient conserve ces derniers. Les
philologues y ont puis, sans beaucoup de systmemalheureusement,
quelques indicationssur la chronologie de faitsromans (par exemple la
chute des dentalest, d intervocaliques),mais l'tude autrefoistentepar
Marc Morel (thse de l'Ecole des chartes, 19 14), jamais publie, proba-
blementperdue, devraittre reprisede fonden comble.
Ce n'est que trs lentementque les actes reprennentforme, au
cours du Xle sicle et au Xlle, soulignantd'une manire trs suggestive
qu' Cluny on n'avait jamais vu dans l'activit littraireautre chose
qu'un moyen. Il faudraattendrele temps de Pierre le Vnrable, pour
que la situationsoit rtablie.
Dans le Midi aquitain, qui au Sud de Saint-Martialde Limoges et
Saint-Cybardd'Angoulme parat un dsert intellectuel, les choses ne
sont pas plus brillantes.Tel sermentde fidlitprt vers 98 Isarn,
vicomte de Lautrec, par Frotaire, vque d'Albi, en Languedoc, est
peine intelligible."De istahora in antea non decebra Froteriusepiscopus,
filius Ermendructae, Isarno, filio Rangardae, de sua vita ni de sua

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membra,quae in suum corpus porttper quae o perda, ni non enganera
sua persona suo damno, suo sciente".
Nous sommes l mi-cheminentre le latin et la langue vulgaire.
Les rdacteurs vont jusqu' employer cette dernire au milieu des
phraseslatines, quand leur ignorancene leur permettaitpas d'exprimer
autrementleur pense. M. Brunei a publi quelques actes de ce typeau
dbut de son recueil Lesplus ancienneschartesen langueprovenale.
Ils sont
dats des environsde 1030. Des raisonsde caractreformel- en parti-
culier le souci de consignerun sermentdans les termes mmes o il a
t prononc (Nitharda peut-treeu une ractionanalogue en transcri-
vant les rdactions vulgaires des Serments de Strasbourg) - ont pu
jouer. Mais l'ignorance a eu une large part: "Breve memorabiledes mas
del Pug . . . que compred AgambertGauda ad alo ... et post ec istum
mansum supradictum comparavit.. . w. On est videmment dans un
milieu o la connaissancedu latin se perd. Et c'est ainsi que la langue
vulgairese rpanditdans les actes mridionaux,en Rouergue, en Langue-
doc surtout,au Xlle sicle.

Mais tandisque de grandsterritoiressont en traind'tre perdus pour le

latin,les rgionso la traditiondes coles carolingiennesrestefortement
implante, Italie du Nord (Milan, Pavie, Ravenne, Florence, Bologne)
plus tard l'Allemagne et la Lotharingie,continuent travaillersur les
mthodesde rdactiondes lettres.Le dveloppementet la rgularisation
des institutionsroyales et seigneurialesexige un personnelbien form,
susceptible d'tablir rapidementdes pices claires et correctes. Vars
dietaminis, produit de la Renaissance du Xlle sicle, va l'en rendre
capable. Il s'agissait de formuler nouveau les rgles de rdaction qui
s'taient passablementobscurcies, en recourant une fois de plus aux
prceptes thoriques antiques, aux modles fournispar Cassiodore et
Grgoire le Grand, mais en utilisant aussi l'exprience des sicles
immdiatementprcdents. On retrouvale plan rigoureuxde l' epistola ,
avec ses diverses parties, l'arrangement euphonique des mots et des
priodes, le cursus; la languefutnaturellementpure.
Cette technique n'est qu'un aspect du grandmouvementlittraire
que vous connaissez bien. Jamais le latin des chartes n'a t aussi
proche de celui de la littrature. On trouveraitfacilementdans les
rgionsde haute culture quelques morceaux dignes de figurerdans une
anthologie littraire: l'quilibre est presque parfaitentre la prcision
technique et la sobre et ferme lgance de la forme. L encore une
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11:45:45 AM
tude plus fine ferait apparatre des divergences locales. Certaines
rgions,dans le Midi notamment,restent la trane.

Mais ce progrs contenaiten lui-mme un germe de mort. Une fois la

formule heureuse trouve, on fut tent de s'en resservir chaque
occasion, et la rdactionlibre et personnellefitplace une dpendancede
plus en plus grande l'gard d'un formulaireprtabli, qui offraitdes
modles appropris la naturede chaque acte. D'autre part, le dvelop-
pement des tudes juridiques amena les praticiensdu droit intervenir
de plus en plus dans l'tablissementde ces formules.Au souci de bien
dire se substitua,ou au moins s'ajouta, celui d'une efficacitjuridique
aussi parfaiteque possible; on arrive dans ces conditions des modes
d'expression tout faittechniques. Des partiesqui n'taient pas essen-
tielles, comme les prambules, si intressantspour nous, n'apparurent
plus que dans quelques catgories particulirementsolennelles d'actes.
De plus, dans tout le Midi de la France, puis peu peu dans le
Nord, la rdaction des actes fut confie des spcialistes,notaires et
tabellions, dont toute l'initiative du point de vue rdactionnelconsis-
tait choisir dans un manuel la formuleconvenable et la complteren
fonction des particularitsdu contrat. Les chancelleries des grands
fodaux et du roi de France s'enfermentaussi dans la routine.
La coupure avec la vie littraireest dsormaistotale. Il est bon de
rappeler que vers le mme momentune coupure semblable est en train
de se dessinerentre la langue de la thologie et de la philosophie,qui se
rduit une sorte d'algbre, et le latin traditionnel.Nous arrivons
l'ge des spcialisations.
Cela est si vrai que la renaissance des lettres antiques, au XVe
sicle, demeurapratiquementsans influence,en France, sur la rdaction
des actes. Assurmentquelques esprits de plus ou moins grande en-
vergure, employs la chancellerie royale, purent rdiger en latin
rnov avec soin et mme coquetterie quelques lettresd'Etat, mais il ne
s'agit plus ici de la langue des chartes. Les choses se passrentun peu
autrementen Italie, o l'humanismemarqua une empreinte plus pro-
fonde, et o c'est un Coluccio Salutati,par exemple, qui est chancelier
de Florence. De mme, la chancelleriepontificaleet, dans une certaine
mesure, la chancelleriede l'Empire. Mais ceci est une autre histoire.
Et nous ne pourrons que constater, au terme de celle que nous
venons d'essayer de narrer,que c'est juste au moment o l'acte latin a
conquis la perfectionde sa formeque quelques groupes commencent
l'abandonner, dans la France du Nord, au profitdu franais.Il se passe
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11:45:45 AM
l quelque chose de trs diffrentde ce que nous avons vu dans le Midi
o l'ignorance avait impos l'usage de la langue vulgaire. Elle est utili-
se, dans le Nord, la suite d'un choix dlibr. Si une preuve formelle
tait ncessaire, nous la trouverionsdans le fait que l'identit de main
tablit, dans un grand nombre de cas, que les mmes hommes usaient
indiffremment, et sans le moindre embarras, de l'une ou de l'autre
langue. Il serait videmmenttrs important,pour mesurerla vitalitdu
latin,de bien connatreles raisonsde ces choix. J'ai eu l'occasion de dire
ailleurs qu'elles ne m'apparaissaientpas nettement,malgr le grand
nombrede cas particuliersque j'ai examins. Probablementfaudrait-ilen
considrerinfiniment plus. Nous sommes obligs d'avouer que, pour le
moment,quelque chose nous chappe.
Donc, la languedes chartes,modele sur celle des lettreset actes du
Bas-empire,finit,aprs avoir pendant sept ou huit sicles, vcu sur les
traditionsde l'antiquit tardive,par acqurir, vers la findu XHe sicle,
une allure originale, mais en mme temps elle s'enfermaitdans les
troites limites d'une langue technique, abandonne un corps de
spcialistes.

J'ai indiqu en commenantque la question du vocabulaire des chartes

devait tre traite part1. Assurment,une notable partie de ce vocabu-
laire se trouvaitdj dansles textesdu Bas-empire.Il est peine besoin de
faire remarquer que ce n'tait dj plus le vocabulaire classique. Au
mouvementnaturel, aux modificationset l'enrichissementdus plu-
sieurs sicles d'usage s'ajoutent l'influencede la vie chrtienneet, dans
le secteur qui nous intresseici, celle de nouvelles conditionspolitiques
et sociales; les juristesnotamment,du 1erau Vie sicle, ont labor une
terminologieparticulire.
L'utilisation que font les rdacteurs de chartes de ce matriel
lexical peut s'inscrire dans l'histoire d'une tradition; comme la
structurede l'acte ou les formules,les mots passent de gnrationen
gnration,et l'on peut quelques fois valuer, grce leur prsence, le
niveau de formationde ceux qui les emploient. Mais ces mmes rdac-
teurs taient constammentamens dsigner des ralits nouvelles,
souvent trs spciales, structuressociales, institutions,produits de la
terre,faonsagricoles,mesuresde toute nature,pour lesquelles le latin,

1 Jemepermetsderenvoyer
auxquelques rflexions
quej'aiprsentes auColloque
surlesstructures
de1*
sociales duLanguedoc
Aquitaine, etdel'Espagne
aupremier , Apropos
gefodal duvocabulairedes
structures
sociales
duHaut ge, dansAnnales
Moyen duMidi
, t. 80(1968),pp.611-620.

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11:45:45 AM
mme tardif,ne fournissaitaucun terme appropri. Il ne peut tre ici
question de suivre une tradition; 1'innovationest indispensable. Cette
innovationconsiste,soit changerle sens d'un mot prexistant,soit en
adopter un nouveau.
Dans le premier cas, les difficultssont pour nous trs grandes: il
est souventextrmementdlicat de retrouverla ralit du Haut Moyen
ge derrirele mot des juristes romains. A l'incertitudedu vocabulaire
vient s'ajouter celle o nous nous trouvonsdevant bon nombre de ces
ralits. Les choses sont videmmentbeaucoup plus claires lorsque le
got classicisantou plutt le pdantismede certains rdacteursd'actes
transforme, par exemple, un comesen consul , ou un vicecomes en proconsul
.
Certains mots du latin de Cicron ont, d'ailleurs, sans aucune am-
bigut acquis droit de cit, avec un sens nouveau, dans la latinit
mdivale: milesdsigne videmmenttoujours un chevalier.
Dans les premiers sicles du Moyen ge, les mots nouveaux pro-
viennentsurtoutdes dialectes germaniquesparls par les envahisseurs.
Ils sont pour la plupart bien identifis. Certains ont t peu peu
liminsau furet mesure que la socit se transformait ; un plus grand
nombre sont passs dans la langue vulgaire et, par consquent, ont t
dfinitivementadopts.
Vers le Xle sicle, c'est par des empruntsaux languesromanesque
le vocabulaire s'accrot. Celles-ci sont dsormais parfaitementconsti-
tues et ont conquis leur autonomie. Et comme ceux qui tiennentla
plume sont tous bilingues,ils introduisentdans les textes latinsdes mots
de leur parler, en les affublantd'une terminaisonlatine; les exemples
sont nombreux,dans tous les pays romans.
Comme les ralitssontdiffrentes de sicle en sicle et de province
en province, nos documents ont un vocabulaire forthtrogne: nous
sommes d'entre de jeu avertisd'avoir tenircompte de la chronologie
et de la gographie. D'o de grandes difficults: les articles d'un
dictionnairealphabtique tant soit peu gnral ne permettentpas, si
bien informset si tudis soient-ils, de rgler les difficultsparticu-
lires que prsentent bien des mots techniques rencontrs dans les
chartes. On les rsoudra,ou au moins on les rsoudramoins mal par des
tudes consacres des groupes de mots bien dtermins: lexique de
l'agriculture, lexique des relations sociales, etc., considrs comme
un systme,dans une rgionet une poque donne.
En effet,les mots ne sont pas isols ; voquant chacun une notion
plus ou moins prcise, ils se dfinissentpar rapport au mot voisin; le
domaine de l'un cesse o commence celui de l'autre. Tel mot peut voir

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son sens modifi,restreintou largi suivantque tel autre faitpartie ou
non du systmeemploy. Il convientdonc de fairel'inventairedes mots
qui couvrentun champ conceptuel donn: par exemple pour ceux qui
dsignentle statutjuridique des individus,les travauxdes champs, les
mesures,etc. L'inventairene suffitd'ailleurs pas. Les conditionsd'em-
ploi, l'environnement,la frquence, le caractre usuel, banal ou, au
contraire, exceptionnel, doivent tre soigneusementnots. Il faudrait
dfiniravec soin la rgionet la priode que l'on veut tudier,de manire
qu'elle prsente priori le maximumd'unit.
Lorsqu'on pourra disposer, pour une poque donne, d'un
certain nombre de monographies, il sera intressant d'tablir des
cartes- cartes par mot (aire d'extension du mot avec ses sens) et cartes
par notion (mots utilissaux diffrents pointsde l'enqute pour dsigner
la mme ralit). Dans certainscas particuliers,on pourra recherchersi
le mot a survcudans les patois et la toponymie.
A partirdu XHe sicle, la situationchange. Les textes plus nom-
breux se recoupent suffisamment pour que notre connaissancedes faits
soit assez prcise. Ds lors, les problmes de vocabulairesont beaucoup
moinsgraves.On chappe peu peu ce cercle vicieux o l'on se trouve
enfermlorsqu'on n'identifiebien ni les ralits ni le sens exact des
mots qu'utilisent les contemporainspour en parler. D'autre part, en
mme tempsque la rdactiondes actes s'amliore, et finalementse fige,
le vocabulaire se stabilise.

Dans les perspectivesde l'expos d'aujourd'hui, tablirle sens des mots

qui font difficultne suffitpas. L'inventaire doit tre complet pour
permettrede mesurerl'tendue et la qualit du vocabulaire utilis dans
chaque rgionet chaque poque.
Il y a quelques annes encore, une telle entrepriseeut t chimri-
que. Les techniques nouvelles permettentaujourd'hui de l'envisager.
L'tablissementautomatiqued'index de vocabulaire et de concordances
est une chose courante, qui se pratique en plusieurscentres. Le Labora-
toire d'Application des Sciences l'Etude des Langues Anciennes de
Lige n'envisage que le latin classique. A Pise, le Centro Nazionale
Universitariodi Calcolo Elettronico s'est attach au dpouillementdes
oeuvres de saint Thomas d'Aquin. Le Centre de TraitementElectroni-
que de Louvain a dj consacr plusieurs publications des sources
narrativesmdivales. Les problmes propres aux documents diplo-
matiques ont t abords de manire systmatiquepar la Section de
Documentation automatique de l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire

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des Textes, sous la directionde Mme Fossier,et le Centre de Recherches
et d'Applications linguistiques de la Facult des Lettres et Sciences
humaines de Nancy. Les tudes thoriques, assez avances, ont port
sur deux pointsnouveaux. A cot de Vindexverborm,ces laboratoiresont
essay d'obtenir un classement du vocabulaire l'intrieur d'un
lexique organis. Les faitssont enregistrsde telle manireque la machi-
ne effectueles regroupementsnotionnels et fournisse la demande,
avec toutes les prcisions de date et de lieu, et toutes les rfrences
utiles, l'ensemble des mots se rapportant une notion donne. D'autre
part, ils ont tentune analysedes structuresqui permet de regrouperet
de comparerautomatiquementles divers lments du discours diploma-
tique de l'ensemble des actes enregistrspar la machine.
J'ai insist,dans la dernirepartie de cet expos, sur un aspect trs
particulierdu latin des chartes, celui du vocabulaire. Il ne se pose pas
exactementdans les mmes termes,je pense, dans les autressecteursdu
Moyen ge latin.
En revanche,j'ai essayde montrerque pendantla premirepartie
du Moyen ge, l'histoire de ce que j'oserai appeler un 'petit genre' - un
tout petit genre - littraireest au fond trs semblable celle de genres
mieux tablisdans le monde lettr. Tout n'a t qu'une lente adaptation,
lente rlaborationde la traditionantique jusqu' la cration, du Xlle
au XHIe sicle, d'une formule nouvelle, ne de l'ancienne, mais qui
vivradsormaisde sa vie autonome.
Un tout petit genre littraire:mais son videnteutilitl'a amen
se glisserpartout, et les chartessont les uniques tmoins de l'usage du
latin dans certaines rgions de la France, o aucune oeuvre vraiment
littrairen'a vu le jour. A se glisser partout et tre trs accueillant
aux formesparles: pour peu que l'crivain ne soit pas trop savant, il
nous livre quelques traitsfugitifsde ce que pouvait tre, entre le Vie
et le XHIe sicle, le latin vivant, et ainsi son tmoignageest souvent
irremplaable.

Paris,
Ecoledeschartes
.

98

11:45:45 AM
 Notice sur Jean Thenaud

J. ENGELS

la Noticebibliographique
surPierreBersuire
x, j'ai signal2que le
frremineurJeanThenaud avaitconsacr cet auteurun passage
Dans de sa
Margaritede France, mais le tempsm'avait manqu pour le
retracer. Puis, Thenaud s' tant lui aussi occup de mythologie, la
question se posait tout naturellementde savoir dans quelle mesure il a
t tributairede VOvidiusmoralizatusde Bersuire. Je livre ici le rsultat
de recherches assez complexes, car la bibliographiede Thenaud s'est
rvle des plus embrouilles.

THENOT

Commenons par dbroussailler le terrain. Au tome VI de la Table

gnralealphabtique , parue en 19483, du Cataloguegnral des manuscrits
franais de la Bibliothque nationale Paris se lit l'item suivant: "the-
naud (Le Fr. Jean), Posies, n.a. 1870. - Science potique, 2081 *. Et
sept lignes plus loin: "thenot. Voirthenaud". La notice du premier
manuscrit, Nouvelle^ acquisitions 1870, a t rdige par Omont*
comme suit:
1870. Discourset recueilde plusieurs coqs l'asne,superscriptions,
epistres,
epigrammes, chos,odeset huictains,
oraisons, depuisiig jusques 1569et
i*77.
Posiesde LyonJamet, Marot,Brusquet, Thenot, etc.- Tabledespicesentte
duvolume. - Aubasdutitrela signature: Debart.
No. 493ducatalogue dela venteJ.Pichn(1869).
v et 96feuillets.
XVIesicle.Papier, io sur170millimtres. Rei.maroquinvert,
du baronJ.Pichn.
au chiffre

1 vivariumII = 1964,pp.62-124.Sigle:Notice.
1 Notice,
pp.74-.
3 Bibliothque
nationale.
Catalogue
gnraldesmanuscrits Table
franais. gnrale desAncien
alphabtique
etNouveaux
fonds (N1-33264
) etdesNouvelles (N1-IOOOO),
acquisitions parA. Vidier
etP. Per-
tome
rier, VI(5Z), Paris,1948, p. log.
B.N.Cat.gn.desmss.fr.parH. Omont, Nouvelles
acquisitions /(Noa1-3060),
franaises Paris,
1899,pp.297-8.
99

11:45:54 AM
C'est sans doute de cette notice que provientle titrePosiesaccol par la
Table gnralealphabtiqueau ms. n.a. 1870. L'inspection du manuscrit
rvle qu'il contientaux ff.72v - une Eptrede Thenot Robinen vers
octosyllabiques rimes plates, commenantpar: "Robin mon amy pour
aultant / Qu'en ceste ville on va saultant / Pour la paix faicte a
l'Espaignol/". Elle a t inspirepar le traitde paix qui venait d'tre
conclu Crpy entre Franois1eret Charles Quint. La Table en tte du
recueil indique (p. iiir) non seulement la date de 1^44, mais aussi que
l'auteur de VEptreest Huguenot. Ceci ne va pas du tout pour un Jean
Thenaud, frre mineur. Je puis donc abandonner ce Thenot1 aux
historiens littraires du seizime sicle, quitte noter que l'item
thenaud prcit de la Table gnralealphabtique,devra tre ddoubl.

JOANNES THENAUDUS
D'autre part, le catalogue de la Collection Dupuy de la Bibliothque
nationale signale que le volume 1022, un recueil de lettresde Calvin et
d'autres thologiens du XVIe sicle, contient deux lettres adresses
Calvin par un JoannesThenaudusoriginairede Bourgess. L'une (f. 172),
autographe,a t expdie de Zurich en avril i$6; l'autre (f. 167) de
Pinchow en Pologne, en date du 21 juillet 1^63. La notice du catalogue
ne rappelle pas qu'elles avaientdj t publies parmiles Operaomniade
Calvin dans le Thesaurusepistolicuscalvinianusdu CorpusReformtorm*,
comme aussi deux autreslettresautographesdu mme au mme conser-
ves dans le ms. Genve 1135, aux ff.4$ et 106, lesquelles sont dates
Pinchow i$6o et i$646. Ce mme Thenaudus est mentionn?dans deux

1 Jesignaleenpassant queJean Porcher a citle ms.B.N.n.a.1870dansle lemme du

Brusquet
Dictionnaire
desLettres , Leseizime
franaises... sicle
, Fayard,Paris,
19^1,p. 137.
2 B.N..Catalogue dela Collection
Dupuy , parL. Dorez,I (N8i-oo), Paris,1899,pp.12^-8;III
etTable
(Introduction parS. Solente),
alphabtique Paris,1928,p. XVI;p. XVIII.
3 Ibid.
I,p. 128.
4 Jedoiscette rfrence l'rudition
duprofesseur Henri MeylandeLausanne.
5 Pourcems.,voirC(orpus) ) XXXVIII
R(eformatorum = CalviniX,pars Brunswick,
posterior, 1872,
p. xxxiv;J.Senebier, Catalogueraisonndesmanuscritsconservs dela Ville
dansla Bibliothque <&_
RpubliquedeGenve, 1779,pp.288-9.
6 L*Indexautorum (CRXLVIII= Calvini XX,1879,col.657,s.v.Thenaudus ) relve lesnumros
d'ordre les
que quatre lettresportentdansl'dition duCR,etquipermettent detrouver ensuite
le volume etlespages oellesont timprimes. Ce sont:n2426pourle ms.Dupuy 102,f.
172(CRXLIV= Calvini XVI,1877,coll.98-102); n 3267pourle ms.Genve 113,f.4(CR
XLVI = Calvini XVIII,1878,coll.227-8);n3985pourle ms.Dupuy 102,f.167(CRXLVIII=
CalviniXX,1879,coll.69-71);n4063pour lems.Genve 113,f.106(ibid.,coll.223-4).
1 Voirlesrenvois dansl'Index (CRL = Calvini
historicus XXII, inXXIvolumina
Indices operum hactenus
edita
, 1880,col.460),s.v.Thenaud Io.
IOO

11:45:54 AM
lettres, de fvrieret d'aot 15^9, adresses par Petrus StatoriusTon-
villanus Calvin1, et dans une lettre de juin 1$6o adresse par Calvin
Statorius.2
Il fallaitrunir toute cette documentation,car la correspondance
des rformateurs parat fournir peu prs tout ce que nous savonssur ce
Joannes Thenaudus de Bourges, que l'annotateur de la lettre 2426
qualifie de Vir caeteroquinignotus. Jeune homme, il s'tait rendu
Genve pour y tre instruit par Calvin lui-mme dans la religion
rforme.Peu aprs i$6, il quitte Zurich pour Pinchow, o il colla-
borera la premire traductionprotestantecomplte en polonais de la
Bible, laquelle sera imprime Brest-Litovsken 156^. En 1^60, il se
marie avec une Polonaise, comme il dit, ut me, quumprimm ,
fieriposset
carnistentationibus, mundiac patriaeillecebrisliberarem
4. Son ge, ses con-
victions religieuses et sa situation sociale excluent que ce personnage
soit identique celui qui en iii5, quand il partit pour le Levant,
devait tout de mme avoir au moins vingtans, et qui antrieurement
lS3S5 signait son Voyage : JrereJehanThenaudymaistrees ars, docteuren
theologie gardien freresmineurs Angoulesme.
et des Je peux donc laisser
ce Thenaudus l'attentiondes thologiensseizimistes.

LE GARDIENDES CORDELIERSD'ANGOULEME
Continuons de dblayer. Les Annalesde Wadding6 relvent pour 1282
qu'en cette anne fut commence Angoulme la constructiond'un
couvent? de frresmineurs, le premier de la custodie de Saintonges.
Elles relatent ensuite quelques vnementspostrieurs concernant ce
couvent: En septembre 1557 mourut Jacobus Magnelotus, qui en avait
t le gardien pendant dix ans. Peu aprs, Michael Grelet lui succda
dans cette fonction,mais il futpendu par les "hrtiques"en 1^68. Suit
fraterJoannesThenaudiDoctorTheologus
alors cette phrase: Hunepraecessit ;
ex
postea dispensatione ApostolicaMellinensis
apud Cenomanos Abbas. Le con-
1 Nos3004et3098(CRXLV= Calvini XVII,1877,coll.425-6et602).
2 N3209(CXLVI = Calvini XVIII,1878,col.102).
Surcette
traduction, voirl'article Diepolnischen
deL. Stefaniak, dansNew
Bibelbersetzungen Testa-
ment W= 1958-9,
Studies pp.328-333 (p. 331,5),signaldans Elenchus
Biblica. XL=
bibliograpbicus
!99P-67*,n 1041.
4 N 3267.
6 Cettedateseratablieplusloin.
L. Wadding,Annales minorum. . ., II,Lyon, 1628,pp.492-3;2edition parJ.M. Fonseca, V,
Rome,1733,p. 118(xxii);rfrence donne parBlau , p. 90,note1 (pource sigle,
voirinjra
,
p. m).
7 Surcecouvent, voirl'ouvragedeNanglard , p. 110.
citinfra
IOI

11:45:54 AM
texte ne prcisant pas de combien d'annes ce Joannes Thenaudi
prcda Michael Grelet, il fautconsulterune des sources de Wadding1,
F. Gonzaga.
En effet,le paragraphedes Annalesn'est gure que le rsum d'un
chapitre du De origine seraphicaereligionis.2 Gonzaga, ayant relat
comment vers 1^62 la tombe de la comtesse Beatrix Britanniafut
ouverte, affirmeque les faitssont attestspar des lettres conserves
Angoulme, et crites en 1564, alors que le vnrable Pre, frre
Ioannes Thenaudi, docteur en thologie, tait gardien du couvent;
celui-l mme qui ensuite, avec la dispense du Saint Sige, allait devenir
abb de Mlinais prs du Mans: Dictorum fidemfaciunt,quae Engolismae
asseruantur , V.P. F. IoanneThenaudi
literae, anno Domini 1564 , conscriptae
DoctoreTheologodicticonuentus tuncGuardiano , postea veroMellinensiapud
Cenomanos 3.
Abbate, ex sanctSedisdispensatione
A premirevue, on diraitque cette phrasefasseallusion au person-
nage qui nous intresse. Pourtant,mme si son ouvragen'est postrieur
que d'un quart de sicle aux vnementsrapports, Gonzaga doit se
tromper, ne ft-ce que dans les dates. Non qu'il faille accorder trop
d'importance celles donnes en 1584 par La Croix du Maine. Dans sa
Bibliothque*,il consacre Jean Thenaud, dont il estropie le noms, la
brve notice suivante:

Frereiean thavovd,maistre es arts,docteuren Theologie, gardien desfreres

mineursou Cordeliers
d'Angoulesme, l'an ii2. & 1523.Il a escritle voyage
de
Hierusalem, Paris,chezla veufue
imprim de leande SainctDenis.

