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de Filologa Hispnica
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NUEVA REVISTA DE
FILOLOGA HISPN
TOMO LVI 2008 NM. 2
PARA LA HISTORIA DE
DEL ESPAOL POR M
Para Antonio Alatorre
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298 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 299
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300 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 301
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302 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 303
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304 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 305
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306 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 307
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308 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 309
13 pETER Boyd Bowman, en el art. cit., afirma que si los datos por
reunidos a propsito de los pobladores espaoles de Amrica en el siglo
nos informan con relativa certeza del origen regional de 20 a 25% de e
podrn considerarse estadsticamente representativos.
14 Como resume Mrner en "Evolucin demogrfica de Hispanoam
rica durante el perodo colonial", Research Paper Series, Institute of L
American Studies, Stockholm, 1979, p. 3, basados en listas de tribut
prehispnicos y coloniales, tamao supuesto de las familias de indios, y
manera importante, clculos de la capacidad de produccin alimentic
de irrigacin, de tcnicas agrcolas, de tamao de las ciudades, etc.,
sigue ofreciendo, cada vez ms, la arqueologa.
15 Juan M. de la Serna, "Perodos, cifras y debates del comercio
esclavos novohispano, 1540-1820", Amrica Latina en la Historia Econm
21 (2004), 49-55, ofrece un panorama actualizado del comercio de escla
en la Nueva Espaa comparado con otros, con estudios de esta poblaci
el resto del continente. Los clculos que citar ms adelante, de Agu
Beltrn, se han tomado en cuenta en esos estudios ms modernos.
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310 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 311
Tabla 1
Ao Poblacin en millones
1519 25^2
1523 16.8
1548 6.3
1568 2.6
1580 1.9
1595 1.3
1605 1
Afirma Mrner:
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312 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 313
Tabla 2
Tabla 3
Blancos Indios
Probablemente, el clculo de Ca
poblacin llamada "europea" sea
cin con los datos que llevaron a
de 20 000 y a Borah de 63 000,
clculos de Borah no distinguen
los "blancos", por lo que las cant
parecen corresponder a la suma de
la cercana entre los clculos de
Borah y Castro Aranda valida a e
al descenso poblacional indgena
refiere a la poblacin mestiza27.
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314 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
Tabla 4
Ao Europeos Negros
1570 6464 20569
1646 13780 35089
1742 9859 15980
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NRFHy LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 315
3. El mestizaje
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316 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 317
4. La sociedad colonial
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318 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 319
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320 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
But the advance of the mestizaje during the Conquest would have
been much less conspicuous if the Indian masses had remain as
numerous as they evidently were prior to contact with the Euro-
peans. In order to assess the importance of the mestizaje during
the sixteenth century, we must see it against the background of the
terribly rapid decline in the Indian populations (Race mixture, p. 31).
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 321
jero, donde no haya indio mexicano o quien sepa aquella lengua, que por
cierto es cosa grande" (informe del Comisario General fray Alonso Ponce,
cit. por Mariano Cuevas, Historia de la Iglesia en Mxico, Tlalpan, 1921-1926,
apud Shirley Brice Heath, La poltica del lenguaje en Mxico: de la Colonia a
la Nacin, INI, Mxico, 1972, p. 50).
38 Vase al respecto el sugerente libro de Solange Alberro, Del gachupn
al criollo, o de cmo los espaoles de Mxico dejaron de serlo, El Colegio de Mxico,
Mxico, 1992.
39 Vase Silvio Zavala, Poder y lenguaje desde el siglo xvi, El Colegio de
Mxico, Mxico, 1996.
40 Zavala, op. cit, p. 40 y Brice Heath, op. cit, p. 43.
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322 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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324 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 325
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326 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
47 All mismo aporta datos que demuestran que, en la poca de Felipe III,
Andaluca llega a dominar con el 48.29% de la emigracin a Amrica; Casti-
lla la Nueva aumenta su participacin (19.80%), en tanto que Extremadura
desciende (15.65%) y Len-Castilla la Vieja retroceden al 9.5% de los colo-
nizadores.
48 Publicado en Estructuralismo e historia. Miscelnea homenaje a Andr
Martinet, Universidad de La Laguna, Canarias, 1957, t. 3, pp. 99-165.
49 Rafael Lapesa, "Sobre el ceceo y el seseo andaluces", tambin en
Estructuralismo e historia, 1. 1, pp. 67-94.
