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Linguistic Society of America
The Historical Development of Tenses from Late Latin to Old French

Author(s): Howard B. Garey
Source: Language, Vol. 31, No. 1, Part 2: Language Dissertation No. 51: The Historical
Development of Tenses from Late Latin to Old French (Jan. - Mar., 1955), pp. 9-107
Published by: Linguistic Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/522223
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CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION
1.0. The purpose of this essay is (1) to introduce a technique for an

the temporal meanings of utterances at the descriptive, synchronic le
correlate these meanings with grammatical categories, with the conseq
covery of whatever system of temporal meanings may be possessed
language of which the texts to be analyzed constitute a sample, and th
analysis of several documents from different periods of the same lan
to treat historically, diachronically, the development of tense-categori
language.
1.1. The language to be studied here is French. We shall start with a set of
documents in Latin of a period which, though late, can yet be regarded as the
natural language of the authors. Unfortunately a great time-gap exists between
the latest native-Latin documents and the earliest French documents. If the
difference between stage A (late 'natural' Latin) and stage B (earliest French)
may fail to reveal transitional mechanisms, however, statements concerning the
difference between A and B and hence of the development from A to B will be
none the less true. I shall not attempt to analyze Latin documents written after
the period of spoken Latin in the hope of revealing, through lapses from Classical
usage, what may have been characteristic of the vernacular during the pre-
literary French period, since it is hardly conceivable that such lapses from
Classical usage would be sufficiently numerous or systematic to reveal the
temporal system of that period.
The method of tense-analysis is a more or less profound modification of that
proposed by Hans Reichenbach in his Elements of Symbolic Logic. I shall present
the theory in my own way, without further reference to Reichenbach's work
(to which I owe a great debt for having started me on this line of speculation)
in view of the many modifications which I have found it necessary to introduce
in the course of tense-analysis of specific texts. I must say, however, that it is
Reichenbach who made the crucial suggestion of the Reference Point to be
added to the Speech Point and Event Point customarily used in the description
of a tense.
1.2. Among the utterances of a language there are some (possibly the ma-
jority) which denote events as occurring. Such utterances may or may not
specify that the event so denoted happened at a certain time or in a certain
way. The means of denoting such details varies from one language to another-
certain classes of denotata' may be expressed or withheld at the wish of the
speaker, simply by the use or non-use of forms denoting them; other classes of
denotata must be specified as a result of the structure of the language used by
the speaker. In Navaho, for example, a verb system must be chosen according
1 Denotata: a term borrowed from Charles Morris, Signs, language and behavior, meaning,
roughly, those things denoted by a sign. Morris's own definition, highly technical and in
terms of his own complex system, would not appropriately be quoted here. (See Morris,
357, and passim).
9
10 LANGUAGE DISSERTATION NO. 51
to the object-nature category to which the subje

belongs, e.g., long-object, granular mass, things-b
many others.2 'Such categories as number, gender
and a host of others, many of which [such as the
are not recognized systematically in our Indo-Euro
derivative of experience, at last analysis, but onc
they are systematically elaborated in language an
in experience as imposed upon it because of the t
form has upon our orientation of the world.'"
1.3. The placing of events in time ('tense') is one
experiential items of modern Indo-European lan
form is usually the choice of a category of temp
in Navaho the choice of a verb-form involves the
to its shape or texture, etc.
We can make a distinction between classes of d
enforced by the grammar of a language, and thos
For example, the description of the shape of an o
optional in English; the temporal location of an ev
optional in Chinese; and so forth.
As we know, a category of denotata usually cal
Latin and French.
'TENSE is a form-category commonly understood to mean "time", as indeed
the term does etymologically: for tense is merely the Latin tempus, used in this
meaning as a translation of Greek Xp6vos "time", which the Greek grammarians
applied to the verb to denote the tense category because to the Greeks the
distinction of time among the tenses was the most obvious feature. But the
original differences among the tenses were rather those of the kind of action,
the following meanings having been present in pIE: (1) action perfective or
aoristic, that is, either momentary or carried through to completion; (2) action
imperfective or durative, that is, either incomplete or continuing or repeated;
(3) state resulting from a previous act.
'Many other types of meaning may be expressed by tenses, and no language
exhausts the possibilities, which are almost infinite.'4
Kent adds (loc. cit.): 'A tense may be defined as a set of forms having a
meaning in common, from which they differ among themselves only in that
by their modifications of form each form within the tense is limited with respect
to its subject, being appropriate for use only with a subject of a particular person
or number or gender, or some combination of these categories.'
1.4. For the purpose of this study, we shall not use tense in this sense; rather
we shall call such 'a set of forms' a SET, since we wish to reserve the word tense
2 Kluckhohn and Leighton, The Navaho 198. For further discussion of Navaho, and a de-
scription of some verbal categories of Hopi, see Whorf on Hopi in Language, culture and
personality 81 ff., and in The Hopi language.
a Sapir, Conceptual categories in primitive languages, Science 74.578 (1931).
4 Kent, The forms of Latin 378.
THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF TENSES 11
for another use. Each Latin set will be designated by a fo