La provenance de ces deux dates est trop incertainepour y baser une

conclusion. Mais il y a d'autres arguments.
En effet,l'dition par Nanglarddu Pouilld'Angoulme permet de
prciser et de corrigerles assertionsde Gonzaga et de Wadding concer-

1 Cf.E. Frascadore etH. Ooms,Bibliografia delle

Bibliografie
francescane , Florence,
1964-5;p. 68;
p. 66.
* Franciscus Gonzaga, De origineseraphicae franciscanae
religionis , eiusque , deregularis
progressibvs
obseruanciae
in*titutionc,
forma aclegibus
administrations , admirabiliqueeius Rome,
propagationef 1587,
pp.678-80 (Conuentus5. Francisci ).
Engolismae
* Gonzaga, op.cit.,p. 679.
4 Premiervolume dusieur
dela Bibliothque deLaCroix-du-Maine 1584,p. 267.
. . . Paris,
5 II n'estpasle seul cefaire.En1563,le P. Labbeimprimera Terrandauxpp.333et473desa
NovaBibliotheca, surlaquelleje reviendrai
plusloin.Remarquons enpassantqu'iln'ya pasde
raisonpour affublerd'unaccent aigulee deThenaud, comme onena prisparfois l'habitude.
I02

11:45:54 AM
nantle couventde cordeliers1. Dans une liste des "Gardiensconnus", on
trouve Jean Thenaud2, avec la date de 9 dcembre 1^14, qui fut donc
lu une bonne anne aprs son retouren France. Il va de soi que, gardien
ds 1514, il ne pourraitl'tre encore en 1562. Sur la liste, Thenaud est
suivi immdiatementde Nol Gurin, avec la date de 27 juillet 1^41.
C'est pourquoi Leproux(p. 33; p. 38, note $8) admet que Thenaud,
grce la faveurdont il jouissait auprs de la famille royale, aura t
continuellementrlu dans la charge, triennalemais renouvelable, de
gardien jusqu' sa mort, suppose survenue en 140/41. Cette con-
clusion est sans fondement.Certes, Thenaud a joui de la faveurde la
familleroyale, de mme du reste que la communautentire: en ii,
on voit Louise de Savoie lui faire don de quelques jardins pour y btir
son nouveau couvent3. Mais il fautobserverque, jusqu'au XVIIe sicle,
la liste des "Gardiensconnus", le terme le suggredj, est tout fait
fragmentaire.Puis, il faudraittablird'abord que Thenaud seraitrest
Angoulmeet y seraitmorten 140/41. Est-ce le cas?

l'abb de mlinais
Le Touill Angoulmese tait sur le passage ventuel de JeanThenaud,
gardien partir de 1514, l'abbaye de Mlinais*. 11 faut se tourner
ailleurs. Haurau a dressune liste des abbs, en compulsantle cartulaire
de l'abbaye, conserv la Bibliothque Sainte-Genevive dans un
manuscritdont il n'indique pas la cote. C'est l'actuel ms. 67^, une
copie, mais excute sur les originauxen 1727. Il provientde l'ancienne
abbaye Sainte-Genevive Paris, depuis 1624 chef d'ordre de la con-
grgation de France des chanoines rguliers6, laquelle l'abbaye de
1 Signalons enpassant quelacomtesse Britannia,
Beatrix dont letombeau futouvert, estBeatrix
deBourgogne, veuve deHugues XIIIdeLusignan;NanglardII,p. 432,etDictionnairedela Noblesse
. . ., parDe la Chenaye-DesboisetBadier, 1868,col.$6$.
XII,Paris,
2 Nanglard II,p. 437.
3 Nanglard II,p. 433.
4 Pourl'abbaye dechanoines rguliers Mlinais
l'Evangliste
Saint-Jean (actuellement commune
de la Flche- Sainte-
Colombe), fondeen 1138et doteen 1180 parHenri II Plantagent,roi
d'Angleterre, voirDictionnaire duDpartement
topographique dela Sarthecomprenant lesnoms deliet
anciens etmodernes parE. ValleetR. Latouche, II, 19^2,p. 592; L. H. Cottineau,
Paris, Rpertoire
topo-bibliographiquedesabbayeset ,Mcon,
prieurs II,coll.1811; 1814.- Ajouter:
1939, B.Haurau,
GalliaChristiana... XIV,Paris,18^6,coll.600-2;il imprime parerreur B. MariaMellinensis.
5 H. Stein, descartulaires
gnrale
Bibliographie ourelatifs
franais Vhistoire
deFrance, Paris
, 1907,
p. 331,no240$.Voirla notice dums.dansle Catalogue desmanuscrits
dela Bibliothque Sainte-
Genevive parCh.Kohler, 1893,pp.330-1.(Autome
I, Paris, II,Paris,1896,p. 930b,lignes 6-7,
lire"Saint-Jean aulieude "Saint-
l'Evangliste" Jean-Baptiste".)
6 UniversitdeParis. LaBibliothque dejadis aujourd'hui
Sainte-Genevive , Paris,19^1,p. 14.
IO3

11:45:54 AM
Mlinais s'est rallie en 163^. Haurau ne semble pas avoir connu, pas
plus que Cottineau, le recueil manuscrit60 82, du XVIIe sicle, lequel
contient aux ff. 404-63 une copie partielle et fort dfectueuse du
cartulaire,mais fournissant aussi quelques renseignements indits.
Il ressortdes entresdu ms. 675, comme Haurau l'avait not, et du
ms. 608, que les cinq derniersabbs de Mlinais*- avantqu'en 1607 le
titreabbatial ftaboli et la mense de l'abbaye annexe par Henri IV au
-
Collge des Jsuitesde la Flche rcemmentcr furent: 1) Ludovicus
Chantereau (1^19-1^295); 2) JoannesT(h)esnaud6 (1^29-1^42/3); 3)
Felix Goyvrot ou Goevret (1 543-15$ -); 4) Nicolaus Bruslard de
Sillery(1 61-191); s) Jacobus Bruslard de Crosne (1591 -). Les dates
de l'abbatiat de Nicolas Bruslard dmentent l'affirmation de Gonzaga
qu'il y avait Mlinais aprs 1^64 un abb nomm Ioannes Thenaudi.
S'agit-il d'une simple confusionde dates? En d'autres termes,le Ioannes
Thenaudi, gardien du couvent franciscain d'Angoulme, dont parle
Gonzaga, est-ilmalgrtout le mme personnageque le JoannesThenaud,
abb Mlinais de 1529-1^42/3? Les entres des mss. 675 et 608 ne
permettentpas de l'affirmer.La qualificationde "frre"qu'elles prtent
l'abb, en mme tempsque celles de "prtre", "docteuren thologie"
et "aumnier du roi", n'y suffisentpas. C'est sans doute pourquoi
Haurau n'en soufflemot.
La confirmationvient d'un tout autre ct. En effet, le ms.
Genve fr. 167? contient un trait sur la Cabale compos sans aucun
doute, comme nous verronsplus loin, par le frremineurJeanThenaud.
Le copiste du manuscrita ajout une note, mal dchiffrepar Senebier8,
mai3 dont Thorndike^ a donn une transcriptioncorrige: "Ce livre a
escript franoysgryueldemon, a AngiersPour Reverend pere en Dieu
F. I. Tenaud Abb de Mellynays 1536 Le 19e de May". Le tmoi-

1 Renseignement parlems.608,f.404*.
fourni
* Voirlanotice dumanuscritdansleCataloguedeKohler, I,pp.313-.
Jbid. 3 et2 d'enbas.
tp. 314,lignes
Jen'aidispos quesurle tarddeP. Chevalier,Notice surl abbaye
historique dansles
deMlinais
Mmoires nationale
dela Socit d'agriculture etartsd'Angers
, sciences , 1851,II, pp. iSJ-70.Cette
intressante
communication,basesurdespicesconservesauxArchives duMans, pasde
netraite
Thenaud.
s LouisChantereau sedmit en 1529.C'estsansdouteparcequ'ilvenait d'trenomm vque
deMacon (T. deMorembert debiographie
dansle Dictionnaire , VIII,1959,col.397).
franaise
6 Tenault
dansle ms.608,f.4o$r.
f J.Senebier, raisonn
Catalogue dans
conservs
desmanuscrits dela Ville Rpublique
la Bibliothque
deGenve, 1779,pp.418-20.
Ibid.,
p.420.
L. Thorndike, AHistory
ofmagic science
andexperimental , VI,1941, p.43note70.
I04

11:45:54 AM
gnagede ce copiste crivant Angers, quelques kilomtresde Mlinais,
et en i 36, donc pendantl'abbatiat de Thenaud, met l'identit de celui-
ci avec le gardiend'Angoulme hors conteste.
F. Secret1 attribue la nomination du frre mineur comme abb
de Mlinais l'influencede Franois1er. Le roi auraitvoulu rcompenser
ainsi le fidleserviteurde sa familleet le tirerde I' "extrmepauvret"
dont il s'tait plaint lui. Pourtant,Thenaud n'tait pas abb commenda-
taire. Le ms. 608 (f. 4o$r) signale au contraire qu'il tait le dernier
abb rgulier. Son lection pourraitdonc tenir simplementau dsir de
ramenerl'abbaye une plus stricteobservance, en mettant sa tte un
religieuxde pit prouve. Esprons qu'un jour on dterrerala bulle
de dispense dont parle Gonzaga, et qui permettraitsans doute d'y voir
plus clair.
Les deux fonctions tant incompatibles, il faut admettre que
Thenaudavait cess d'tre gardien Angoulmeen prenantpossessionde
l'abbaye de Mlinais, c'est--dire le 16 fvrier 1^29. La dernire
priode de sa vie, qui s'tendra jusqu'en 1^42/3, n'a pratiquementpas
jou de rle dans les tudes sur Thenaud. C'est de ces tudes qu'il
convientmaintenantd'indiquer les principauxjalons bibliographiques.

PRINCIPAUX JALONS BIBLIOGRAPHIQUES

1) Le PREMIERVOLUMEDE LABIBLIOTHEQUE DU SIEURDE LACROIX-DU-

MAiNE. . . , Paris, 1^84, p. 267, donne la notice sur Thenaud, sous le
nom estropide thavovd, que nous avons dj cite supra, p. 102.
Sigle: La Croixdu Maine.
La notice a pass avec quelques menues diffrencesd'orthographe
dans Les Bibliothques franoisesde La Croixdu Maine et de Du Verdiery
nouvelle dition, I, Paris, 1772, p. 92.
Sigle: La Croixdu Maineet Du Verdier .
Voici cette notice :

"jeanTHAvouD(Frre),Matres Arts,Docteuren Thologie,Gardiendes

"Frres
Mineursou Cordeliers
d'Angoulesme, l'an i$i2 & 1523.Il a critle
de
"voyage Hirusalem,
imprim Paris
chezla veuve de Jeande Saint-Denis.

2) bibliothque historique de la France..., par Jacques Lelong,

1 Secret
(p. 142et note4), le premier combiner pourl'abbatiat
de Thenaud
lestmoignages
parWadding
produits etparHaurau, soussilence
passe le problme
chronologique
qu'ilsposent.
PourlesigleSecret
, voirinfra,p. 111.
10s

11:45:54 AM
nouvelle dition par feu Fevret de Fontette, IV, Paris, 1775, p. 380,
no 15691* (cf. Notice , pp. 74-5).
Sigle: Fevret
. Je garde ce sigle, parce que c'est sous ce nom que la
note est d'ordinaire cite. En ralit, elle est de la main de J.-L. Barbeau
de La Bruyre, l'diteur du tome IV aprs la mort de Fevret (voir
Mercier-aci-dessous).
C'est une note additionnelleau no. 15691 du tome II, Paris, 1769,
p. 46, qu'on me sauragr de reproduireici :

"15691.*Ms. La Margarite de France,ou Chronique abrgedes Roisqui ont

s
"rgn Gaules,depuisSamoths-Dis, filsde Japhet, jusqu'Charles VIII.inclusi-
"vement, ddie Madame la Comtesse d'Engoulesme; par Jean thenaud, Frre
"Mineur : in-fo.
"Ce Manuscrit en vlin,estentrelesmainsde M. Mercier, Abbde S. Lgerde
"Soissons. Il n'estquestion de l'Auteur, nidansla CroixduMaine& duVerdier,
"nimmedansWading. Onapprend duPrologue quisuitla TabledesArticles, que
"cetOuvrage a tfaitla onzime anneduRgne deLouis XII.c'est--dire,en 1508.
"L'Auteur se soumet la correction de Monseigneur FranoisdeMolins , qu'ilappelle
"sonprcepteur Sl irradiateur, & qui parottrechargde l'ducation de Franois
" Angoulesme, filsdela Comtesse Louisede Savoye, & depuisRoisousle nomde
"Franois I. CetOuvrage estdivisentroisTraicts, dontlesdeuxpremiers, qui
"forment environ le tiers,ne sontpresqueque desExtraits desfauxOuvrages de
"Brose, Manthon, &c. publisen Latinenviron vingt ans auparavant par Annius
"de Viterbe.
"L'Auteur a crurendre ungrand service:il ditque 'voyant nosChroniqueurs ne
traiterque des Princes Gaulois & Franois depuis Pharamond, comme si autres
"'n'eussent tpardevant, (il a) vouluproduire enlumire & enlangaige maternel,
"'l'antiquenoblesse& vtust histoire de nostre ditenation& gent,parlaquelle
"'videmment l'onpourra cognoistre comment la Monarchie de France n'acdni
"'donnlieus Monarchies d'Assyrie, Perse,Grce& Romeenvtust & prou-
vesse,maislesa surmontes ... lesautres huydfaillantes & annichiles,la nostre
"'seuledemeure entire & inconcussible'. Chacun desTraits ouParties commence
"parsept considrations, avant la Chronique des Rois, & aprs lesfaitsquiconcer-
nent chaqueRoi, l'Auteurindiqueles Hommes illustresde leurtemps,& les
"principaux faitstrangers."

3) Barthlmy mercier, abb de l'abbaye Saint-Lger Soissons, a

rdig, entre 1772 et 1779, troisnotes sur JeanThenaud, dont deux in-
dites et la troisimepasse peu prs inaperue.
a) Mercier a annot de sa main, sans doute pour son propre usage, un
exemplaire de La Croixdu Maine et Du Verdier . Cet exemplaire est con-
serv la Bibliothque nationale sous les cotes Rs. Q^. 205-210 (cf.
Cataloguegnraldes livresimprims de la Bibliothquenationale
, Auteurs,
LXXXV, 1925, col. 541, et J. Adhmar, FrreAndr Thevet, grand
106

11:45:54 AM
voyageuretcosmographe desroisde Franceau XVIesicle, Paris, 1947, p. 89).
Sigle: Mercier-a.Ce sigle renverraaux annotationsmarginalesde la
p. 92 du vol. I.
Voici celles qui concernentdirectementThenaud:

"Jeanthenaud,frereMineur,a compos,en 1508,La Margarite defrance, ou

"Chronique abrge desRoisde france jusqu'Charles VIII.dedie la Comtesse
"d'Angoulme (Louisede Savoye) Manuscrit infoliosurvelinquej'ai communi-
qu M. Barbeau quiena donnunenotice(assezimparfaite) dansla Biblioth-
que historique de la Francedu P. le Long,Tom. IV. Pag. 380, N 15691*.
"(Thenaud a critplusieursautresouvrages manuscrits, dontj'ai vueslesnotices.)
"Ce Thenaud inconnu nosdeuxBibliothcaires, l'a taussi Wading.Philibert
"Mareschal
, Sr. de la Rochedanssa GuidedesArts etSciences(Paris,1598,in 8)
"indiqueaussi,Pag. 368,Jeanthavoud,Gardien des Cordeliersd'Angoulme
"comme Auteur duVoyage de Jerusalem; enquoiil paroitn'avoirfaitqu'abrger
"LaCroixduMaine.Maittaire Annalium
(Indices Typogr.Tom.2, Pag.gg) indique
"thenaud,Jean,Le Voyagede Oultremer. Paris,in 12 sansautreindication.
"Andr Thevet, Cordelier
, n Angoulme
, et quifitaussile Voyage de la TerreSte,
"doitavoirparldesonconfrere Thenaud
, soitdanssaCosmographie duLevanin40,
"soitdanssa grandeCosmographie in folio,soitenfin
universelle dansses Hommes
"illustres
avecleursPortraits, en 2 vol.in folio.(Voirles tablesde ses Ouvr.)w

b) Mercier a publi ensuite dans L'EspritdesJournauxVIII = 1779,

I, pp. 201-76, de NouvellesRemarquesCritiquessur les deux premiers
Volumesde la Bibliothque gnraledes Ecrivainsde l'Ordre de S. Benot
par Dom Franois (cf. Notice , p. 74; p. 109). Sous le lemme Berchorius
, il
traitebrivementde Thenaud la p. 212.
Sigle: Merder-b.
J'ai connu ce passagegrce F. Fassbinder,Das Lebenunddie Werke
des Benediktiners
PierreBeruirey Bonn, 1917, p. 13, note 4 (cf. Notice
, p.
89). Corriger chez Fassbinder les cotes des mss. B.N. 443 et 2081,
lesquels appartiennentau Fonds franais.
Dans Notice , p. j, o j'ai mal appliqu la note** de Mercier-by il
faut barrer entirementla troisime ligne d'en haut, et mais la fin
de la ligne prcdente.
Ici encore, on me saura gr de reproduirece passage difficilement
accessible:

"berchorius, Jenereleverai
Pierre. pastouteslesinexactitudes
quisontdanscet
"Article
: Jemeborne fairedeuxnotes,l'unesurle nomFranoisdecetEcrivain,
"l'autre
sursa traduction
de Tite-Live.
i. La CroixduMainele nomme Berchore
,
"d'autres , & Berseur
Bercheure ; DupinBercheur, & Montfaucon
Bercenne
, sansdoute
"parunefautede copisteou d'imprimeur. Il sembleque,commeil s'appellelui-
"mmeBerchorius, on devroitrendresonnomen Franois parBerchoirefcomme

107

11:45:54 AM
 "nousrendons Gregorius parGrgoire , Maglorius parMagloire , &c.; nanmoins je
"douteencore,parla raisonque voici: JeanThenaud, Cordelier, qui crivoit au
"commencement du 16eme.siecle,s'exprime ainsidanssaMarguerite deFrance (*) :
Pierrede Bersuyre , qui fitle Dictionnaire....,futpremirement Cordelier,
"'puisMoine& Prieurde S. Victeur'.Bersuire ou Bressuires (en LatinBersuria
"Bescorium
) estunepetiteVillede Poitou,Election de Thouars;Pierre, na trois
"lieuesde Poitiers, pouvoittreoriginaire de cetteVille,ce quil'auroit faitsur-
nommerde Bersuire , & parcorruption Berseur ; qu'il auroitlui-mme renduen
"LatinparBerchorius. Le Cordelier Thenaud nousapprenant que Pierreavoitt
"Cordelier avantde se faireBndictin, il parotqu'onpeutl'encroiresurle vrai
"surnom de cetEcrivain. 2. La Traduction Franoise de Tite-Live parBerchoire,
"dontil existediffrens Manuscrits dansnosBibliothques, (**) futimprime
"ParischezGuill.Eustace& Franois Regnault, en i i , Edition
in-folio, dont il y
"avoitchezM. Gaignat unExemplaire survelin,maisquin'estpointla premiere.
"J'aivuau Chteau de Maffliers, cellede Parisenla grand' rueSt.Jacques , sansnom
"d'Imprimeur, mais des caracteres de Vrard, i486, in-folio, petitformat 2colon-
ies, contenant la premiere Dcade.Cettelere. Editionde i486 estde la plus
"grande raret;Maittaire, la Caille,Orlandi8cnos Bibliographes Franois ne
"l'ontpointconnue.Les Ouvrages Latinsde PierreBerchoire, imprims le ds
"XVe.siecle,furent souventcopis 8cabrgsdansles Monasteres; ceci me
"rappelle l'exclamation puriled'unde ces Copistes qui, la finde sontravail,
"plein d'enthousiasme pourson confrere Berchoire, s'crie: Veredicere possum
" venter talem Monachum &
qudbeatusfuit qui portavitgenuit.
"(*) C'estuneChronique abrge desRoisde France, depuisSamoths-Dis, filsde
"Japhet, jusqu'CharlesVIIIddieparl'Auteur Louisede Savoye,merede
"Franois I, 8ccompose en 1509.Voyezla Noticede ce Manuscrit dansla Biblio-
thquehistorique de la France, Tom. IV. pag. 380, N 15691*. Il appartient
"aujourd'hui M. de Fncemagney de l'Acadmie Franoise 8cde celledesBelles-
lettres.
"(**) Il y en a deuxen Sorbonne, un Ste. Genevieve, 8tc.Le plusanciende
"Sorbonne nomme le Traducteur Bertheure, 8cl'autreBerthuren.

c) Enfin,de la main de Mercier est la note, concernantThenaud, de la

fiche colle sur la feuille de garde du ms. Ars. 061, contenant le
Traitde la Cabale en prose de cet auteur.
Sigle : Mercier-c.
Cette note n'est pas signale dans le Cataloguedes manuscrits de la
Bibliothque de l'Arsenalpar H. Martin, V, Paris, 1889, p. 31. Secret(p.
140) la croyaitd'un bibliothcairede l'Arsenal, mais son contenuet son
critureexcluent tout doute.
En voici le texte:

"Traitde la CabaleChrtienne, en prose,parJeanthenaud,Cordelierd'An-

"goulme; ouvrageddi FranoisI.erparuneEpitrededicatoire en vers,dans
"laquellel'Auteurse nommeet rappelled'autresouvrages par lui composs,
"entr'autres , dontcelui-cin'estque le dveloppement
sa Cabalemetrifie et dont
108

11:45:54 AM
 "leManuscrit infoliosurvelinest la Bibliothque du Roi,N 7236,olimp6.
"CeManuscrit[-ci]paroittrel'originalprsent FranoisI. Dansle 3.echapitre
"du.eTrait,JeanThenaud donnela figure dela croix,suiviedeplusieurs autres
en lettres,
"figures d'aprsle Traitde raban maur(deLaudibus Crucis
) dontil
en versfranois
"traduit lesverslatins.M. le Baronde Heisspossdeunsuperbe
"MS.*de ce Traitde RabanMaurqui a t imprim plusieurs foiset dontje
"connoisun autreManuscrit qui a appartenu aux Religieux de S.teCroixde la
"Bretonnerie Paris.
"Ce JeanThenaud,cordelier,quoiqu'inconnuaux Bibliographes a compos
"plusieurs
ouvrages enproseetenvers; ilssont la Bibliothque du Roi,except
"pourtantcelui-ciet la Marguerite
deFrance
, especed'Histoire gnralede france,
"dont
j'ai procurun beau MS.1in sur
folio, velin, M. de de
foncemagnel'Acad-
mie franoise etde celledesBelles- "
Lettres...

4) PAULIN paris, Les manuscrits franois de la Bibliothquedu roi...,

Paris, I (1836), pp. 286-93; IV (i840> PP- 136-44; VI1 0 848), pp.
78-82.
Sigle: PaulinParissuivi de la tomaison.
A propos des deux premires notices, l'auteur lui-mme dclare
dans la troisime: "J'ai pniblement ttonn en dcrivant ces deux
volumes; je me suis tromp, puis je me suis corrig et j'ai laiss sub-
sisterbien des incertitudes"(VII, p. 79). On ne sauraitmieux dire.
Cite (VII, p. 79) La Croixdu Maine(etDu Verdier ). Aucun renvoi Fevret.
Corriger trois fautesd'impression du tome VII. A la page 78, der-
nire ligne, dans la rfrenceinterne "Voy. Tome III, pp. 136 144",
lire "Tome IV". A la page 79, ligne 19, corriger "p. 3^3" en "p. 333".
A la mme page, ligne 20, corriger"Terraud" en "Terrand".
A Paulin Paris remontele lemme Thenaud (Jean) par Blondeau dans
la Biographieuniverselle ancienneet moderne(Supplment)..., tome 84,
Paris, i8$7, pp. 26-7. A la p. 27, col. 1, lignes 14-^, "le P. Mont-
faucon" est une coquille pour "M. Paulin Paris".
Les items 2, 3 et 19 des Noticessur quelquesmanuscrits de la Biblio-
thqueimprialequi ont appartenu Louisede Savoie et sonfils Franois1er
faisantsuite La Bibliothque de Charlesd'Orlans, comte Angoulme, au
chteaude Cognacen 1496 , p.p. Ed. Snemaud, Paris, 1861, pp. 63 ; 72-3,
ont t extraitsde Paulin Paris.

g) ch. schefer, Le Voyage Outremer (Egypte,MontSinajr , Palestine)de

Jean Thenaud. . . (Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir
l'histoire de la gographiedepuis le XlIIe jusqu' la findu XVIe sicle,
V), Paris, i8[8]4 (repr. Slatkine, Genve, annonc pour paratre),pp.
iii-xc (introduction); pp. 1-145^(dition annote).

