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EDITOR IN CHIEF
ZULFIQAR ALI KHAN
GRAPHICS DESIGNER
KARIM KHAN FAYAZI
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Editorial 7
Great Game in the Pamirian Knot - Geopolitical Impact and Long-
1 9
Lasting Effects
HERMANN KREUTZMANN
Cross-Border Value-Chains and Competitive Advantages for
2 27
Mountain Areas
MUZAFFAR UD DIN
SHIRAZ-ULLAH BAIG
AKRSP will Reduce itself and Create Room for LSOs to Grow,
4 37
Interview With Izhar Hunzai: GM, AKRSP
Skill Development
Gems Cutting and Polishing
Jewelery Making
Carving
Gemology
Encouraged by the valuable comments and feedbacks by many of our valued readers and
partners, the editorial team is pleased to present the second issue of KKH. The first issue
was appreciated at many levels and the core feedback was to have the continuity of this
publication periodically.
We are committed to do that, as we expect that this local initiative will grow and improve
gradually in print, layout quality and in content. This issue features some interesting
articles, case studies, personal accounts of practical experiences alongside research work
of scholars and students that we hope will provide a wholesome reading material to the
readers.
Our struggle is to motivate people, especially the youth and intelligentsia, to share their
time, knowledge and experiences so that together we are able to improve the quality of
life of the marginalized people in this fragile mountain region.
One of the feedbacks, we received, was to include Urdu section. We are seriously considering
this possibility and hopeful that you will see some pages devoted to Urdu write-ups in the
coming issues.
As always, the editorial team is curious to know the readers perspectives regarding the
different aspects including layout, content, style, access, outreach, marketing, linkages
and partnerships etc. of KKH. In fact your feedback shakes us to learn from our mistakes
and successes.
Our promise is to keep on being smart and hardworking in order to bring diverse
knowledge perspectives regarding the mountain communities. We feel that the mountain
communities need to break the isolation through extra efforts by using knowledge sharing
mediums. In this effort we would seek the support of development practitioners, literati,
researchers, academia, journalists, entrepreneurs, youth, rights activists, students and
others interested in ilm-u-hunar to make this journal a vibrant knowledge platform.
13%
p.a.*
Soneri Bank
We have more time for you
1
Effects
HERMANN KREUTZMANN
1. Introduction
B oundaries and diversity are used as distinguishing classifiers in numerous contexts. Boundary-making
plays a major role in the political sphere when the momentum and range of power are at stake. Long-
lasting effects can be observed in colonial contexts, in the process of nation-building and in the delineation
of spheres of influences. Geopolitics has received a bad reputation when ideologies and dictatorial
regimes aimed at the extension of their dominions. In the Central Asian context, geopolitics have played
a major role for socioeconomic development in the arena between different spheres of influences. The
specific interests of superpowers of their time had long-reaching effects into the spatial and economic
periphery. Exogenously stimulated developments resulted often in transforming local living conditions.
When discussing the significance of colonial intervention and geopolitical interferences, we have to keep
in mind external strategies and their implementation versus regional and local responses. The present-
day perception of Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Pakistan as nation states is strongly linked
to their political affiliation in the 20 th century in general and during the Cold War in particular. Kirghiz
,as a Turkic language
On the macro scale, Central Asia has been the sparsely settled periphery between Europe and Asia.
Environmentally, the region is characterized by steppe, desert and mountains with arid conditions in the
lowlands and increasing precipitation and humidity with altitude resulting in snow-covered mountains,
glaciations, high mountain pastures and scanty forests. Given these assets a common utilization patterns
issuing from the high mountain ranges within the desert-steppe environment. In the remoter mountain
regions, we find different forms of combined mountain agriculture (Ehlers & Kreutzmann 2000: 15) in
scattered mountain oases mainly supplied by gravity-fed irrigation schemes tapped from the tributary
valleys of the main rivers. Niche production of valuable and marketable crops augmented the general
pattern of grain crop cultivation for basic sustenance.
Economically and politically, there existed competition between nomads and farmers over natural
resources during long periods. While they competed in the production sector, political influence was
mainly felt and contested in the urban centres of the oases towns. They were the prime target of all
kinds of conquerors from Iran, Mongolia and China. 2 These historical events left their marks on the
transforming Central Asian socio-economic landscape and prove the existence of a Eurasian exchange
1
The specific utilization patterns of high mountain pastures - such as observed in the Pamirs (cf. Kreutzmann 2003)
- is characteristic for Central Asia and has repeatedly given scope for speculation about the economic potential of animal
husbandry since Marco Polos travels.
2
Cf. Bregel 2003, Christian 2000, Kreutzmann 1997, 2002, 2004.
In the 19 th century, its role changed significantly and the Great Game identified a polarisation that was
stimulated by the prime interests of the two superpowers at that time (Figure 2). Direct influence in the
form of boundary-making and economic exploitation removed the former pattern of indirect control and
tax-taking in a feudal system. For the understanding of the present transformation process in Central
Asia and the performance of independent states the geopolitical dimension of the Great Game and
subsequent territorial demarcations needs to be discussed in greater detail.
In 1877, when Queen Victoria became the Empress of India Russian diplomats and military strategists
debated about the importance of Central Asia from a Russian perspective. Colonel M. J. Veniukoff vindicated
the gradual movement of Russia in Central Asia as the re-establishment of extension of the sway of
the Aryan race over countries which for a long period were subject to peoples of Turk and Mongol extraction. 4
Veniukoff advocates
4
Political and Secret Department Memoranda: The Progress of Russia in Central Asia by Colonel M. J. Veniukoff (translated
from the Sbornik Gosudarstvennikh Zuanyi 1877 (= IOL/P&S/18/C 17: 1).
5
Political and Secret Department Memoranda (= IOL/P&S/18/C 17: 1).
6
Political and Secret Department Memoranda (= IOL/P&S/18/C 17: 2).
That envisaged time was not far away at the turn from the 19 th to the 20 th century. The British Viceroy
in India, Lord Curzon, identified the Central Asian countries and territories in his famous statement as
pawns on a chessboard. British India and Russia were the players who gambled about their influence
in Transcaspia, Transoxania, Persia, and Afghanistan (cf. Figure 2). But this battle was not solely about
regional control, it was a contest about the world domination of imperial powers. Great Britain had
achieved already maritime supremacy, now the last land-locked area - Central Asia - came into focus.
From a British viewpoint Central Asia posed the buffer region to protect more than pawns: the jewel
of the crown, a synonym for their possessions in India. From a Russian perspective expansion towards
the East and the South was a consequential endeavour ever since Peter the Great had mentioned in
his testimony that Russias future was linked to Asia (cf. Hauner 1989). Both superpowers expected
sufficient wealth to be exploited from Central Asia to pay for their exploring adventures and military
expenditure.
During the 19 th century, both superpowers reached a state of confrontation over contested supremacy
in Central Asia. Both had literary celebrities justifying their cause and in both countries contemporary
bourgeois debate highlighted the civilizing mission to be accomplished. Great Britain had Rudyard Kipling
who was one of the foremost advocates of the Great Game and had coined the term of a white mans
burden (cf. Kreutzmann 1997). With missionary zeal and state authorization, civil society measures
were to be promoted in Asia grounded in European standards. His Russian counterpart was Fjodor M.
Dostojevsky who published an essay on the importance of Asia for Russias future in which he justified
the Asian conquest as a mission for the promotion of civilization. Dostojevsky compared the colonial
expansion into Central Asia with the European conquest of North America (cf. Hauner 1989, 1992). The
second half of the 19 th century experienced a heated debate in political and academic circles about the
effects of the Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia.
In Russia the Gorchakov Memorandum of 1865 marks the beginning of the animated phase of the Great
Game (cf. Figure 2a). The British Premier Disraeli responded in his famous speech at Crystal Palace
1872 in which he announced the imperial policies for further expansionism. Immediate results were the
forward policy in the Afghan borderlands and the subsequent crowning of Queen Victoria as Empress
of India (1877). Russia and Great Britain fought this game in the remote mountains of the Hindukush,
Karakoram and Pamirs where their spies-cum-explorers met in unexpected locations. At the same time
there was competition among the diplomatic staff posted in Central Asian centres. Notably, Kashgar
became one of the hotspots of confrontation where a weak Chinese administration personified by a
Taotai fell prey to the powerful representatives of the superpowers: the Russian Consul M. Petrovsky
and his British counterpart George Macartney were the protagonists and reported to their respective
governments in detailed reports which give us historical evidence on the socio-economic conditions in
7
Political and Secret Department Memoranda (= IOL/P&S/18/C 17: 22).
The Great Game in its narrow definition came to an end in 1907 without any military encounter and
no loss of lives. Russia and Great Britain came to terms and consented to the text of the so-called
Anglo-Russian Convention in which respective spheres of influence, buffer states and regions of non-
interference were agreed upon (cf. Figure 2b). Instrumental for the accord was the heartland theory
which drew geopolitical significance towards Central Asia.
The geographer Halford Mackinder formulated his heartland theory in 1904 which became one of the
most influential texts of the geopolitical debate until today. Mackinder drew prime attention towards
Central Asia as he stated that the Tsarist regional dominance was linked to their equestrian tradition
from nomadic Asian backgrounds. From the safe retreat of the Inner Asian steppe regions conquests had
taken off towards Europe, Persia, India and China. He described the European civilization as the result of
a secular battle against Asian invasions (Mackinder 1904: 423). The naval predominance of Great Britain
and imperial control of world trade had been modified through a shift in terrestrial traffic structures.
The Russian railways were perceived as the successors of the equestrian mobile forces. Central Asia
had become the arena of contest, the more as a Russian-German and/or a Sino-Japanese alliance could
contribute to a shift of world affairs to the heartland of the Eurasian continent which he perceived
as a geographical pivot of history (Mackinder 1904: 436). He predicted the transformation of Central
Asia from a steppe region with little economic power into a region of prime geostrategic importance.
Culture and geography would contribute to the key region. Mackinder identified four adjacent regions
encompassing the heartland of pagan Turan in the shape of a crescent and denominated by religious
affiliations: Buddhism, Brahmanism, Islam and Christianity (Mackinder 1904: 431). 8
Similar ideas of a Central Asian heartland or a pivotal role stimulated Owen Lattimores perceptions
in his book Pivot of Asia (1950). Keeping the experiences of World War II in mind Lattimore drew a
circle with a diameter of 1000 miles around Urumchi and identified Central Asia as a whirlpool stirred-
up by political currents flowing from China, Russia, India and the Middle East (Lattimore 1950: 3).
By following the same Central Asian-centred approach Milan Hauner shifted the centre in the 1980s to
Kabul, drew a similar circle and identified a world of even greater contrasts which touches upon the
volatile and oil-rich region of the Middle East (Hauner 1989: 7). The last statement has remained valid
through the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Taliban rule in Afghanistan and in the aftermath of 9/11
and the Iraq crisis. The fact that Ahmed Rashid (2000) subtitled his book on the Taliban as Islam, Oil
and the New Great Game in Central Asia is only one case in point for the reference to the Great Game
connotation of contemporary geopolitical problems in the region. 9 The presence of American and Russian
troops on airports and along borders in Central Asia proves the continuing geopolitical significance of
the region and its linkage to contemporary crises zones.
What are the effects of certain lines of thought and resulting political actions on Central Asia and why
do we still refer to the metaphor of a Great Game when discussing contemporary strategic interference
and socio-economic transformations in geopolitical contexts. Boundary-making and its impact on nation-
building, economic and political participation severely influenced socio-economic developments in the
mountainous areas of Central Asia. Some cases in point need to be introduced for the understanding of
the far-reaching consequences of imperial border delineations. First of all, the practical impact on trade
relations and economic exchange need to be investigated.