which are inflected as to person and number (12 forms
verb that distinguishes voice, 6 forms in intransitive an
be designated by the first singular active form of amar
In this way, we use designations for sets which are com
as to the meaning of such a set, as such terms as 'prese
be.5 We have chosen the set as the formal unit to which
of meaning which we shall call the chroneme. This requi
fication. Except for the passive of the 'perfect' sets, eac
of lexemes." The chrones are descriptions of the chrone
as derived from the meanings of verb-roots, sets, adve
text, etc.
For example, in the sentence, I'm going downtown tomorrow, it is not the
verb-form (set) which denotes an event which is to occur after the utterance, it
is the adverb tomorrow. If one is riding on the bus, and meets a friend who asks
him where he is going, the 'present' meaning of I'm going downtown, is denoted
by nothing in the utterance itself, but by the context in which it is uttered.
Our purpose in a descriptive study is to determine what it is that the meaning
of the set, the chroneme, contributes to the chrone of the clause. The meaning
of a clause in which a given set can occur may be called an ALLOCHRONE.
The analysis of utterances can be carried down to the morphemic level, and
customarily is, in synchronic studies. On this basis, a verbal set could be analyzed
into root, theme-vowel, suffix and ending, and the last two or three elements
could be given separate meanings from which could be derived (in the sense of
Rulon Wells' 'principle of derivative meaning')7 the temporal meaning of the
whole set. This way of handling the problem-entirely in terms of sememes-
would perhaps be the best way for the present study if it were to be an entirely
synchronic one; but since it is to be diachronic,8 the most useful unit to describe
at each synchronic stage would be that which has the most viability; namely,
6 This idea is borrowed from Damourette and Pichon, Des mots 4 la pensde; our word
'set' is used like their 'tiroir'.
6 I am using lexeme in the sense defined by Bernard Bloch in his course Linguistic Struc-
ture, in May 1949: approximately 'a minimum free form'.
7 According to this principle the meaning of an utterance can be derived from the meanings
of the morphemes of which it is composed and of the construction in which they occur
Polymorphemic forms which have taken on specialized meanings not thus derivable are
called, in Wells' terminology, super-units; e.g. black-bird, kick the bucket ('die'), redcap,
etc. In view of the existence of super-units, the principle of derivative meaning has to be
rephrased: The meaning of an utterance can be derived from the meanings of the morpheme
and super-units of which it is composed, and of the construction in which they occur.
8 Following is Hockett's explanation of the terms synchronic and diachronic: 'A SYN-
CHRONIC analysis describes the speech habits of an individual or a relatively homogeneous
group at a particular time [Fn. The terms "synchronic" and "diachronic" date at least
from Ferdinand de Saussure, Cours de Linguistique Gnd4rale (Lausanne, 1916)] ... A DIA-
CHRONIC analysis states the changes in speech habits in a single community from one point
in time to a later period. ... Diachronic ... analysis involves prior synchronic analysis.
In this sense "description" is logically prior to "history".' See Charles F. Hockett, Im-
plications of Bloomfield's Algonquian studies, Language 24.119-20 (1948).
the lexeme. It is clear that if such an important L

out in the ordinary course of phonetic developm
to the Romance historian. The lexeme, therefor
can serve in a diachronic study, and is the unit th
The 'perfect' passives (amatus sum, etc.) will be
would call them super-units) for the purposes of
out where necessary that their meaning is perhaps d
sememes, but that need dismay us no more than
fects'. The passives correspond exactly in chro
and, in any case, they are lost (so far as their me
in the Romance languages.
Our task will be to discover (1) by what points
events are temporally located in Latin (and, later,
(2) which temporal elements of an utterance are
form used in the utterance, and which are convey
the utterance, such as constructions or other wor
categories into which the verbal sets fall.
In general, what I have called the 'temporal loca
by its position relative to the time of the uttera
Thus, past events are those which occur before the s
which occur after; present, those which occur du
which the utterance occurs. Examination of certa
however, that the moment of the event (E) and t
the only time points or sequences of time point
choice of form-classes; rather events are placed i
with reference to S. This time, which we might d
or background of an event, we will call, following
PERIOD (R); it is exemplified in such tenses as (us
the pluperfect, the future perfect, etc., tenses wh
called 'temps relatifs'.
The conventional way of dealing with the 'rela
them as special forms denoting the location of a
event. The principal difficulty with this approac
the primary event to which the relative one is relat
leads the grammarian to characterize some ut
tenses' as 'elliptical'. The view we shall take he
event is explicit it is simply one of several ways o
reference period. The reference period, moreove
relative tenses, too-that is, in the 'simple' ten
The simple tenses are characterized by the coinci
Having introduced the concept of R, we are rea
ships with which we are to work.
TENSE: the relationship of R to S. Tenses are P
symbolized R--S), PRESENT (RS), FUTURE (S-R
9 Pr4cis de grammaire historique 495, 506-9.
TEMPUS: the serial relationship of E to R. Tempora are A