109

11:45:54 AM
 .
Sigle: Schefer
Cite (p. lxxxiv, note i) La Croixdu Maine (de mmoire); a utilis
Fevretpour la Margaritede France; Paulin Parispour le Triomphe des Vertus
Il cite plusieurs passages directement d'aprs les
et la Cabale mtrifie.
manuscrits,sans toujoursen indiquer les cotes.

6) J. NANGLARD,Pouill historiquedu diocse Angoulme,3 vol., An-

goulme, 1894-1900.
Sigle: Nanglard.
Signal par H. Lematre, Rpertoire alphabtiquedes tablissements
de
Vordrede saintFranoisdansVouestde la Francedu XlIIe au XIXesicle, dans
Revue histoirefranciscaineVI = 1929, p. 322, et par Leproux(voir
ci-aprs).
Ce pouilldu diocse d'Angoulme, c'est--dire "l'tat de son per-
sonnel, avec celui de ses ressourcesmatrielleset religieuses" (I, p. 1),
contient (II, pp. 432-4$) une histoire fort dtaille du couvent des
cordeliers, base sur les pices d'archives.

7) j.-M. CARR, Voyageurset crivainsfranais en Egypte , Recherches

archologie, et
de philologie IV
d'histoire et V (Publications de l'Institut
franaisd'archologie orientale du Caire, 2 vol.), Le Caire, 1932; 2e
d. revue et corrige,Le Caire, 19^6, I, pp. 2-4; p. 11.
Sigle: Carr.
Sur prs de 800 pages, deux seulementsont consacres Thenaud.
Si j'inclus l'ouvrage quand mme dans cette bibliographie,c'est parce
qu'il situe le cordelier en chef de file des nombreux Franais qui ont
visit et dcrit l'Egypte entre le dbut du XVIe sicle et le milieu du
XIXe.
A utilis Schefer.

8) m. leproux, QuelquesfiguresCharentaises en Orient

, Paris, 1939, pp.
du XVIesicle,Jean
19-38 ( Voyageurs Thenaud . . .).
Sigle: Leproux.
Ce chapitrenous intresse deux titres: il utilise les donnes sur
Thenaud fourniespar Nanglard, et il prsente une analyse dtaille du
Voyaged1outre-mer(la pice de rsistance).Malheureusement,le reste est
rapportde deuxime sinon de troisime main, de sorte que littrale-
ment tout doit tre vrifi. Les coquilles abondent. Ainsi, la p. 3$,
note 2, le nom de Fevret de Fontetteest devenu Feretde Fontenette ; la
110

11:45:54 AM
p. 38, note 9, celui de Lazare Sainan est devenu Sarreau.A la mme
page, note $6, les cotes du ms. de la Cabale mtrifie
sont fantaisistes.
a
L'ouvrage chapp aux thenaudisants. J'ai trouv la rfrence la
B.N. dans le fichierBiographiesdu Dpartementdes imprims.

9) j. L. blau, The Christianinterpretation

of the Cabala in theRenaissance
,
Columbia UniversityPress, New York, 1944 (repr. Kennikat Press,
New York, 1965), pp. 89-98; pp. 121-44.
Sigle: Blau.
A utilis P. Paris.

10) F. secret, JeanThnaud , voyageur et kabbalistede la Renaissancedans''

Bibliothquedfhumanisme et renaissance
, Travauxet documents , tome XVI =
*9S4> PP- 139-44.
Sigle: Secret.
A utilis Mercier-cy Paulin Paris, Scheferet Fevret(remplacer Fevret
par Scheferdans la note 3 de la p. 139).
Spcialiste de la Kabbale, M. F. Secret tudie Thenaud sous ce
biais particulier. Trs utilement, toutefois, il a tenu rappeler les
tapes des travaux consacrs cet auteur, notammentdepuis Schefer.
Plusieursnotes en bas de page seraient prciser ou revoir.
A Secretremonte la notice de la Bibliographia franciscanaXI =
I9S7, p. 78, no. 2180.

11) marie HOLBAK,Untmoignage inconnusurle rayonnementrasmien dans

Ventourage immdiat de Franois1er,dans Nouvellestudesdyhistoireprsen-
tesau Xe congrs
dessciences
historiquesRomei9, Editionsde l'Acadmie
de la Rpublique Populaire Roumaine, Bucarest, 1955, pp. 265-84.
Sigle: Holban.
Aucun renvoiexplicite Fevret, PaulinParisySchefer
ou Secret
.
Cet article d'une lve d'Abel Lefranc est certainementl'tude
la plus suggestivesur Jean Thenaud publie jusqu'ici. Mme Holban y
annonaitun ouvrage prochain sur cet auteur, mais elle m'apprend en
date du 18 juillet 1970 qu'elle n'a pas encore t mme de le faire
imprimer.Ce sont sans doute le titreun peu vague de son article et les
circonstances de l'dition qui ont amen qu'il a pass peu prs
inaperu1.

1 C'estla bibliothcaire
del'Institut del'Universit
franais MlleE. Kern,
d'Utrecht, quim'a
larfrence
signal dans
laRevue littraire
d'histoire , g6 = 19^6,p. 4.
dela France
III

11:45:54 AM
 LA MARGARITE DE FRANCE
Le premier ouvrage crit par Thenaud parat avoir t la Margaritede
France, acheve en i$o8. Dix ans plus tard,un manuscritse trouvait la
Librairie de Blois. Il est signal dans l'inventaire1dress en 151S par
Guillaume Petit2, dont une copie, antrieure 1^30, a t conserve
dans le ms. Vienne 2^483. L'inventaire comporte une liste des Aultres
livresque le Royportecommunment , c'est--dire qui se trouvaientdans les
caisses de livresqu'il avait sa suite pendantses nombreuxvoyages.Sur
cette liste de dix-huitlivres,se lit l'item suivant: 399. La Marguarite
de France et Cronicque abrge de tous les roys qui furentjamais en
France, escript en parchemin la main, couvert de veloux cramoisi.s.
Ce manuscrita-t-ildisparupendantun dplacementde Franois1er? En
tout cas, il n'est plus mentionndans VInventaire de la librairiede Blois
dress lors de son transfert Fontainebleau en i446. A partir de ce
moment, force nous est de constater, avec Mercier-cy l'absence de cet
exemplaire de la Margarite de France , ainsi que de tout autre7, dans la
Bibliothque du roi.
1 Pourcetinventaire : Concordances d'une
. . ., prcdes Notice surlesanciens p.p.H. Omont,
catalogues
Paris, 1903(pp.v-xi).Cette Notice a treprise parOmont, avecdesadditions et
bibliographiques
desplanches diffrentes, danssesAnciens inventaires
etcatalogues dela Bibliothque , Introduc-
nationale
tionetconcordances , Paris,1921(pp.6-12).- L'inventaire lui-mme a tditparOmont dans
Anciens inventaires .. ., I, Lalibrairie
etcatalogues Blois,
royale Fontainebleau auXVle
etParis sicle,
Paris,1908, pp.1-154.
C'estseulement quand montexte taitdj l'impression quej'ai puconsulter l'dition,
parallle celled'Omont, queP. Arnauldet a commenc publier en1902,sousletitre Inventaire
dela librairie
duchteau deBloisen15/8,dans LeBibliographe moderne , courrier desarchives
international
etdesbibliothques (vol.VIsv.).Contrairement Omont, dontla description estdeseconde main
(Concordances. . ., 1903,p.vi,notes1et2 = Introd. etconc., 1921,p. 6,notes 1et2),Arnauldet a
euaccsaums.Vienne 2^48.Certaines diffrencesentre lesdeuxditions s'expliquentparl.
2 SurGuillaume Petit,ce dominicain "humaniste etbibliophile", trsestim de Bud,voirL.
Delisle, Lecabinet delaBibliothque
desmanuscrits nationale
, Paris, III,1881, pp.17^-7,etM.-M.dela
Garanderie, Lacorrespondance d'rasme etdeGuillaume Bud. . ., Paris, 1967, p. 313;pp.97sv.
3 Tabulae codicum manuscriptorum... in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum
, Vienne, II,
1868, p. 96;Arnauldet, LeBibl. mod., VI =*1902, pp.iosv.
Delisle,Cabinet *,m,p. 176,noteg.
desmanuscrit
s Anciens inventaires . ., I, Lalibrairie
etcatalogues. Blois
royale , Fontainebleau auXVle
etParis sicle
,
Paris,1908, p. j.Arnauldet a 398,non399;Marguerite , nonMarguarite (LeBibl. mod.,IX = 190$,
P. 392).
6 Edition Omont cite lanoteprcdente, pp.1^5-264.
7 SiArnauldet (LeBibl.mod., IX = 190$,p. 392)a pusedemander silaMargarite deFrancesignale
sansnomd'auteur dansl'inventaire deBlois, neserait pasconserve dansle ms.B.N.f.fr. 9$$,
c'estque- ayant omisdeconsulter Fevret - il ignorait
qu'ils'agit deJean Thenaud. Certes,lems.
9estappel tantt Marguerite(desvertus tantt
etdesvices), Marguerites etsonauteur
hystorial(l)es,
senomme "Frere Jehan", maisc'estJean Massue, quia ddisachronique JeandeChabannes en
1497.Cf.Bibl . impriale. Dp.desmss. Cat.desmss. franais, Ancien fonds, I, Paris,1868,p. 163,et
P. Paris VII,pp.316-34. (Alap. 316,comprendre igault II 983etDupuy 976.)
Ill

11:45:54 AM
 Quant au beau manuscritin-folio,sur vlin, que l'Abb de Saint-
Lger a dnich vers 1774 et qu'il a procur l'acadmicien E. L. de
Foncemagne1( Mercier-b , -c), il n'a pas non plus t retrac2.
Actuellement, aucun exemplaire de la Margaritede Francen'est
signal, ni en France ni ailleurs. Toutefois, mme si les manuscritsde
cette chronique ont d tre peu nombreux, il n'est point exclu qu'il
s'en cache un dans tel ou tel fonds. Ainsi, pour un autre ouvrage de
Thenaud, Holban (p. 26^, note 2) a identificomme tel un manuscritde
Lningradpourtant dj amplement dcrit par Laborde. Il faut donc
avoir l'il au guet. Evidemment,ce qui complique ici les recherches,
c'est que dans les catalogues les titres Margarite("perle") et Chronique
sont fortfrquents.
En attendant, nos renseignementssur la Margaritede France se
limitent quelques citationscueillies dans les ouvragesde Thenaud; aux
quelques remarques faitespar Mercier de Saint-Lgersur le manuscrit
dcouvertpar lui ; et la notice de Barbeau dans Fevrety que Metcier-aa
qualifie avec raison "assez imparfaite Ces renseignements reviennent
ceci : La Margaritede Francey crite par Thenaud dans la onzime anne
du rgne de Louis XII (en io8), futddie la comtesse d'Angoulme
Louise de Savoie, mre du futurroi Franois1er, et soumise par lui la
correctionde MonseigneurFranoisde Molins, son matreet inspirateur.
C'est une espce d'Histoire gnrale de la France, sous la formed'une
Chronique abrge des rois qui ont rgn s Gaules jusqu' Charles

1 Etienne Lauraultde Fdicemagne (1694-1779) a notamment publidesdissertationssurla

premire desroisdeFrance
dynastie etsurlaquestion desavoir silacouronne tait
alorslective
ou
VoirBiographie
hrditaire. tome
gnrale..., XVII,Paris, i8$6,coll.69-70;L. Gossman, Medieva-
lismandthe oftheenlightenment
ideologies ..., Baltimore, 1968(Index, p. 371).
2 Unexamen pouss desnombreux papiers Foncemagne conservs la Bibliothquenationale
livrerait uneindication
peut-tre surlesortdecemanuscrit delaMargarite deFrance.VoirlaTable
gnrale citesupra
alphabtique , p.99,note3,tome III( K), 193$,p. 108a.
La collectionMoulin auxArchives de l'Acadmie franaisecontienttroisautographesde
Foncemagne: 2 lettres
(1749et s.d.)et unepice(1777)signe parlui (Cataloguegnraldes
desbibliothques
manuscrits publiquesdeFrance. Paris del'Institut
, Bibliothque etnouveau
, ancien fondsp.p.
M.Bouteron etJ.Tremblot, 1928,p. 31).Lalettre coteFoncemagne 12,du11aot, sansanne,
estadresse Mercier[deSaint-LgerJ, maisnetraite pasdumme sujet.Comme Mercieryest
appel deSteGenevive
"Bibliothcaire SteGenevive", elledoitdaterd'avant 1772.
La bibliothque de l'Institut
de France possde unseulautographe de Foncemagne, plus
rcent(177g)mais aussisurunsujetdiffrent, dansle vol.2714(voirmme Catalogue,p. 43^).
Levol.4677/6 contientletexte del'acceptation parDacier etparBrquigny desfonctionsd'ex-
cuteurs delasuccession
testamentaires deFoncemagne (Cataloguegnraldesmanuscrits
desbiblioth-
ques deFrance
publiques , tomeLIV,Paris , BibliothquedeVInstitutdeFrance ) parJ.Trem-
(Supplment
blotdelaCroix, 1962,p. 98).Cesquatre pages nefont pasnonplusmention denotre manuscrit.
Jeremercie MllePauleChatel, archiviste del'Acadmie bienvoulu
d'avoir
franaise, me
procurer unephotocopie delalettre Moulin, Foncemagne 12.

"S

11:45:54 AM
 VIII inclusivement: partirdu dluge jusqu' la destructionde Troie, et
de l jusqu' Jules Csar; puis, partir de Pharamond, le chef franc
lgendaire descendant du Troyen Priam, jusqu' l'poque contempo-
raine. Mais, "voyant nos Chroniqueurs ne traiter que des Princes
Gaulois & Franoisdepuis Pharamond,comme si d'autres n'eussent t
pardevant", Thenaud prtend remonter, au-del de Pharamond,
jusqu' Samoths-Dis, fils de Japhet, celui-ci troisime fils de No.
L'ouvrage, introduitpar une Table des articles et un Prologue, est
divis en troisTraits, commenantchacun par sept considrations.Les
deux premiers,qui constituent peu prs le tiers,ne sontgure que des
extraits du Pseudo-Brose etc. publis en latin environ vingt ans
auparavant par Annius de Viterbe. Avant la chronique des rois, et
aprs les faitsqui concernentchaque roi, Thenaud indique les hommes
illustres l'poque et les principauxfaitstrangers.
Ce dernierprocd, appliqu peu auparavantdans le Supplementum
chronicarum de Philippe de Bergame1,nous fait regretterla perte de la
de
Margarite France . On constate dans la notice sur Bersuire ( Mercier-b )
que Thenaud pouvait tre bien inform.Son effortde lgitimerles rois
de France en reliantleur origine un anctre troyen,Pharamond,est
simplementmdival. Que l'auteur remonte plus haut, jusqu' Samo-
ths-Dis, est importantpar l'utilisationd'Annius de Viterbe. On con-
natle scandale,qui a continude retenirles espritsjusqu' aujourd'hui2,
caus par ce dominicain faussaire: A partir de 14983, sous diffrents
titres*,il publia en latin des textesfabriquspar lui de toutes pices, en
les attribuant des auteursde l'antiquit tels que Manthon*et Brose6.
Mais avant le scandale, il y eut le succs, notamment Paris o entre
1^09 et 151$ quatre ditions au moins se succdrent chez diffrents
imprimeurs,dont Badius7. L'insertion ds io8, dans sa chronique,
d'extraits d'Annius montre Thenaud conscient de ce qui tait dans le
vent.
1 Bibliographie
rcente dansP. O. Kristeller,The contribution orders
ofreligious torenaissance
thought
andlearning,
The American Benedictine
ReviewXXI,i = 1970,p.41; VivariumIII,pp.128-9.
2 Bibliographiercente etancienne dansR. Weiss,Tracciaperunabiograa diAnnio da Viterbo
,
Italiamedioevale
e umanisticaV = 1962,pp.42^-41 F. Secret,
. Ajouter EgidiodaViterboetquelques-
uns desescontemporains
, I,AnniusdeViterbeetSamuel XVI= 1966,
, Augustiniana
Zarjati pp.371sv.
3 Gesamtkatalog
derWiegendrucke.. ., BandII,Leipzig,1926,n 201(Rome,1498,dition com-
mente en216ff.);n2016(Venise, 1498,sanscommentaire,36ff.).
4 VoirCataloguegnral deslivres
imprimsdela Bibliothque
nationale tomeCXXII,Paris,
, Auteursy
1933,coll.693-7.
5 PourManetho, voirF. Jacoby, DieFragmentederGriechischen , III,C, 1. Band,
Historiker Leyde,
19*8, pp.S'"i-
6 Pour ibid.,
Beros(s)os, pp.364-97.
7 Eni12,aveclettre-ddicace Guillaume en 151g.Ph.Renouard,
Petit;rimpression Biblio-
II4

11:45:54 AM
 FRANOIS DU MOULIN DE ROCHEFORT
Sans doute, il est difficiledvaluer la part qu'il faut faire ds cette
poque l'inspirationde Monseigneur Franoisde Molins, la Margaritede
Francetantle premierde ses critsque Thenaud lui soumetpour correc-
tion. La biographie de ce personnage nous est enfinmieux connue,
grce surtout trois articles de Mme Holban1. Franois du Moulin de
Rochefort, depuis 1501 familier de Louise de Savoie, prcepteur de
Margueriteet de Franoisd'Angoulme, grandaumnierde Franois1er,
sera dsign par celui-ci pour l'vch de Condom mais vinc, et
finirasa vie en 1^26 comme abb de Saint-Maximin Micy-sur- Loire.
Toujours ouvert aux ides nouvelles, Rochefort s'employa en 1^17 avec
Guillaume Petit faire inviterErasme en France. C'est Rochefortqui
introduisitauprs de Louise de Savoie Lefvred'Etaples, lequel en iiS
lui ddia en retour sa De Maria Magdalena Disceptatio . C'est encore
Rochefort,sous le nom de FranciscusMolinius, qu'Erasme ddia en 1^24
son Exomologesis siue modusconfitendi2. En revanche, mme aprs les
publications de Mme Holban, les crits de Rochefortn'ont pas encore
t compltementinventarisni, partant, tudis. Le peu d'attention
qu'on a accord longtemps ses crits semble toutefoistenirbeaucoup
plus aux vicissitudesde l'histoire littrairequ' leur valeur propre. Ce
sera aussi le cas de Thenaud, avec une seule exception dont nous allons
parler.

LE VOYAGE D'OUTREMER
Trois ans aprs avoir ddi Louise de Savoie sa Margaritede France
,
Thenaud entrepritun voyage au Levant dont la relation nous a t
conserve seulement dans un imprim*rarissimedu XVIe sicle: Le

graphie etdesuvres
desimpressions deJosse
BadiusAscensi
us, imprimeur ethumaniste 1462-1535,II,
Paris,1908(repr. [1963]),pp.3-7.En1516Badius semontrera djquelque peuplusrserv vis
visd'Annius (ibid.tp. 389inmedio). VoiraussiA. Renaudet, Prrformeethumanisme Paris
pendant lespremires
guerresd'Italie
(1494-1517),Paris,1953,p. 618avecla note2, laquelle de-
manderait treretouche.
1 M. Holban, Autourdulivre d'heures
deMarguerite
deValois dansMlanges Prvan
, Paris,Lesbelles
lettres,1934;FrancoisduMoulin etlaquerelle
deRochefort delaMadeleine dans HumanismeetRenaissance
H = l93Sy PP-26"43et 147-71 ; Holban.
2 P. S. Allen,Opus epistolarum roterodami
Des.Erasmi , V,Oxford, 1924,pp.411-2(cf.XII,1958,
, p. 139).Pourtoute
Index cette onserapportera
question maintenant E. Droz,Chemins del'hrsie
I, Genve, 1970,pp.1sv.(Quatre deseconfesser).
manires
3 Surcetimprim voirnotamment duMaine
: LaCroix ; LaCroix duMaine etDuVerdier; Mercier-a
;
Hain,1838,II,ii,p.408,n15466;Brunet, n20537:4ed.,1843,IV,p.448,5ed.,1864,V,
coll.778-9;Graesse, 1867,VI,2,p. 113;Brunet,Supplment, 1878,I,col.757;Schefer, p.lxxxiv;
II S

11:45:54 AM
 Voyageet itinaire[sic] de oultremer, faict par FrereJehanThenaud , ... et
. . .
premirement Angoulesme au
jusques Cayre . On les venda Parisen la rue
Nostre Dame V SainctNicolas
. - Paris (s.d.). Petit in -8,
Neufve enseigne
64 ff. ...I. En 1884, Scheferen a procur une excellente rdition
annote, avec ample introduction2,de sorte que je peux me borner
quelques points controverss.
Rappelons d'abord certaines dates de l'itinraire, qui ne sont pas
toujours rapportes exactement. Parti Angoulme le 2 juillet 15-11,
Thenaud dbarque Alexandrie le 2 fvrier1512 n.s., pour arriverau
Caire le 25 mars suivant.Il repartiradu Caire le 14 octobre 1512, pour
rentrer Angoulme le 6 mai 1513. Ces dates liminentl'hypothse,
admise par Schutz,d'une impressiondu Voyageen 1512.
Le texte imprim n'a pas t rdig pendant ou immdiatement
aprs l'expdition. Il est postrieur janvier 1515, parce que Franois
Angoulme y est appel "roy et empereur" ( Schefer,p. 2); voire
postrieur 1523, parce que la prise de Rhodes par Soliman y est
mentionne ( Schefer , p. lxxi; p. 124). En d'autres termes, ce texte n'a
t rdig que dix ans, ou plus, aprs le voyage qu'il entend dcrire.
Thenaud crivait-il entirement de mmoire? Avait-il pris dj des
notes en cours de route? A-t-il ds son retour faitune premire rdac-
tion, qu'il a labore plus tard avant de l'envoyer l'imprimeur?Nous
l'ignorons. Nous ignoronsmme quand le texte conserva t imprim.
Aussi y a-t-il un dcalage d'une vingtaine d'annes entre les dates
avances pour l'dition princeps: 1512 (Schutz); vers 1513 (Carre,p.
ii, note 1); vers 1520 (Cioranesco), entre 1525 et 1530 ( Schefer , p.
lxxxiv); 1530 (Atkinson,avec point d'interrogation); en 153 1 ( Holbany
p. 266); aprs 153 1 (Holbanyp. 283).
Le titre, sans date, ne donne pas non plus le nom de l'imprimeur.
Il comporte une figure,consistanten 3 croix, dont deux blanches sur

G. Atkinson, La littrature
gographique dela Renaissance
franaise , Rpertoire ...,
bibliographique
Paris,1927,n42,pp.48-9,p. 425(Fig.29);D. C. Cabeen, Acritical ofFrench
bibliography litera-
II,The
turet sixteenth ed.A.H. Schutz,
century SyracuseN.Y.,1956,p. 43,n407;Catalogue gnral
deslivres dela Bibliothque
imprims nationale tomeCLXXXV,
, Auteurs, Paris,19^9,col.462; A.
Cioranesco, delalittrature
Bibliographie franaiseduseizime
sicle 19^9,p. 660,n210^4.
, Paris,
Lanotice 723dans M.daCivezza, Saggiodibibliografia
storica
etnografica , Prato,
sanfrancescana
j879,p. 89remonte PaulinParis.
1 Cetitreestcitd'aprs le Cataloguedela Bibliothque Le titre
nationale. a treproduit en
dansAtkinson.
fac-simil
2 OnliraaussiLeproux.Enrevanche,onpeutngligerlespages auVoyage
consacres et sonauteur
dansR. de Maulde La Clavire,
LouisedeSavoieetFranois
IeryTrenteansdejeunesse(1485-1 51s),
Paris,189$,pp.321sv.,etdansPauleHenry-Bordeaux, deSavoie,
Louise Rgenteet"Roi" deFrance,
Paris,
i94,pp.69sv.
II6

11:45:54 AM
fond noir (Atkinson,p. 48), mais qui, ma connaissance,n'a pas t
rattache une imprimeriedtermine. Il mentionne que les exem-
plairessont en vente Paris, dans la rue Neuve Notre Dame, l'enseigne
saint Nicolas. C'tait l'adresse successivementdu libraire Jean Saint
Denys, de sa veuve Claude, et de leur successeur Pierre Sergent1.On
peut donc songer eux, sinon comme imprimeurs, leur marque2
faisantdfaut, du moins comme vendeurs. Mais pour fixerla date de
l'dition princeps,cela n'est gure utile, le premierexerantle mtier
de i 52 1-153 1 ; la seconde de 15-31-15-33 ; le troisimede 1532-1547.
Sainan3a attribu FranoisRabelais plusieursempruntsau Voyage.
Un seul est absolument certain, tant donn qu'il est accompagn du
nom de l'auteur. Il se lit dans GargantuaXV* : "Si de ce vous esmer-
veillez, esmerveillezvous daventaigede la queue des beliers de Scythie,
que pesoytplus de trentelivres, et des moutons de Surie, es quelz fault
(si Tenaud diet vray) affusterune charretteau cul pour la porter,
tant elle est longe et pesante". La phrase provient du chapitre II du
Voyage( Schefer , p. 43). Comme Gargantuaa t publi en 15345, il
semble que nous tenionsun terminus ante quem de l'dition princeps.
Je dis : il semble, car il n'est pas tout faitexclu que le grandliseur que
futRabelais, ait lu le Voyage non dans l'imprimmais en manuscrit.
Sur le titrede l'dition princeps,Thenaud tale ses qualits: matre
s arts, docteur en thologie (deux degrs dont on ne sait toujours
pas quand et dans quelle universitil les a obtenus), gardien des frres
mineursd'Angoulme. Il paratimpensableque Thenaud auraitsign, et
faitimprimer,son Voyageen tantque gardien,aprs qu'il eut quitt son