8
With the passage of time Mackinder modified his theory under the impression of events during the First and Second World
Wars and influenced the thoughts of Karl Haushofer and other geopoliticians of his time.
9
Cf. Kreutzmann 1997, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2007, Roy 2000,
In Central Asia, the Great Game resulted in the demarcation of international boundaries sep arating the
spheres of influence of the super powers of the time. Besides executing direct control and domination in
the core areas of their empires, Great Britain and Russia had created buffer states at the periphery such
as Persia and Afghanistan (Figure 2b). In their negotiat ions they had excluded Kashgaria or Eastern
Turkestan which nominally was under Chin ese administration. Trade between South and Central Asia was
affected by this constellat ion and a rivalry had developed since British commercial interests entered this
sector in 1874 (cf. Bosshard 1929; Davis & Huttenback 1987; Kreutzmann 1998). Both super powers
competed for dominance on the valuable markets in the urban oases of the Silk Road such as Kashgar
and Yarkand. According to the theory of imperialism, the merchants of the industrializing countries tried
to purchase raw materials such as cotton, pashmina wool and hashish while in exchange textiles and
manufactured products were offered in the bazaars (cf. Kreutzmann 1998). Russia had some advantage
as access was easier. From the railhead at Andijan in the Ferghana Valley, which was linked to the Middle
Asian Railway in 1899, the distance to Kashgar (554 km) could be covered in twelve marches via Osh,
Irkeshtam, and Ulugchat by crossing only one major pass, Terek Dawan (3870 m). On the other hand
trade caravans from British India had to follow either of three trans-montane passages - the Leh, Gilgit,
and Chitral routes - which were much longer and more difficult.
The competition for the Central Asian markets have continued after the October Revolution which
caused the closure of the Russian/Soviet Consulate in Kashgar from 1920-1925. This event affected the
Soviet commerce with Kashgaria detrimentally while the British share soar ed. Overall trade significantly
declined due to the disturbances in Chinese Turkestan after 1935 and later due to World War II and
the Chinese Revolution. Central Asian trade became an important factor in cross-boundary relations
affecting the economies in the regions traversed for a period of forty years. The total annual volume of
Indo-Xinjiang commerc ial exchange surpassed the two million rupees level for most of the era between
1895 and 1934.
At the end of the 19th century George Macartney, the British Consul-General in Kashgar had summarized
the situation: The demand for Russian goods is without doubt ever increasing. Cotton prints of Mosc ow
manufacture, as cheap as they are varied and pretty, are very largely imported. The bazaars of every
town are overstocked with them, as well as with a multitude of other art icles, amongst the most important
of which may be mentioned lamps, candles, soap, petroleum, honey, sugar, sweetmeats, porcelain cups,
tumblers, enameled iron plates, matches, knives and silks. These articles, with few exceptions, could,
but for the compet it ion, be supplied from India. But we have gradually had to relinquish our position in
favour of Russia, until at last our trade has to confine itself chiefly to articles of which we are the sole
producers and in which there is no competition. 10
British interests in securing a substantial share in this commercial exchange governed their imperial
designs and had an impact on the mountain societies involved. At the turn of the century Ladakh and
Baltistan were dominated by the Maharaja of Kashmir, Gilgit had bec ome an agency (re-established
in 1889) under the joint administration of a British Political Agent and a Kashmiri Wazir-i-Wazarat.
Principalities such as Hunza and Nager were affiliat ed after their defeat in the 1891 encounters, which
were fought under the pretext of opening the Gilgit route for commercial purposes. At the same time the
Mehtar of Chitral transferred his sovereignty in external affairs to a British Agent and was remunerated
with an annual subsidy and a supply of arms.
10
Report of George Macartney of 1st October 1898, quoted from Captain K. C. Packman, Consul-General at Kashgar 1937:
Trade Report. In: India Office Library & Records: Departmental Papers: Political & Secret Internal Files & Collections
1931-1947: IOL/P&S/12/2354, p. 1.
A few cases in point from the turn of the century may illustrate how mountain regions have been involved
in the demarcation of spheres of influence. The contenders of the Great Game in High Asia agreed to
lay down boundaries in the comparatively sparsely populated regions of the Hindukush and Pamir. Some
times these borders were described as natural frontiers, scientific boundaries and dialect borders. The
Durand Line of 1893 separating Afghanistan from British India/Pakistan epitomizes such an effort and
has continued to function as the symbol of colonial border delineation referred to as the dividing line
(Felmy 1993). In order to safeguard the physical separat ion of two imperial opponents, international
borders were outlined and Afghanistan was created as a buffer state (Figure 3). Local livelihoods and
passes. Numerous clashes bet ween tribal groups and imperial troops in the borderlands characterized
the political relations in the frontier that served as a buffer belt on the fringe of the empire (Fraser-Tytler
1953). Now a special legal status has been assigned to these regions as they are administrated as Feder
ally or Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (FATA or PATA). The movement of nomads (powindah) and
their herds now depends on bilateral political relations and has been res tricted, but has not ceased.
For the British administrators the Durand Line served its purpose. Initially it was perceived as a limit
to the respective spheres of influence, but with the Treaty of Rawalpindi and subsequent agreements
Badakhshan came to the fore as a centrepiece of imperial interests. As Colonel Veniukoff put it in 1877:
The latter principality [Badakhshan] is unquestionably the most important of all those in Central Asia
from a political point of view. Without possessing and colonising it we can never guarantee peace in
Turkestan, or even the
solidity of our rule
there. It occupies the
most flourishing district
in the basin of the Oxus
and feeds a numerous
population. Possessed
of it we could command
the northern outliers of
the Hindoo Kush and the
passes over this range to
the valley of the Kunar
11
Both quotes are taken from a document titled The Indo-Afghan Frontier by the Research Department Foreign Office
covering the Indo-Afghan relations between 1747 and 1947. In: IOL/P&S/12/1321: A survey of Anglo-Afghan Relations
Part III: 26-27.
12
Cf. e.g. Djan-Zirakyar 1978; Khan 1981; Schetter 2007: 241.
13
Political and Secret Department Memoranda (= IOL/P&S/18/C 17: 19).
Northeastern Afghanistan
symbolizes colonial border
delineation. The southern
limit is formed by the
Durand Line (south) while
the northern part came
into existence as a result
of the Pamir Boundary
Commission of 1895 in
which Russian and British
officers negotiated the
alignment, and Afghan
officials assisted in the
demarcation (Figure 4).
This narrow 300 km-long
and only 15-75 km wide strip was created to separate Russian and British spheres of influences and
fulfilled the function to avoid direct military action between the two superpowers of that period and region.
Part of the boundary follows the course of the Pjandsh (Amu Darya River), which was in accordance with
the fashion of the time.
Fig 6: Cross-boundary exchange relations of Kirghiz and Wakhi
developments as part of
greater political entities.
Today, we find regional
units of the mentioned toponyms in Afghanistan and Tajikistan. The creation of these bound aries resulted
14
For a detailed account of the process of division and the effects cf. Kreutzmann 1996.
Similar observations are valid for Shughnan and Roshan. In recent years relatives separated by a
century-old border have re-established their relationship and the bridges across the Pjandsh River in
Langar, Ishkashim and Khorog symbolize those endeavours. Here important symbolic changes have led
to practical solutions to local needs. Bridges across the Amu Darya River have always played a vital role
in cross-border affairs. The Langar and Ishkashim bridges were built to enable the Soviet army to invade
Afghanistan (1979) and to safeguard their supplies from the Soviet Union for the control of Badakhshan.
Meanwhile, the function of the Ishkashim bridge has changed. For years during the war in Afghanistan,
support for the Northern Alliance and humanitarian aid for the suffering civilians were transported
across this bridge. The island in the river near Ishkashim became a storehouse for humanitarian aid
such as wheat flour, milk powder and vegetable oil. The Tem bridge near Khorog was built by AKDN in
order to link the cut-off Shughnan region of Afghanistan with Tajik Shughnan and to establish a market
access. More severe was the dead-end location for Darwaz. The Ruzwai bridge near Kalai Khum (Figure
7) enables peoples from Afghan Darwaz not only to participate in cross-border trade, but has terminated
their exclusion from getting opportunities to augment stocks and supplies. Earlier on the people from
Darwaz had to engage in a two-week journey on foot or by donkey to reach the bazaars of Faizabad. For
the first time, in 75 years people, from Darwaz and Shughnan are now in a position to access markets
all-year-round.
The assigned function of the Wakhan border was the separation of the British and Russian spheres of
influences. The concept of buffer states was applied in China as well. Xinjiang and Tibet functioned
somehow as buffer zones. The missing border link is the short Sino-Afghan boundary, which in itself is
part of a disput ed frontier. According to Chinese opinion, their border with Afghanistan and Tajikistan
ext ends much further west. The ambiguity concerning Chines claims to the Pamirs did not escape
the scrutiny of the Pamir Boundary Commission and of the British Consul-General in Kashgar, George
Macartney, who himself went on an inspection mission towards the Little Pamir in 1895 and reported
from Kizil Robat: From enquiries made by myself, it appears that, previous to that period, the Chinese
jurisdiction extended westwards on the Alichur Pamir to Sumatsh and on the Great Pamir to the eastern
end of Victoria Lake. The Khirgiz living in the Upper Oxus Basin within these limits and about Rangkul
and Murghabi, owned a sort of loose allegiance to China not however as Chinese subjects, but rather
as inhabitants of a State tributary to China. The Chinese appear to have never had much to do with
the Small Pamir, that country having in times past been a dependency of Kanjut living in it subjected
to Kanjuti taxation. 15 George Macartneys observation highlights the fact that in remote areas of the
Pamirs territorial control was less important than tributary relationships which could be well kept with
more than one mighty neighbour. To claim territory based on these changing loyalties is as futile as
is the notion of clear-cut boundaries at the time. Over time the boundaries have become visible and
changed the fate of the abutters.
15
India Office Library & Records: Files relating to Indian states extracted from the Political and Secret Letters from India
1881-1911: Pamir Delimitation Commission 9. Oct. 1895 No. 195 (Reg. No. 451): IOL/P&S/7/82.
The alleviation of this confrontation did not terminate any military action in the region. The Pamir
Boundary presently separates the newly independent state of Tajikistan (since 1991) from Afghanistan.
The previous global confrontation has been replaced by region al conflicts. Nevertheless these examples
are not sing ular cases. Nearly all borders of the Hindukush-Himalayan arc are under dispute by one or
the other side.
The attempt of Soviet nationalities policies was to create new republics, which should represent the
ethnic groups of Central Asia in adequate spatial and administrative settings. Consequently by 1929
ethnonymous republics were created to represent Kazakhs, Kirghiz, Tajiks, Uzbeks and Turkmens. The
new republics did not have any boundaries in common with their predecessors, the Khanate of Khiva,
the Khanate of Bukhara and the Turkestan Governorate-General. If the term artificial boundaries
could be appropriate in any context, it would be here. The newly defined republics consisted of a spatial
nucleus, but very often they had in addition satellite territories of enclaves and exclaves within the
territory of neighbouring republics (Figure 8). While this phenomenon did not pose grave differences
during the period of the Soviet Union - basically all territories were under the central command of the
Kremlin and only international boundaries with neighbouring countries such as China and Afghanistan
were of any importance and hermetically sealed - another cause of germinated dissent erupted after
The hope for friendly relations and mutual understanding has suffered several setbacks in recent years.
All negotiating partners are interested in most favourable results from their national perspective. On
a regional scale, there is some hope since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which was
Nevertheless, the region under study suffered not only directly from Cold War confrontation but as well
from regional problems, which remain to be a colonial legacy, but have developed into a conflict between
neighbours. After more than 50 years of independence, India and Pakistan are still engaged in military
confrontation that is affecting economic exchange tremendously and keeps the mountain regions of the
Karakoram and Western Himalaya in a state of dispute and uncertainty.