SIMPLE (ER), POSTERIOR (R-E).
ACTION: the relationship of E to S (specified only when t
in a form or utterance). Actions are PRELOCUTORY (E-S),
POSTLOCUTORY (S-E).
A CHRONE is a relationship of the three elements E, R,
chrones, dealing only with serial relationships, are as follo
(E-R--S), e.g. 'When I arrived (R), he had finished dinn
(ER-S), e.g. 'They returned yesterday (R)'; (3) posterior
e.g., 'He promised me he would return it.' (4) anterior
'John has finished his work, and is ready to go.' (5) simple
'I am writing a letter.' (6) posterior present (RS-E), e.g
minute.' (7) anterior future (S-R & E-R), e.g., 'I'll have
morrow.' (8) simple future (S-RE), e.g., 'I'll see them tomo
future (S-R-E), a theoretical possibility, of which I can fi
English. Cf. amaturus ero.
The chrones 3 (posterior past) and 7 (anterior future) ar
action. Let us take the example, He promised me he would
would return it) may occur before S (e.g., yesterday), duri
S (tomorrow). Similarly, in I'll have seen them by tomorrow, t
tion may exist that I have already seen them, in which cas
less true than if E follows S or coincides with S. For com
shall subdivide these two chrones as to action, thus: (3a) pr
past (R-E--S), (3b) collocutory posterior past (R-ES), (
posterior past (R--S--E), (7a) prelocutory anterior fut
collocutory anterior future (SE-R), (7c) postlocutory ante
In all the other chrones the action is determined.
The simple tempus can be further subdivided into ASPECTS, according to the
nature of the E-R relationship. As we have seen, a simple tempus is any tempus
in which part of E is simultaneous with any part of R.
The aspect is EXTENDED if E is greater than R: In 1680, Louis XIV was
king of France. The aspect is INCLUDED if R is greater than E: Washington was
born in 1732. The aspect is CO-INCEPTIVE if E and R start at the same point
but are not of equal duration; such an aspect may also be characterized as ex-
tended or included if it is known whether E or R is longer: He began his serious
work on the first of August. (If it is known that this work continued beyond that
date, the aspect is extended co-inceptive.) He started to work at the beginning
of the first quarter of the twentieth century. (If it is known contextually that the
work did not reach the end of the first quarter, this is an included co-inceptive
past.) Note that (1) the chrone describes the whole clause and that (2) the
chrone varies between specific and vague according to the amount of informa-
tion provided by context, lexicon, form-class meaning, and so forth. It should
also be noted that the description changes according to how much of the clause
is isolated for analysis. The word started, for example, should be treated as
punctual (see below); perhaps even the phrase started to work; but it is conceiv-
able that there exists a language in which the be

event is expressed by some special grammatical
crudely translated by the sentences which are g
started-and-continued would contribute to a better
The CO-COMPLETIVE aspect is very similar; E a
but have the same ending point. The aspect is ex
the greater length of E or R respectively. The
would be similar to those of the co-inceptive asp
volve such a word as finished or ended instead of b
The aspect is CONGRUENT if E and R have a co
PUNCTUAL aspect is a special case of the congrue
tween beginning-point and end-point is one of
non-punctual congruent aspect with definite b
PANDED.
The DURATIVE aspect might be considered another special case o

the ER being without specific beginning or end: He was singing w
The ITERATIVE aspect represents a series of like E's ('like' in t
all denotable by the same verb-root); this series, considered as
bear any of the aspectual relations of E to R already described,
considered as a special case of any of the above aspects.
The schema described above probably seems complicated; in the
given language, however, it will be found that, although a given
be describable as to tense, tempus, etc., in some detail, the gra
gories, if any, corresponding to such meanings will be simpler,
non-committal as to certain details. The advantage of this system
is that it makes vague meanings as possible of description as det
example, although a given form-class in a given language may co
the meaning 'co-inceptive extended future', another form-class
more general meaning 'non-punctual present' or 'prelocutory act
'assertion of event'. The value of this description will be seen a
to definite corpuses of linguistic material in the following chapters.
Two more terms require definition here:
A CHRONEME is the meaning of a set. This meaning is to be found
ing the meaning-elements which are always present in utterance
member of a given set. For example, in Latin, in some utterance
taining amavi has the chrone anterior present, and in others sim
indicates that amavi itself does not determine the tense (position
to S); thus, the R, when determinable, is expressed in some part of t
other than the verb. The meaning common to the chrones anteri
simple past is prelocutory action (E--S), and examination of all
in our corpus confirms prelocutory action as the chroneme of am
The combination and interdependence of all the chronemes in a
is called its CHRONEMIC SYSTEM. The description of this system
the various chronemes of a language cover the chronetic possib
pression.
I shall not attempt a rigorous definition of MOOD, althoug