1 Ph.Renouard, esimprimeurs
Rpertoire ,
parisiens d.J.Veyrin-Forrer etB. Moreau, Paris
196$,p. 389;p. 39f(rdition dePh.Renouard, Imprimeurs Paris,
parisiens..., 1898).
2 Ph.Renouard, Lesmarques desXVe
parisiennes
typographiques etXVlesicles
, Paris,1926,pp.330-1 ;
pp.332-3.
3 L. Sainan,Revuedestudes , VIII= 1910,pp.3^0-60.Il faudrait
rabelaisiennes vrifiers'il ne
de
s'agitpasparfois simples correspondances.Sainansignaleenoutre (pp.353-4) la prsencedu
nomdeTenault danscertainesditionsduCinquimelivre(chap.XXXouXXXI). J.Boulenger im-
prime sansexplication
Tevaulty ennote(Rabelais, uvres , Bibliothque
compltes de la Pliade,
Paris,1941,p. 866).Vul'authenticitdouteuseetla datetardivedecechapitre, je n'entiens pas
compte.
S'agissant
de chronologie,je citele passage
d'aprs la version
originale, laquelle vient
d'tre
diteparRuth danslesTextes
Calder Littraires , Genve-Paris,
Franais 1970.Letexte primitif(p.
104)prsente seulementquelques menues diffrencesd'orthographe parrapport auxversions
Cf.l'dition
postrieures. desuvres de Rabelais,
compltes parP. Jourda, Classiques Garnier,
Paris,1962,I, Gargantua
, chap.XVI,pp.6-6.
s Eni3, sil'oncroitdevoirsuivreM.A.Screech (ditiondeGargantua , Textes
Littraires ,
Franais
cite,pp.xl-xlv).
II7

11:45:54 AM
 couvent pour prendre possession de l'abbaye de Mlinais en fvrier
1529. Par une autre voie, cette conclusion rejoint globalement celle
de Schefer : le texte conserv dans l'dition princeps a t rdig entre
1^23 et le dbut de 1^29: il devait tre imprim, ou du moins sous
presse, cette derniredate.
Le Voyages'inscritdans la longue squence des rcitsde plerinages
ad loca sanctadont le prototypereste VItinerarium Egeriae(? Ve sicle)1,
et qui aurontencore la faveurau XVIe sicle. L'abb de Saint-Lgernote
ce propos: "Depuis 1420, les Cordeliers sont en possession de garder
les lieux saints o ils ont une Communaut, plusieurs Cordeliers
franoisont fait ce voyage, et ont ensuite publi leurs relations"2. Et
aprs avoir cit l'exemple de BonaventureBrochardet de JeanBoucher,
il passe Andr Thevet3, et suppose que celui-ci doit avoir parl de son
confrre Thenaud, soit dans sa Cosmographie du Levant , soit dans sa
grande Cosmographie universelle, soit enfindans ses Hommesillustresavec
leursportraits.Mais une lecture assez srieuse de ces trois ouvragesm'a
faitconclure que ce jeune mule de Thenaud, n comme lui en Angou-
mois et profsdans le mme couvent, ne le mentionnenulle part.
[Ce qui prcde tait dj compos l'imprimerie,lorsque j'ai pris
connaissance de la notice consacre au Voyagedans Jean Babelon, La
bibliothque franaisede FernandColomb(Paris, 1913, p. xxxi; pp. 209-10).
Babelon cite une note du bibliophile svillandclarantqu'il avait achet
son Voyagepour quatre deniers Lyon en i3. Cette date fournitun
nouveau terminusante quem sr de l'imprim, tout en confirmantla
datation tablie plus haut. Toutefois, l'intrt de la notice ne s'arrte
pas l. En comparant la reproduction du titre de l'exemplaire de la
Bibliothque colombine Sville avec celle de l'exemplaire de la
Bibliothque nationale Paris, on constate que ces titres ne sont pas
identiques. La diffrencela plus flagranteest la faute d'impression
Itinairedans l'exemplaire de la B.N., comme dans celui du British
Museum (cote: G 7064), tandisque l'exemplaire de Sville a correcte-
ment Itinraire . La mise en lignes du titreaussi est diffrente.
Il ne s'agit pas d'une simple rimpression,ou nouveau tirage,avec
seulementdes titresdiffrents.Dans l'exemplaire de la B. N., qui a 27
lignes par page, l'explicit se lit au verso du f. 64, tandisque dans celui
1 Itinerarium
Egeriaeedd.Franceschiniet Weber, Corpuschristianorum
CLXXV, etalia
Itineraria
Turnhout,
geographica, 196$,pp.27sv.
2 Cette selitMerci
phrase a, danslamarge
er- gauche.
#Mercier-a.
SurAndr Thevet, voirNouvellebiographie tome45, Paris,1866,coll.
gnrale...,
127-8;G. Atkinson, op.cit.,Index desLettres
, s.v.;Dictionnaire , Leseizime
franaises sicle
, Paris,
i9i,p. 664;Bibliographia VIH,p. 247*,n820.
franciscana
II8

11:45:54 AM
 de Sville, qui n'en a pourtantque 26, 1'explicit vient dj au recto du
f. 64. Comme Graesse l'avait pressenti,et contrairement 1'opinion de
Schefer (p. lxxxiv), il y a donc eu deux impressionsdistinctesdu Voyage .
Peut-on prciser leur chronologie? Dans l'exemplaire de Sville, le
verso du f. 64 est pris par le colophon que voici: Cynist le voyagede
Hierusalemfaict / parjrereIehanthanoud. . . Imprime nou uellement a Paris
pour la veufuedefeu lehan sai[n]ctdenysa le[n]seigne.S. Nicolas, avec,
en-dessous, la marque de Jean Saint-Denys. La Croix du Maine vindi-
catus: l'item dans sa Bibliothque , le nom estropi de Thenaud inclus,
loin d'tre fantaisiste,provientde ce colophon. L'adverbe nouvellement ,
que celui-ci contient, peut certes au XVIe sicle signifier "rcemment".
Mais, "imprim rcemment" ne va pas du tout dans le contexte; le
termedoit faireallusion une nouvelle impression,dans laquelle notam-
ment la faute du titre a t corrige, et le colophon et la marque
ajouts. Cette nouvelle impression,ayantt excute chez la veuve de
Jean Saint-Denys,doit tre postrieure la mort de celui-ci, survenue
entremarset dcembre 1^3 1. La veuve tantmorteen 15*33, la nouvelle
impressionne sauraittre de beaucoup postrieure cette anne-l, et
est en tout cas antrieure l'achat de l'exemplaire de Sville en i3.
Quant l'dition princeps, reprsente par les exemplaires de
Paris et de Londres, et qui est celle rdite par Schefer , postrieure
1^23 (prise de Rhodes), elle ne sauraittre de beaucoup postrieure la
mort de Jean Saint-Denysen 1531. Globalement: l'dition princeps,
par JeanSaint-Denys,se situe entre 1523 et 153 1 ; la seconde dition,
par sa veuve, entre 153 1 et 153^.
J'ai trouv la rfrence Babelon dans le fichiermanuscriten 84
volumes,sur lequel le ProfesseurJacquesMonfrinde l'Ecole des chartes
a bien voulu attirer mon attention: Rpertoire gnralalphabtiquedes
ches bibliographiques , rdigespar mile Picot (f 118), pour servir
Vhistoirelittraire, principalement des XVe, XVIeet premire moitidu XVIle
sicle, vol. 78 ( Tem-Tolom ) dans le ms. Paris B. N. Nouv. acq. fran.
23270 (cf. Nouvellesacquisitionsdu Dpartement des manuscrits pendantles
annes1924-1928, Inventaire sommaire p. H. Omont, Paris, 1929, pp.
56-8 = Bibl. deVc. desch. LXXXIX = 1928, pp. 291-3). Le rpertoire
contients.v. Thenaud14 fichesnumrotesde 896 909, pour lesquelles
Fevrety PaulinPariset Schefer ont t utiliss. Sigle: Picot.]

TRADUCTION DES EPITRES DE S. PAUL

A propos de Rhodes, o il fit escale pendant son retour du Caire,

119

11:45:54 AM
Thenaud exprime l'ide que le Colosse, l'norme statue d'Apollon en
airain qui se dressaitautrefois l'entre du Golfe, avait tendu son nom
l'le entire. Pourtant,il rfutel'opinion de ceux qui allaientjusqu'
admettreque saint Paul avait adress son Eptre ad Colossenses aux habi-
tantsde Rhodes. Puis il conclut: "De ceste maniereay escripten nostre
translationdes Epistres du glorieux Monsieur Sainct Pol qui seront
"
produictes,Dieu aydant,bientosten lumiere ( Schefer , p. 126).
Cette traductiondes Eptres de S. Paul, Holban (p. 283) suppose
que Thenaud pourrait l'avoir attaque au moment de la ferveurreli-
gieuse du cercle de Meaux, fonden 1^21 par GuillaumeBrionnet.Plus
importantest de savoir si Thenaud a men cette entreprise bonne fin.
Cela ne ressort pas avec vidence de la phrase prcite. En tout cas,
jusqu' ce jour aucun manuscritni aucun imprimn'en a t signal.

JEANTHENAUDMYTHOGRAPHE
Paulin Paris (VII, p. 79) reconnat Thenaud comme l'auteur de deux
ouvrages mythographiques : un Traitdes Divinitspotiqueset un "court
traitde la Lignede Saturne , compos pour Louis XII, au momentde la
conqute du Milanois (msc. 7488)". Il note que "Labbe1 dans sa Nova
Bibliotheca2 , 16^3, in 40, p. 3^3, cite la Lignede Saturne , qu'il attribue
JeanTerraud"3.
Schefer(pp. lxxiii-iv) traite seulement de la Lignede Saturne , sans
indiquer la cote du manuscrit. Il en donne un bref rsum et cite deux
passages montrant que cet ouvrage a t ddi Franois d'Angoulme.
Secret(p. 139, note 3) constateque "La descriptionde la Lignede
Saturnedans [Schefer]diffrede celle de P. Paris", et rappelle (p. 140,
note 1) que Snemaud, renvoyant P. Paris, avait signalde Thenaud le
Traitdes divinits potiques.
Holban (p. 266, note 4) remarque que Thenaud a crit la Lignede
Saturneen 1510 pour le jeune Franois d'Angoulme.
En ce qui concerne d'abord la Lignede Saturne , on voit que ces
savantsne sont d'accord, ni sur le contenudu trait,ni sur le personnage
auquel il futddi. En revanche, tous les quatre ne fonttat que d'un
seul manuscrit.Pourtant,ds 1857, Blondeau* avait signalchez Mont-
1 Surl'rudit Philippe
polygraphe Labbe,voirBibliothque
dela CompagniedeJsus...,nouvelle
ditionparC. Sommervogel, 1893,coll.129^-1
IV,Bruxelles-Paris,
Bibliographie, 328.
2 Philippus Nova
Labbeus..., Bibliotheca
mss. sive
librorum 1 vol.,Paris,165^3.
specimen..., C'estle
deSommervogel,
n48delaBibliographie qu'ilnefaut aveclen^4: Nova
pasconfondre Bibliotheca
2 tomes,
librorum...,
manuscript, Paris,16^7.
3 Voicil'itemdeLabbe,p. 333(!): MMXIII.Laligne parFr.leanTerrand
deSaturne, .
*Art.citsupra,
p. 109.
I 20

11:45:54 AM
fauconla mentiond'un manuscritdu trait,autreque celui cit parLabbe.,
En effet,Montfaucon1fournitpour la Bibliothque du roi les deux
itemssuivants: i) 7488. De la ligne de Saturne. 2) 7947. La ligne
de Saturne, par Jean Tenaud.2. On sait* que cette partie de Mont-
fauconremonte la remiseau net, peu auparavant(en 1730), du catalo-
gue rdig par Nicolas Clment en 1682-83. Aussi les deux items se
trouvent-ils,identiquement libells, dans Clment*, sous les mmes
cotes que chez Montfaucon, mais suivis entre parenthses des cotes
(808 et 1^13) qu'ils avaient dans le catalogue des frresDupuy, rdig
en 164^5. Ici, le second item intercalefiere devantJean Tenaud.Finale-
ment, les deux items se retrouventdans le second catalogue de Nicola^
Rigault,rdig en 1622, libells comme suit: 1 134. Chronique de la
ligne de Saturne. et 2139. La ligne de Saturne, par frere Jean
Tenaud. 6.
C'est dire qu' partirde 1622 la Bibliothque du roi possdaitdeux
manuscritssur la Ligne de Saturne: l'un anonyme,l'autre attribudj
Jean Tenaud. Quant la priode antrieure, Le Cataloguedes biblio-
thquesdu Roy Paris rdig vers 1560, sans doute par Jean Gosselin?,
mentionnedeux manuscritsanonymes: outre le ms. 969. Cronique de
la ligne de Saturne.8, le ms. 1047. La ligne de Saturne. L'ordre
royalde France.9.
La "substance"10 seulementdu catalogue Dupuy (164$) a pass dans
la Nova Bibliotheca(16^3)" de Labbe. Pour nos deux items, cela signifie
1) que la mentiondu manuscritanonyme808 a t entirementsuppri-
me la page 32 1 2) que, la page 333, dans la mentionprcite12du
manuscrit15:13, non seulement le nom de Tenauda t victime d'une
fauted'impression,tantdevenuTerrand, maisaussila cote,devenueMMXIII .
1 B. de Montfaucon, Bibliothecabibliothecarum nova...,II, Paris,1739,p. 792a;
manuscriptorum
P. 79Sa.
2 Lareproduction partielle deMontfaucon dansMigne, desmanuscrits
Dictionnaire ... , Paris,
185-3,
I,omet prcisment cesdeuxitems 7488(coll.768-9)et7947(col.774).
3 Anciens etcatalogues
inventaires dela Bibliothque
nationale
, p.p.H. Omont, Introduction
etconcor-
dances,
Paris, 1921,p. 42.
Anciensinventaires.
. ., IV,LaBibliothque Paris
royale auXVlIe
sicle
, Paris,
1911-13, p. 41; p.63.
s Anciensinventaires
..., III,LaBibliothque Paris
royale auXVlIe sicle 1910,p. 44; p. 76.
, Paris,
* Anciensinventaires
... , II,LaBibliothque
royale Paris
auXVIlesicle, 1909,p. 320 = p.
Paris,
486;p.370= p.499.
7 Anciensinventaires etconcordances,
.. ., Introduction 1921,p. 21.
Paris,
8 Anciensinventaires
. . ., I, Lalibrairie Blois,
royale etParis
Fontainebleau auXVIesicle,Paris,
1908,
p. 310.
9 Ibid.,
p. 314.
10Anciens inventaires.
. ., Introduction
etconcordances,
Paris,1921,p. 35,note2.
11Op.cit.,Supplments VII,VIIIetIX,pp.269-360.
12Supra, p. 119,note3.
I 2I

11:45:54 AM
 Ce double accident a t gros de consquences. Il a d'abord amen
Paulin Paris (VII, p. 79) mal interprterLabbe, en identifiant tortle
ms. MMXIII de la Nova Bibliothecaavec le ms. 7488. Ce faisant,il
confondaitle manuscritLa lignede Saturnede Thenaud, cot successive-
ment 2139, ii3, 7947, avec le manuscritanonyme ( Chronique ) De la
ligne de Saturne , cot successivement 1 134, 808, 7488. Nous verrons
qu'une autre consquence concerne le Traitdes divinitspotiquesqu'il
attribuait (ibid.) aussi Thenaud, sans indication de cote, et dont le
titre seul reparatradans la suite chez Blondeau, Snemaud et Secret(p.
140, note 1).
Avant de passer l'examen de ces deux manuscrits,je dois encore
signaler que, ds 1868, chacun d'eux a faitl'objet d'une brve notice,
en changeant encore une fois de cote, dans le premier volume du
Cataloguedes manuscrits franais1. Comme on n'a pas encore fait tat de
ces notices, je les reproduisici sous leurs cotes actuelles, qu'on voudrait
croire dfinitives:B.N. f. fr. 1358 et 2081, par lesquelles je les dsigne-
rai dsormais. Voici d'abord la notice du manuscritanonyme2:

13^8.
Io De Saturneetde saligne,commenant par: Puisquenaturelle conclusion
me
vousservir,
veultincliner monseigneur. . . et finissant
par: ... nulle
occasion
ne mesauroit desmouvoir.
2 Fortuneet Temporis dialogus,commenant (fol.13)par:
Tempsque faiztu?- Jem'esbas desfaire . . ..
Papier,dessincolori.XVesicle.- (Ane.7488.)
Voici ensuite l'autre notice3:
2081
La Sciencepoeticque,
par FrereJehanThenaud,commenant par: [PJour
ce queplusieurssontencestuymonde,quiautrechosenedemande
forslonguevie
... etfinissant
par:
Pectuset oralee,caudamserpentishabebat.
Papier.XVe -
sicle. (Ane.7947.)

Le rappel de la cote ancienne 7947 montreque ce ms. f.fr.208 1, malgr

le titre La Sciencepoeticqueque lui donnent les rdacteurs du Catalogue,
est identique celui qui jusque-l s'intitulait La ligne de Saturnepar
JeanTenaud. Inspectons-le.
r .
A suivre
1 Bibliothque
impriale. desmanuscrits.
Dpartement Cataloguedesmanuscrits . Tomepremier.
franais
Ancien
fonds, parordre
publi del'empereur,
Paris,1868.
2 Ibid.,
p.217.
3 Ibid.,p.3s.
122

11:45:54 AM
 On The Life of Peter of Spain, The Author of The

Tractatus, called afterwards Summule

logicales

L. M. DE RI JK

i - PopeJohnXXI ( Peterof Spain) as theauthorof theso-called

Summule logicales

an attemptwill be made to sketch the life of the authorof the

Beforeso-called Summule , a preliminaryquestion of major importance
should be answered: is the author identical with Peter of Spain
(Petrus Hispanus) who in 1276 became Pope under the name JohnXXI?
An alternative question may be added whether, or not, the famous
logician was a Black Friar,as was sometimesmaintained.
As to the latter problem, Heinrich Denifle published1 in 1886 a
catalogue of Dominican writers (Tabula scriptorum OrdinisPredicatorum )
which he had discovered at the Abbey of Stams (Austria). This catalogue,
which musthave been composed before the year 13 112has the following
entry:
nr.63: Fr<ater> PetrusAlfonsi summalas
scripsit
hyspanus (!) logicales3.
To be sure, as early as 1889 Denifle explicitlyrejected this attribution*
and joined the view commonlyheld before thatthe later Pope JohnXXI
was the authorof the Summule.In the 1930^, however, the attributionto
Petrus AlfonsiO.P. as given by the Stams Catalogue foundan obstinate
defender in father H.-D. Simonin O.P.5. Simonin took6 this Petrus
Alfonsifor the one who, according to a local tradition,still alive as late

1 SeeHeinrich Denifle, zurGelehrtengeschichte

Quellen desPredigerordens frLiteratur-
in:Archiv und
Kirchengeschichte II (1886),pp.165-248.
2 SeeP. Mandonnet, Descrits
authentiquesdeSaintThomas
d'Aquin(Freiburg, 1910,pp.
Switzerland)
87-90.Anewedition ofthiscatalogue, with
together twoother wasmade
catalogues,' byG.Meer-
seman O.P., Laurent ii Pignon
Catalog i etChronica
. Accedunt
CatalogiStansensis
etUpsalensis
Scriptorum
O.P.,curaG. Meerseman O.P. in: Monumenta ordinis
fratrum histrica
praedicatorum vol.18,
Rome1936.
3 Loc
. laud , p. 233,MS.B (Toulouse, Munic.488(91))adds:quecomuniter
traduntur
pueris.
SeeH. Denifle - E. Chatelain,
Chartularium Universitatis I (Paris
Parisiensis p. 541, n. 1.
1889),
5 H. D. Simonin O.P., Les"Summulae dePetrus
Logicales" Hispanus d'histoire
in:Archives doctri-
naleetlittraire dumoyenge g (1930),pp.267-278 ; thesame, Petrus
Magister HispanusO. P. in:
Archivm Fratrum Praedicatorum s (193j), pp.340-343.
6 Op.cit., p. 268.

123

11:45:59 AM
as the seventeenth century and supported by an inscription in the
cloister1, belonged to the convent of Estella in Navarra (between Pam-
plona and Logroo). As a matterof fact, the informationgiven by the
Stams Catalogue has been repeated, and probably copied from it, by
two other catalogues2.Besides, some more informationon the subject is
given by the fifteenthcenturyDominican writerLuis of Valladolid. His
Tabulaecontain the followingpassage onJraterPetrusHispanus 3:

nr. i 2: Frater de natione

PetrusHispanus, Castelle, summam
scripsit logicalem,
que [...] ut communiter Tractatus in quo libroviamfacilemad
nuncupatur,
dialeticam acquirendam ac tradidit.
invenit Itemdictavitet composuit
eleganter
hystoriam et totumofficium
beatiDominici, nostri*.
patris

Here the famous logician is identifiedwith the author of the Legenda

sancii Dominici.Well, this author was fatherPetrus FerrandiHispanus,
who died between 12^4-^9 (probablyas earlyas 12^4)5 and so Luis put
our logician's life-time in the firsthalfof the thirteenthcentury.
It should be noticed thatthisdate does not fitat all with the date of
the Summule logicalesas supposed by Simonin6, who located the work in a
Black Friars' circle and dated it in the verylast yearsof the thirteenthor
the beginningof the fourteenthcentury.
Following Nicolao Antonio, who as earlyas 1788 rejected Peter of
Spain's authorship of the so-called Summulelogicales? , Simonin also

1Quoted byJ.Lopez, Historia

generalisIII.
2 LaurentiusPignon O.P. Cataogus Jratrum quiclarueruntdoctrina
, edited byP. G. Meerseman,
mentioned above,p. 123,n. 2. (nr.91: Frater PetrusAlfonsiHispanus summulas
scripsit logicales,
quaecommuniter tradunturpueris). Thesameentry without theaddition (quaeetc.)isfoundina
catalogueoftheSaint Annconvent atPrague, which wasdiscovered byAuer:SeeP. Auer O.S.B.,
Einneuaujgejundener
Katalog in: Institutum
derDominikanenschriJtstellert historicumFF.Praedicatorum
Romae adS. Sabinaedissertationeshistori II,Lutetiae
cae,fase. Parisiorum 1933, p. 107.
3 Seealsobelow, pp.134-137.
*Chronica
, ed.M. Canal(Rome1932),p. 39.SeealsoH. C. Scheeben, DieFabulae Ludwigsvon
imChor
Valladolid derPredigerbrdervonSt.Jacob inParis, in: Archivm Fratrum Praedicatorum1
('930. PP-3-263],P-2SS-
s SeeH. Chr.Scheeben, PetrusFerrandi, in:Archivm Fratrum Praedicatorum 2 (1932),[pp.329-
347],p. 331.H.-M.Laurent, Legenda sancii Dominici
auctorePetroFerrandi
, in:Monumenta Ordinis
Fratrum Praedicatorumhistrica,16(Rome193O Introduction,[pp.195-260!, pp.197-198.
* Op.cit.
yp. 276.
7 NicolaoAntonio,Bibliotecahispnico vetusfRome1696,II,pp.2-54. Hisopinion wasadhered
tobyEchard; seeQutif-Echard, Ordinis
Scriptores , Paris1719,I, pp.485-486.
Praedicatorum Tobe
sureAntonio andEchard, whoonly wereacquainted withLaurent Pignon's ratherlatecatalogue,
didnottake theattribution
toPetrus Alfonsi madebyPignon reliable.
They only rejectedthePope's
authorshipsincetheSummulearenotmentioned inthelistofJohn XXPsworks asgiven byPtolemy
ofLuccainhisHistoria andbecause
ecclesiastica ofthemedical characteroftheworks which are
tothis
attributed Pope.
124

11:45:59 AM
pointed to a manuscript1of the Cathedral Library of Sevilla (Spain)
containing,he supposed, a master Bartholomeus' commentaryon the
firstpart of the Summule which has this explicit:
Etinhocterminatur totusliberBartholomei
lectioetperconsequens superprimam
partemMagistiPetri
Hispanideordine .
predicdtorum2

For the rest, thismanuscriptevidenceforthe authorshipof a Black Friar

named Petrus Hispanus3is not unique. There is a note to be foundin a
fifteenthcenturymanuscriptat Erfurt,AmplonianaF 263 (f. 29v):
istesuntsumule
fratris diciflosortuslibriAristotilis.
P.H. quepossunt

Compare the BerlinmanuscriptLat. Qu. 87 (datingfrom1463):

f.63r: Etsicestfinis
textus
sumularum PetriHispani
magisti ordinis .
predicatorum

Surelythe traditionof some Black Friar as the author of the Summule is

much older thanthe fifteenth century. I found in the Biblioteca Provin-
cial at Tarragona(Spain) a copy of GuillelmusArnaldi's commentaryon
the Summulewith the followingexplicity writtenby the same hand that
wrote the whole work:

Expliciuntglosulesupratractatus ptri
magisti yspanideordine . quas
predicatorum
glosulascomposuit arnaldi
guillermus
magister regensToloseinartibus.
//etdiete
glosulesuntbernardidemarroncules
nes(?), quasipsemet
scripsit.*

This manuscriptbelonged to the libraryofthe CistercianAbbeyofSantes

Creus, near Tarragona,and was writtenin the South of France, probably
at Toulouse, about 1280s, I would guess.
One has to remark,however,thatthecommentaryitselfgives (f. 1ra)
tractatus
as the title of Peter's work: Incipiunt p. hispani, without
magisti
1 Simonin didnotknow theshelf-mark (nottospeak
ofthismanuscript, ofanyacquaintance with
it),nordidAntonio. Itischaracteristic,
indeed, s lackofscientific
ofSimonin' accuracy andevenof
theunfairwayoftreating that
hisreaders, hebarefacedremarks(op.cii.,p. 270): "Lemanuscrit
est,
assezancien".
parait-il, I found thismanuscript
during myvisittosomeSpanish Autumn
libraries
1968.Infact, itisa fifteenth
century manuscript.Seenextnote.
* Sevilla,
BibliotecaCapitolar Colombina,cod.7-7-7(R. 12.479),f. i6^ra.Thework iswhatI
have called:Glose See,below
Salamantine. p. 126.
3 Itshould benoted wellthat innosingle manuscriptoftheabout 300I know oftheSummulethe
authoriscalled Petrus
Alfonsi.
Bibi.Prov.cod.27,f.irb.SeeL. M.deRijk,OnTheGenuine TextofPeurofSpain* s Summule
IVTheLectura
logicales. byGuillelmus
Tractatuum Master
Arnaldi, ofArts atToulouse in
(1238-44)
vivarium 7 (1969),[pp.120-162], p. 121.
* Seethestudy mentioned intheprecedingnote,p. 120.
US

11:45:59 AM
the addition de ordinepredicatorum. We may conclude from this that
GuillelmusArnaldihad a manuscriptof the Summule at his elbow which
did not call Peter a Black Friar.
The anonymousauthor (presumablya magisterBartholomeus)of a
1
commentarywhich I have entitled Glose Salamantine dating from the
fourteenth,if not the thirteenth,centurygives the same title to Petrus
Hispanus and appears to have read the addition de ordinepredicatorumin
his copy of the Summule :

GloseSalamantine (5c. causa)fuitmagister

: Compilativa petiusIspanusde ordine
Qui vidensmagnam
predicatorum. in logicahocopusculum
dificultatem subbrevi
compendiocompilavit.< >
dicitur
Adsextum:'quistitulus?', isteesse:Incipiunt
tractatus
editia magistro
petro
yspanodeordine ; qui vidensmagnam
predicatorum in logicahocopus-
dificultatem
etintroductionem
culumad utilitatem clericorumnovellorumsubbrevicompen-
diocompilavit2.