The starting point for our thoughts on geopolitical diversity was the exogenous interest in the Central
Asian periphery with long-lasting implications for the livelihoods of people. The major impact seen until
today is the delineation of international boundaries and internal borders. Most of the mountain region
became an even greater periphery after border demarcation and lost its prime commercial asset as a
transit region for traders. The deadlock situation has partly changed since the end of the Cold War, but
not in a great style of regional
transformations in Central Asia
Fig 9: Property changes during the two 20th century
The SCO became an internationally acknowledged organization in 2004 and operates a secretariat from Beijing. In August
16
2007 the most recent SCO meeting of political leaders was held in Bishkek.
Similar developments could be observed in peoples organization, education and agriculture. To quote
again a source from 1934: Khorog is the capital town of the Soviet Pamir, and there has been held there
the 5 th congress of the Soviets of the mountainous Badakhshan region. On foot on horses, on yaks, on
donkeys, along mountain tracks hanging over precipices, the delegates come from the distant Murghab,
Borgang [Bartang], Bakhan [Wakhan], and other places in the S. and E. edges of the U.S.S.R. that
border with Afghanistan, India and Western China. The 110 delegates elected were 78 Tajiks, 16 Kirghiz,
and 16 Russians. In the conference hall were many women in their white garments of homespun silk.
Khorog is now lit with electricity that was started and first seen by the Pamir people in the spring of this
year. The president of the congress, Faisilbekov, spoke of the wonderful things that have taken place in
the Soviet Pamir. Aeroplanes are flying over inaccessible mountain ranges, a splendid automobile road
has been made from Khorog to Osh, 700 km long, that now links the Pamir with the rest of the U.S.S.R.
formerly there was only 1 school in the whole of the Pamirs - now there are 140, and a training school
for teachers: instead of dark smoky earth huts or skin tents, European houses are now being built:
collective farms are established in the Pamirs, and they are growing and getting good crops of wheat,
millet and beans; and now they know how to manure their fields and be sure of good crops (Izvestia
29. 11.1934, quoted after IOL/P&S/12/2273).
It is the irony of history that now a transformation process has started which attempts to revert
these reforms and to privatize collectivized property (Figure 9) again, in which households return to
the farming practices of their grandfathers, and in which the traditional knowledge of neighbouring
countries is adapted as a measure to overcome food crisis situations and to minimize risks. In that
respect the external interference in Central Asia is a failed attempt to implement modernization theory
while in many other aspects it succeeded. The transition beginning with the independence of sovereign
nation states in Central Asia has failed so far to continue the path of modernization.
7. Conclusions
The lesson to be learnt from geopolitical interventions in peripheral mountain areas could be that
decisions made in the core of empires always affect the livelihoods of people who have not been
involved in the decision-making process. Socio-political interference led to the creation of an arena
of confrontation in the Pamirs, Hindukush and Himalaya during the Cold War which was one of least
permeable frontier regions in the world. Present developments might result in a convergence of living
conditions, income patterns and indicators of human development. Especially mountain farmers and
breeders can learn from the experiences of their counterparts, entrepreneurs might profit from trans-
border exchanges in a way which was impossible for more than two generations.
Geopolitical diversity in mountain regions can be interpreted as the result of political decision-making in
the centres of power. In a more system theoretical perspective it reflects the observation that changes
in singular system elements are affecting the whole system. In the context of mountain development,
it often has detrimentally changed the living conditions. Nevertheless, the Amu Darya river boundary
convincingly shows how life has been altered during two transformations in the 20 th century. The
transformation which is taking place in Afghanistan at the beginning of the 21 st century takes up some
of the threads which were loosened since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the independence of
Tajikistan. The Afghan National Solidarity Programme aims at establishing peoples representation on the
local and regional level. In Northern Afghanistans history this is a new challenge and endeavour. Donor
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York, Toronto: Oxford University Press
Gills, B. K. & A. G. Frank (1991): 5000 years of World System History: The Cumulation of Accumulation. In: Chase-
Dunn, C. & T. Hall (eds.): Precapitalist Core-Periphery Relations. Boulder: Westview Press: 66-111
Halbach, U. (1992): Ethno-territoriale Konflikte in der GUS (= Berichte des Bundesinstituts fr ostwissenschaftliche
und internationale Studien 31-1992). Kln: Selbstverlag
Hauner, M. (1989): Central Asian Geopolitics in the Last Hundred Years: A Critical Survey from Gorchakov to
Gorbachev. In: Central Asian Survey 8: 1-19
Hauner, M. (1992): What is Asia to us? Russias heartland yesterday and today. London: Routledge
IOL/P&S/7/82, India Office Library & Records: Files relating to Indian states extracted from the Political and Secret
Letters from India 1881-1911: Pamir Delimitation Commission 9. Oct. 1895 No. 195 (Reg. No. 451)
IOL/P&S/12/1321, India Office Library and Records: A survey of Anglo-Afghan Relations 1747-1947. Part III The Indo
Afghan Frontier
IOL/P&S/12/2273, India Office Library and Records: Departmental Papers: Central Asia. Conditions in Soviet Central
Asia. Central Asia Intelligence 1930-1945
IOL/P&S/12/2275, India Office Library and Records: Departmental Papers: Central Asia. Conditions in Soviet Central
Asia. Central Asia Intelligence 1930-1945: Special survey of intelligence. Conditions in Central Asia and Sinkiang.
1939
IOL/P&S/12/2354: India Office Library and Records: Departmental Papers: Political and Secret Internal Files and
Collections 1931-1947: Captain K. C. Packman, Consul-General at Kashgar: Trade Report 1937
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Report No. 33)
Khan, Khushi M. 1981: Der Paschtunistan-Konflikt zwischen Aghanistan und Pakistan. In: Khushii M. Khan & V.
Matthies (eds.): Regionalkonflikte in der Dritten Welt. Ursachen Verlauf Internationalisierung Lsungsanstze.
Mnchn: 283-385
Kreutzmann, H. (1996): Ethnizitt im Entwicklungsproze. Die Wakhi in Hochasien. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer-Verlag
Kreutzmann, H. (1997): Vom Great Game zum Clash of Civilizations? Wahrnehmung und Wirkung von Imperialpolitik
und Grenzziehungen in Zentralasien. In: Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen 141 (3): 163-186
Kreutzmann, H. (1998): The Chitral Triangle: Rise and Decline of Trans-montane Central Asian Trade, 1895-1935. In:
Asien-Afrika-Lateinamerika 26 (3): 289-327
Kreutzmann, H. (2002): Great Game in Zentralasien. Eine neue Runde im Grossen Spiel?In: Geographische
Rundschau 54 (7-8): 47-51
Kreutzmann, H. (2003): Ethnic minorities and marginality in the Pamirian knot. Survival of Wakhi and Kirghiz in a
harsh environment and global contexts. In: The Geographical Journal 169 (3): 215-235
Kreutzmann, H. (2004): Ellsworth Huntington and his perspective on Central Asia. Great Game experiences and their
influence on development thought. In: GeoJournal 59: 27-31
Kreutzmann, H. (2006): People and Mountains: Perspectives on the Human Dimension of Mountain Development. In:
Global Environmental Research 10 (1): 49-61
Kreutzmann, H. (2007): The Wakhi and Kirghiz in the Pamirian Knot. In: Brower, B. and B. R. Johnston (eds.):
Disappearing peoples? Indigenous Groups and Ethnic Minorities in South and Central Asia. Walnut Creek: Leftcoast
Press: 169-186
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Dr. Hermann Kreutzmann currently holds the Chair of Human Geography at the Center for
Development Studies in the Institue of Geography, Freie Universitt Berlin.
Prof. Dr.Kreutmann has nearly thirty years experience of fieldwork in South Asia and has
carried out fieldwork and research in China, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Nepal.
MUZAFFAR UD DIN
This paper aims to apply the concept of value chain development approach both to understand
the existing phenomenon and propose a framework to promote economic development in the
mountain societies. In particular, it attempts to apply the concept to opportunities that exist in
a cross border space.
G lobalization has raised many important challenges and is high in policy agenda of many countries. The speed
up of globalization is because of the rapid emergence of Global Value Chain (OECD, 2007). The whole
process of producing goods from raw materials to finished goods/products has increasingly been sliced and each
process could be carried out any where. (Uiboupin, 2007) The necessary skills and services are available at lower
cost. This global value chain phenomenon, though, has positively affected many parts of the world, but some
areas like mountain region have not been part of greater benefits.
Like other parts of the world, the mountain societies including the Northern Areas of Pakistan, a rendezvous of
the giant mountain rangesthe Himalaya, Karakurum, Hindukush and Pamirare also witnessing major changes.
The changes in the Northern Areas are both geographical and demographical. The centuries old and long isolation
and remoteness, that had shaped a peculiar socioeconomic condition, is fading away, and new opportunities are
emerging (Wood, et al,. 2006). The mountain communities are experiencing increased interactions (cultural,
business, political and the like) at inter and intra valley levels as well as beyond the political borders. On the other,
the phenomenon of having access and increased exposure to outside world has also led the region towards the
global exploitations.
These mountain ranges, once considered the barriers for trade and commerce among the countries on watershed,
are now emerging as trade junctions and resource-bases for economic development, i.e. in hydro-energy, minerals,
water etc. Macro development initiatives, like trans-mountain communications networks, construction of dams
and power units and mining explorations have brought greater development opportunities to these mountain
regions and have increased global business interests. Once isolated and limited production and services system,
has now been effected by supply and demand changes at global level. However, exposure to these increased
global value chain has resulted policy challenges related to income and growth disparities in and around the
mountain areas, threat to the fragile mountain eco-system and most importantly effected the livelihood of the
people living in and around this mountain region.
The mountain societies are going through major transformation, from change in livelihood patterns at household
level to macro-level investments in social and development sectors. These changes in the mountain regions are
though phenomenal but these are more in pockets both geographically and also sector-wise. Traditional methods
used for economic development, like increase in production or improving services and competitiveness through
cooperatives, have impact at livelihood level but these initiatives remain isolated and peripheral.
The rapid pace of globalization, mainly fueled by technical advancements in transport and communication, resulted
in lowering the transfer cost of both goods and services to other countries (Rodnur, 2007)). For example, the
opening up of border-trade between China and Pakistan has benefited the isolated mountain communities in
Imports Exports
Years
Volume (tons) Value (Rs Mil) Volume (tons) Value (Rs Mil)
2002-2003 18560 1386 2400 112
2003-2004 29520 1627 3315 128
2004-2005 44730 1398 2280 314
2005-2006 49455 2424 1695 131
2006-2007 46170 2002 2025 201
Total 200,940 10,066 12,465 917
The statistics given in the above table presents a comparative picture of the volume and value of the exports and
imports of Pakistan with China. Though, the trend has been erratic over the last five years, the table clearly shows
that there are major imbalances between the levels of exports and imports. With Pakistan heavily involved in
importing goods, figures show trade surplus in favor of China. From the local economic development perspective,
the existing export patterns do not bring major gains, as very little, if any, of those goods exported to China,
originate from the Northern Areas.
With all these development and improvements noted, the key question is how to transform these local level
development and economic gains; like increased production, improved infrastructure, access to social services
in conjunction with regional and global initiatives, like border trade, large investment in key infrastructures and
industries for a sustainable economic growth, in a more environmentally responsible manner.
Value chain as understood in this paper, is a framework as well as an operational model. The basic premise of
this model is that a product is rarely directly consumed at the place of production; it is transformed, combined
with other products, transported, packaged displayed etc. Intermediate products and final products are owned
by various actors who are linked by trade and services and each add value to the product and service (Morgan,
2002).