into the definition of a chroneme. It may be defined roug
with its instrumental use,"' for example, to assert, to exp
purpose, to command, etc. In Latin and French the choice
determined by the syntax, for instance, the conjunction w
clause may 'require' a subjunctive, and so forth. Whether a
or optional, it is found, in Latin and French, that its chron
covers the same semantic (chronetic) territory as another
different number and arrangement of chronemes is requi
example, the indicative mood has a greater number of sets (hen
than the subjunctive. The chroneme of amo will be describe
that of amem, in addition to the fact that amo and amem h
meanings.
We shall call the whole chronemic system of a given language its MAcRo-
SYSTEM; the system of a mood or similar aggregate of sets covering all available
time we shall call a MICROSYSTEM.
10 Reichenbach 338.
CHAPTER II. LATIN
2.0. The analysis of Latin is based on two texts from the Acta Ma
the Barra edition. These texts are particularly valuable from our po
in the first place, because they contain a large proportion of dialog
appears to be an authentic conversational style, and, secondly, bec
come from a late Latin period which is not so recent as to represen
rather than a native language.
The Acta' are taken from official records of the trials at which early
martyrs were prosecuted. The proceedings of these trials were take
stenographic script (just as in a modern court trial), later to be copied i
letters. Once the trial record was read, not a single letter could b
erased. With just a few exceptions, records of the trials of the Chr
subject to the same precautions and guarantees as any other judicia
In order to get hold of these documents, equally valuable from th
and religious points of view, the Christians had to take advantage of th
of the agents of the officium. There is, for example, evidence that a sm
of Christians paid two hundred denarii to one of the speculatores.
Once in possession of the protocol, faithfully copied from the ori
Archives, the Christians would make a few additions, such as a sho
giving the social status of the martyr, his birth, condition, his reputat
the Christians, the vicissitudes accompanying his arrest; sometimes
account of his imprisonment. At the end of the protocol they of
short account of the death of the martyr, frequently with a reference
words. Then they often added, in the compterendu itself, epithets
of the martyr, usually, martyr, beatus martyr.
In 303 A.D. the bishop Felix of Tibiurca was beheaded, for refus
render sacred texts to Imperial agents for destruction, as ordered b
In 304, the bishop of Sirmio, Irenaeus, was killed with a sword an
into the river, for refusing to sacrifice to the gods. The texts whi
analyzed chronetically treat of these two martyrs; the accounts b
spectively, on page 174 and 184 of Barra's edition of the Acta Marty
says of these Acla that, although not 'il puro verbale del processo
based on the court records.
Atti di Felice
[174] Diocletiano VIII et Maximiano VII consulibus augustis, exiit

edictum imperatorum et Caesarum super omnem faciem terrae; et
(5) propositum est per colonias et civitates principibus et magis-
tratibus, suo cuique loco, ut libros deificos extorquerent de manu
episcoporum et presbyterorum.
1 Acta, Introduzione.
16
(10) Tunc programma positum est in civitate tibiucensi die non

iuniarum. Tunc Magnilianus curator iussit ad se perduci se
plebis, quoniam eadem die Felix episcopus Carthaginem
(15) profectus; sed et Aprum presbiterum ad se iussit per
Cyrillum et Vitalem lectores.
II
[175] Quibus Magnilianus curator dixit: Libros deificos habetis?

Aper dixit: Habemus.
(5) Magnilianus curator dixit: Date illos igni aduri.
Tune Aper: Episcopus noster apud se illos habet.
Magnilianus curator dixit: Ubi est?
(10) Aper dixit: Nescio.
Magnilianus curator dixit: Eritis ergo sub officio donec Anulino
proconsuli rationem reddatis.
III
(15) Postera autem die Felix episcopus venit Carthagine Tibiucam

Tune Magnilianus curator iussit Felicem episcopum ad se perduci
[176] per officium. Cui Magnilianus curator dixit: Tu es Felix episcopus?
Felix episcopus dixit: Ego.
(5) Magnilianus curator dixit: Da libros vel membranas quascum-
que habes.
Felix episcopus dixit: Habeo sed non do.
Magnilianus curator dixit: Da libros ut possint igni aduri.
(10) Felix episcopus dixit: Melius est me igni aduri quam scripturas
deificas: quia bonum est oboedire Deo magis quam hominibus.
Magnilianus curator dixit: Prius est quod imperatores iusserunt
(15) quam id quod tu loqueris.
Felix episcopus dixit: Prius est praeceptum domini quam
hominum.
(20) Magnilianus dixit: Intra hoc triduum recogita tecum, quia si
in hac propria civitate quae praecepta sunt implere neglexeris,
ad proconsulem ibis, et ea quae nunc loqueris apud eius acta
prosequeris.
IV
[177] Post tertium autem diem iussit curator Felicem episcopum ad

se perduci et dixit ei: Recogitasti tecum?
(5) Felix episcopus dixit: Quae prius locutus sum et modo loquor, et
ante proconsulem ea sum dicturus.
Magnilianus curator dixit: Ibis ergo ad proconsulem et ibi
(10) rationem reddes. Tunc assignatus est illi deductor Vincentius
Celsinus, decurio civitatis Tibiucensium.
Tune profectus est Felix a Tibiuca Carthagin