The Dominican Philippusof Ferrara(firsthalfof the 14thcentury),who

wrote a commentaryon some tracts of the Summule , which has been
preserved in the Vatican Library, Vat. Lat . 3043, ff. 8ora-io8vb,
mentions3magister PetrusHispanusas the causa of
efficiens the Summule , but
in the title of the work he says that Peter was afterwardsa Black Friar:
fuitmagister
: Causaefficiens
f. 8ora-rb PetrusYspanusquihunelibrum
compo-
suit (8orl>) Librititulus
talisest: tractatus
Incipiunt Petri
maistri
Yspani deordine
tquifuitpostea fratrum
predicatorum.

Finally,the manuscriptRipoll2 i 6 writtenby several hands datingfrom

about 1300 may be pointed out. It contains a rathergood copy of the
Summule and gives the colophon writtenby the same hand which wrote
the work (f. 4rb): Expliciunttractatusmagistipetri ispani de ordine
.
predicatorum*
The onlyconclusion sound philologycan draw fromall thisis, that,
century,Peter of Spain, the
fromas earlyas the 128o's up to the fifteenth

1 SeeL. M. de Rijk,OnTheGenuine TextofPeter Summule

ofSpain's VSome
logicales. Anonymous
onTheSummule
Commentaries DatingFromTheThirteenth in:vivarium
Centuiy 8 (1970),
[pp.io-j],
pp.41-49.
2 Seeibid.
yp.46.
3 f.8ora:Incipiunt
rationestractatuumsecundum fratrem
Phylippum Ferr.ord.pred.dialetica
istius
etc.Inprincipio librietcuiuscumquelibriquatuor Primo
causeassignantur. quesitcausa
efficiens etc.- Onf.io8vb thefollowing
colophonisfoundinmirrorwriting:Quiscriscit
(!)
scribat
sempercumdomino vivat. incelisPhilippus
Vivat nominefelix.
* Barcelona, dela Corona
Archivo deAragony
cod.Ripoll216.
I 26

11:45:59 AM
author of the so-called Summulelogicales
, was sometimesconsidered to
have been a memberof theBlack Friars'Order. It shouldbe remembered
that there is no single manuscript evidence for the authorshipof a
PetrusAlfonsi1,so thatSimonin's specificthesisof the authorshipof this
Dominican is withoutanysupportfromthe manuscripts.

However, other strongevidence can be put forwardin support of the

traditionalview thatthe Petrus Hispanus who afterwardsbore the tiara,
was the author of the Summule.Since Pope John XXI certainlywas a
secular priest2, the identificationimplies an absolute rejection of any
memberof a religiousOrder as the authorof the work.
First,FatherM.-H. LaurentO.P. has pointed^ to some chronicles,
all of which antedatethe StamsCatalogue and give some evidence forthe
Pope's authorship.One of them even contains an explicit assertionof
JohnXXI's authorshipof the famoustreatise on logic. In 1297, about
fourteenyearsbeforethe StamsCatalogue was composed, the chronicler
Ricobaldo of Ferrarapublishedhis HistoryofRomanPontiffs , in which the
later Pope's authorshipis explicitlystated:

JohannesXXI,nationeHispanus,seditmenses VIII,diesI, et cessavit

menses VII,
diesVII.Hicelectus a Gregorio
fuitCardinalis X. Hicmagnus Magisterinscientiis
quamomnibus
plusdelectabatur reliquisin negotiis.Cui nomenfuitMagister
Petrus
Hispanus inlogicacomposuit*.
qui Tractatus

Special attentionshould be paid to the factthatRicobaldo here mentions

the Summulewith their original title Tractatus5. The other testimonials

1Seeabove, p. 123,n. g.
2 Sowhen enumeratingfourcardinals
ordainedbyPopeGregory V Ricobaldo ofFerrara
explicitly
mentions (Historia ap.Muratori,
Imperatorum Rerum itaicarum IX,col.140)Peter
scriptores ofTaren-
taise'sandBonaventura's membership oftheDominican, resp.Franciscan, Orders,whilesuch
mention ismissing inthecaseofPeter ofSpain: HicGregorius quatuor
praestantes viros
sapientia
secundum eiusopinionemetconsilium captumadcardinalatum adscivit,
quorum Consilio
agebatur,
sc.quemdam magistrm inOrdine Praedicatorum (sc.PeterofTarantaise
O.P.),quisibiinpapatu
successit(as Innocent V), magistrm Ordinis Minorum fratrem Bonaventuram de Bagnareto,
magistrm Petrm Hispanum,quimoxpapatu estfunctusdietusJohannes XXI,etquartum alium
virum scientiaaequepersimilem.Seefurtherbelow, pp.i$2,1^3,n. 3.
3 M.-H.Laurent, MatrePierre
d'Espagne Dominicain?
fut-il inDivus Thomas 39(1936),[pp.3-4$],
p.40ff.
Historia
Ponticum RomanorumeditedbyL. A.Muratori in:Rerum itaicarum IX,col.181,
scriptores
(cap.72),subanno12JJ. Compare theparallellous intheanonymous
passage Lires
ofthePopes
,
preservedinBergamo, DeltaIV34,quoted
Bibl.Civica, below, p. 153,n. 3.
s Seethestudy mentionedabove(p. 126,n. 1),p. 54.
127

11:45:59 AM
adduced by Laurent in support of the Pope's authorshipof the famous
treatise,certainlyare of minor importance,since theymake only clear
thatPope JohnXXI, was considered ' magnusin philosophia'1and 'magnus
sophysta, loycusetdisputator However, in connectionwith
atquetheologus'2.
Ricobaldo's assertion,theycarrysome weightin favourofthetraditional
view of the Pope's authorshipof the Summule.
Msgr. BernhardGeyer thoughthe had found a text which would
prove the Pope's authorshipof the so-called Summule.In fact he just
founda remarkablepiece of evidence for Pope JohnXXI' s highrenown
as a logician. A manuscriptof the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (cod.
4008 dating,it seems, fromthe end of the thirteenthcentury)contains
theological Questiones of the hand of Nicolas of Pressoir (De
quodlibetales
Pressorio, De Torculari)^. In a quodlibetdated (f. 39) anno domini
MCC septuagsimo tertioimminentesolemnitate
pascbali (= March 1274) the
is
followingpassage found:
f.42va-vb: MagisterveroSententiarumdixitquodsolusChristus postmortem fuit
homononexunione soliusanimesedcarnis etanime,nontarnen eo modoquod( !)
ceteridicuntur homines, quiaceterosfacithomines coniunctio corporisetanime,
Christum verofaciebat hominem
(42vto) utriusqueassumptio, sed unum hominem
faciebateumutriusque coniunctio.HecfuitoppinioMagisti, utpatettertiolibro
dist.XXII.
Verumptamen communiter teneturquod Christus in triduonon fuithomo,
dixerint istaest vera: ' Cesaresthomo Cesare
quamvis aliquiphilosophi quod '
etiamnonexistente. Ut dicatur:Cesarsemperest homopropter habitudinem
necessariam huiusad hoc; sicutistasemper estvera: 4Cesar estCesar*
, ipsoetiam
nonexistente.
*
Verumptamen
'
tusculanus qui modoest,determinavit
cardinalis quodista: Cesar
estCesaripsononexistente nonestveranisiquando (quiaMS)predicatur nomen de
nomine, stercusde stercore*.

Well, it is Peter of Spain, the later Pope JohnXXI, who was cardinalof
Tusculum in March 1274s.
1 SoPtolemy ofLuccainhisAnnales (ed.Muratori, Kerumitalicarum resXI,col.1291).The
scripto
first
partoftheAnnales inwhich thisnoteis found, seemstohavebeenfinished in 130$.The
textoftheMonumenta GermaniaeHistrica
, novaseries,
Scriptores, 8 (Berlin1930),p. 184reads:
u inscripturan.h should benoted thattheBlack Friar doesnotcallourauthora
magnus Ptolemy
member ofhisOrder.
2 SoSalimbene (Ognibene diGuido diAdamo O.F.M.)inhisCronica writtenin1288, inthe
edited
MonumentaGermaniae histrica , 32(byOswald
, Scriptores Holder-Egger, 1913),p. 304.Thetextwill
bequoted, below p. 14$,n. g.
3 Hewasactive asa theologian about1273-74, archdeaconofBayeux in1282,canon inParis1293
anddiedJanuary 26,1302.
* Geyer(loc.cit.)hasthesenseless
phrase : "stri
cti ore"
usdestricti asa resultofmisreading.
* Seebelow,pp.129and1^2.
128

11:45:59 AM
 *
Fairlyspeaking I cannot see why Geyer1and others2see this as a
positiveprooffromcontemporaneousevidence thatthe Petrus Hispanus
who wrote the so-called Summule logicalesis to be identifiedwith John
XXI. The passagefromNicolas of Pressoiris a precious piece of evidence,
indeed, for the high renown the later Pope John XXI enjoyed as a
logician. However, his determinatiois to be foundnowherein the Summule
3
or in the Syncategoreumata. For that matter,the ratherplastic expression
would make us think, indeed, of an oral utteranceof
stercusde stercore
Peter of Spain, and so does the perfecttense 'determinavi. Probablywe
have to read: tusculanus cardinalisqui modo( hic) (= in Paris) est. Peter
mighthave visitedParis March i 274 duringthe Council of Lyons.
in
The studies by Fr. Cristoforo, R. Stapper* and G. Petella6 and
others7may be referredto in which the identityof the famouslogician
and physicianwith Pope JohnXXI has been shown.
I only referto the RegestaPonticum Romanorum II 1710 (Vothast)
,
where Pope John XXI is mentioned explicitly as the author of the
Summule , which are called by theiroriginalname, Tractatus :

Magister Petrusanteadietusest nationeHispanus,Ulissipone natus,Julini

medicus,ex archidicono
flius,professione de Vernusi in ecclesiaBraccarensi
designatusarchiepiscopus a Gregorio
Braccarensis X, episcopuscardinalisTuscula-
nus in concilioLugdunensi anno 1273 renunciatur, postmodum ad summum
pontificatumascendit.Multoscomposuitlibros;e.g. Tractatus
duodecim ,
, Loycalia
Summam mentorm
experi siveThesaurum
pauperum, CommentariuminIsaacum de dietis
et particularibus
universalibus 8.

1 Bernhard Geyer, Zuden Summulae desPetrus

logicales Hispanusund Lambertvon
Auxerrein: Philoso-
Jahrbuch
phisches derGrresgesellschaft o(1937),[pp. 1-S13J, pp.S1
2 SoJoseph Mullallyintheexcellent Introduction
tohisedition ofthelasttractsoftheSummule , p.
XVI.AlsoJoao Ferreira(study quoted below, p. 130,n. 4), p. 367.
3 Geyer's referencetothetract Deappellationibus
isuseless,
since Peterdoesnotsaythere anything
aboutthetruth ofsuchpropositions like'Cesar
estCesar*.Thishasalready beenremarked byI. M.
Bocheski intheIntroductiotohisedition oftheSummulef p. XI.
* Francesco DiPietro
Cristofori, recordato
daDante nelcanto 12delParadiso *identit
e dell di
Hispano
luicon
ilPapaGiovanni XXI, in:Nuevo GiornaleArcadico 3 (Milan 1890).
s R.Stapper, PietroHispano (PapaGiovanni XXI)edilsuosiggiorno inSiena
in:Bullettinosenese di
storia
patria (Siena1898), pp. 424-431.
6 Giovanni Petella,Gull*identitdePietro inSiena
, medico dantesco
e poipapacolfilosofo in:
Ispano
Bullettinosenesedistoriapatria 6 (Siena1899),pp.277-329.
7 G. Battelli,Pietro
Hispano medico e pontefice
filosofo colnome diGiovanni XXIin: Il VICentenario
Dantesco, Bullettinodel Comitato catolico
perl'omaggio a DanteAlighieri, 1918,p. 102.
D. Barduzzi, Di unmaestro dellostudio nelParadiso
senese Dantesco in: Bullettino
senese di storia
patria28(Siena1921),pp.417-429. G. Bilancioni,Pietro
Ispano inRivistadistoriacritica delle
scienzemediche e naturali11 (1920-22), pp.49-67.Langton Douglas, andsocial
Political historof
theRepublicofSiena,London 1908.
Tothistestimonial thecolophon ofMSMadrid, Bibl.Nac.3314may beaddedwhere theauthor
129

11:45:59 AM
Besides, Simonin's view of a Black Friar as being the author of the
Sumrnule has to be considered ratherquestionable since in all the not-
anonymousmanuscriptsbut one Peter of Spain is referredto as magister
instead of Jrater. Since the members of religious orders, even when
active magisti, were nearlyalwayscalledf rater,not magister withoutany
furtheraddition1, this has to be considered an additional evidence
againstthe view thata memberof a religiousorder was theauthorofthe
Summule2. In thisconnectionit deservesour attentionthatat the Provin-
cial Chapter of the Black Friarsheld at Pisa in i 340 it was decided that
the masters of that Order were obliged to use the Tractatus writtenby
magister, not Jrater,PetrusHispanus:
Magistiveroin loycalibus
artemveterem totamet duoslibrosadminusde arte
novaperficiant et, postquam
diligenter compleverintartemveterem, de Trac-
magistiPetriprorudibus
tatibus suasassumant
sollicite
lectiones3.

Thus we have some importantevidence thatas earlyas 1340 the official

leaders of the Dominican Order did not hold such a famousauthor as
Peter of Spain was, fora formermemberof theirOrder*.
An old catalogue of the Dominican libraryof Santa Caterinaat Pisa
has been adduced as a piece of evidence againstPeter's membershipof
the Dominican Order. It was supposed to have been dressed as earlyas
1278s. It has this entry:
nr.4$: Tractatus
magistipetriyspani
loycales6.

callshimself : Egoigitur Petrus

hispanusportugalensisliberalium artium
doctor sublimitatis
, philosophi
gubernator,medicinalis decor
facultatis acproficue
rector
. . . . etc.Seebelow,p. 138.
1 SeeQutif-Echard, Ordinis
Scriptores I (Paris1719),p. 48b. SeealsoR. Stapper.
Praedicatorum
op.cit.,p. 11, n.2. Anoticeable exceptionisfound inthePisacatalogue, mentioned below,p. 130,
2 Cp. R. Stapper, Papst Johannes XXI.EineMonographie. Mnster i.W. 1898,p. 11,n. 1, who
mentioned (ibid.)as theonlyexception thefifteenth century Erfurt
manuscriptAmplon.F. 263.
Seeabove, p. 12$.SeealsoJoaquin Carreras
yArtau. Rectificacin Lanacionalidad
histrica. portuguesa
dePedro Hispano in:LasCiencias i (Madrid1934),pp.378-384.
3 SeeActa capitulorum provincialiumProvinciae
Komanae (1243-1344)ediditThomas KaeppeliO.P.
auxiliante Antonio Dondaine O.P., praefatione instruxit InnocentiusTaurisanoO.P. in: Monu-
menta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum XX(Rome1941),p. 319.Kaeppeli
Histrica iswrong in
putting a comma after rudibus
instead ofafterveterem anddidnotwrite witha capital
tractatibus
letter.
*Professor JoaoFerreira O.F.M. (AsSmulas Logicais dePedro Hispano in:
e osseuscomentadores
Colectnea deEstudos 3 (19^2),[pp.360-394],p. 368,n. i) isright inpointingtotheprescriptions
made attheChapter ofArezzo in131,where Thomas Aquinas ismentionedasfrater
Thomas.
s So Msgr. Pelsterwhoedited it. (FranzPelster,DieBibliothek vonSantaCaterinazuPisa.Eine
Bchersammlung ausdenZeiten deshl.Thomas vonAquin, in: XeniaThomistica3 (1925),pp.
249-281).
6 Pelster,op.cit.,p. 257.
130

11:45:59 AM
We findhere Peter's famouswork on logic mentionedunder its original
name, Tractatus.It should be noticed indeed that the author is called
magister9 notj rater,in this list which is supposed to contain the books
bequeathed to the Pisa Conventby a certainJraterProynus O.P.
As a matter of fact this brother is told by the Chronicle which
containsthe list of books, to have been one of the foundersof the Pisa
Convent1. It was actuallyfoundedas earlyas 12222. The Chronicleitself
was dated 1248 by a later hand in the margin,and the date was changed
by Pelster into 1278. All well considered, I would take this evidence
to be useless formore thanone reason. (1) The basic cataloguemayhave
been dressed in 1248 as the marginalhand added (Pelster's change of
this date into 1278 is withoutany foundation).However, since the date
of the definitiveredaction of the list is uncertain,- Thomas Aquinas is
mentionedas sanctus Thomas(after 1323 !) - and manyentriesmighthave
been added afterwards,the date of our entry (nr. 45) is not certain
either. (2) The Black Friar Albert the Great is mentioned as magister
Albertus (nrs 28 and 46) and brotherMoneta of Cremona (d. 1235) as
magisterMonetus (nr. 33). Therefore Simonin seems to be perfectly
rightin rejectingthiscatalogueas plaidingagainsthis thesis^.
I thinka more reliablepiece of evidence of thiskindmaybe foundin
an old catalogue of the Sorbonnelibrary.It has the followingentry:

XLVI,nr.6: inunovolumine et Sincategoreumata

Tractatus magistiPetriHyspani
ex legatomagisti Adenulfi, SanctiOdomari.Incipitin 2 fol.: Modo
prepositi
, inpen.: estexcelsa.
queritur Precium XIIsol.*.

Since Adenulf of Anagni died on August 26, 1289, Peter's Tractatus

and Syncategoreumata must have been considered, then, in the Parisian
circles the work of some secular priest.
In thisconnectionit maybe pointedout that,in his DivinaCommedia ,
ParadisoXII, 133-135",Dante let St Bonaventuremention the famous
logician, author of the dodicilibelli (i.e. the twelve chaptersof the so-
called Summulelogicales) as PietroIspanowhile Thomas Aquinas is called
fra Tommaso X
(Paradiso II, 133-13$; 143-144):

1 Seeibid.,
p. 2^6.
2 Seeibid.
yp. 2^3.
3 H.-D.Simonin, Petrus
Magister O.P.in:Archivm
Hispanus Fratrum
Praedicatorum
g(1935),(pp.
P. 341,n.3.
340-343),
4 SeeLopold Lecabinet
Delisle, desmanuscrits
delaBibliothque III(Paris
Nationale p. gy.
1881),
HI

11:45:59 AM
 Ugoda SanVittore qui conelli
E PietroMangiadore,e PietroIspano
Lo qualgilucein dodicilibelli;

Mi mossela infiammatacortesia
Di fraTommaso, e il discreto
latino1

The date of the Summule , as assumed by Simonin, was bound to get him
into the greatest difficulties.The above-mentioned testimonials in
conjunction with the fact that quite a lot of manuscriptsof both the
Summule and the Syncategoreumatacertainlydo not date from later than
the middle of the thirteenthcentury2and that our oldest commentaries
antedateby manydecades the date of compositionsupposed by Simonin,
make his thesis quite untenable. Moreover, the oldest gloss commen-
taries extanton Peter of Spain's Summule should be referredto. The fact
that just those datingfromthe Pope's own life-timecall him magister ,
notfrater*ycan indeed be takenas a proofof decisive strength.
Finally, it should be remembered that if Lus of Valladolid's
testimonial,in which Petrus Hispanus is made a Black Friar too, would
be accepted, we would have decisive evidence against Simonin's
supposed date of the Summule* .

From the above evidence the followingstatementscan be made with all

due certainty:
(i) duringhis life-timePeter of Spain, the author of the so-called
Summulelogicales (more correctly named Tractatus* ), is considered a
secular master

1 Laurent, op.cit.,p. 45pointstothenoticeable factthatalthoughDante's textdidnotgiveany

reason totakePietro Hispanoasa BlackFriar,hiscommentor (presumablyunder theinfluenceof
thetradition embodied intheStams Catalogue)made(towards 1389)Petera member ofthe
Dominican Order. However, hispredecessors,JacopodellaLana,Pietro
AlighieriandFrancesco da
Butididnotmake suchmistake. Seethenext note.
2 Whencommenting uponthispassage Dante'ssonPietro says:Itemet Petrus Manducator et
Petrus Hispanus quifecit Tractatus
logicales induodecim
partitos libellos
(P. AUegherii
superDantis
ipsius comoediam
genitoris commentariumed.V. Nannucci,Florence 1845,p. 637).Francesco daButi
isevenmuch more explicitinhiscomment: Questo fumaestro Pietro
diSpagna chefecelitrattati
dellaloicacheincominciano: Dialetica
estarsetc In dodici libelli: questo fumo dodici
libri,li qualifecelo dettomaestro PietroSpano.(Commento di Francesco
daButisopra la Divina
Commedia diDanteed.C. GianniniIII,Pisa1862,p. 378.
3 Guillelmus Arnaldi (c. 124$),Robertus Anglicus(c. 1270,orevenc. 1240).Seethepresent
author's studies
ontheir commentaries,publishedinvivarium, AJournalforMediaeval Philosophy
AndTheIntellectual LifeinTheMiddle Ages7 (1969),pp.125-127 andpp.14and26.
Seeabove, p. 124.
s Seeabove, p. 126,n. 1,p.54.
132

11:45:59 AM
 () as from about 1280 he is called magisterPetrusHispanusde
OrdinePraedicatorum (to be sure, never1JraterPetrusHispanus)in some
manuscripts of the Summule, or commentariesupon them
(3) the Stams Catalogue ( Tabula scriptorum OrdinisPraedicatorum)
finishedin 13 11 is the only2document to call himJraterPetrusAlfonsi
O.P. y while all other documents of that kind, which, for apart, even
antedate the Stams Catalogue, identifyhim with the later Pope John
XXI
(4) No singlemanuscript,neitherthose which give the additionde
ordinepredicatorum to the name magister PetrusHispanusynor those which
just call him Magister PetrusHispanus, gives Alfonsias the author's
Petrus
name
($) The dates of both the oldest manuscriptsextantof the Summule
and the oldest commentariesupon this work make the authorshipof a
PetrusAlfonsi,who is supposed by Simoninto have belongedabout 1300
to the Conventof Estella in Navarra^,quite impossible.