Hence the globalization does not only patch up market gaps and bring producers and consumers closes together;
it also brings regional and international competition into local market. For instance, any agriculture produce not
consumed by the farmers families is a product in the market (local to international) and competes today with
products coming from nearby or faraway. (Roekel, et al., 2007 ). For Instance, developing value chain of Apricot
sector produced in the Northern Areas of Pakistan linked with international market has demonstrated that this
sector did not only benefit a large number of poor farmers but also add value at different level of the supply chain
(Wood, et al., 2006), like introducing of new technologies and techniques in fruit drying, introducing standards for
dry fruits, certification like Fair-trade and organic certification not only expanded the market but offered premium
price for all the actors in the value chain and source of foreign exchange for the country like Pakistan.
Building on the current potential of border-trades between Pakistan and China and the informal barter system
across the border with Afghanistan, a value chain framework could add benefits to local people in terms of both
providing services, like storage, transportation, information and even outsourcing of some of the production
The model for Value Chain Development in Mountain Areas (see figure 1); primarily aims to see a sector or
production process more holistically that encompasses all the actors, supporters and influencers involved in the
chain.
Retailers Retailers
Fig 1: Enterprise Development Strategy for Northern Areas, 2004 AKRSP, Gilgit
P
r Wholesalers Wholesalers
o
c
Skill Dev.
e Packing &
s Infrastructure Packaging Transportation
s &
Processing
o Facility/units
Service R&D
r Providers Storage /
s Certification
Currently, some of the promising sectors that would offer cross-border cooperation in the mountain areas are:
a) border trade, b) tourism c) Bio-diversity d) exchange of knowledge and information e) water resource and d)
energy.
The benefits of applying this approach are obvious. Gains on the cross-border trades can be retained at local level
by systematically envisioning the value chain of the sector and devising proper intervention.
The framework starts from producers to policy and regulation, this includes: a) at producer or consumer level,
retention of gains can be increased by adding value through certification as organic products, Fair-trade, ethnicity
and local level services like transportation and employment; b) at the provider level specific skills, knowledge
centers and information services on market for the sectors can add value to the sectors as well as benefits can
be channeled to local economy; c) small enterprises acting like franchises of major producers, outsourcing of
5. Conclusion
The rapid emergence of Global Value Chain that encompasses all the sectors and actors of economies and
regions has both offered opportunities and also posed challenges. Mountain areas are no more exception because
of moving from the peripheral positions to core market places. Trans-border and mountain trade, business and
exchange are increasing with better communication facilities. Contrary, the challenge is how to retain benefits for
the local communities by providing opportunity for value addition and maintaining the fragile but important eco-
system. The key question is how to transform the borders from a constraint to an economic and development
opportunity?
References
Roduner, Daniel. 2007: Donor Intervention in Value Chain Development. SDC, Berne.Uiboupin, Janek. 2007: Cross Border
Cooperation and Economic Development in Border Regions of Western Ukraine, Electronic Publications of Pan-European
Institute.
OECD, 2007: Policy Brief; Moving up the (Global) Value Chain, www.sourceOECD.org.
Morgan, Mary, (2002): Value Chain and Development and the Poor, SEEP NETWORK, Washington.
Wood, G., Malik, A., Saghir. S. (eds.) 2006: Valley in Transition. Oxford Press, Islamabad.
Roekel, Jan Van; Williams Sabine, et al. ; 2002, To Stimulate Cross Boarder Trade in Developing Countries and Emerging
Economics, World Bank, Washington DC.
Market Development Programme, 2004; Enterprise Development Strategy for Northern Areas and Chitral, AKRSP, Gilgit.
The writer is working as Regional Programme Manager (RPM) / Programme Manager Enterprise
Development, Aga Khan Rural Support Programme, Gilgit, Northern Areas of Pakistan
1. The Challenge
Local people are right at the heart of an ambitious planning process to create national park in one
of the most famous mountain ranges in the world. Plans are also afoot to nominate part of the
area as a World Heritage Site. If accepted, it will be the first time one of Pakistans wilderness
areas had been recognized in this way (Fuller 1994, High Hopes in the Karakurum).
ronment. On the other hand, meeting the needs of local people with inadequate resources is the most
crucial challenge for park authorities and the planners. Further, understanding the livelihood needs and
rights of local communities, integration of communities as equal and legitimate partners in protected
area governance is although an established phenomenon but legislation does not recognize the rights
A number of important lessons have emerged which are critical to the process of implementing good
governance in Protected Areas management, including:
the need for real incentives for communities to adopt conservation or sustainable use practices
that would otherwise see a reduction in their income or change in livelihoods;
the critical importance of understanding and adapting to the local social context, and working
with local institutions and processes;
the value of shifting management responsibility to the institutions closest to the resources; and
the need for involvement of international NGOs as facilitators, but with the intention of raising
local capacity in the long term.
Understanding the challenges identified and building on the lessons learned, HKKH Partnership Project 2
has developed a shared understanding that,if a new Protected Areas (PA) is to be established across the
vast Central Karakurum, different types of governance and different categories of PA may be necessary.
At the same time there are many factors at play influencing the social context and peoples needs and
objectives. It is clear that struggles for survival and well-being, identity and power are dominating
conflicts and concerns over natural resource management. There are indeed challenges for implementing
Central Karakurum National Park 3 (CKNP) or any form of natural resource management here, but there
are also great strengths amongst communities that could be harnessed. The critical issue was to
understand how and how long will it take and how to implement good governance in this context. It is
positive step forward that planning and dialogue over management of the Central Karakurum landscape
has re-started, backed with diverse technical expertise of reputed organizations and taking into account
the regional experiences of implementing a range of PA categories.
2. The Opportunity
Although, CKNP was notified in 1993, however, the park has remained without dedicated staff, infrastructure
and any operational management plan until 2007. While the presence of motivated communities, sense
of ownership, trust in NGOs and their interest in co-management are nonetheless strengths that could
support and benefit the CKNP management planning process. Similarly, the presence of technical
experts from IUCN and its partner organizations with regional and international experiences, interest
of international donors and the commitment of Northern Areas administration are complementary to
achieve the desired objectives of CKNP. In particular the history of IUCN in NAs and its experience of
planning, establishing and management of Protected Areas is unique and recognized globally.
1
By definition, Protected Area is an area of land or sea especially dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological
diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources and managed through legal or other effective means
2
The HKKH Partnership Project is a multi-scale initiative, active at the regional, national and local levels with a special focus on
three Protected Areas, namely: Sagarmatha National Park (SNP) in Nepal, Central Karakoram National Park (CKNP) in Pakistan and
Qomolangma Nature Preserve (QNP) in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China (TAR-China).The project financed by Government of
Italy is implemented by IUCN in partnership with CESVI, Ev.K2.CNR and ICIMOD.
2
3
CKNP, notified in 1993 is Pakistans largest protected area covering over 10,000 km area. It encompasses some of the worlds
highest mountains including K2, the second highest peak and largest glaciers outside the polar region.
In Pakistan, the HKKH Partnership Project has built partnerships and set the stage for a number of
targeted actions towards sustainable management of natural resources and moving towards broader
canvas of environmental challenges which impact the livelihood of common people in the area. The
HKKH partners have developed an understanding with Northern Areas Administration to contribute to
the development of Management Planning Framework and Management Plan for Central Karakurum
Conservation Complex and the CKNP though a series of coordinated activities, including technical
advice on the management planning, baseline studies, database development, capacity building and
the provision of new tools and instruments to assist in the management of natural resources. These
activities have been implemented consistent with other CKNP Partners.
Following the stakeholder consultations, biophysical research studies and understanding the ground
realities, it has been decided to change the paradigm of existing CKNP into a conservation complex,
allowing sustainable use and accommodating community needs taking into account the applicability of
a range of management regimes. This underlying assumption, on the one hand, has changed the focus
of the efforts by partners towards a broader canvas while on the other hand it necessitates continued
support to the key stakeholders in planning and management of the conservation complex so that the
indigenous mountain communities take optimum advantage of livelihood opportunities presented by
modern conservation regimes, including management of core and buffer zones, promoting ecotourism
opportunities, sustainable use of wild resources including harvesting of medicinal and economic plants,
consumptive and non-consumptive use of charismatic wildlife species, and supporting buffer zone
communities in management of livestock and agriculture.
3. Rationale
The entire northern and western parts of Pakistan are mountainous and all three major mountains
ranges, the Hindu Kush, Karakoram and Himalaya meet in Pakistan. The central Karakoram in Pakistan
contains the largest concentration of high mountain peaks and glaciers in the world. These mountains
also represent Pakistans main percentage of natural forests, pastures, biodiversity, medicinal and
aromatic plants and protected areas.
As per the estimated land use patterns, out of total 2% arable land one percent is used for agriculture.
About 4% is occupied by forests and 23% are rangelands while, 66% of the area is occupied by mountains,
glaciers, lakes and rivers. The mountain slopes, being already unstable; the scarcely growing natural
vegetation is exploited for fuel and grazing. The current natural resource use practices, lack of alternate
sources and growing human population exerts a continuous pressure on the very fragile ecosystems,
causing more risks for the livelihood of local people. In this context of biotic and abiotic circumstances,
specific programmes to invert the inevitable trend of unsustainable land use become a priority.
Although most of the population has poor rural economy, however, by virtue of its climate, terrain and
geopolitical status, the area seems to have a high economic potential in the region. The majority of
the population are subsistence farmers meeting only the barest needs of food, fodder, and fibre for
the household. Considering the potential of Pakistans mountain areas for the development of hydro
power, tourism, mining and agri production, it is apparent that through introduction of enabling policy
interventions, the natural resource base can be enhanced and promote ecosystem products and services
The most prevalent environmental problems include deforestation and the depletion of pastures (i.e.,
quality timber from coniferous natural forests on mountain slopes between 900 and 3,300 m above
sea level and the intensive use of pastures in summer at elevations between 1,500 and 3,300 m. Also
prevalent is the decline in biodiversity, increasing soil erosion, retreat of glaciers and unsustainable
agricultural and other development-related practices. The underlying causes include poverty, rapid
increase in human population, lack of data, information and skills needed for appropriate governance,
and lack of awareness and involvement of local communities in decision making and management of
natural resources.
IUCN has a proven track record of facilitating and catalyzing balanced conservation solutions in the
CKNP at all levels international, national, sub-national and local. IUCN has long promoted CKNP to
be an area of outstanding natural beauty with globally significant ecosystem and habitat values. Soon
after the formal notification of CKNP by the Government of Pakistan in 1993, IUCN in collaboration with
Ministry of Environment organised an international workshop in September 1994 to lay the groundwork
for an effective protected area management plan and to formulate a proposal for nomination of CKNP
as World Heritage Site.
In 1995 IUCN assisted the NAs government to develop a project proposal (PC1) to conduct a feasibility
study. Subsequently IUCN hired a Canadian expert, Dave McDonough who developed the first Draft
Management Plan for CKNP in 1999 through various consultative and planning meetings with community
leaders and NAs administration. During the preparation of the draft management plan, the park boundaries
proposed during Central Karakorum Planning Workshop, Sep 1994, were demarcated and a vision and
objectives for the park were established. The said draft plan also provides the basic framework for
the future management of the park with some specific actions proposed for implementation. However,
implementation on this draft management plan remained a low priority for NAs government due to other
pressing priorities of the area.
Furthering the previous work done, IUCN carried out a socio-economic baseline study, resource mapping
and finalizing the boundaries and zoning of the park in August 2004. The studies thus conducted provide
socio-economic and environmental baseline and a broader management framework for management of
the CKNP.