(15) kalendas iulias. Ubi cum venisset, legato obla
iussit eum in carcerem trudi.
Alia autem die productus est Felix episcopus ante lucem. Cui
[178] dixit legatus: Quare scripturas supervacuas non reddis? Felix
episcopus dixit: Habeo, sed non dabo.
(5) Tune iussit eum legatus in ima carceris mitti.
Post sedecim autem dies Felix episcopus productus est de
carcere in vinculis, hora noctis quarta, ad Anulinum proconsulem.
(10) Cui dixit Anulinus: Quare scripturas supervacuas non reddis?
Felix episcopus respondit: Non sum eas daturus.
Tunc iussit illum Anulinus proconsul gladio animadverti, idibus
iulii.
VI
(15) Felix episcopus elevans oculis [sic] in caelum, clara voce dixit:
Deus, gratias tibi. Quinquaginta et sex annos habeo in hoc saeculo.
(20) Virginitatem custodivi, evangelia servavi, fidem et veritatem
praedicavi. Domine Deus caeli et terrae, Iesu Christe, tibi cervicem
[179] meam ad victimam flecto, qui permanes in aeternum.
Qua completa oratione, ductus a militibus decollatus est, et
(5) positus in via quae dicitur Scillitanorum, in Fausti.
Martirio di Ireneo
[184] Cum esset persecutio sub Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatori-

bus, quando diversis agonibus concertantes Christiani, a tyrannis
(5) illata supplicia devota deo mente suscipientes praemiis se per-
petuis participes efficiebant. Quod et factum est circa famulum dei
Irenaeum episcopum urbis Sirmiensium, cuius iam nunc vobis
(10) certamen pandam victoriamque ostendam; qui pro modestia sua
ingenita et timore divino, cui operibus rectis inserviebat, dignus
nominis sui inventus est.
II
(15) Comprehensus itaque oblatus est Probo praesidi Pannoniae.

Probus praeses dixit ad eum: Obtemperans praeceptis divinis
sacrifica diis.
[185] Irenaeus episcopus respondit: Qui diis et non deo sacrificat
eradicabitur.
Probus praeses dixit: Clementissimi principes iusserunt aut
(5) iusserunt aut sacrificare, aut tormentis succumbere debere.
Irenaeus respondit: Mihi praeceptum est torment

suscipere quam deum denegans daemoniis sacrificare.
(10) Probus praeses dixit: Aut sacrifica, aut faciam te t
Irenaeus respondit: Gaudeo si feceris, ut domini mei p
particeps inveniar.
Probus praeses iussit eum vexari. Cumque acerbissime v
(15) dixit ad eum praeses: Quid dicis, Irenaee? Sacrifica.
Iraenaeus respondit: Sacrifico per bonam confessi
meo, cui semper sacrificavi.
III
(20) Advenientes vero parentes eius, videntes eum torqueri

precabantur eum. Hinc pueri pedes eius amplectentes dicebant:
[186] Miserere tui et nostri, pater; inde uxoreslugentesvultum et aetatem
eius precabantur. Parentum vero omnium luctus et fletus erat super
(5) eum, domesticorum gemitus, vicinorum ululatus et lamentatio
amicorum, qui omnes clamantes ad eum dicebant: Tenerae adoles-
centiae tuae miserere.
Sed, ut dictum est, meliore cupiditate detentus, sententiam
(10) domini ante oculos habens, quae dixit: Si quis me negaverit coram
hominibus, et ego negabo eum coram patre neo qui in caelis est:
omnes ergo despiciens nulli eorum respondit: festinabat enim ad
(15) supernae spem vocationis pervenire.
Probus praeses dixit: Quid dicis? Flectere horum lacrymis ad
insania tua et consulens adolescentiae tuae sacrifica.
(20) Irenaeus respondit: Consulo mihi in perpetuum, si non sacri-
ficavero.
Probus iussit eum recipi in custodiam carceris. Plurimis vero
diebus ibidem clausus diversis poenis est affectus.
IV
[187] Quodam autem tempore media nocte, residente pro tribunali
praeside Probo, introductus est iterum beatissimus martyr
Irenaeus.
(5) Probus dixit ad eum: Iam sacrifica, Irenaee, lucrans poenas.
Irenaeus respondit: Fac quod iussum est, hoc a me non exspectes.
(10) Probus indignatus eum fustibus caedi praecepit.
Irenaeus respondit: Deum habeo, quem a prima aetate colere
didici: ipsum adoro, qui me confortat in omnibus, cui etiam et
sacrifico; deos vero manu factos adorare non possum.
(15) Probus dixit: Lucrare mortem: iam tibi sufficiant quae tolerasti
tormenta.
Irenaeus respondit: Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas

(20) quas mihi putas inferre poenas, quas ego non sentio, propter deum
accipio vitam aeternam.
[188] Probus dixit: Uxorem habes?