Generally speaking, i.e. apart from Simonin's particularview on the

matter, it should be remarked that, when all pieces of evidence in
supportof Pope JohnXXI's authorshipof the so-called Summule logicales
are weighed out againstthose suggestingthe author's membershipof the
Dominican Order, the scales are fartipped in favourof the formerview.
I speak on purpose of argumentssuggesting Peter's membershipof the
Black Friars' Order, for just the odd combination amagisterpetrus
n
hyspanusde ordinepredicatorumfoundin some manuscriptsof the work,
or of a commentaryupon it, ought to make the reader suspicious as to
the reliabilityof the additionde ordinepredicatorum.
However, theremustbe some explanationof the wrongattribution
of our work. Several hypotheseshave been put forwardto explain the
attributionof the Summule to the Black FriarPetrus Alfonsiin the Stams
Catalogue.
Laurent*has pointed to the fact that one of the firstbiographers

1 With theonly mentioned

exception above,p. 126.
2 Itshouldbenoticed,indeed, allother
that sourcesadduced bySimonin, goback
apparently tothe
StamsCatalogue. LuisofValladolid's
Tabulae, which,however, werenotmentioned bySimonin,
seemtocomefrom a tradition from
different thatoftheStams andPignon's (Set
catalogues.
H.Chr.Scheeben, DieTabulae
LudwigsvonValladolid
, etc.,p. 241).Trulyspeaking, of
thedefender
a BlackFriar's oftheSummule
authorship hastopayhismajor nottothe
tothistradition,
attention
somewhat laterandrather notefound
isolated intheStams Catalogue.Seebelow,pp.134ff.
3 Thiscloister
wasfounded 1260.
notbefore
Op.cit.,pp.43-44-

133

11:45:59 AM
 '
of St. Dominic, the founderof the Black Friars Order, was the Domini-
can Petrus Ferrandi, also called PetrusFerrandiHispanusor possibly
PetrusHispanus.His work on the life of St. Dominic, the Legendasancii
Dominici , was widely known among the Dominicans. According to
Laurent it is quite possible that in the firsthalfof the fifteenth century
the Summule were attributedto Petrus Ferrandi Hispanus O.P. by Luis
of Valladolid O.P., since he identifiedthe composer of the Legenda,
fromwhich the oldest officewas taken, with the author of the logical
treatise. It seems plausible, indeed, that Luis of Valladolid could have
confusedboth famousauthors. However, as an explanationof the wrong
attributionin the Stams Catalogue to a fraterPetrus Alfonsi(not : Jrater
PetrusFerrandi)Laurent's solution is ratheruseless. It can only explain
the fifteenth centurywrong assignations,but by no means the entryin
the Stams Catalogue. Besides, the combinationfound in the attribution
to a magister PetrusFispanusde OrdinePredicatorum made as early as in a
thirteenthcentury manuscript1, and dating, accordingly, before the
Stams Catalogue, cannot be sufficiently explained by Laurent's position.
Grabmannsuggested2to stick to PetrusAlfonsiHispanusO.P. as the
'
authorof a logical summa , however, to take the title Summule to
logicales1
refer to the Summatotiuslogicae which is wrongly numbered among
the Opusculaof Thomas Aquinas3. As a matter of fact the latter work
must have been written by some Spanish author4. Geyer has already
remarked*that the title Summule logicalesis too unequivocal in its usage
to be takenforthe title Summatotiuslogicaeysince the formerapparently
designatesa textbook for neophytesin logic, whereas the latter seems
to referto a more extensive treatiseon logic. I thinka more decisive
argumentagainstGrabmann'sposition is thatthe Summatotiuslogicaewas
certainlynot writtenuntil the middle of the fourteenthcentury,as has
been proved by Pierre Duhem6. In the last edition of his studyon the

1 Seeabove, p. i2$.
2 Martin Grabmann, Forschungen
Handschriftliche undFundezudenphilosophischen desPetrus
Schriften
, desspteren
Hispanus Johannes
Papstes XXIin: Sitzungsberichte
derBayerischenAkademie derWissen-
Phil.
schaften, -Hist. 9 (1936),
Abteilung [pp.3-137],pp.24-2$.
3 EditedbyP. Mandonnet, 5. Thomae Opuscula
Aquinatis omniacuraetstudio R.P. PetriMandonnet,
Ord.Praed. Tomus V,Parisiis
1927, pp.1-162.
Cp.tract.VI,cap.2: Hocfacimus nosinlogica into
(tobecorrected : lingua) Namdicimus:
vulgri.
'elcorere
mio' ; ubi 'eVestarticulus. (Parma edition,p. 84b,ii46-48.SotractV (Depraedica-
ly
mento ubi):sicutdicitur 'civ
'civis* itate'ut(tebe read:et)'Pratensis1a 'Praga*(tebe read:
andBraga).
Bragemis Parmaedition,p.j?1*-16.
5 Op.Cit.
fp.12.
6 Pierre Duhem, Lemouvementabsolu etle mouvement in: Revuede Philosophie
relatif 7 (1907),
[pp.26^-272]. Etudes
Thesame, surLonarddeVinciTroisime Srie,Paris1913,pp.320ff.
134

11:45:59 AM
works of Thomas Aquinas, Grabmann rightlydoes not repeat this
1
suggestionon the authorshipof the Summatotiuslogicae.
Geyer himself proposed2 a third hypothesis, saying that our
Summulemight have been confused in the Stams Catalogue with the
Summule which were composed about the middle of the i 3th centuryby
the Dominican Lambertof Auxerre. The authorof the Catalogue might
have known, according to Geyer, that a Dominican had writtensuch a
text-bookand identifiedit with Peter of Spain's famouswork and, then,
the French Dominican with a Spanishone, whom he could have known
fromother sources as JraterPetrusAlfonsiHispanus . I must confessthat,
to my mind, Geyer's hypothesiscontainssome suppositionswhich afe
not likely in themselves,such as the confusionof a Spanish Dominican
with a French one and, especially, of an author named Lambertus with
some Petrus.Moreover, in the thirteenthcentury Peter's work was
3
commonlyreferredto as Tractatus, not as Summule , which name
logicales
was not in frequentuse before 1400 and, even then, always appeared
beside the original name, Tractatus.In short: like Laurent's position,
Geyer's does not seem to explain the puzzling fact of some incorrect
attributionsmade as earlyas the thirteenthcentury.
I think,in order to explain this, three traditionsshould be distin-
guishedin what mightbe called the 'Dominican error' :
(a) the general view, foundin a few manuscriptsof the work and
in some commentaries,that Peter of Spain, the author of the Tractatus ,
had belonged to the Black Friars' Order
(b) the morespecificview, embodied in the Stams Catalogue, that
a fraterPetrusAlfonsi HispanusO.P. was the authorof the famouswork
(c) another specific tradition, extant in Luis of Valladolid, that
the Peter of Spain who compiled the Tractatus , is identical with the
Peter of Spain who composed the LegendasanctiDominiciand the Office
of the Saint's Feast, i.e. PetrusFerrandiHispanusO.P., who died as early
as the i 2o's.
As to the general thesis [(a)] of a Black Friar as the author of the
Tractatus it may be noticed thatthe work was presumablywrittenin the
North of Spain and foundits firstdiffusionin the South of France*.So it
was a popular work in thatBlack Friars' doradolong beforeit succeeded
in intrudinginto the Parisian circles. As a conservative and highly
1 SeemyIntroductiontotheedition ofthework.
2 M.Grabmann, DieWerke deshl.Thomas
von Eineliterarhistorische
Aquin. undEin-
Untersuchung
fhrung. Drittestarkerweiterte Mnster
Aufgabe, 1949,pp.238-242.
3 Op.Cit.tpp.S12-13.
Seeabove, p. 126,n. 1, p.
13

11:45:59 AM
 orthodox scholar, Peter is likely to have been in close touch with the
Dominican circles in that region. It certainlyis not to be considered a
mere coincidence that our best manuscriptof the Tractatus comes from
the Dominican Convent at Avignonand that one of the oldest copies of
the probablyfirstcommentaryextant upon the Tractatuscalls Peter of
Spain in a contemporaneouscolophon (not in the text itself,to be sure) a
Black Friar1. I feel sure thatthe Dominican Conventat Toulouse played
an importantrle in the earlydiffusionof Peter's work2. Whoever wants
to explain the 'Dominican error' adequately should trace back his in-
vestigationsto the timebeforethe StamsCatalogue (i 3 11). The authorof
this catalogue seems to have been influencedby a traditionmuch older
thanthatof his own days. As faras the period about 1300 is concerned,
Peter's work, no doubt, continued to enjoy such a peculiar favourin
Dominican circles, that from about that time, especially in Italian
manuscripts,Thomas Aquinas' Tractonfallacies is frequentlyfound in
combinationwith the firstfivetractsof the Tractatus and takes the place
of Peter's tracton fallacies.
The specifictraditions[(b) and (c)J of frater PetrusAlfonsiHispanus
0 .P. orJraterPetrusFerrandiHispanusO.P. as the supposed authorsof the
Tractatusshould be estimated in this frame-work.As was said before,
Simonin's thesisof the authorshipof one Petrus Alfonsiwho lived at the
end of the thirteenthcentury, is definitelyuntenable because of the
existence of older manuscriptsof, and commentarieson, our work. For
that matterI would thinkthat the author of the Stams Catalogue - or
betterhis source - had anotherPetrus Alfonsiin mind. There is a docu-
ment datingfromSeptember 6, 124^ extant reportingthe InfanteDon
Afonsoof Portugaltakinga solemn oath in Paris beforeKing Louis IX of
France. Among the prominentPortugueseswho attendedas witnesses,a
JraterPetrusAlfonsiHispanusde ordinepredicatorum is founds. His presence
in Paris in the 124o's, no doubt in the ConventofSaintJacques,mayhave
led afterwardsto the confusionof this prominentPortuguese (Domini-
can), Petrus(Alfonsi)Hispanuswith another prominentPortuguese, our
(secular priest) Petrus( Julini
) Hispanus.

1 Secabove,p. 125.
* Seebelow,p. 147ff.
J Forthetext,
seeFreiAntnioBrando, deD. Sancho
Crnicas III,ed.AdeMagalhes
IIe D. Afonso
Basto,Porto1946,p.96.Incidentally,
among witnesses
theother isPeroGarcia, ofBraga.
treasurer
I think,
heisthesamewhoisfoundina jeering
poem (intheso-called
Cancioneiro on
Colocci-Brancuti
AlfonsoXofCastilia Halle1880),where
(ed.Molteni, heisinthecompany, again, of
ofonePeter
Spain:
136

11:45:59 AM
 As to the Dominican PetrusFerrandiHispanus' supposed authorship
of the Tractatus , found with the fifteenthcentury Dominican Luis of
Valladolid, it can be explained to some extentby the general thesisof a
Black Friar'sauthorshipas it was stillalive as late as the fifteenth
century1
and the conjecture made by Luis himself,or one of his sources, thatthe
famousauthor of the Tractatus , known under the name Peterof Spain,
musthave been the same as the Peter of Spain ( PetrusFerrandiHispanus)
who was the composer, no less famous in Dominican circles, of the
LegendaSanctiDominici .

To sum up our results: thatour author was made a Black Friar in some
manuscriptsand commentariesmight be explained as a result of the
basic formof what I have called the 'Dominican error' The uncertainty
of the thesis of a Dominican's authorshipseems to betray itself in a
syncretisticview such as hold by the Dominican Philip of Ferrara that
Peter afterwards was a Black Friar2. The fact that somechronicles -
decidedly not all of them, it should be remembered^-, call a specific
Dominican as the authorof the Tractatus , mustbe viewed in the lightof
the basic fact that neithera manuscriptof the work nor a commentary
whatsoevermade upon it call an Alfonsior Ferrandithe author, so that
one would feel inclined to explain the occurrence of specificnames in
the chroniclesas just a resultof a chronicler'squite understandableneed
to give more exact information.

Peroqueeyoramengua decompanha
Nem PeroGarcia, nem Pero Espanha
Nem Pero Calego
Non irn comego.
E bemvol-ojuroporSanta Maria,
QuePero Espanha,nem Pero Garcia
,
Nem Pero Galego,
Non irn comega.
I think,
thePerod'Espanhamentioned inthispoem isthesame Petrus
Alfonsi whointhe
Hispanus
company ofPeroGarciaattended theInfanteAfonso's oathinParis, notourPeter
ofSpainas is
commonly assumed,
e.g.byJoaquinCarrerasyArtau andJuan TusquetsTerrats,
Apports a
hispaniques
chrtienne
philosophie deVOccident(ChaireCardinal Mercier, i960),Louvain-Paris
1962,pp.17-18;
J.M.daCruzPontes, Parasituar
PedroHispano nahistoria
Portugalense dafilosofa. 1968,p. g.
Braga
1 Seesome ofthemanuscripts
ofthattime,above, p. 12t.
2 Seeabove,p. 126.
3 Seeabove,p. 127.
Forthat there
matter, havebeensome more people ofthename Peter whoweremember
ofSpain
oftheBlack Sowasonej rater
Friars. PetrusHispanusO.P.prior oftheConvent in1260-
atBordeaux

I37

11:45:59 AM
 2 - The Lije oj Peteroj Spain ( PopeJohnXXI)

Up to now little is known about Peter's familyor earlycareer. He must

have been born in Portugal,for in replyon a gratulationreceived from
the King of Portugal on the occasion of his election as Pope, Peter
clearlyrefersto Portugalas his nativecountry:

Dignasiquidem Regisexultatio
eratet imbrefecundo conspersa mensil-
tripudii
nam
lius, quem terra
ipsius progenuit, titulos
adeptus apostolice
agnoscitur dignitatis
Mensnostra disposuit Te
precipue litteris
SedisApostolice nam
visitare, ad Te
nativi
etiamsolimateriazelumsincerecaritatis
accenditetad
personamregiam summisfavoribusconfovendam virtus Nos
originis inducit1.

The only complete manuscriptextant of Peter's Scientiade anima2has

this colophon (ed. Alonso, p. 4986-I3):

EgoigiturPetrus
hispanus... , liberalium
Portugalensis artiumdoctor,phylosophice
sublimitatis medicinalis
gubernator, facultatis
decor,acproficue inscientia
rector,
de animadecrevihoc opusprecipuum componendum. Procuiuscomplemento
divinebonitatis
largitas actionibus
gratiarum completusest liber de
exaltetur.
ANIMA APETRO HISPANOPORTUGALENSIEDITUS.

Some justifieddoubts about the authenticityof this colophon have been

raised3, but they do not concern the informationabout Peter's origin
fromPortugal.
His fatherwas a Julianus,as appears froma Bull of Pope Urban IV
dated October 28, 1263 where Peter is named: magisterPetrusJulini
archidiaconus etc.4. In a document dated January,1275 he is
Bracharensis
called Magister PetrusJulini TusculanusEpiscopuset Sedis Apostolice
. The same surnameis foundin Paris, B.N. Lat. 6988, f. SjT
Cardinalis*

62; hediedOctober, 1279.SeeC. Douais, Actacapitulorum Ordinis

provincialium FratrumPraedicato-
rum (1239-1302),Toulouse 1894,pp.82; 160;233;242.
1 Vatican
Library, MS.Vat.Lat.3977,f. ijow(occurring intheDictamina . SeeRegesta
Berardi)
Romanorum
Ponticum ed.Potthast(Berlin 187$),nr.21.249.
2 Foranother (incomplete)copyoftheScientia deanima (Paris,B.N.Lat.6433,ff.77ra-i23vb),
seeL. M. de Rijk,OnTheGenuine Text ofPeter s Summule
ofSpain* V Some
logicales. Anonymous
Commentaries
Dating from TheThirteenth
Century (invivarium 8 (1970,)p. 41.
3 SeeMissMaria Helena daRochaPereira, UmmanuscritoineditodoLiber deconservando
sanitate
de
Pedro , Porto
Hispano 1962,p. 8andJ.M.daCruzPontes, Pedro Hispano eascontroversias
Portugalense
doutrinais
descoloXIII.AorigemdaAlma. Coimbra 1964,p. 19.
Itscomplete texthasbeenprintedinA. Moreira de Sa,Pedro , Prior
Hispano daIgrejadeSanta
MariadeGuimaraes daSedeBraga
eArcebispo , inBiblos30(Coimbra 195),pp.10-12.
s QuotedbyAntonio Brando,op.cit.,cap.44,p. 314.
138

11:45:59 AM
( Notabilebonumde ebotomiasecundum m. P. Julini Antonio BrandQ
says that Peter had that surname after Saint Julian, the patron of his
parish-church, or afterhis fatherJulio Rebolo2. The latterseems to be
the more obvious explanation, since the former could suggest an
illegitimateorigin, which would have prevented Peter fromaccepting
ecclesiasticalgrades,not to mentionthe malevolentuse ofthisfactwhich
would certainlyhave been made by his ennemiesand those chroniclers
who were not sympathetictowards Peter because of his supposed3un-
favourableattitudetowards the Mendicants. Furthermorehe is called
DominusPetrusHispanus , dietusPetrus
Juliniby Ptolemyof Lucca4.
Peter's belongingto some noble familyis commonlyassumed*anl
as a matter of fact he is sometimes called a relative of one Egidius
Reboli's. In a donation act this descendent of the noble familyof the
Reboli is called Peter's blood-relative(consanguineus)6. This testimonial
fits in well with Brando's. For that matter, Stapper's argument?
for Peter's havinga noble and rich father,since the latter was able to
send his son to pursue his studies in Paris, seems not to be quite con-
clusive, for if his fatherwas an impecunious man, Peter might have
enjoyed himselfin the protection of some rich person who put his
expectationsin Peter's promisingcapacities.
From the fact that after his death John XXI bequeathed several
houses to the cathedralof Lisbone8, Stapper concluded that Peter was
born in Lisbon, but he mighthave acquired them when he was deacon

1 Thisshort tract (ff.87rrv,not&jr-<)oT

ashasbeenindicated byLynn Thorndike-Pearl Kibre,A
Catalogue
ojIncipits ofMedieval
Scientific
WritingsinLatin(London 1963),p. 14^^)hastheincipit:Si
necessitas
fuerit in omnitempore ; it is followed bya tractDeordinatione dietesecundum
Constantinumandtwoothers entitled:
Deordinatione
dieteinpotibusandDeiuvamentoetnocumentes
vini
(uptof. 88r)Nextfollows another tractDeflebotomia (Inc.:Presents estpertractare
negocii
which
breviter) isanonymous hereandintheother manuscripts mentioned byThorndike (opcit.,
p. 1086)either anonymous orvariouslyascribed [Galienus Salornitanus Maurus
; Gualterus; of
Riardus
Salerno, Thebody
Anglicus]). oftheParisian manuscript, which allthese
tracts
belong to,
datesfrom thefirst quarterofthefourteenth century.I owethisinformation tothekindness of
MissMarie-Thrse d'Alverny(Paris).
2 Op.cit.,p. 305.
3 Cp.below, p. 142.SeealsoStapper,op.cit.,pp.95-104.
SeehisHistoria ecclesiastica
,ap.Muratori,Rerum italicarum XI,p. 1176.Forother
scriptores evidence,
seeR.Stapper, PapstJohannesXXI.EineMonographie. Kirchengeschichtliche IV4 (Mnster
Studien
inW. 1898),p. 2,n.4.
5 SeeStapper, op.cit.,pp.3-4.
6 Institutio
CapelleproanimabusEgidiiReboli
, decani , etJohannis
Ulixbonensis PapeXXI, eius
consanguinei
inUlixbonensi
etbeneficiati See
Ecclesia. Christofori, Letombe deipapiinViterbo,Siena1887,
p.338.
7 Op.cit.,p. 3.
8 SeeStapper, op.cit.,p. 2,n. 2.
I39

11:45:59 AM
 of thatcity. However, the assumptionof Lisbon as being his native city
can be based upon some other information.First, in his chronicle,the
so-called Jordanus,(who was in fact, the papal penitenciaryPaulinus
Minorita(d. 134^), calls Pope JohnXXI: Johannes nationeUlissiponensis1
.
Furthermore,in his chronicleof D. Afonso,III cap. 43, AntonioBrando
says that Peter was born in thatpart of Lisbon which was called Lisboa
Occidental in his own days2. There seems to be no reason to challengethe
reliabilityof these testimonials.
Differentdates have been put forwardconcerningPeter's birth.
His eighteenthcenturybiographer,JohannesTobias Kohler, assumed^
that when he ascended the papal throne Peter must have been aged
about go years, since, on the one hand, no chronicler calls him too
youngforbecominga Pope and on the otherhand, Peter promisedhim-
self a long pontificate*.Stapper is quite right in rejectings this view
because of Peter's teaching in Siena as early as 124^. Stapper himself
adopted6 the second decade of the thirteenthcenturyas the approx-
imativetime of Peter's birthand he is followed by all modern scholars.
However, Stapper's view seems itselfto be based as well on a mere
guess comparable with Khler's. As a matter of fact, Stapper started
from the supposition that when becoming professor of medicine at
Siena, Peter must have been about thirtyyears old. To my mind this
is withoutsufficient foundation.Why Peter maynot havebeen fourtyor
fiftyyears old at that time? I thinkif one makes the most of all the in-
formationwe have of Peter's life,more certaintycan be reached.
Peter was at Siena as earlyas January11, 124^, where his teaching
medicine is evidenced forthe years 1246 and 12487. He remainedthere
until May, i2$o8. Earlier he had studied medicine (at Salerno, or at
Montpellier?) probably about 123^. The so-called Summulewere
writtensome yearsbefore,in the early 1230's, presumablyin the North

1 SecExcerpta exJordni chronico

ap. Muratori, Italicae
Antiquitates medii aevi
, siveDissertationen
de
moribus
, ritibus, , cet.adannum
, regimine
religione usqueSOO.Milan1738-42, IV,p. 1008.A manu-
ofMrtius Polonus ' Chronicle 1331) addstoPolonus'
script (MSBerlin.Lat.Qu.291,writtenabout
entryJohannes XXInacione Yspanusthewords: decivitate
Ulisbonensi
; seeed. Pertzin: Monumenta
Germaniaehistrica XXII,
, Scriptores p. 443.
1 Op.cit.
y(above, p. 136,n.3),pp.304-30$.
3 Johann Tobias Khler, Nachricht
Vollstndige von
Pabst XXI
Johann , Gttingen1760,p. .
4 Seebelow, pp.1^3,n.3.
s Op.cit.,p. 2,n. 3.
6 Op.cit.,p. 2.
7 Seebelow, p. io.
8 Seebelow, p. 11.
Seebelow, p. 146.
140

11:45:59 AM
of Spain1. Peter is likelyto have leftParis in i 2292, where he had studied
for manyyears, as we are told by his Bull Flumenaque*. So we have to
put his arrivalas a youngman*at the Universityof Paris about 1220*. If
our surmisesbe correct- and I thinkwe have to put it in thisway -, the
only conclusion we can possiblydraw is that Peter was born not later
thanabout 1205.
If he was really born about 120^, he was well into his seventies
when he was elected on the Papal See (September 1, 1276).
In my view there are three facts which affordsome additional
supportto thisconclusion. First,we are told by several chroniclersthat
Peter promisedhimselfa long pontificatesince he had fullconfidencein
what is called his sapientia , no doubt his medical skill6. This reason as
givenby Peter himself is bound to strikethe attentivereader. Peter does
not appeal to his age, but to his skill as a physicianto prolong his life,
apparentlybecause he was alreadyan aged man; otherwisehe would have
referredto his promisingage, indeed.
Second, the election of just a man like Peter of Spain on the Papal
See is remarkablein a way. Peter was a scientistto thebackbone. When
called upon to the papal dignityhe wished to pursue his scientificwork
and even had a special study built in his palace at Viterbo?. He was
supposed to have been more interestedin science thanin his duties as a
Pope8.
i Stapper 9(op. cit., pp. 112-113) seems to be rightin takingthe
quedamstoliditaswhich Martin Polonus is speaking of? on account of
JohnXXI, for thatkind of clumsinessin practical matterscharacteristic
of the closet scholar. In September, 1276 this had the great advantage
thathe was not engagedinto the eager controversybetween the Angio-
vinian-Frenchpartyand the Italianpartyin the College of Cardinals. As
is known, afterthe death of GregoryX, January10, 1276 the famous
1 Seethestudy mentioned above(p. 126,n. 1),p. gg.
2 Seebelow, p. 147.
3 Seebelow, p. 144.
abannisteneris
, seebelow, p. 144.
s Petella,
too,assumed thatPeter studiedinParisasearly as 1223.SeeJ.B. Petella,Lesconnais-
sances d'unmdecin
oculistiques devenu
philosophe pape.Etude etcritique
historique in:Janus.
Archives
internationales
pourl'histoire delamdecine etpourlagographie mdicale 2 (Amsterdam1897-
98){pp.403-420; 70-596],p.417.
6 Ptolemy ofLucca,Historia ecclesiastica
, (ap. Muratori, Rerumitalicarum XI,p. 1177,
scriptores
writesabout John XXI'sdeath: suaintentione
exspirat etsuasapientia
quiacredebat
frustrates, ,
confidebat
sicutipseinterdum dicebat, longotempore posseistadignitate
(i.e. thepapaldignity)
gaudere.
SeealsoR.Stapper, ., pp.36; 107; 111; 113.
op.cit
7 SeeStapper, op.cit.,pp.108,n.2; m, n. 3.
8 SeeRicobaldi ofFerrara,Historia
Ponticum Romanorum, text
quotedabove, p. 127.
Chronicon
, ap.Pertz,Monumenta Germaniaehistrica, XXII,
Scriptores p. 443.
141

11:45:59 AM
French scholar Peter of Tarentaise,who, unlike Peter, was well-versed
in political affairsand had the leading rle in the College of Cardinals
about the middle of the i 27o's1 was unanimouslyelected Pope (Innocent
V). Unfortunatelythe new Pope soon came under the influence of
Charles of Anjou, King of Sicily, who succeeded in bringingthe Pope
on the Angiovinianside. AfterInnocent's prematuredeath, on June 22,
i 276, the Italianpartyin the College of Cardinalsprevailedand on July
ii, 1276 an Italian, Ottobono Fieschi, was elected, and assumed the
name of Adrian V. He died as early as August, 18 of the same year.
When the Cardinals went into the conclave in September, they num-
bered no more than nine: apart from Peter of Spain, five Italians and
threeFrenchmen2 . The Italianpartypresumablydid not hold it expedient
to elect their leader Giovanni Caetano Orsini, who was by farthe most
giftedcandidate, then for the new Pope. It is on his advice that Peter
was elected^. The Dominican historian Ptolemy of Lucca somewhat
bitterlyremarks*that as a Pope our Peter was put in leading strainsby
Orsini*. This much seems to be certain,thatPope Johnwas wise enough
to make use of Orsini's abilityand experience as a Curia cardinal. No
doubt, Orsini saw in Peter of Spain a man who would be an acceptable
Pope as long as he could not himselfbear thetiara6. As faras politicswere
concerned Peter of Spain is likely to have been a compromise figure
whose electioncould soon bringthe thirdsedisvacatio withinone yearto an
end and whose pontificatewould give some delay a decisive struggle
of
forpolitical influencebetween the Frenchand Italianparties.
I think, both parties considered John XXI a transitionalPope,
about whose election both parties could soon come to terms?.Well, a

1 SeeStapper,op.cit.,p. 31.
2 Theirnames arementioned byStapper p. 3$,n.3.
op.cit.y
3 Thecontemporaneous chroniclerSabaMalaspina writes(MS,Vatican Vat.Lat.3972,f.
Library,
133v): Ex industria et sagacitatepredictidomini JohannisGaytani PetrusYspanusTusculanus
episcopusadapicem apostolice assumitur;
dignitatis (ap.Muratori,Rerumitalicarum VIII,p.
scriptores
872).
*Historia
ecclesiastica
, ap.Muratori,Rerum italicarum XI,p. 1176:Hie(i.e.Johannes
scriptores XXI)
statimconstitutionem (sc.theLyons Ordonnance) revocavit, utfertur,
Consilio, domini
Johannis cuius
Gaitani, nutumultafaciebatf
eoquod auctor
principalis fueratsuepromotionis.
5 Orsiniwas(since1263,seeLucasWadding, Annales Minorum oftheGrey
I, p. 26^)Protector
Friars
andinduced PopeJohn XXItoa very liberal towards
attitude thisOrder,which,nodoubt,
wasbound tocausetheDominicans sorrow.
6 There wasquitea lotofturmoil, indeed,among oftheCuria
theofficials whowere notpaidduring
a sedisvacatio.
SeeStapper, op.cit.y
p. 24.
7 Thisdoesnotmean atalla lowopinion onmypart aboutPeterofSpain's andcapaci-
personality
itwould
ties.Besides, nothavebeenforthefirst timethat aftersomeyears ofgrowth intohis
a Popewhodidnothaveanyambition
office, before toleadtheChurch, went hisownwayandbe-

142

11:45:59 AM
candidatefor a transitionalPope must be either old or of bad health1.
Pope JohnXXI seems to have enjoyed a good health as we are told by
the chroniclerswho explicitlyspeak of the Pope's pride of it2. Therefore
he is likelyto have alreadybeen a sufficiently aged man at the time of his
election to satisfythe specificpolitical requirementsof those days.
Besides, Mr da Cruz Pontes has drawn our attentionto the fact
thatPeter of Spain frequentlyappears to ignoreopinionson controversial
matters (as those concerning the origin of the human soul and its
hylomorphiccomposition) which were commonly known about the
12bo's. Thereforethe conclusion seems to be correct thathe studiedat
an earlier date than 1230. This, too, makes it necessary to date his
birth-daybefore 12 1o, at least3.
So 1 think we have serious grounds to put Peter's birth-datenot
laterthanabout nog*.