Upholding the efforts made, IUCN influenced the NAs Forest, Wildlife and Parks Department to realize
and making CKNP a functional park. Thus, in December 2006 NAs Forest, Wildlife and Parks Department
agreed to start preparation of PC-1 through the bidding process. The NAs government also requested
IUCN, HKKH partnership project to assist WWF in finalizing the PC-I as well as providing financial support
toward implementation of the PC-1. Technical team of HKKH Project partners provided a significant
technical contribution in finalizing the PC-I. Consequently, the PC-I emerged as a multi-stakeholder
project with IUCN having the major responsibility for preparation of an updated CKNP management plan
in this joint initiative.
As part of the implementation of the PC-1 and through the HKKH Partnership Project, IUCN Pakistan
organised series of consultative workshops and coordination meetings at the field level during the period
2007-9. These consultations helped all key stakeholders to agree on a common vision and roadmap for
CKNP management planning through building consensus and synergies.
The implementation of the current three year phase of the HKKH Partnership Project has resulted in
collection of biophysical scientific data from selected pilot valleys and construction of a GIS database
that would be used a useful tool to design conservation models, establish management zones and
delineation of park and buffer zone boundaries. The data generated will also be used a primary source
to making decision support toolbox functional in the coming years.
As elaborated above, one of the key achievements of HKKH Partnership Project was building consensus
among all partners over the development of CKNP. A roadmap was developed and agreed taking into
account to benefit from the technical contributions of all CKNP partners and realizing the fact that a
comprehensive management plan requires scientific data that would take considerable time in a terrain
like central Karakurum.
Consistent with PC-1, the HKKH approach and the CKCC management planning framework would elaborate
on the processes and tools recommended for long term planning and management of CKCC. Tourism,
communication and education perspectives would be cross-cutting to the proposed interventions, and a
five-year implementation plan (PC-1) would provide priority steps for improving approaches to planning
and management of the conservation complex.
The process followed so far and future steps are elaborated in the following system diagram.
Considering the systemic approach and transboundary framework of the project and its aim to continue
support the partnership processes in management of the conservation complex, particular attention will
be placed on the areas in and around the previously notified Central Karakoram National Park (CKNP),
comprising the Shigar Valley (through Askole village) and the Hushe Valley and Nagar Valley. The whole
of the Northern Areas includes at least 12 different ethnic groups with an estimated population of
900,000 is likely to be influenced by project activities. At the same time, it is believed that the project
will have introduced new concepts and approaches of collaborative management of PAs and legislation
enabling co-management is put in place ensuring minimizing threats to vulnerable natural resources.
As the countrys largest protected area, the existing Central Karakorum National Park plays an important
role in implementing Pakistans Biodiversity Action Plan and the other international agreements related
to biodiversity conservation of which government of Pakistan is signatory.
In the time to come, IUCN anticipates to see things moving from planning to doing. The shift in
philosophy toward participatory conservation and natural resource management opens the way for a
more harmonious relationship between the national park and surrounding buffer zone communities.
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Phone : +92-5811-51192
Cell # : +92-346-8488333
-36- Karakoram Knowledge Highways (KKH)
4
AKRSP will Reduce itself and Create Room for LSOs to Grow: An Interview with
Izhar Hunzai, General Manager , AKRSP
KKH: Please tell us something about your early involved in the labour movement, attended ideological
life, brought up, education and initial stages of sessions, and debated strategies for revolution.
career?
In two years of college, I had hardly attended six classes,
IAH: My childhood was a happy one, full of different as a result, I failed in my F.Sc. and it took me two more
experiences. For instance, by the time, I was 16, I years to complete that stage of my education.
had done my share of goat tending and farming in
I would say that my real education started at Karachi
the village, acquired the normal years of education,
University in 1978. As I had passed my intermediate
had started and failed in three businesses, travelled
with very poor marks, I could only find a place in the
to Karachi twice; had been in love a number of times,
Philosophy department and that too with the help
and was already in wedlock. Growing up, I had a care-
of a Marxist Professor. For the first time in my life, I
free attitude to life, was not serious about anything,
became a serious student, partly because of the co-ed,
including education and had dropped out of school
liberal environment at KU. There were students from
twice before reaching 10th grade. I resumed school,
all over the world, including Palestine, South Africa,
after an encounter with the great teacher and sage,
and Malaysia. KU in 1970s and early 1980s was a great
late Sultan Ali Khan, also known as Ustad Samarkand,
place. I became involved in student politics, became
whose wisdom and support I will never forget.
aware of international issues, including the apartheid
After passing my Metric exams from the government rule in South Africa and Rhodesia (Zimbabwe, now),
High School, Gilgit, I went to Lahore for college freedom struggles in Palestine and Kashmir, the Cold
education. There I met the great comrade Amanullah War debate and the Sur Revolution in Afghanistan. I
Khan of Aliabad. He was studying engineering at that had made many friends, mostly Palestinians; many of
time and as he happened to be a relative of mine, we them were PLO fighters who went to fight in Lebanon
became close friends. He exposed me to a new world after the Israeli invasion in 1981, and never returned.
of dialectical materialism. In other words, I became I had transferred my studies from the Philosophy
a Marxist, and although I studied other branches of Department to International Relations. I finished my
philosophy in later life and presently do not consider Masters in IR with an overall A, and was lucky to
myself carrying any ideological banner, that period was be accepted at the London School of Economics and
my first serious experience in personal enquiry and Political Science (LSE) in 1983, with an International
reflection. At that time, Pakistan was going through a Scholarship from the Aga Khan Foundation. London was
quite political revolution under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. In a whole new world for me, both in terms of personal
that frame of mind, education was the last priority for and intellectual freedoms. However, the ideologue in
me and many of my student comrades. We became me was very much alive and active. I became involved
and they should work closely with each other and with
made more cost effective. The cost effectiveness
local partners, particularly civil society institutions,
comes from the economies of scale. If the LSOs are
and state and private sector actors. His Highness is
properly trained and equipped to receive the services
particularly interested in AKDN following a holistic
from a multitude of providers, may it be government
Area Development approach in the Northern Areas and
agencies, private companies or NGOs, and mass market
Chitral.
it to households and communities, we would be able to
create a market-place for development services, thus
Responding to this challenge, we have proposed a
removing many inefficiencies in the current system.
number of new initiatives. The first and foremost is to
strengthen the civil society sector in our programme
LSOs are more than service contractors. As they
area, which is the core business of AKRSP. Civil society
represent organized communities, they bring
is a broad theme but for our purpose, it includes the
enormous clout to influence public policy, engage in
Village and Womens Organizations (V/WOs) and
collective bargaining with bulk buyers of agricultural
other off shoots of this grassroots organizational
commodities, undertake partnership projects with
effort, including producers and trade associations,
development support agencies, and can play a key role
development choices. not diminished but the nature of our work is changing
in which we may have fewer staff and vehicles but we
For AKRSP, this approach not only represents a are channelling the bulk of our resources through LSOs.
continuation of its previous work to create local In the coming years, this shift will be more visible and
institutional capacities for self development, but an clear in which AKRSP will be engaged in the software
opportunity to consolidate and sustain its legacy of of development while leaving the hardware part to
participatory development. An interesting aspect of LSO LSO.
approach is that they are hybrid organizations, taking
half of their traits and values from the voluntary spirit KKH: What are the two most important personal
of broad-based V/WOs and half from the professional satisfactions and dissatisfactions connected
ethics of AKRSP. They can also be described as neo- with your job as GM, AKRSP?
indigenous organizations as they represent a renewal
IH:The most rewarding part of my work at AKRSP is
of traditional systems of cooperative management and
that we now have a clear strategy going forward. This
collective action.
is important because since late 1990s, AKRSP had been
For the next 5-7 years AKRSPs main focus will remain searching for a new direction, after its past successes.
on building formal systems of management and Another major source of satisfaction is that many of
governance and professional and technical capacities the young people who have been trained at AKRSP are
of LSOs. This will be done through formal trainings and now entering the broader market and taking up key
exposure but most importantly through delegation of positions, locally, nationally and at international levels.
tasks and responsibilities. Already, many of the mature Moreover, the countless men and women who have been
functions of AKRSP have been successfully taken over by associated with V/WOs and LSOs are providing a new
LSOs, including social mobilization, savings, linkages, breed of leadership to formal emocratic institutions,
project identification and implementation of a host of civil society institutions and the business sector.
In the coming years, AKRSP will reduce itself and create professional life. One area which keeps my mind
room for LSOs to grow. A smaller AKRSP will then be occupied at lot in recent times is donor fatigue and lack
able to focus on innovations and new ideas. Already of funding for key programmes. Another area where
some of these ideas are being piloted, including carbon we could do more but have not made much progress is
trading, value chain development in promising sectors communicating our new message to our audiences.
I thank you for allowing me to express this new people in the Northern Areas and Chitral. They would
perspective of AKRSP as it is very important to be the best judge of AKRSPs achievements. However,
communicate what we are doing. We at AKRSP realize for the record, AKRSP was able to achieve two of the
and value the public expectations from AKRSP. But there three original objectives given to it by His Highness in
is feeling out there that AKRSP is reducing its role. I the first 12 years of its existences: these were helping
would like to say that AKRSPs budget in 2008 was PKR to double the per capita income (though attribution is
difficult given other parallel developments, including
on traditional activities, such as land development of the critique that relates to why this concept has not
and farming. What needs to happen in future is for V/ been fully explained in the context of AKRSPs overall
WOs to respond to these changes in a variety of ways. mission and purpose. Let me try to do just that. AKRSP
For instance, the service delivery functions, such as has always stood for creating and leaving behind
drinking water supply, electricity, and maintenance of sustainable local institutional mechanisms, which
road infrastructure must graduate from what I call the remains one of the three original goals of AKRSP. After
current general management of V/WOs to specialized 25 years of supporting V/WOs the realization has dawn
and formal management as utility companies. In many on AKRSP that informal micro level institutions cannot
cases this is beginning to happen, for instance, in many sustain themselves without a permanent support
V/WOs in peri-urban areas, V/WOs have outsourced system. This realization is not new.
KKH: Thank you so much for enlightening us with your thoughts and experiences.
you
serve
o
er et
h
are
We
Aliabad Hunza
Phone : +92-5821-55467
Divaako
P r o d u c t i o n s Pioneer in Local Media Productions
Formed and Facilitated by KADO
5 Documentaries Dramas
Musical and Stage Shows
20 Event Coverages
Interviews , Pannel Discussions and Talk Shows
5 Talk Shows
Script Writing
2 Dramas
Photography (Video/Still)
6 Serial Programmes
Photo Videos and Montages
Facilitation of National & Inter-national
N.L Editing (Windows/Mac)
Media Groups in Hunza Event Coverages
Event/ Programme Moderation
Commercials for local Channels
5
the Challenges and Dynamics of Fostering Area-based Indigenized Institutional
Actions in Hunza Valley
It was July 1994, when I first landed in Gilgit and visited Karimabad Hunza as Programme
Manager, Festivals and Crafts Promotion with AKCSP, after spending almost 14 years in Karachi.
In order to relate the relation of events and learning in this account, it is important to narrate my
personal story. It was Karachi, where I completed my school, college and university education, and did
part-time jobs during my studies with a number of private companies, besides extensively stretching
myself in wide array of voluntary works and activism through initially with the scouting movement
and junior cadet corps, and later converted to and associated myself with the progressive movement
through student, cultural and political activism, espousing and promoting rights-based, humanistic and
progressive values of freedom, justice, peace and equity expressing these through journalistic writings
and debates in study circles. I still commit myself to this side of the political divide and selflessly
connect to any agenda of reformation and transformation.