Irenaeus respondit: Non habeo.
Probus dixit: Filios habes?
(5) Probus dixit: Parentes habes?
Probus dixit: Et qui fuerunt illi qui praeterita flebant sessione?
Irenaeus respondit: Praeceptum est domini mei Iesu Christi
(10) dicentis: Qui diligit patrem aut matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut
fratres aut parentes super me, non est me dignus.
Itaque ad deum in caelum adspiciens et ad eius promissiones in-
(15) tendens, omnia despiciens nullum parentem absque eo se nosse
atque habere fatebatur.
Probus dixit: Vel propter illos sacrifica.
Irenaeus respondit: Filii mei deum habent quem et ego, qui
(20 potest illos salvare. Tu autem fac quod tibi praeceptum est.
Probus dixit: Consule tibi, iuvenis; immola, ut non te cruciatibus
impendam.
[189] Irenaeus respondit: Fac quod vis. Iam nunc videbis quantam
mihi dominus Iesus Christus dabit tolerantiam adversus tuas
insidias.
(5) Probus dixit: Dabo in te sententiam. Irenaeus respondit:
Gratulor si feceris.
Probus data sententia dixit: Irenaeus [sic] inoboedientem
praeceptis regalibus in fluvium praecipitari iubeo.
Irenaeus respondit: Multifarias minas tuas et tormenta plurima
(10) exspectabam, ut etiam post haec me ferro subiiceres. Tu autem
nihil horum intulisti. Unde hoc facias oro, ut cognoscas quemad-
(15) modum Christiani propter fidem, quae est in deo, mortem con-
temnere consueverunt.
Iratus itaque Probus super fiduciam beatissimi viri, iussit eum

etiam gladio percuti. Sanctus vero dei martyr, tamquam secundam
palmam accipiens, deo gratias agebat dicens: Tibi gratias ago,
[190] domine lesu Christe, qui mihi per varias poenas et tormenta donas
tolerantiam et aeternae gloriae me participem efficere dignatus es.
(5) Et cum venisset ad pontem qui vocatur Basentis, exspolians se
vestimenta sua et extendens manus in caelum oravit dicens:
Domine Iesu Christe, qui pro mundi salute pati dignatus es,
pateant caeli tui, ut suscipiant angeli spiritum servi tui Irenaei, qui
(12) propter nomen tuum et plebem tuam productam de ecclesia tua
catholica Sirmiensium haec patior. Te peto, tuamque deprecor
misericordiam, ut et me suscipere et hos in fide tua confirmare
(15) digneris.
Sic itaque percussus gladio a ministris proiectus est in fl

Savi.
VI
(20) Martyrizatus est famulus dei sanctus Irenaeus episcopus civitatis

Sirmiensium die VIII. idus Aprilis sub Diocletiano imperatore,
[191] agente Probo praeside, regnante domino nostro Iesu Christo; cui
est gloria in saecula saeculorum, amen.
2.1. The Latin of these texts gives us the following verbal sets:
INDICATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE
I amo amem
amabo
amabam amarem
amavi [amaverim]
amavero
amaveram amavissem
amare
amans
NON-PERSONAL: amatus
ama
amaturus
We shall consider amatus sum simply as the passive of amavi, hence as a

case thereof, rather than as a case of amatus. (For further discussion of peri-
phrastic sets, see pp. 36-8).
We shall study the clauses of our texts set by set, analyze the temporal mean-
ing of the clause as a whole, then, on reexamination of the instances of use of a
given set, abstract the chroneme of that set, describing, where necessary, the
chronetic contribution of the syntax and other non-verbal components of the
clause or of the sentence in which the clause occurs.
2.2. AMO. Amo occurs in clauses which express the following chrones: (1)
congruent present, (2) durative present, (3) iterative present, (4) gnomic present,
(5) posterior present. We introduce the term gnomic here to refer to ER's of
infinite duration; more discussion of this chrone will follow in its proper place.
2.2.1. Congruent present clauses containing amo as verbal center.
1. Irenaeus [sic] inoboedientem praeceptis regalibus in flumen praecipitari
iubeo. AM 189.6 'I command Irenaeus, disobedient to the imperial ordinances,
to be thrown into the river.'
2. Unde hoc facias oro, ut cognoscas ... AM 189.12. 'And therefore I pray
you to do this, that you may learn ...'
3. Tibi gratias ago. AM 190.1. 'I thank you'.
4. Te peto, tuamque deprecor misericordiam, ut ... AM 190.13. 'I beg of you,
and I pray for your mercy, that ... '
2.2.2. Durative present.