Peter mayhave completed his firsteducation at the Cathedralschool of

Lisbons. Then he was sent to the famouscenter of logical, philosophical
and theologicallearningof those days,the Universityof Paris.
Like anotherforeignstudentin the Universityof Paris, Alexanderof
Hales (towards 1186-1249), who went to Paris about 1200-01, Peter
mayhave been about fifteenyearsold at his arrivalat Paris. Six yearsof
studies were required fromfuturemastersand so he is likely to have
finishedhis studyof the Artscurriculumand gone over to the Facultyof
Theologyin order to studysacred science not laterthanabout 1226. As a
matteroffactin the Bull Flumenaque viveissuedby JohnXXI on April 28,
1277, the Pope declares to the bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier, that

cameanimportant Pontiff. Torefer onlytotwofamous examples inmodern times: LeoXIIIand

John XXIII.Theshortlived reigngranted to PopeJohn XXI(Sept.,1276- May,1277)makes it
impossibleforustojudge about hisabilities
asa Pope.Fora clearsurvey
ofhispapal faitsetgestes
,
seeStapper, op.cit.,pp.39-1 14andProf. ArturMoreira
deSa,0 PapaJoo XXI,Filsofo e Politico
,
Porto1949, passim.
1 Totakeourexamples, again, (seethepreceding LeoXIIIwassobadly
note), illatthedayofbis
electionthat friendandenemy feltsurethathewould diebefore hiscrowningday(however, he
recovered anddiedonly after twentyfive agedof93years).
years, PopeJohn XXIII who,too,was
seenasa 'transitional
Pope',wasnearly 77yearsoldwhenhewaselected.
2 SeeStapper, op.cit.,p. 111, n.3.
3 JosMaria daCruzPontes, ParasituarPedro
Hispano nahistria
Portugaleme dafilosofia,
in: Rivista
portuguesa de Filosofia24 (1968),p. 12.Thesame,Pedro Hispano e as controvrsias
Portugalense
dontrinais
dosculo XIII,Coimbra 1964,p. 246.
* Seeabove, p. 141.
5 Prof.
JooFerreira O.F.M.,OsEstudos dePedro inColectanea
Hispano deEstudos g (1954),pp.
I9_I97) givesa clearsurvey ofwhat Petermayhavestudiedthere.

143

11:45:59 AM
when comingto Paris he has been veryyoungand thathe is still remem-
beringthe manyyearshe spentin thatfamousUniversityto studyvarious
sciences:

Nos tarnenqui Habrahe patrisfidei,licetinsufficientibus

meritistypum in Dei
Ecclesiagerimus et propterea ipsamspecialiter tueritenemur, etiamsingularis
quemad idem,ab olim,concepimus Studium1 affectus
accendit.Inilliusnamque
ab annisteneris
laribus diucius variisscienciis
observati inibistudiose
vacavimus et,
perannos plurimossecusdecursus sedentes ipsarum, earumlibamenta
sapidissima
gustavimus,quantum NobisDominusmaiestatis, veresapiencieDator,induisit.
Propterquod illud oblivisci
non possumus etc.2.

Peter speaksof variousstudies ( variaescientiae).Paris was an outstanding

center for logical, philosophicaland theological learningin those days.
Althoughnot everyword of a Papal Bull should be takenentirelyserious,
the phrase variisscienciisinibistudiosevacavimus* is likely to referto the
fact,quite obvious for the rest, that Peter studied there logic, physics,
metaphysics and theology. In fact he is commonly described by the
chroniclersas a manwho studiedall branchesofscience. So theanonymous
author of the AnnalesBasileenses* calls him in omnibusdisciplinisinstructus
s proves that Peter obtained the academical
and his title clericusgeneralis
grades in all these branches6.

The question arises who possibly were his mastersin Paris. We have
firstto make shortwork of such pious fancieswhich make him a faithful
adherentto Thomas Aquinas?. Such a hypothesisis untenableon chrono-
logical grounds,since Thomas is supposed to have come to Paris forthe

1 Sc.generale
, viz.theUniversity ofParis.
2 Found intheDictamina Berardi(BernardofNaples), e.g.Vatican Vat.
Library, Lat.3977,f.i7or;
Bordeaux, Bibl.Municipale, cod.761,ff.228r v; Paris, B. N. Lat.14.713,
ff.2o9v-2ior. The
complete textwith a portuguesetranslation
istobefound inArtur MoreiradeSa,Pedro eIa
Hispano
dellj") da Universidade
crise deParisin: Boletim da Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra 22
(Coimbra 19^4),pp.16-2 1. Seealsoibid.,
between p. 13andp. 14,fora photostat ofsome manu-
scripts.
3 Fora comparison I givethecorresponding passagefrom a BullofHoneriusIV's: M.... ineiusdem
laribus
studii obversati deilliusdulcedinelibamina grata libavimus annos
perplures secusdecursus
sedentesipsius....". Asisseen, this doesnotspeak
letter ofvarieseiende.
Ed.Pertz. Mon. Germ. Hist. XVII,p. 200.
Scriptores
s SeePtolemy ofLucca, Historia
Ecclesiastica
ap.Muratori, Rerum italicarum XI,p. 1176.
scriptores
6 SeeDuCange, mediae
Glossarium etinfimaelatinitatis
, s.v.clericus.
i So PietroCastagnoli C. M.,Gliscolastici
delsecolo XIIIe delprincipio
delXIVin: Divus Thomas
,
Commentarium dePhilosophia etTheologia, 3 (Piacenza 1926),(pp.281-309;478-^1^;4 (1927),
PP-lSS~l74;49-*62), p.288.
144

11:45:59 AM
firsttime in the years i 24^-48 and Peter then, already stayed in Siena.
Besides, Prof. Joo Ferreira has succesfullyshown that also doctrinal
divergenciesmay be adduced againstit2.
As to Albert the Great's supposed^ mastershipof Peter of Spain,
thingsare not different1 . JohnBuralliof Parma, O.F.M., (c. 1209-89) is
not likelyto have been one of Peter's mastersin Pariseither.We are told
by Salimbene that,as Pope, Peter had the intentionto appoint Johnof
Parma to the dignityof Cardinal but that the former's sudden death
preventedhim fromaccomplishingit. Ferreirathinksit possible thatthe
Pope wished to honour his former master*. However, chronology
seems not to be in favourof this surmiseand Salimbene does not give a
reason of thatsort eitherbut only refersto Peter's and John's congenial
way of thinkings.This is the more striking,I think, since Salimbene
obtained his informationsfrom Parisian circles6. The Pope's intention
can be explained well by his acting under the influenceof the powerful
Cardinal Orsini (who was Protector of the Minorites?), as has been
suggestedin factby Ptolemyof Lucca8.
The assumptionof William of Shrerwoodas havingbeen a teacher
of logic of Peter of Spain's commonly held up to now is not tenable
either, as will be proved latere Peter may have studied logic under
JohnPagus and Herveus Brito, who were the great mastersof logic in
Paris duringthe thirddecade of the century.As to Peter's theological
1 Joo
Ferreira, TemasdeCultura
Filosoca Sobre
Portuguesa. a posiodoctrinal
dePedro Hispano in:
Colectanea deEstudos (19^4),pp.48-56.
2 SobyJ.Mullally, The Summulae ofPeter
logicales ofSpain. NotreDameIndiana 1945,Introduction,
p.XVIII. Itshould benoted that
Mullally didnotrepeat itinhisrecent work Peter , Tractatus
ofSpain
SyncategorematumAnd Selected
AnonymousTreatises
, Milwaukee, Wise.1964,p. 3.
3 SeeFerreira, p. 17,n.4),p. 54andhisarticle
op.cit.(above, OsEstudosdePedro , p. 202.
Hispano
Seeibid.,p.54,n.1andp. 202.
s Salimbene di Adamo, Chronicon
, ed. Holder-Egger (seeabove, p. 128,n. 2) p. 30411-20: Et
notandum quod,quamvis frater
Johannes deParma habuerit muitosmordaces occasionedoctrine
abbatisJoachym (i.e.thehereticaldoctrinesofJoachim ofFiore), habuit
tarnen muitosquieum
dilexerunt.Inter quosfuitmagister PetrusHyspanus; quifactus cardinaliset postea
ipseidem
factuspapaJohannes XXIvg, cumessetmagnus sophysta,loycus et disputatoratquetheologus,
misitprofratre Johanne deParma,quisimiliainsehabebat. [ ]. Voluit
ergoPapaquodsemper
essetcumeo inCuria, etcogitabat
eumfacere m, sedmorte
cardinale preventusnonpotuit facere
quodmente conceperat. Namcamera cecidit superPapam, et mortuus est.(= Salembene de
Adam, Cronica. Nuova edizione
criticaa curadi Giuseppe Scalia(Scrittori
Italia,
n. 232,Bari
1966),Ip. 4434-16).
6 Cp.ibid., p. 3oo3-3x: Hecomnia supradicta habui
a magistro Benedicto Faventinophisico, qui
interfuit
etaudivit. Nammultis annisParisiusstuduitetmultum diligebatetcommendabat fratrem
Johannem de Parma.
7 Seeabove, p. 141.
Seeabove, p, 142.
IntheIntroductiontomyedition ofPeter'slogicalworks.

I4S

11:45:59 AM
studies, he might have followed the lectures given by Alexander of
Hales, who as a secular master taughttheologyin Paris as fromabout
1220 and was one of the firstto teach the famous Sententie of Peter
Lombard(the Sententiehad recentlybeen approvedbytheLateranCouncil,
i2i$). William of Auvergne(c. 1180-1249), too, who taughttheology
in Paris up to 1228, when he was consecrated bishop of Paris by Pope
GregoryIX, and William of Auxerre, a confidantof GregoryIX's, may
have been among Peter's mastersof theology.But all such surmiseshave
to be checked, indeed.

Up to now Peter is commonly supposed to have left Paris for Siena,

Italy,wherehe was on January11, 1245 and became a teacherofmedicine
at the Universityfrom 1246-^q1. However, he must have studied
medicine before in a center which enjoyed a renown great enough to
make an enterprisingtown such as Siena invite from there mastersto
teach at its beginninguniversity.To be sure, the studyof medicine as
taughtas Paris in the firsthalf of the thirteenthcenturywas certainly
not bound to draw the attentionof the communalauthoritiesof Siena to
that city. In factthe ParisianSchool of Medicine alwaysstood farbelow
those of Salerno and Montpellier2. I think, these two universitiesare
certainlyfarmore plausible as candidatesforPeter's studyof medicine.
As a matter of fact the Universityof Montpellier was sometimes
mentionedas the place where Peter followed lectures of medicine. In
his Historiaecclesiastica
D. Rodrigo da Cunha asserts^that Peter lefthis
natal countryfor Montpellier in order to study medicine there. Un-
fortunately,nowhere in the Universityrecords of Montpellier Peter's
name is found*.Such argumente silentiois not decisive, however, and
it still remains possible thathe studiedat Montpelliers. Meanwhile, the

1 ForhisstayatSiena,
seebelow,p. io.
2 SeeH. Rashdall,
F. M. PowickeandA. B. Emden, TheUniversities
ofEurope I (Oxford1942),
DieEntstehung
p. 322.Cp.H. Denifle, derUniversitten
desMittelalters
bisl4oOyBerlin i88$(reprint
Graz19^6),p. 7,andGordon Leff, ParisandOxford intheThirteenth
Universities andFourteenth
AnInstitutional
Centuries. andIntellectual NewYork,
History. London, Sidney1968,pp.177and
180.
3 D. RodrigodaCunha,Historia
ecclesiastica
(Lisbone p. 152a-b.
1635),
4 I have
searched
forhisnameinvaininA.Germain, deVUniversit
Cartulaire 1(i 181-
deMontpellier
1400),Montpellier1890andinalltheother andmanuscript
printed documents enumeratedby
Henri inhisBibliographie
Stein descartulaires
gnrale Vhistoire
ourelatifs
franais deFrance.Manuels
debibliographie IV,Paris1907,
historique pp.353-3c.
s SeealsoJoo OsEstudos
Ferreira, dePedro pp.203-210,
Hispanot whocomes (p. 210)tothesame
conclusion.
146

11:45:59 AM
Universityof Salerno, famousfor its medical studies, too, mighthave
been the place where Peter studied medicines. The records of this
universitydo not give any evidence for it either. However, I feel
inclined to locate Peter's medical studies in Montpellierbecause of his
apparentfamiliarity with the South French region. To supportthisview
we have to investigatePeter's possible residence afterhis stayin Paris.

As to Peter's departurefromParis, I thinkwe will not be farfromthe

truthin associatingit with the generalexodus fromParis in 1229.
As is known1,on Shrove Tuesday, 1229, as a result of the punish-
ment of perfectlyinnocentstudentsfor outragescommittedby some of
their companions the day before, a conflictbroke out between the
turbulentinmates of the Universityand the municipal authoritiesand
even Queen Blanche of Castille, who was regent, then. The masters,
using the singularway of protest expresslyconceded to them by royal
authority,suspended their lectures. Since the suspensionturnedout to
be rather ineffectual,the masters resolved, if justice were not done
them withina month, to suspend all teachingfor a period of six years.
By decree of March, 27, published by the twenty-oneprovisorsof the
University,it was forbiddento anyoneto reside in the cityor diocese of
Paris forreasons of study. Althoughwe know fromother evidence that
this decree was not fullyobserved2,the great mass of the mastersand
scholars left Paris, No doubt, many of them accepted the invitationof
Henry III of England to join the rising universitiesof Oxford and
Cambridge*.Others retired to the smaller studiagenerabaor cathedral
schools in France (Toulouse, Orlans, Rheims, and especially Angers)
Italyand Spain. The fourteenthcenturyhistorianBernardGui saysin his
Chronicon (writtenin 13 11) :

1 Forthefullest
contemporaneous account oftheaffair,
seeMatthew
ofParis,Historia
.... (written
in1236),
III,pp.166-168ed Fora clear oftheevents
survey andtheirimpactonthedevelop-
ment oftheParisian University,seeRashdall;Powicke,Emden,TheUniversities
ofEurope InThe
Middle I (Oxford
Ages 1942),pp.334-343 andFernandVanSteenberghen, InTheWest
Aristotle , The
OriginOfLatinAristotelianism,Louvain 19s5*pp.78-88.
2 SotheDominicans tookadvantage ofthesituation
toestablish intheUniversity
themselves when
intheautumn of1229their companion Roland ofCremonacould hischair
inaugurate oftheology.
SeeC. E. Du Boulay (Bulaeus), Historia
Unirersitatis HI(Paris1666,reprint
Parisiensis Frankfurt
Main1966),p. 138.
3 SeeRashdall
etc.,
op.cit.,p. 336.
147

11:45:59 AM
 AnnoDominipraetaxato MCCXXIXfactafuitParisiusinterscholares
o, quammoxsecutaeatad tempusmultipharia
dissensi dispersio.Aliiquidem
alii alii
Remis, Andegavis, Aurelianis, alii veroin alii
Angliam, in Italiamvel
Hispaniam,siveinaliasmundi causa
provincias studii
sunt
profecti.Multi quoque
Tholosam
etscholares
magisti venerunt
etrexeruntibidem1.

It would appear thatthe dispersioncontinuedthroughouttheyears1229

and 1230 and thatmastersand scholarswere not at work in Paris before
the beginningof 123 12.
As to Toulouse, thiscityhad the greatluck thatat the verymoment
when the 1229 crisis had come to a head in Paris, its universitywas
being in staturenascendi , as a result of the treatyconcluded on Holy
Thursday (April, 12) 1229 between the orthodox King Louis IX of
Franceand the hereticalCount RaymondVII of Toulouse, to put an end
to the AlbigensianWar. Up to then, Toulouse had been the veryfocus
of the religiousand intellectualfermentation which had at lengthbroken
forthin the Albigensianheresy, that product, at once religious and
intellectual, of thirteenthcentury "Lay-spirit".Therefore the Pope
(GregoryIX) and the pious and conservativeKing (Louis IX) took it
most appropriate to establish just at Toulouse an importantstudium
generale 9 which should be especially devoted to the maintenance of
Catholic faithand the extirpationof the Albigensianheresy. Rashdall
seems to be perfectlyrightin pointingto the importantdifferencesin
spiritualclimat between the SouthernFrench region and the North of
France, Paris not excluded, where culture was more theological and
moreecclesiasticalthanit was in the South,and where the intellectualism
of the age was on the whole of a farless bold and destructivecharacter
than there with its educated laity, its sceptical troubadours,and its
pecularlyindolentand ignorantclergy^.
As a matterof factit is the Order of the Black Friarswhich largely
manipulatedthe Universityof Toulouse in its early period, to such an
extent, indeed, that Rashdall could characterize the situation very
happily in comparingthe rle the Dominicans and the Universityof
Toulouse played in the contestagainstthe Albigensianheresywith that
of the Jesuitcolleges in the Counter-Reformation*.

1 EditedinReceuil
deshistoriens
deFrance
XXI,p. 69$.
2 SeeRashdall
etc.I, p. 337.
3 SeeRashdall
etc.II,p. 162.
SeeRashdall,
etc.II,p. 162.ThatToulouse
wasfounded
asa rampart
against
Albigensian is
heresy
alsoclearfrom
thesermon delivered
bytheofficial oftheUniversity,
preacher Hebegan
Helinand.
hissermon witha denunciationofallthegreat ofhisdayonthegeneral
universities themethat
148

11:45:59 AM
 One of the articles of the treatysigned between King Louis and
Count Raymond provided for the creation of a studiumgeneraleat
Toulouse and stipulated that for ten years Raymond should pay the
salariesof fourteenprofessors: fourmastersof theology,two decretists,
six mastersof arts,and two grammarians.So it maybe easilyunderstood
that some of the unemployed Parisian masters together with their
studentswere attracted1to Toulouse. Althougheven among the Parisian
masters the spirit of inquiry and bold speculation had made great
advances,the dangerforToulouse was not verygreat,since its theological
facultywas entirelycontrolled by the Dominicans and since Cardinal
Romano, who was papal Legate in France and Great Protector of the
new university,as well as the bishop of Toulouse, who was to select the
masters,deputed their task to the Cistercianabbot Elias of Gran-Selve
to recruitParisianmastersforthe other faculties2.
We know the names of two Parisian masterswho were invited to
come to Toulouse: Roland of Cremona O.P., masterof Theology, and
John of Garland, master of grammar. As a matter of fact, our main
informationabout the firstyears of the Universityof Toulouse comes
from the latter's De triumphis ecclesiae
3. Peter is not mentioned in the
documentsextantof Toulouse University*,but Roland of Cremona and
Johnof Garlandare not foundeither, so thatthis can not be considered
an argumente silentioagainstPeter's stayat Toulouse.

learningofallkinds is notonlyuseless, butactually harmful without virtueandfaith.SeeHenri

Andeli. TheBattleoftheSevenArts.
AFrench poem byHenri Andeli, ofthe13th
Trouvre Edited
Century.
andTranslated withIntroduction andNotes byLouisJohn Paetow,Berkeley 1914(Memoirsofthe
University ofCaliforniaIV,1 History I, 1),p. 17.Forthetext, seeJoseph Vaissette.
Seealsothe
account ofthesuppression oftheheresy during theseyears, a regular
curdler bytheTou-
indeed,
louseDominican Guillelmus whose
Pelissus, Chronicon hasbeenedited byA.Molinier, Annicii(=
Puy,France) 1880.
1 Seethepassage from JohnofGarland quoted inthenext note.
2 SeeJohn ofGarland, whowasoneofthemasters chosen from Paris,Detriumphis
ecclesiae
, ed.
Thomas Wright (London 1856), p. 9311-1*:
SedGrandis-Silvaepiusabbas dietus as,
Hely
Subduce Legato, prximafrena capit.
Parisius
doctosabbas elegit, atillos
DuxitLegatusmuera larga pluens.
3 Cp.ourprevious note.
I lookedafterPeter's name invainin all themanuscripts andprinted documents, which are
preserved inParis, Toulouse,andAixenProvence. Foranenumeration ofthese documents,see
Henri Stein,Bibliographie
gnraledescartulaires
franaisourelatifs Vhistoire
deFrance
(Manuels de
bibliographiehistoriqueIV),Paris1907, pp.$28-^32.Hisname isnotfound inRenGadave,
either
Lesdocuments del'Universit
surl'histoire deToulouse, etspcialement desafacult dedroitcivilet
canonique (1229-1789). Thsedoctorat Toulouse 1910, norin Marcel Fournier, et
Lesstatuts
desuniversits leur '
privilges depuis
franaises fondationjusquenlj89,I, (Universits d'An-
d'Orlans,
gers, deToulouse), Paris,
1890.
149

11:45:59 AM
 However, there is some clue to Peter's possible stay in the South
of France. Our two older commentaries extant upon the so-called
Summulae logicaleswere writtenthere,viz. thatby Robert Anglicus,who
taughtat Montpellier as early as the 1240's1 and Guillelmus Arnaldi's
LecturaTractatuum which was writtenabout the same time at Toulouse2.
Peter's work itselfmusthave been writtenin the North of Spain, as will
be argued in my Introduction to the edition of Peter's Tractatus
.
My guess is that Peter left Paris (presumably in 1229) for the
North of Spain, where he taughtlogic and wrote his famoustractin the
early i2 3o's3. About the same time he may have visited the South of
France (Toulouse and Montpellier), where his Tractatus foundtheirfirst
diffusionand commentators. If he himself taughtlogic at Toulouse,
which is quite possible, because there was a frequentcoming and going
at Toulouse since the count would not pay the stipulatedsalaries*,he
was probablyno longer among the teachers in 1239, as appears froma
letter dated February4, 1239s. He mighthave been at Montpellier at
that time where Robert Anglicus commented upon Peter's Summule ,
while Peter himselfpossiblystudied (or taught?) medicine at the same
University.Finally,Peter's stayin the South of France, that Dominican
region par excellence, would explain quite well his relations with the
Black Friars.

From a document of the State Archives of Siena, Italy - the date of

which has been fixed on January11, 124^ (1 244 Siena time) we know
-
by Lisini6, who made an inventoryof these documents that Peter of
Spain was there at that time. From 1246 on Peter was professorof
medicine in the Universityof Siena, as appears fromcircularsissued by
the cityof Siena in 1246 and 1248 to announce the courses to be givenin
the University,in which Peter's name was listed as a professorof

1 SeeL. M.deRijk, OntheGenuine Text ofPeter Summule

ofSpains's III: Tworedactions
logicales ofa
Commentary ontheSummule byRobertus invivarium
Anglicus, 7 (1969),pp.8-61, esp.pp.37-39.
2 SeeL. M. de Rijk,OntheGenuine Text ofPeter Summule
ofSpains's logicalesIV: TheLectura
TractatuumbyGuillelmusArnaldi, Master ofArtsatToulouse(1235-44),ibid., pp.120-162.
3 Presumably atLen.Itis a striking fact, allouroldest
thatnearly manuscripts oftheSummule
mention (theinhabitants
Ijegionenses ofLen)intheexample ofExemplum (Tractatus V,nr..oed.
Bochnski).
SeeH. Rashdall,TheUniversities
etc.II,p. 165.John ofGarlandhimselfwasoneofthem whowent
away.SeehisDetriumphisecclesiae
, p. 105(ed.Wright).
s PrintedinMarcel op.cit., p.447.SeealsoL. M.deRijk,
Fournier, articlementioned inournote
2 ofthispage),p. 126.
6 A.Lisini, delle
Inventario pergameneconservateneldiplomatico
dal736al 1250,Siena1908, p. 348.
I0

11:45:59 AM
medicine1. Besides Peters's name is foundin a deed of a sale of 1247 (the^
sale of a Bible to one fraterBandinus2)and in a documentof 1248 in the
Libridi Biccherna*. Two other entries in the Libridi Bicchernahave his
name. In companywith three other physicians,Peter submittedto the
authoritiesof Siena in 12^0 a medical statementrelative to contagious
diseases*. The municipal statutes of i2$o contain a paragraph on
salaries for some jurists and for MagistroPetroSpano doctoriinfisicas. A
specific statute which is dated June 12go mentions a paymentto be
made to Petrus Hispanus.