While teaming up with the group of student activists from Northern Areas and Chitral residing in
Karachi, we were engaged, at times, in arm-twisting in the true student politick of the time, and at
other occasions, we had to engage with and co-opt the diverse interests of students from Northern
Areas and Chitral creating an alliance and consensus in promoting a culture of table-talk, dialogue and
decency in dealing with authorities that mattered. Obviously, not everybody was happy what we did and
were up to.
My activism and commitment to do something different continued, every time we met with friends at
teashops, parks, events and forums in Karachi. There were always discussions about our people, our
heritage, our history, our area and what and how we may be able to contribute to the development of
this poor region and freedom of our people from repression and powerlessness? Beside working and
supporting our student community in Karachi, we used to curse ourselves of our inability to unite our
people on a minimum common political agenda, how we are colonized by Islamabad and brutally governed
by bureaucrats imposed by Pakistan, and how ineffective and self-serving our political class has become
and how the hidden hands that rule Pakistan and Gilgit-Baltistan have applied the time-tested policy of
divide-and-rule in creating hatred and in making non-issues a big issue almost disabling and blinding
people to see the big picture.
We used to look at many strategies and instruments on how to translate the good socialist and humanist
values and slogans and notions of freedom, we religiously believed in, into actions at the micro level?
Frustrated by apathy of the people and energized by happenings around the globe and the perestroika
and glasnost of the 1980s in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, we talked of bloodless revolutions through
popular uprisings, to penetrating the power structures and bringing change from the top through a
gradual process. We talked of demonstrating oases of peace and prosperity through green revolution
of farmers by first focusing on ending economic deprivations to launching constitutional and non-violent
struggles of students and the youth. We looked, nostalgically, at the sudden onslaught of non-state
actors (NGOs, international organizations, foreign funded Madrasa projects in the 1980s and early 90s,
and the suspicious role of state apparatus in creating sectarian tensions. We considered them both a
curse and blessing. Curse because the development projects were funded mainly by the western donors,
and religious groups were funded by interests in other some Muslim countries to further their interests,
Our group was so diverse that while discussing these and the constitutional question of Gilgit-Baltistan,
we always remained divided; some terming it a class struggle, others called it a nationality and identity
question, still others believed it was an instrument for economic colonialism and a conspiracy of global
in Hunza
Fig 1: Tajik Artists from China performing during the Silk Route Festival
imperialists to keep us disenfranchised and to maintain the status quo in order to use this strategic area
in the future to challenge rising China, and China , Pakistan and India all using us as a bargaining chip
to settle their own border disputes and interests. We are pawns in this new great game.
The solutions we used to discuss were always diverse; identify and integrate ourselves with the
downtrodden people of Pakistan, create links with the nationalists in the small provinces, create alliance
with the Kashmiri nationalists and work for a united Kashmir, to supporting the pro-independence
groups and carve out an identity of our own based on historical facts.
But at the end of every late night discussions and half a dozen cups of tea and layers of paratha, we
used to return home unable to agree on a single prognosis and failing to find the means to engage in
Back to Hunza, when I started work in 1994, my first activity at AKCSP was to operationalize the concept
of Silk Route festival in Hunza. After a week long attachment at Lok Virsa in Islamabad with Uxi Mufti
and late Dr Adam Nayyar, where I was briefed and oriented on how to organize festivals and exhibitions
and preparations for the upcoming Islamic Artisan-at Work Festival in 1994, where AKCSP was entrusted
to arrange welcome mini-festivals at Sost, Gulmit and Karimabad for the Chinese cultural entourage, I
returned to Hunza. This was a successful event we organized with the support of the regional and local
councils in Karimabad and Wakhi Tajik Culture Association (WTCA) and the local council in Gulmit and
we also fully participated in the Artisan-at-Work Festival in Islamabad introducing Hunza and Gilgit-
Baltistan culture, both built structures, crafts and performing arts, which were well received.
Encouraged by this, and as a preparation for the opening of the Baltit Fort in 1996, AKCSP organized
the Silk Route Festival in 1995 in Gulmit and Karimabad with much fanfare. The term Silk Route Festival
has since then became a known brand.
It must be interesting that, it was probably 1992, when H.H. the Aga Khan visited BRAC in Bangladesh
and he was briefed about the Aorang crafts project. I was told by AKCSP at that time, that H.H. asked the
leadership accompanying him, if AKCSP could initiate similar project in Hunza as part of the community
development project linked to the restoration of the Baltit Fort. AKCSP hired the services of Uxi Mufti
and Hafiz Karamally to conduct a feasibility study for arts and craft promotions in Hunza, which they
submitted. Based on their recommendations, a Design expert (daughter of Agha Abidi) was invited from
Aorang. She made a visit to Gilgit and Hunza and produced a guideline/manual on how to start a craft
development project on the pattern of Aorang in 1993.
I was asked by Dr Stefano Bianca of AKTC and Ramazan Merchant chairman AKCSP to study these two
reports and come up with a concept note on how to initiate a craft development project. Both of them
and Ghulam Mohammad, EO AKCSP provided me guidelines on how to do it. Based on the reports and
after meeting some artisans and visiting handicraft shops I submitted a sketchy note named Karimabad
Handicraft Development Project (KHDP) which was in turn submitted to SDC in Berne by Dr. Bianca for
funding support. The concept mainly focused on starting a one year action research into various craft
components mainly embroidery starting with test production, test marketing and documentation of the
vernacular designs and based on the learning start a full-scale project. It was revealed at this point,
that another craft development proposal named Karakoram Handicraft Development Programme (KHDP)
was submitted to the same donor by Izhar Ali Hunzai of AKRSP on behalf of an organization in Hunza
called Karakoram Handicraft Promotion Society (KHPS), and Didar Ali was its Executive Director. This
proposal mainly focused on commercializing local sharma rugs by constructing a factory in Mominabad
and training young weavers requiring upfront investments in machinery, construction and acquisition of
land.
Advised by SDC, this led to the merger of the two concepts. I was told by AKCSP to organize meetings
with Izhar Hunzai and Didar Ali and work out if we can work together. It was revealed that AKRSP was
not interested in the project as partner, but as facilitator, as the KHPS and KHDP was a local community
initiative. However meetings with Didar Ali concluded that KHPS was initiated by the regional council
Hunza and the President of the Council Dr Muhammad Aslam had formed a committee headed by ustad
Malik Shah and members include Dr Khwaja Khan, Didar Ali, Jan Alam, subedar Faraj, Muhammad Din,
Mirza Hasan to support the project. Three to four rounds of meetings were held with Dr. Aslam, Didar,
Ustad Mailk Shah and Didar, and after initial hesitations, mistrusts and apprehensions, we agreed to
Didar Ali became the contact person and Executive Director of KHPS and I was named as Project
Manager KHDP by AKCSP. Ueli Ramsier the Swiss textile anthropologist, who initiated the sharma rug
proposal with Didar and KHPS became the technical advisor for the project. We traveled to Islamabad,
held meetings with SDC and submitted the revised concept note to Dr. Bianca, who based on the earlier
proposal submitted by KHPS developed a merged proposal, which was approved by SDC in February
1995 and we started a nine months pilot phase. This was the beginning of a new handicraft development
project in Hunza, as well as collaboration between AKCSP and KHPS whereby it was agreed that AKCSP
will build the capacity of KHPS enabling it to take over the KHDP project from AKCSP after its exit.
It was during the formulation of the pilot phase in early 1995, one day, we were sitting with Ramazan
Merchant at the lobby in Serena Hotel Gilgit where Didar and I had a brief chance meeting with H.H.
Prince Amyn Muhammad Aga Khan. He took interest in the handicraft project and the fact that this was a
first project with the Swiss by any AKDN agency in the world. He also enquired about the use of sharma
Fig 2: KHDP Project - women Artisan at work
rugs as under layers of carpet and whether we might be looking into the feasibility of promoting bronze-
based crafts in Hunza.
When Izhar Hunzai left AKRSP, Dr. Bianca asked him to provide consulting support to KHDP as marketing
consultant, which he accepted and guided us through. Later, he became the CEO of AKCSP. Through
leaps and bounds, we were able to implement the action research project by identifying and training
women artisans, producers and creating marketable products which we brought to the market during the
opening of the Baltit Fort in 1996 through staging an exhibition. The pilot phase recorded a sale of Rs.
80,000/=, creation of a secondary production unit, documentation of the vernacular crafts and survey
of the crafts of Hunza and design and development of a long-term project with SDC. At the same time
KHPS was reorganized, a board was formed and the board was involved in all discussions and strategic
and tactical decisions and in designing the new phase.
Once the main phase of KHDP started in 1996 for three years, I was asked to become the Programme
Manager and together with the board, we hired other project staff to do the operational work and the
physical targets of the project start rolling. New responsibilities and challenges emerged, mainly how to
get out of central Hunza alone and reach out to lower and upper Hunza for reasons of equity and larger
buy-in?, how to manage conflict of interest of the board members by setting principles for separating
public and private good as well as the psyche of putting my village first?, and how to develop systems
and processes and create a harmonious relationship between the governance and management functions.
Autonomy and independence from AKCSP and any direct or indirect influence was jealously guarded
by the board and the members.
Seeing new challenges and opportunities, led by Dr. Khawaja Khan, who provided committed and honest
leadership throughout the formative and expansion periods, the KHPS board was anxious to expand
and grow. The motives and drives of the members for expansion were diverse and conflicting. Some of
the members found our neighbors pastures always looked greener. I remember in the board meetings
activists like Subedar Faraj talking about the successes of Naunihal Development Organization (NDO)
in Nagar and how they were fetching donor and government funding, and the inability of the Hunza
people and AKRSP senior staff from Hunza to guide the Village/Women Organizations (V/WOs) in Hunza
to create institutions like NDO.
I also recall the uneasiness among some of the council and community leadership about remarks of the
then General Manager AKRSP that AKDN was seriously thinking of withdrawing from Hunza, because the
primary needs of the community are already met, and for reasons of equity, the AKDN was not in position
to meet the undue demands and secondary needs of the Hunza community alone, as other communities
in Northern Areas are still lagging behind. Therefore prescribing to form an umbrella institution.
Still others believed that there was a need for a non-profit company to incubate private sector and
develop an elite group of entrepreneurs who would provide jobs and trickle down benefits to the
society.
A minority segment of the society, to which I was a convert, were of the view that in order to mobilize
the sleeping people of Hunza and create critical mass of politically and socially conscious activists there
was a need to create forums and institutions which address the basic needs and rights-based issues and
economically empower the poor segments of the society.
There was seemingly convergence on the means and the long-term interests and after deliberations all
came to the same conclusion; there was a need to create our own institution, which was self-sustaining,
autonomous and all decisions are made locally.
For the KHPS board the challenge was however how to transform the KHPS from a handicraft promotion
society to regional level development institutions with the ability to respond to the changing political,
economic and employment landscape in Hunza? How to inculcate broader visions as the board and the
KHDP project gets confidence, capacity and trust of the people? What type of institutional mechanism
is required to create income and employment opportunities for women and the poor, revive the cultural
While these debates were on in KHPS, parallel to this, AKRSP Hunza office organized a Hunza forum in
1997 whereby inviting all V/WO activists from all over Hunza and also attended by executives of AKDN
institutions. This forum recommended creating a Hunza-wide institution, with local chapters in upper
and lower Hunza. One recommendation was to transform KHPS to take this role.
When Izhar Ali Hunzai became the CEO of AKCSP, he used to regularly attend KHDP-KHPS meetings.
During the deliberations, he proactively encouraged the KHPS board to agree on forming a new
organization by the name of KADO (initially named as SKAD- Society for Karakoram Area Development).