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 327
50 Op. cit., p. 118. Respeto las barras diagonales con que Menndez P
indica que se trata de fonemas, aunque luego utilice las grafas con
los representa en la escritura. En lo que sigue, salvo cuando se trata de
de otros autores, me ajustar a la convencin de indicar fonemas m
barras diagonales, sonidos mediante corchetes y letras mediante n
51 Hoy slo se habla de seseo para caracterizar la inexistencia d
oposicin fonolgica entre /s/ escrita <s> y /0/ escrita <c,z> (pro
espaol castellano) en los dialectos andaluces, canario e hispanoam
nos (el llamado "espaol atlntico"), cuyo sistema tiene un solo fonema
Pero en el origen de este fenmeno se encuentra el llamado gegeo-
que Emilio Alarcos Llorach (en su Fonologa espaola, 4a ed. aum. y
Gredos, Madrid, 1965, p. 276) explica as: "En una amplia zona del caste
la andaluza (y en su prolongacin canaria y americana), donde vimo
ablandamiento de las antiguas africadas precedi al del castellano, t
se mantuvo la diferencia /s/ apical y // predorsal: incluso antes d
prdida de la sonoridad alcanzara al Sur, las dos sibilantes confluy
beneficio de la realizacin predorsal [], originando el fenmeno llamad
el xvi ceceo (igualacin de /s/ y /s/ en favor de []), y zezeo (iguala
// y /z/ en favor de [z]). De este fenmeno, cuando la confluencia ca
de sordas y sonoras se propaga al Sur a fines del xvi, queda slo el cece
significaba la igualacin de la predorso-dental y la pico-alveolar e
de la primera, es decir, en realizar tanto // como /s/ con la articulac
(mientras el seseo se reservaba para esa igualacin realizada con l
[s], como en cataln). Slo modernamente se distinguen el ceceo y e
andaluces con otro criterio, segn que la primitiva [] predorsal se
con un orificio plano (como nuestra [castellana] [8]) o con un canal
tudinal (como las sibilantes); pero todas las variedades andaluzas ho
del fenmeno (dento-interdental [0], o predorso-dental [] o corono
[s]) son histricamente ceceo (en la pronunciacin del siglo xvi [e
decir, articulacin de la antigua apical /s/ como una predorsal igual
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328 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 329
7. El andalucismo americano
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330 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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332 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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334 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
70 Creo, junto con Rivarola (op. cit., p. 78), que: "En lo que respecta al
andaluz, se trataba de una variedad (o de un conjunto de variedades) del
castellano mismo, moldeada con elementos de otras procedencias, y sobre
cuya real distancia respecto del castellano central no se puede dar juicio
preciso, problemtica como es ya la antigedad misma del andaluz, una de
las principales quaestiones disputatae de la dialectologa histrica espaola.
En cualquier caso, en el nivel escrito el castellano era hegemnico. En el
registro literario y administrativo-oficial exista una cierta estandarizacin
homogeneizadora -que vena forjndose desde haca siglos-, aunque con
mrgenes amplios a la variacin, sobre todo en el terreno ortogrfico, pero
tambin en el fonolgico, cuya variacin poda verse reflejada en la grafa.
Este registro es el que permite, en mi opinin, suponer de modo plausible la
existencia, tambin en el nivel oral, de una variedad alta con caractersticas
homologas de estandarizacin".
71 Apud Dlos L. Canfield, Spanish literature in Mexican languages as a
source for the study of Spanish pronunciation, Instituto de las Espaas, New York,
1934, p. 41.
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 335
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336 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 337
79 Gf. Canfield (op. cit., p. 155): "As far as the sibilants are conc
the outstanding facts revealed by the use of the Spanish alphab
transcription of Indian languages of Mexico are that there was
distinction made between s and g in the work of all Spaniards u
1600, and that the s of some twenty Indian languages was best repr
by Spanish f. Spanish s, when written, stood for s in the native pr
tion, and the latter sound is still heard for Spanish s in words borro
Castilian during the early years".
80 Como lo notaba Molina, en nhuatl no haba fonemas de la
sonora /b, d, g/.
81 Vale la pena tomar en cuenta las observaciones que hace
(op. cit, p. 338) en cuanto a la manera en que los nahuas adoptaro
tura alfabtica: "The primary innovation that indigenous writer
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338 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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340 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
87 Por lo que hay que insistir, con Frago (Historia, p. 307), en que "la
lengua que encontraremos en los orgenes del espaol americano ser una y
diversa al mismo tiempo, siendo que la diversidad tendr su ms clara mani-
festacin en los usos populares de las diferentes regiones. Todo intento de
mantener la ficcin de un espaol uniforme para el tramo final del siglo xv
y las dos centurias siguientes, contra el viento y la marea de la abrumadora
informacin documental que la contradice, no slo est abocada al fracaso
cientfico, sino que obstaculiza un correcto enfoque de la gnesis del espaol
de Amrica".
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NRFH, LVI LA EXPANSIN DEL ESPAOL POR MXICO 341
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350 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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356 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
103 La poblacin..., p. 179. En Puebla eran los chinos -de all la "china
poblana", personaje que se ha convertido en estereotipo de la mexicana- y
en Oaxaca los cambujos (ibid., p. 169).
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358 LUIS FERNANDO LARA NRFH, LVI
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