1. Da libros vel membranas quascumque habes.
books or documents you have.'
2. Quinquaginta et sex annos habeo in hoc saec
six years in this world.' i.e., 'I am fifty-six yea
from the last birthday to the next one, from a
the point of view of ordinary speech it is an ind
and after S. Of course E is congruent with R.
3. Habeo, sed non do. AM 176.6. 'I have them,
4. Libros deificos habetis? AM 175.1. 'Do you h
5. Episcopus noster apud se illos habet. AM
with him.'
6. Ubi est? AM 175.9. 'Where is he?'
7. Nescio. AM 175.10. 'I don't know.'
8. Tu es Felix episcopus? AM 176.2. 'Are you Bishop Felix?'
9. Gaudeo si feceris. AM 185.11. 'I'll be glad if you do this.'
A startling sequence of tenses; CL usage would require gaudebo. For fuller
explanation see the similar construction of No. 11.
10. Si quis me negaverit coram hominibus, et ego negabo eum coram patre
meo qui in caelis est. AM 186.11. 'If any one denies me before men, him will I
also deny before my father who is in Heaven.' Qui in caelis est, of course, is
durative present. The rest of the sentence, incidentally, illustrates the CL
sequence, amabo, si amaveris. If we may judge from Nos. 9 and 11, this sequence
is not typical of our text. This deviation may be accounted for on the ground
that it is a quotation from some version of Matthew X 33. Compare the Vulgate,
which, though somewhat differently worded, also exhibits the CL sequence: Qui
autem negaverit me coram hominibus, negabo et ego eum coram Patre meo, qui in
caelis est.
11. Consulo mihi in perpetuum, si non sacrificavero. AM 186.20. 'I [will]
have regard for myself forever, if I do not [lit. shall not have] sacrifice [-d].'
Cf. Nos. 9 and 10 for tense sequence. Since No. 10 appears to be a quotation, it
really is not representative of the system of our corpus. I feel that in the choice
of amo rather than amabo the speaker is stressing his present attitude. Thus,
although conditional on a future event, the mere thought of the conditional
event has its result in the present, e.g. gaudeo, or consulo mihi. No. 9 might be
translated, 'I am happy, since you will do it', or ' ... to think that you will do
it'. No. 11 means, 'I am taking care of my interests for eternity, for I will not
sacrifice [to pagan gods]', or ' ... in not sacrificing'. Thus we have a sort of con-
tamination.
12. Deum habeo, quem a prima aetate colere didici. AM 187.11. 'I have a God
whom I have learned to worship from my earliest years.'
13. ... ipsum adoro, qui me confortat in omnibus, cui etiam et sacrifico. AM
187.13. 'I worship Him who strengthens me in all things, and it is to him that
I sacrifice.'
14. ... deos vero manu factos adorare non possum. AM 178.14. 'I cannot
worship manufactured gods.'
15. Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi pu

quas ego non sentio, propter deum accipio vitam aeternam.
profit from death immediately, inasmuch as, through th
you think you are causing me, and which I do not feel, I a
life because of God.'
16. Uxorem habes? AM 188.1. 'Do you have a wife?'
17. Non habeo. AM 188.2,4,6. 'I do not (have).'
18. Filios habes? AM 188.3. 'Do you have children?'
19. Parentes habes? AM 188.5. 'Do you have relatives?'
20. Filii mei habent quem et ego, qui potest illos salvare. AM 188.19. 'My
children have the same [God] as I, Him who can save them.'
21. Fac quod vis. AM 188.24. 'Do what you will.'
22. Gratulor si feceris. AM 189.5. 'I will rejoice if you do.' See Nos. 9 and 11L
23. Et cum venisset ad pontem qui vocatur Basentis ... oravit. AM 190.5.
'And when he came to the bridge which is called Basentis, he prayed.' Note
that while the R of most of this utterance is past, that of the relative clause
is present. The relative clause, by its semantic nature, is capable of such 'inde-
pendence'.
24. Domine Jesu Christe ... pateant caeli tui, ut suscipiant angeli spiritum
..., Irenaei, qui ... haec patior. AM 190.8. 'Lord Jesus Christ, let your heavens
open up, that angels may take up the soul of me, Irenaeus, who am suffering
these things.'
2.2.3. Iterative present (special case of durative).
1. Prius est quod imperatores iusserunt quam id quod tu loqueris. AM 176.14.
'More important is what the emperors have commanded than what you are
saying.' The fact is, of course, that at the moment S, the person spoken to was
not speaking. The verb loqueris refers not to the moment S, but to intermittent,
consistent activity coinciding with R, a period with vague termini.
2. Sacrifico per bonam confessionem deo meo, cui semper sacrificavi. AM
185.16. 'I sacrifice to my God, to whom I have always sacrificed, through a good
('sincere'?) confession.' R is shown by non-linguistic context to be 'all my life',
but the chrone is probably best interpreted as iterative present with indefinite
extension in past and future.
2.2.4. Gnomic present (special case of durative present). The gnomic present
refers to something which is always true. An adequate description of it could
very well dispense with a mention of S, being simply R and E congruent with
infinite (not merely indefinite) extension. A logical consequence of this meaning
is the inclusion of S-since the Speech moment could not possibly exist outside
the "limits" of Eternity. As a consequence of our system of classification, we
call this a present tense, but it should be kept in mind that the feature of S-
position is not specified, that, in this use of amo, amo is vague as to tense (S-
position).
At this point we have our first opportunity of making use of a semantic
property of vagueness, or, as members of the Prague school (Trubetzkoy, Jakob-
son) call it, merkmallosigkeit. Trubetzkoy made the first application of this
view to pairs of phonemes; it was Jakobson who thought of applying it to
grammatical and semantic categories. Briefly, the