I was asked to start the documentation and registration process, which was later incorporated under the
Companies Act 1984 in Gilgit in 1998. Earlier, in 1997 AKCSP handed over its solid waste management
project designed for Karimabad to KADO and this way Hunza Environmental Committee (HEC) gave
birth. When the general body was formed, we looked for both institutional and individual members. All
the V/WO clusters of central, lower and upper Hunza, Karimabad Business Association, regional council,
AKCSP and ASWES Hunza were registered as institutional members and founders, where initially 24
notable activists, literati and development practitioners from right, left and center in Hunza subscribed
as members.
In 1998, the board formed a strategic planning committee to develop a vision for KADO. We developed;
Vision 2005 development framework for KADO, which served as an evolving strategy document, which
was revisited in 2001, after 9/11, again in 2004, 2006 and 2008. The document set vision, objectives
and focus-areas and also highlighted a long-term direction in terms of three institutional outcomes of
the projects and programme-based endeavors.
During the period of developing strategic planning, we started discussing the concept of transforming
Hunza into a silicon valley! One day Didar Ali, Ali Ahmed and myself were discussing whether it
was technology or social mobilization that transforms society? After hours of discussion we agreed
that both are important, but technology has a real edge in our context. Hence, the vision document
mentioned ICT and knowledge society as key concepts. The same year KADO and AKEPB Hunza organized
the first ICT seminar in Hunza, and we took the ICT awareness campaign to Councils and Schools in
upper and central Hunza. Though in the private sector there was already a training institute in Aliabad,
this campaign sensitized the educational providers and within one year schools started computer labs.
KADO also established a pilot computer centre, called Rural Computer Literacy Centre at Murtazabad in
partnership with a local library.
Encouraged by Comsats provision of ISP in Gilgit, KADO launched the first development website by
the name of threadnethunza.com.pk. With this Izhar Hunza, while at IWMI Colombo, helped to create
a link with IDRC, PAN Asia Singapore and drafted a concept to sell TNH projects online. We submitted
the proposal and it was approved. Ali and myself went for a fellowship at PAN ASIA Singapore and we
launched the first MOS e-shop of KADO. While in Singapore we met Dr Zbig and Dr. Lafond of IDRC and
discussed the silicon valley concept. He encouraged us to go for a rural silicon valley why not?
This led the birth of the ICT4D project between 1998-2002, the establishment of ISP in Hunza and the
action research projects, which later Javed Iqbal and Ghulam Ali helped concretized and implemented
in partnership with Comsats.
Despite changes in leadership at AKCSP and differences on how to treat KADO and the KHDP project,
Sectors
2004, and currently
serve as member of
the general body.
The journey continues. Reflecting back, it seems we are moving in the direction, the founding members
envisioned. Not to glorify our past achievements and current successes, there are enormous challenges
and opportunities ahead.
Hypothetically speaking KADO would fail in the next decade if; i) it lost sight of its primary constituency:
the poorest of the poor, women, youth, special persons, artisans/artists, business community and
the local institutions, ii) its governance is not inclusive, non-transparent, with no-accountability to
base members and lacking vision and strategic thinking, iii) it compromised on quality, merit and
professionalism in hiring and firing staff and in implementing projects and programmes and finally vi)
it neglected to flag, protect and promote and uphold the human rights and universal values of peace,
freedom, pluralism, equity and justice and did not proactively network with institutions and partnership
with similar organizations in Gilgit-Baltistan, in the mountain region and globally.
If we consciously work to address these challenges mentioned above, we will surely be able to indigenize
this local institutional movement for self-reliance, freedom and autonomy in Hunza valley in the next
decade and serve as catalyst to lead change in the whole Gilgit-Baltistan as torch-bearer of the civil
society movement in mountain regions.
Gold Case
Glass Case
Bell Pull
6 Development as Transformational Politics: A Case of the Northern Areas (Gilgit-
Baltistan)*
MEHPARA HUNZAI
1. INTRODUCTION
T he 1.2 million people inhabit the high mountains of the Karakoram-Western Himalayan region, currently under
the control of Pakistan, but also claimed by India as part of the wider disputed area of Jammu and Kashmir
(J&K). The people of the area have been denied their fundamental rights for the last sixty years, despite having
waged a war against the ruler of Kashmir and opting for Pakistan in 1947. The Constitutional status of the area is
unsettled, despite the Supreme Court ordering the federal government to grant constitutional rights to the area
.
On the development side, the area receives more public sector funds on a per capita basis, and strong complementary
development support from Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs), mainly from Aga Khan Development Network
(AKDN).This has produced an interesting dynamic, characterized by blunted political activism but improved social
and economic wellbeing related to other comparable remote regions of Pakistan, such as Baluchistan and Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
This paper considers the utility and relevance of development through civil society activism, as an effective
additional tool for gaining incremental political empowerment in the Northern Areas. This approach is similar
to other non-violent methods of political struggle, such as the political philosophy of non-violence, espoused by
Ghandi in the Indian Sub-continent, but it offers many additional features. Ghandi combined non-violence with
non-cooperation, but the outcome was not so non-violent.1 Northern Areas experience has been distinct as non-
violence and cooperation with government on development issues.
This approach may be called development as transformational politics, or political transformation through other
means, and it offers key promises that may be relevant to other conflict-prone regions around the world, especially
after 9/11 where genuine political struggles can be branded as terrorist activities and suppressed without any
question. Firstly, it offers a non-ideological view of political discourse with a clear focus on development, thus
posing no threat to, and attracting no particular counter-reaction from the dominant authority maintaining the
status quo. Secondly, it co-opts the state in creating a new social contract with its citizens and their civil institutions,
in which the non-state actors share the burden of development and in creating a new division of labour and
responsibility between the state and its citizens. Thirdly, this incremental approach may provide an answer to the
failure of democracy in many countries around the world, including Pakistan, by having the promise to nurture
inclusive and democratic processes of development and governance at the community level.
The paper begins with a theoretically framework that grounds the arguments, assessing the role of civil society
actors with a strong commitment to participatory development and democracy, using the case of politically and
economically marginalized Northern Areas.
2
Kenneth Thompson, 2002 edition. Emile Durkheim
3
Kenneth T- Emile
4
Amartya Sen, 2001. Development as Freedoms
5
Sen ( Pg 297)
6
Speech to Board of Directors, North-South Institute By David Kilgour, Secretary of State.
7
Human Dev report 2002..
8
Speech David Kilgour
9
Chandhoke, Neera. 1995. State and Civil Society: Explorations in Political Theory
10
Neera Chandhake
17
AKRSP, March 2007. An Assessment of Socio-Economic Trends in the Northern Areas and Chitral, Pakistan (1991-2005), Pakistan.
18
Foreign Affairs, November / December 2002
6. Conclusion
People in the Northern Areas of Pakistan are engaged in a strange kind of struggle. They are making a case
to be part of the mainstream political life of their country, as opposed to distancing themselves from it.
And yet, they are told that they are a disputed region and therefore cannot be made part of Pakistan. In
most cases involving territorial disputes, the argument is other way round. Even in the case of J&K, both
India and Pakistan are trying to exclude each other from the territory in dispute, and have established
special autonomous governance systems for the parts that are under their control. Not even the relief
provided by the countrys highest court has any significance, which is at least understandable, as it has
now become an established fact that the only court decisions that matter are the ones made in favour of
the government in Pakistan.
Because the Northern Areas is strategically important for Pakistanit provides a land link with China
through the Karakoram Highway, which is significant from a military point of viewthe only way to keep
people happy is by providing the area with generous financial support and impose no taxes. The people
of the area have no incentive to change their mind about Pakistan as the situation of people in Indian-
controlled Kashmir and the historical animosity and cultural differences with Kashmiries is a sufficient
deterrence to entertain any thoughts about opting for India. Although people are disappointed that their
legitimate demands are not met, they are not going to turn away from their ultimate political goal to join
Pakistan. In the meantime, people are building their capabilities and gradually and incrementally making
reasonable progress on the development front.
The development potential of the Northern Areas is huge in terms of its water resources for hydropower,
mineral resources, tourism potential and opportunities for trade and transit with China and Central Asia.
The government has plans to build two mega hydropower projects in the area, and it has signed an
agreement with China to widen the Karakoram Highway. There are also long-term plans for a rail link with
China and even a pipeline for transporting energy to China from the Middle East. If the current development
trends continue, the overwhelming majority of Northern Areas population will become literate in the next
ten years. This will be a huge demographic dividend for the Northern Areas. With a literate population,
a solid start in development, huge resource potential and a confident and informed civil society and,
hopefully, stable democracy in the country, the dream of self-governance will be closer than ever and more
meaningful and rewarding.
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7
TO DEVELOPMENT
During the last half century, Khyber village in Upper Hunza (Gojal) went through diverse experiences,
encountering hardships and conflicts as well as pleasures and happiness in socio-economic and politico-
cultural realms. This paper attempts to review the societal transformation process in the village by using
AKRSPs intervention year (1983) as a point of reference. This would enable us to develop an outlook of
the changes and development through the perspective of local community.
1.Introduction
K hyber is spread over an area of 330 sq km and is situated at a distance of 187 km from Gilgit City towards the
northeast. The village is located at an altitude of 10,000 ft above sea level. The 828 individuals of the village
live in 108 households (64 in the centre and 44 in Imamabad). The people speak two languages: the Wakhian
old Eastern Iranian language (also prominently known as a Mountain Tajik language), and Burushaskia unique
language of the world as its family root is not yet traced out. The villagers are genealogically affiliated with six
different descent groups, i.e., Sobir Ktor, Sakhi Ktor, Bahor Ktor, Hassan Kuts, Shah Kuts and Akbar Ali Kuts
that have their prominent roles in development of Khyber. All these inhabitants belong to the Shia Ismaili faith in
Islam.
Before the intervention of AKRSP, the people had sole dependency on agro-pastoralism (agriculture and livestock
raising). The people were growing limited quantity of baqla (black beans), barley, wheat and potatoes for household
consumption. In horticulture, only few farmers were growing spinaches, and people had limited number of fruit
trees especially apricot.
After the opening of the Karakoram Highway (KKH) in 1978, some villagers attempted to venture in business and
some affiliated with services especially Pakistan army and Aga Khan Education Service (AKES) as teacher1. The
literacy rate was very low for both men and women, even though the first school was opened in the village in
1950. There was no health facility in the village and people heavily depended on the traditional healing methods
such as the local hakeems. The khalifareligious authority at the village leveland Ostons (shrines) had their
dominant roles in providing spiritual healing and satisfaction to the people.
Kinship created strong economic dependencies and social bondages among the descent groups. Intra-clan, parallel
and cross cousins marriages preferred. There were strong gender-biases, and women were showed down and had
no say in decision-making process, within and out of the house.
Political structure for governance included a village headman, representing the Mir (ruler) of former Hunza State,
assisted by his Usher (chorbuew); and all the communal activities revolved around him. Abolition of the Hunza
State in 1974 led to the power transformation. The Government introduced its administrative structure and the
Jamati/religious (voluntary) Institutions such as the Shia Immami Ismaili Councils and Religious Education Boards
established social governance set-ups in the village.
1
Aga Khan Education Board (AKEB) for Hunza established DJ school in Khyber during 1950 and Mr Qurban Shah after completion of his primary
education from Baltit acted as the first teacher. Mr Muhammad Sirat after completing Middle education joined the school after 1954.
The Karakorum Highway (KKH), which passes through the Khyber village at its length, brought new avenues and
diverse opportunities to the people in terms of its accessibility to and interactions with other villages and regions2.
The communities however also had constraints in terms of capacity (knowledge) and financial resources.
In a difficult circumstance, AKRSP initiated its function in Khyber village with community mobilisation through
community leaders and jamati institutions. The intensive mobilisation has resulted in the formation of Village
Organisation (VO) Khyber on July 11, 1983 with 55 memberships3. The VO members started weekly meetings and
savings from one or half a rupee4.