Until recentlythere was a hiatus in our knowledge of Peter's where-

abouts from i2o until his stay in Viterbo, Italy about the year 1261.
way as a result of the investi-
The gap has been filledup in as satisfying
gations made by some Portuguese scholars. We now know that, with
shortinterruptions,Peter stayedin his native countryfrom i2$o up to
1264. As early as June 11, 1250 he attended the Cortes (Diet) of
Guimares in the North of Portugal, where he subscribed as dean of
Lisbon and archdeacon of Vermoim in the diocese of Braga in the name
of King Afonso III of Portugal6. In January22, 12^4 he is found in
Lisbon entering a protest against the appointmentof the bishop of
Silves?. In March 12^4 he attended the Cortes of Lairia8, between
Lisbon and Coimbra. In 12^7 King Afonsogave him the advantageous
officeof prior of Santa Maria at Guimares*. We find Peter in 1258
attending the Cortes of Guimares10.His residence in Portugal was
1 SeeL. Zdekauer,Sulle
origidello
Studio , Siena1893,pp.16ff.
Genese
2 MagisterPtris
(!) Yspanus medicus vendidit ettradidit etc.SeeR. Stapper, PietroHispano
XXI
(PapaGiovanni ) edilsuosoggiorno
inSiena in:Bullettinosenese distoriapatria (Siena1898),
p.430.
3 SeeL. Zdekauer,op.cit.,p. 16andG. Petella, op.cit.,p. 280.
SeeL. Zdekauer,op.cit.,p. 31,n. 14.
s SeeL. Zdekauer,op.cit.,p. 32,n. 19.
6 Magistrm
Petrmluiani
decanum etarchidiaconum
ulixbonensem bracarensem
quotedfrom Portugaiae
MonumentaHistorka.LegesetConsuetudines I, p. 18$' SeeA. Moreira deS,Umgrande Filsofo
Europeu electo
, Arcebispo daSedeBraga queocupou a CadeiradeS. Pedro de: Bracara
; separata 6
Augusta
(i96),p.7.
i Forthedocument, seeAntnio Brandao, CrnicasdeD. SanchoIIe D. Afonso
///,Porto 194$,pp.
187-188.
8 SeeMarceloCaetano, AsCortesdeLeiria de12$4,Lisbon 19^4,p. 33. SeealsoJoaoFerreira,
Um grande nasCortes
portugus de19S4:Mestre
deLeiria PedroHispano(f 1277)in:Rivista 6
Filosfica
(i94),PP-92-97.
SeeA. Moreira
deSi,op.cit.(quoted above, n.6),p. 3andpp.10-1 (Latin textofthebullof
PopeUrban IVofOctober 28,1263with a portuguesetranslation).
10Portugaliae
MonumentaHistrica.
Legesetconsuetudines I,pp.687; 689; 693.

11:45:59 AM
interruptedby shortstaysin Italyat the Papal Court at Anagniin 126o1,
a year later in the companyof Cardinal Ottobono Fieschi at Viterbo,2
and in 1263-64 in Orvieto3. In 1263 Peter had been appointedmagister-
scholarum of the Cathedral School of Lisbon, where he already lived
before, appears fromthe factthathe possessed a house there*.
as
I know of no documents clarifyingPeter's whereabouts for the
years 1264-72. In 1272 Pope GregoryX summonedPeter to become his
court-physicianat Viterbo*. When occupying this position Peter
compiledthe Thesaurus pauperum , a medical handbookwhichforcenturies
was to enjoy a renown equal to that of his famousmanual of logic. In
March-April, 1273 the Cathedral Chapter of Braga elected him as
Archbishopof that diocese but as early as before June , of the same
year the Pope appointed him Cardinal-Bishopof Frascati(Tusculum)6.
In spite of the latterappointmentPeter continuedto governthe See of
Braga until May 23, i2j7. In June, 1273 Peter was in the companyof
the Pope to the General Council of Lyons, where he was consecrated
by the Pope himself8.There seems to be some evidence for Peter's
residence in Parisiancircles in March, 12749.
His friendand patron GregoryX died on January10, 1276. The
reigns of Gregory's two successors Innocent V and Adrian V were
ephemeral.Aftera sedisvacatio of twenty-sixdaysfollowingon thelatter's
death (August 18, 1276) Peter of Spain was elected Pope on September
15, 127610. He was erroneouslycrowned as Pope JohnXXI insteadof
JohnXX, as he should rightlyhave been.11

1 SeeF. daGamaCaeiro, Novoselementos

sobrePedroHispano. Contribuioparao estudodasua
in:Rivista
biografa, Portuguesa deFilosofia deFilosofia)
(Faculdade Braga, 1966[pp.157-174], p.
159ff.(LatintextoftheBulls, pp.164-166).
2 SeeJ.Guiraud, LesRegistres
d'UrbainIV,Paris1892, nr.49.
* SeeJ.Guiraud, op.cit.,nr.2364(forPeter's staytherein1263)andF.daGama Caeiro,
op.cit.,
pp.163and174(Latin texthithertoinedited)fortheyear1264.
Seethelettersofthebishop ofvora,which aredatedNovember, 1261, in:F. daGama Caeiro,
op.cit.,pp.170-173 (incivitate , indomo
Ulixbonensi venerabiis decani
Petri,
Magisti eiusdem
civitatis).
s SeeR. Stapper, op.cit.,p. 29.
6 Seeibid.,p. 30.
7 Seeibid.,p. 30,n. 3.
8 Seeibid.,p. 31, n. 1.
9 Seeabove, n. 129.
10Seeabove, pp.141-143. ForSeptember, 15,asthedateofhiselection,seeStapper,op.cit.,pp.
36-37.Theanonymous ofthe
Lijes Popespreserved inBergamo (seebelow,p. 153,n. 3) speaksofa
sedisvacation
of28days afterPopeAdrian's death.Itmayhave included
August, 18,andSeptember,
is,inthereckoning.
11SeeStapper.,op.cit.,p.38.
I 2

11:45:59 AM
 As faras the historyof philosophyis concerned, the mostimportant
deeds of Pope JohnXXI were his bulls of January18, and April 28,1277
to the Bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier. In the formerhe commissioned
the bishop to startan inquiryinto the errors which were then being
taught in the Universityof Paris. The latter ordered Tempier to
undertakea purificationof the doctrinesof the Parisianmasters1 .
The end of his Pontificatecame quite suddenly. To insure the
tranquillityindispensablefor his pursuit of scientificstudies which he
never abandoned, he had a privateapartmentbuilt attachedto thePapal
Palace at Viterbo. On May 14, 1277 the roofof thisapartmentcollapsed
on him and fatallyinjured him. He died within less than a week, on
May 20, 12773.

1 Thisisthefamous bullFlamen aquevive. Itscomplete textisfound inArchivm FranciscanumHistori-

cum 18(1925), p.459,andinArtur Moreira deS,Pedro Hispano elaCrise deI2j7 daUniversidade de
Paris
, Separata do Boletim daBiblioteca de Universidade de Coimbra, 22 (Coimbra, 19^4),pp.
16-21 (witha Portuguese translation).
2 Seeabove, p. 14$,n. g.
3 Seee.g.Ricobaldi ofFerrara, HistoriaPontificumRomanorum , col.181,capp.72-73(continuation
ofthetextquoted above, p. 127,n.4): Dumhiclongo vitaespatio gauderet, quodsibietaffuturum
jactabat,dumque novacamera legeret, quam sibicircapalatium Viterbiiparaverat,(73)eopraesente
palatium corruitetsolus inter lignaetlapides attritus
diequinto supervixit etmunitus sacramentis
ecclesiasticis
migravit e sculo etsepultus estViterbiiEcclesia SanctiLaurentii. Cp.Stapper, op.cit.,
pp.107-108 - Mr.H. A.G. Braakhuis waskind enough togivemehistranscription ofthepassage
concerning John XXI,intheanonymous Lives ofthePopes, preserved inBergamo, BibliotecaCivica,
DeltaIV, 34,ff.38v-39r. Thepaper inquarto manuscript, written ina fine fifteenth
century human-
isticcursivehand, consists of1^3folios. Onf. i$Tthecolophon isfound inrubrica: Adlaudem
altissimiproReverendissimo de Oliverio CardinaliNeapolitanij scripsit Jo.Cabbart clericus
Ambianeij diocesieiusdem Cardinalis familiari*.After thealphabetical listpreceeding thework
proper (whichiswithout title) John XXI'slifeisfound inchapter 36:
Johannes XXInatione Hispanus patria Ulixiponensis petrus anteavocatus ex episcopo Tusculano
pontifex creatur.Hiedoctissimus esthabitus, sedignoratione rerum gerendarum plusdetrimenti
quam honorispontificatui attulit.Multa enim stolideetleniter gessit,inunotarnen commendatione
dignus quodadolescentes litterarum studiosos inopesmaxime beneficiis ecclesiasticis
et pecunia
iuvit.Inverbis promptus erat,inrebus agendis timidusetineptus. Legatos adprincipes occidentales
misit utarma inSaraccnos ethostes Christiani nominis pararent. Pollicebatur sibihomo stolidus
longam vitametdiusevicturum omnibus praedicabat.Sedeccedumhanc stulticiamiactat,camera
quedam novaquaminpalacio viterbiensi extruxerat, subito corruitatqueinter lignaet lapides
inventus septima dieposttantam ruinm acceptis omnibus ecclesiesacramentis pontificatussui
mense octavo moritur. Viterbiique sepelitur virutdixiadmodum litteratus sedparum prudens.
Multa enimscripsit, presertim cnones quosdam ad medicinam pertinentes. Nammedendi arte
peritissimuserat.Edidit etproblemata Aristotelem imitatus, etmulta alia.
*S3

11:45:59 AM
The dates of Peter's life may be clarifiedin the followingtable (what is
based on deduction,is in italics).

c. 1205 : born at Lisbon, Portugal,as son of one Julianus

c. 1220-29 : studyin the Universityof Paris
c. i 23 1 : stayin theNorthof Spain
c. i 23: stayat Toulouseand Montpellier,France

Jan. i 24-o: stayat Siena, Italy,where he taughtmedicine in at

least 1246-49
from12go onwards: stayin Portugalwith some interruptions
12SO-J3: Dean of Lisbon and archdeaconof Vermoim,in the
diocese of Braga, Portugal
i2o: attendanceof the Cortes of Guimares
1
Jan., 4:2 stayat Lisbon
March, 1254: attendanceof the Cortes of Leiria
i 2S7-73 : Prior of Santa Maria at Guimares
12^8 : attendanceof the Cortes of Guimares
1260 : stayat the Papal Court at Anagni,Italy
1261 : stayat Viterbo, Italy
from 1263 onwards: magisterscholarum at Lisbon
1263-64: at
stay Orvieto, Italy
1272-76: court-physicianof GregoryX at Viterbo, Italy
March-April, 1273 : election as Archbishopof Braga
June, 1273: Cardinal-Archbishopof Frascati (Tusculum), Italy
1273-74: attendanceof the General Council at Lyons
i 274 : shortstayin theUniversity of Paris
Sept. i 5, 1276: elected Pope (JohnXXI)
May 20, 1277: died at Viterbo.

Leyden
Instituut
Filosofsch
WitteSingelJI

14

11:45:59 AM
 Miscellaneous Notes

cuiusdamad librumsuum
Versus
from msOxford
edited the , Bodl. Digbj 65

summer,duringa visitat Oxford,FatherServusGieben happened

Last to read the followingpoem, not yet edited accordingto Walther1,
on folio 8va of the Bodleian ms Digby 65 (s. XIII)2. Since his
attentionhad been drawnby the edition of the Department deslivresin the
preceding fascicule of vivarium*, Dr Gieben made a transcriptionand
sentit togetherwith some additionalnotes to the EditorialBoard.
This poem, consistingof 18 disticha,evidentlybelongs to the wide-
spreadpseudo-Ovidiantradition.It is, however, neitherlistedby Klopsch
in the extensivesurveyof the pseudo-Ovidianpoetryin his editionof the
Vetula*,nor mentionedby Lenz in his edition of, and commentaryon,
the anonymousParvepulexs . In the Versus the authoruses the toposof the
writerspeakingto his book, just like Horace (Ep. I xx), Ovid (Trist.I i :
Parve. . . liber) and Baudry of Bourgueil (xxxvi)6. The resemblance to
the Ovidian poetrydoes not only consist of this toposand the analogous
incipit.The authorcombinesit with anotherthemealso belongingto the
Ovidian tradition.In Amores II xv Ovid uses a ringto come in touch with
his beloved, the anonymousof the pseudo-Ovidian Parvepulexa flea. In
our poem it is a book, probably,as Dr Gieben supposes, an Arsamandi.
But unlike both 'otherpoems, in which the poet likes to transform him-
selfinto theverythingthroughwhich the contacthas to be accomplished,
the authorof the Versus does not thinkof a metamorphosis , just as Ovid in
Trist.I i . He onlywishes to accompanyand explain his book.

C. H. Kneepkens

1 CjrH. Walther, Initia

Carminumac Versuum
MediiAevi Posterions
Latinorum
, Gttingen 19^9,n
13747.
2 Catalogi
codicum Bibliothecae
manuscriptorum ParsNona
Bodleianae. a . . . Kenelm
, Codices Digby...
donatos byG.D. Macray.
complectens, Oxford 1883,col.67-71.
3 J.Engels, V"autobiographie"
dujongleurdansunDitdums.Paris, B. N.J.Jr.#37 in:vivarium
VIII(1970),pp.68-79.
4 P. Klopsch,Pseudo-Ovidius
De Vetula. undText
Untersuchungen ( = Mittellateinische und
Studien
Texte,Bandii),LeidenundKln1967, p. 292.
s F. W.Lenz, DePulice
libellus
in:MaiaXIV(1962),pp.299-3?}.
6 CfrE. R. Curtius,
Europische und
Literatur lateinisches Bern1954,pp.319sqq.
Mittelalter2,
I SS

11:44:47 AM
 VERSUS CUIUSDAM AD LIBRUM SUUM

Parveliber, magnostudiostudiiquelabore
Es factusmagniponderis et precii.
Mors mihi finiserit, tibi me morientemanebit
Gloria; quisqus amat, te legit atque colit.
Parve liber, talamos intrastisepe superbos
Mecum, sed ne me pluribusipse places.
Parve liber, sine me iam multisgratushaberis;
Auctoriscessit gloria tota tibi.
Virginisin talamisme discedente locaris,
io Te quoque nuda suum gaudet habere sinum.
Te legit accensa relegitquepuella lucerna,
Accenditque flam[m]aste relegendo suas.
Parve liber, domino ne dicam parve relieto,
Immemores domini nocte dieque tui.
1 Quid sit amor, quid amans,quid amari, quid sit amare,
Dum legit et relegit,docta puella videt.
Dum legit et relegit,die verba precancia saltem,
Et fac ut placeam; quo facienteplaces.
Indigetipsa quidem qui singulaverba notrm
20 Que legit, o utinam,singulaverba notet.
Aut que composui faciatme verba notare;
Non alter melius me subit istud opus.
Parve liber, nostro sudore sophia docetur;
Hoc saltem meritisconfrtipsa meis.
2 Proficitet discit, quamvis sit docta puella,
Et docet hoc nostrumqu[o]d celebraturopus.
Qualis amor vel qualis amans sit prospicitomnis;
Quam fugitivusamor, quam levis omnis amans.
Nudus amor, nudatusamans devestitamorem;
30 Lubricus omnis amor, mobilis omnis amans.
Ludit amor, sed pugnatamans superatusamore;
Vulnere ledit amor, vulnerecadit amans.
Felix ergo liber, non parvusiure vocatus;
Infelixauctor non comitaturopus.
3 O utinampropriumte posset opus revocare
Auctor, vel propriumnon patuissetopus.
v 6 'ne': nejoined
withpron. = *truly',
prs. 'indeed'.
'veriv',
v 19 singula notarum
verba : underlined
passages.
i 6

11:44:47 AM
 Reviews

La Vie Latine de Saint Pachme, traduitedu Grec par Denys le Petit,

dition critique par H. van Cranenburgh. Subsidia hagiographica,
Socit des Bollandistes,Bruxelles, 1969.

Pour s'orienter dans le problme concernantl'origine de la VitaPacho-

mii de Denys le Petit (6e s.), il fallait auparavantavoir recours la
VitaPatrmdu Jsuitebelge HeribertRosweyde (-1* 1629). Edite en 161
chez Moretus Anvers, son uvre fut incorpore dans la Patrologie
Latine de Migne, tomes 73-74. En 1969 parut comme no 46 dans la
srie Subsidiahagiographicades Bollandistesun nouveau texte critiquede
la Vita Pachomii de Denys avec en face le texte de la deuxime Vie
grecque avec laquelle la vie latinea la plus grandeconformit.
L'dition est prcde d'introductions dtailles et munie d'un
apparat critique et de rfrences l'Ecriture Sainte. L'ensemble
donne une informationcomplte sur les opinions aujourd'hui admises
par rapport cette biographie. La comparaison du texte latin avec le
texte grec offreun avantagespcial. Dj une lecture superficielledes
deux versionsconduit la question: est-ceque le textelatinde Denysestun
extraitdu texte grecjuxtapos, ou est-cela traductiond'un ancienmanu-
scritgrec, utilispar l'auteurde la deuximeVie grecque, conjointement
d'autressources? C'est juste titreque l'introductionappelle l'attention
sur le faitque pour pouvoir se faireune ide des rapportsentreces deux
textes une "minutieuseanalysephilologique" serait ncessaire. Comme
elle se borne plutt aux argumentsextrinsques,cette dition prsente
une invitation ce traitementphilologique. Le traducteurlatin Denys,
Scythe de naissance mais compltement Romain de murs, tait un
moine fortsavantet qui possdait parfaitementle grec et le latin. Lui-
mme dclare s'tre appliqu rendretrs fidlementen latin ce qu'il a
trouv dans le texte grec. Cependant les diffrencesentre les deux
textessont trop grandespour justifierune relationdirecte. En outre, le
texte latin est formulplus correctementque le texte grec. Une com-
paraisonminutieusede quelques passages montre clairementle rapport
mutuel. Toutefois, le texte latin est intelligible, tandisque la version
grecque au point de vue de la grammaireet du contenu n'en est assur-
ment pas la contre-partie.
L'dition se termine par un index des termes latins proprement
monastiques ou qui expriment dans tel ou tel passage une notion
1S7

11:46:21 AM
caractristiquepour la vie monastique. Sans doute cet index aurait plus
d'importance,si Ton avait ajout les termesgrecs.
p.e. le texte grec donne pour les termes:
benedictio: r eXoyta
cellula: rj xXXa,t xsXXov
habitus: t
ostiarius28,6 ty)v&pocv tou (Jtovacmqpoi)
yxexetpia(xvo<;
8eX<p
36,6 o k>p>p
44,4 6 7Tp TOCI
&pOCl SsX(p6<;.

Pour rsumer: cet ouvragesera une aide prcieuse pour l'tude du

cnobitismeorientalaussi bien que pour la vie monastiquedans le monde
latin.

Dr. H. F. Reijnders

1^8

11:46:21 AM
 Books Received

JOHNw. balding, Masters and Merchants.

, Princes The SocialViewsof PeterThe
andHisCircle.Volume
Chanter I: Text,Volume
II: Notes.
Princeton NewYersey.ListPrice$ 22.50.
Press,Princeton,
University
J.klmel,Regimen , WegundErgebnisse
Christianm desGewaltenverhltnisses
unddesGewal-
tenverstndnisses ^
f8.-14.Jh. /661 Seiten.
1970,Walter de Gruyter DM 98,- Berlin.
& Co., Ganzleinen.
KARLanton SPRENGARD, Historische
Systematisch- zurPhilosophie
Untersuchungen desXIV
, Bd.I undII.
Jahrhunderts
1967/8
Bouvier u. Co Verlag,Bonn.DM 48,50.
Thomas von Sutton,Quodlibeta. vonMichaelSchmaus,
Herausgegeben unterMitarbeit
vonMariaGonzlez-Haba.
1969,Mnchen, Akademie
derBayerische
Verlag derWissenschaften.
Serie: Bayerische
Akademieder Wissenschaften, derKommission
Verffentlichungen
frdieHerausgabe Texteausdermittelalterlichen
ungedruckter Geisteswelt.
PetrusABAELARDUS, interPhilosophum
Dialogus et Christianm.
, Judaeum Textkritische
Edition
vonRudolfThomas.
1970, Friedrich
Frommann Cannstatt.
Verlag(GntherHolzboog),Stuttgart-Bad
DM 24,-
RICHARD E. weingart,TheLogicofDivineLove.A Critical AnalysisoftheSoteriologe of
Peter
Abailard. 1970,Oxford, Clarendon Press.2.50pnet.
Thisbookisbothanintroduction tothedialectical
theologyofAbailard anda presentation
ofthemostimportant resultsofAbailardian studies
andresearches. Thetopicscovered
includethecontroversy on atonement, thetheory on theformation ofthedoctrine of
thesacraments, theproblem ofrelationship betweenraison andfaith,Godandman,
graceandresponsibility. The argument is supported bya wealthof quotations from
Abailard'sworks;Andtheinfluence of Abailard'sthought on hiscontemporaries of
many differentschoolsis tracedindetail.
willi schwarz,Das Problem beiNikolaus
derSeinsvermittlung vonCues.Studien zurPro-
blemgeschichte der Antiken und Mittelalterlichen
Philosophie.In Verbindung mitB.
Lakebrink, Professor an der UniversittFreiburg/Br.,Herausgegeben von J. Hirsch-
berger,Professor anderUniversitt Frankfurt/M. BandV.
Die Philosophie des Nikolaus von Cueseignetsichvorzglich als Studienobjekt zur
Nachprfung der von
Parallelitt Denken und Sein.Wie einstPlotin stehtauch der
Cusaner voreinerZeitenwende, undwie bei jenembrichtauchbei ihmdas,wasan
transzendentalphilosophischesDenkenim Platonischen Erbe impliziert ist, in der
ReflexiondesSubjekts aufsichselbstauf: in derzunehmenden asserenUnsicherheit
derZeitenlufe, suchtderGeistZuflucht bei derSicherheit,bei derWahrheit in ihm
selbst.
Besonders deutlichwirdbei Cusanusder erkenntnistheoretische Hintergrund seiner
Metaphysik. Metaphysik desErkennens alsOntologie- diesefaszinierendeKonstellation
reizt,derSacheweiternachzu gehen.Wenngleich frAristoteles an derKorrelation
1S3

11:46:28 AM
vonDenkenundSeinfestgehalten ist,so istderGrundgedankeeinerTranzendentalonto-
das
logie, Denken leisteSeinsvermittlungdamitweder nochistausgemacht,
widerlegt,
inwieweitderPlatonische IdealismusaufdiesemGrundgedanken beruht.
Dennwoher
nimmtder subjektieve Geistdie Rechtfertigung,
sichselbstzumModelldesobjektie-
venGeisteszu bestimmen, wennnichtdaher,dasserandiesem'teilhat',d.h.alsErst-
der
ling Schpfung, als erstes
Abbilddesseinsgrndenden sich'beteiligt'
Prinzips weiss
ammodus creationis?

RUPRECHT PAQU, Das Pariser . ZurEntstehung

Nominalistenstatut desRealittsbegriffs
der
neuzeitlichen
Naturwissenschaft(Occam, Buridan, undPetrusHispanus vonAutrecourt
, Nicolaus
undGregor vonRimini).
Serie:QuellenundStudien zurGeschichte derPhilosophie. Herausgegeben vonPaul
Wilpert.Band XIV.
1970,Walterde Gruyter & Co., Berlin.DM 64,- .
Monographie ber eine wichtige 'Sprachregelung' derPariserUniversitt imHinblick
aufdenfrdie neuzeitliche Wissenschaft undPolitikentscheidenden geistesgeschicht-
lichenUmbruch des14.Jahrhunderts. - Grundlegung desaufdieTrennung vonSprache
undWirklichheit, vonInnen-undAussenwelt, vonSubjektundObjektaufbauenden
neuzeitlichen inder'Sprachlogik'
Realittsbegriffs dersptmittelalterlichen
Suppositions-
lehreundindemdenUniversalienstreit abschlieszenden konzeptualistischenNominalis-
musdesenglischen Theologen undLogikers Wilhelm vonOccamunddesfranzsischen
Aristoteles-Kommentators Johannes Buridan. Untersuchung dergriechisch(-arabischen)
undchristlichen Herkunft desneuen,aufbildhaftem VorstellenundWahrnehmen grn-
denden Denkens, dasdurchdenbiszu Kopernikus undGalileiverfolgbaren Einfluszder
SchriftenBuridans, insbesondere aufdie neugegrndeten UniversittenPrag,Wien,
Krakau undHeidelberg langsam berganzEuropa verbreitetwird.
Das Statutist(entgegen Moody und Boehner) doch gegen Occam unddenOccamismus
Zentrale
gerichtet. Stellungder'suppositio personalis' bei OccamundBuridan. Erkl-
rungvonBuridans Doppelstellung alsAnhnger OccamsundVerfasser desStatuts durch
Hinausgehen ber Occam und diplomatisch-doppeldeutige die
Formulierungen,auch
fremde Kritik auffangen.Nachweis der Nichtunterzeichnung desStatutsdurchBuridan.
Sinnerklrung des bisherungeklrtes Zitatsim sechsten Absatz.Wiederlegung von
H. EliesHeranziehung des 'complexe Gregors
significabile' von Rimini. Klrung der
StellungAutrecourts. Entstehung der beiden Realittsbereiche Descarts* 'in statu
nascendi'bei Occam.Die 'ressingularis' 'auszerhalb des Bewusztseins'undihreVer-
ankerung im vorstellenden als der
Subjekt Grundlage spteren Naturwissenschaft und
des neuzeitlichenRealittsbegriffes.
- Diss.phil.1968beiProf.Dr. A. Zimmermann (Prof.Dr. P. Wilpert f), Kln.

160

11:46:28 AM