In 1983, the VO members passed a resolution in their regular meeting to construct an irrigation channel for a
barren land, which was not possible till that time due to resource constrains. AKRSP approved their resolution
and granted Rs. 93,444 for the community identified project. Enthusiastically, the VO members constructed
the irrigation channel in 1985. Thus, VO Khyber became a model (an active) VO during the initial years of the
interventions of AKRSP in Northern Areas.
The VO members, according to the directives of AKRSP, did collective labouring in developing the barren land (801
kanals) before dividing the plots among the households. The collective labouring strategy was developed while
taking in consideration the inability of some members to develop their respective plots.
The community developed the land within about two years of collective labouring. The members who could not
participated in labouring paid fines of more than one hundred rupees on daily basis.
During the development of the new settlement, Mr Shoaib Sultan Khan, the Founding General Manager of AKRSP
along with the then Chief Secretary visited the VO Khyber to witness the achievements of the local community. This
created a new linkage between the Northern Areas bureaucracy and the local community. The Chief Secretary, on
request of the community, ordered the construction of bridge for Karimabad settlement, by replacing the unsafe
suspension bridge.
2
The village elders said that they never dreamed to witness such revolutionary developments during their lifetime.
3
In 1983, there were 55 households in Khyber, which has doubled as in 2007 there are 108 households. The main reason of abrupt
increase in number of households was the joint families bifurcated in order to get a piece of land in the new settlement.
4
The weekly savings of the VO members reached to Rs. 9,313/- in 1984. Savings for 2005 was Rs. 906,468/-. It is noteworthy that
savings of the VO Khyber was around 1.5 million but decreased due to internal lending , as some members could not recover it and
their savings went in.
Fig 1: His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan and Shoaib Sultan during the
visit of Khyber in 1987.
3.5: Beginning of Conflicts among the VO members over Collective Labouring
The first rift started among the VO members when some of the questioned about the lack of participation of many
households in collective labouring on newly developed land. These people were of the opinion to distribute the
plots among the members and the respective owners would be responsible to develop their allotted lands. To
resolve this issue, the plots were equally divided among the villagers through toss system.
The Women Organisation Khyber was formed on February 9, 1984 and there were initially 72 members (more
than one member from a household). Through this WO, AKRSP provided a heifer project to the village. The
project provided 10 heifers, 10 calves and one bull and established a Dairy Farm in the village. This was a project
of WO, but the VO members dealt the project, as the women per cultural norms, were unable to regularly travel
and live 2 km away from the village. This project also got a great boom. The milk was commercialised and sold to
distant villages50 km away such as in Sost and Gulmit. This project benefited the villagers in many ways. Three
VO members were employed at Rs. 800 per month. The people however faced problems in collecting fodders for
the dairy farm. The VO members volunteered time to collect fodder from far flung areas, some 200-250 km away
from the village. Those who did not participated in fodder collection were fined.
5
This new settlement was named Karimabad after the visit of His Highness, Prince Karim Aga Khan to Khyber.
However, after two years, severe conflict arose among the members on the issue to collect fodder for the dairy
farm. Around half of the members refused to participate in the project activities, and there were only 25 members
left. Many people demanding separation of V/WO. This issue was raised in a conference in AKRSPs Office, Gilgit.
According to the then President of the VO, Dr. Akhtar Hamid Khan, a globally renowned development Scientist of
proposed the separation of Khyber V/WO.
Ultimately, the conflict on heifers led to division/bifurcation of V/WO Khyber in V/WO Khyber and V/WO Imamaabad.
It is explained that undercover of this phenomenon was political issues and reaction for the leaderships in the
V/WOs, and fodder for the heifers was just an excuse.
Later on, the heifers were distributed among 20 members according to a toss system. Individuals, especially
women, started feeding the heifers proactively. Therefore, through the V/WOs, ten more heifers and two bulls
were provided to the members, who get maximum benefits and were very pleased. The local cows were sold,
and now about 80% of the community members have heifers and crossbreeds/hybrids and the families have got
abundance in milk and other dairy products.
The V/WOs Khyber Centre restarted its journey after coming out of their hardships, as cited above, and while the
V/WO Imamabad began with its novice spirit with their savings and other activities and trying to move forward
from each other. The savings of these V/WOs, which can give us some insights, as under:
One of the major activities of the V/WOs were internal lending system in Khyber. AKSRSP provided these
organisations a sizeable amount as credit and kept the TDRs of these organisations as deposits. The V/WOs lent
that amount of credit to the needy members at an interest rate of 24% per annum. The loans were taken in line
with businesses, educational fees of children, health emergencies, land development, and purchasing agricultural
inputs. It was a good experience at first, but adequate rules and regulations were not formulated and strictly
adhered to. Consequently, the V/WO Khyber (when united) and later on the V/WOs of Khyber and Imamabad
faced bitter experiences.
The current office bearers of these V/WOs are now optimistic and have determined to recover the loans from the
borrowers that were given before and after bifurcation of the V/WOs. Furthermore, efforts are there to decrease
the high interest rates down to maximum 12%, while currently it is 16%.
3.11: Competition between the V/WOs and Emergence of SKIWO for the Reunification
The conflict among the V/WOs turned into a sort of less positive competition. Some of the youth (neutral and
educated) were the silent spectators observing these phenomena. They took the initiative to reunify the V/WOs
4. Role of SKIWO
SKIWO not only played its role in reunifying the community, rather became a legal entity (registered with the
government through social welfare act in 1992). Eighteen persons (three persons from each clan/descent group
of Khyber-Imamabad) were selected as members of SKIWO for a period of one year. These 18 members then
elected the office bearers7.
Since its inception, this locally clan-rooted social welfare organisation, has been resolving all local issues and disputes
of the village. SKIWO also took a marvellous initiative in conservation of the nature for human developmentthe
idea disseminated by AKRSP to the V/Wos. It imposed bann on hunting ibexes and other wildlife, deforestation
and unnecessary extraction of minerals within Khybers area of jurisdiction. In the beginning, some hunters,
strongly resisted and perceived it a jealousy. But gradually, campaigning for around five years, with both mild
and wild behaviour, the hunters compelled and announced to relinquish hunting, if the steps are taken for the
communal cause. This was a unique success of SKIWO.
Some officials in AKRSP were initially sceptic of SKIWOs role among the V/WOs, as they considered the emergence
and presence of SKIWO a sort of threat to and meddling in the affairs of V/WOs. Therefore, SKIWO was not
given due recognition in the beginning. Later on, the same respective official(s) in the AKRSP suggested that the
umbrella organisations scope needs to be broadened. In this connection, Shahi Khyber-Imamabad Development
organisation (SKIDO) was formed in 1995 and registered with the government under the company act. Thus,
development in its holistic perspectives, ranging from social to economic, cultural to environmental and physical
development was included within its focus areas.
SKIDO is now the umbrella organisation of Khyber. SKIWO, and the two VOs and two WOs of Khyber-Imamabad
form the general body of the SKIDO. The respective organisations then select/elect members for the executive
body for a period of one year. The office bearers include the Chairman, Vice Chairman, Secretary and the like.
Under SKIDO, different committees operate for control over free-grazing, conservation of nature, management
of schools etc.
After its inception, SKIDO has been actively contributing to the community by creating linkages and partnerships
with different organisations in public, private and NGO sectors. In partnership with Mountain Area Conservancy
Project (MACP) of the IUCN, SKIDO constructed an irrigation channel above the old irrigation channel of Khyber.
In addition, a Guest House was also constructed at the cost of Rs. 1.5 million in the village. With the financial
support of the government (Khushal Pakistan Project), SKIDO successfully completed the irrigation channel of
Mastan Kerch.
SKIDO is now determined to bring further mega projects for its community by establishing linkages with national
and international donor agencies for the rural development, which it could not do so far.
There is also a business association of the farmers called Khyber Seed Growers Association (KSGA) with a
membership of 37 local farmers. KSGA supplies potato seeds of high quality in all over the region. This is also
noteworthy that every year, the per sac price of KSGA seed remains higher than other villages.
7
This strategy still exists in SKIWO.
For around two years, a native philanthropist, named Shaukat8, has taken a noble initiative to have his share in
Khybers development, especially for women. In this regard, he formed an organisation with the name of Rural
Women Economic Empowerment Project (RWEEP). The key objective of RWEEP is to help the rural women of low
income group to generate and increase their income, and build their capacity by providing them skill enhancement
trainings. Mr Shaukat has donated his house and vehicle to these women. Shaukat has donated his fields to the
women in order to cultivate potatoes and earn money for different activites of the organisation.
Local women were trained in sewing, knitting, cooking, embroidery and other areas of income generation. The
philanthropist provides free of cost cloths for the sewing centres. RWEEP has also opened a computer centre
for the young/less educated and students of Khyber. Before RWEEP, the Aga Khan Social Welfare Organisation
(AKSWO) within Sost Ismaili Council also provided the rural women some training for skill development, as
mentioned above.
In summing up, todays Khyber is not that village, which was before the AKRSPs intervention in 1983.
Political structure has transformed from an autocratic ruling to more democratic rather social governance.
Previously, there used to be a village headman, lumbardar (autocrat of the political institution at village
level), but now the lumberdars role has transformed into the modern village councillor elected by the
community. Gender-bias with regard to women was high, now to a greater extent, this has decreased.
Traditional agricultural and horticultural crops have transformed into market based crops (especially
potatoes, both seed and ration/table). Different varieties of vegetables are now grown while previously9
only few households were growing limited spinach, carrots and turnips for household comsumption.
Previously, there were very few fruit trees, especially. apricots, though some people had apples varieties,
but now a large number of apples, apricots, pears, cherries, almonds etc have been planted by the
farmers, introduced by the AKRSP.
The locally less productive cows have been replaced by highly productive heifers and crossbreds/hybrids.
The numbers of goats and sheep, which were high before, have not only decreased rather some community
members have given up in result of labouring. Previously, children were great supporters for the goats
and sheep caring, now children are not spared for this purpose, as they pursue their education, and more
particularly the quality education.
The previously traditional system of tol10 (credit of grains) has been replaced by the modern credit/internal
lending in the V/WOs and the scheduled banks.
Intra-clan/ cross and parallel cousins marriage was preferred which is now decreasing and discouraged
by literate community. Kinship-based voluntary works in the fields have decreased, which are preferred
previously. For such works, now labourers are hired from Ishkoman, Yasin and Baltistan.
The previous household patterns with regard to the traditional latrines have changed to the additional
modern rooms with bathrooms. More investment and emphasis is now made on education rather quality
education and hygienie issues , as there wasnt such awareness. Emphasis is made towards business and
commercialisation, as these components lacked before.
8
Mr Shaukat, a native of Khyber, is currently the General Manager of Landscaping for the Serena Hotels in Pakistan.
9
Previously or before in comparison refers to the socioeconomic conditions of the people before the AKRSPs intervention in 1983 in
the village.
10
Tol was a traditional system of lending grains (wheat, barely & baqla) to the needy persons as credit.
SKIDO is working hard to broaden its linkages with relevant organisations in order to multiply the benefits
of modern eras to the villagers. The key challenge may come up for them in sustaining voluntarism.
Fazal Amin Beg developed this paper as Consultant, Monitoring, Evaluation &
Research (MER), AKRSP. He is a development Consultant & Researcher.
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four borders managed to connect as one community In such a situation, the civil society, academia and
through this medium. youth have responsibility to understand the nuances
of electronic media; so that besides development, the
To conclude, in the case of a small, remote village, which indigenous cultural heritage and values are able to
was largely deprived of communication in the past, survive in this journey from local to global village.
mass media has offered inclusion in the international