or semantic category consisting of two members
two co6rdinate members, mutually exclusive an
semantic material of that category, but that of
in meaning to the whole category, while the seco
specified part of that category. For example, the wo
species; drake to the male of the species, and then
refers to what is left, namely the female of the spe
genus A can consist of species B and C, in langua
a form X has the meaning A and B, while a for
return to the Prague terminology, the form Y (d
specifies sex-it can be applied only to the male.
since it does not specify the sex of the creature,
and specifically to females when contrast is int
male the question is asked, 'Is that a duck?' th
truthfulness either, 'Yes,' or 'No; it is a drake.'
This sort of arrangement of correlative pairs, on
generically or specifically, and the other only spe
matical categories; in the gnomic use of amo,
(merkmallos) as to tense; it can be used simply to
without specific reference to time, or contrastiv
specific (merkmalhaft) sets, most of which, bein
meaning, leave the specific meaning 'present' to t
by default. As this study progresses, we shall see
will have particular utility in differentiating amavi
1. Melius est me igni aduri quam scripturas deif
that I be burned than [that] the holy writings [
truth, or is it an appraisal of a present situation
decision is as unimportant as it is difficult, sinc
amo in general is merkmallos as to tense (i.e., is
not specifically past or future). Thus there is a logic
is present by logical necessity, since it involves, a
sary inclusion of S somewhere in 'eternity') to th
durative and iterative are like the gnomic in that th
unlike it in that the possibility is allowed of their e
which follows the possibility of S position outside (b
limits of E. This possibility of a durative aspect
further possibility of specifically past, present o
the existence of a set expressing past durative am
used vaguely as gnomic, specifically as non-past p
above in the exposition of the theory of merkmallos
2 The Merkmal principle was enunciated by Trubetzkoy

TCLP 4.97, and applied to morphology by Roman Jakobs
Verbums, Charisteria 74 ff.
3 Brondal, Chapter III of Essais, Structure et variabili
especially pages 15-17.
ably call the use of amo as durative present negative, and its
neutral, for he makes the useful distinction between the use as
and as the negation of a specific category contained in the larg
to our English example, the word duck, used without reference
call neutral; drake is positive, and duck, used as 'not a drake', is
as the present example is concerned, we seem to be dealing with a
Brondal would call complex, which he defines as being 'A la fois n6
It forms a bridge between the neutral (gnomic) and the clearly
(negative).
2. Quia bonum est oboedire Deo magis quam hominibus. AM 176.11. 'For it is
good to obey God rather than men.' Clearly gnomic.
3. Qui diis et non deo sacrificat eradicabitur. AM 185.1. 'He who sacrifices to
the gods and not to God will be destroyed.'
4. Qui diligit patrem aut matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut fratres aut parentes
super me, non est me dignus. AM 188.10. 'Who values his father or his mother
or wife or children or siblings or relatives above me is not worthy of me.' In this
example as in the previous one we find amo in a relative clause in the meaning
'anyone who has certain characteristics, etc.' This is, of course, a substantive
clause, and the clause (hence the verb) has no more tense than has any sub-
stantive. Thus the timeless (gnomic) use par excellence of amo is revealed in the
conditional relative clause. (See A and G, ?519.)
5. Filii mei habent quem et ego, qui polest illos salvare. AM 188.19. 'My
children have the same [God] as I, Him who can save them.'
6. Martyrizatus est ... Irenaeus ... regnante domine nostro Jesu Christo; cui
est gloria in saecula saeculorum. AM 190.19. 'Irenaeus was martyrized during
the reign of our Lord, Jesus Christ, to whom is [= whose is] glory for centuries
of centuries.'
2.2.5. Posterior present.
1. Quid dicis? AM 186.18. 'What do you say?' i.e. 'What is to be your reply
to the question I am asking?' In the story Probus earnestly desires Irenaeus to
answer, and to say something which up to this point he has refused to say. That
is, R is a period greater than S, representing the whole situation, viz., this
conversation; E is evidently after S.
2. Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi putas inferre poenas,
quas ego non sentio, propter deum accipio vitam aeternam. AM 187.18. 'I
[will] profit from death immediately inasmuch as, through those tortures which
you think you are causing me, which I do not feel, I obtain eternal life because
of God.' R = period of torture (which includes S), immediately after which E
occurs.
Summary of amo. Amo is essentially neutral as to tense

action (E:S relation). In those environments in which there
as to tense or action (the non-gnomic chrones), we have foun
of present tenses, with the conspicuous omission of the ant
have isolated congruent, durative, iterative aspects, simple an
pora, and collocutory and postlocutory actions. Amo is vagu
aspect, non-prelocutory as to action, non-anterior as to tempu
2.3. AMABO. Amabo exhibits the following chr

Posterior present; (3) Postlocutory action (no de
2.3.1. Simple future
1. Quia si in hac propria civitate quae praecepta
proconsulem ibis. AM 176.20. ' ... for, if in this p
the end of three days] to fulfill what has been c
proconsul, and there you will render an account
less specifically; its meaning is carried solely by
The E's of ibis and reddes are in sequence, not sim
3. Habeo sed non dabo. AM 178.2. 'I have them,
Immediate future with infinite posterior extens
from amo to amabo, in this sentence, the R shift
fact of contrast makes this shift explicit.
4. Aut sacrifica aut faciam te torqueri. AM 185
will have you tortured.'
5. Si quis me negaverit coram hominibus, et eg
meo qui in caelis est. AM 186.11. 'If any one den
I also deny, before my father who is in Heaven.'
thew 10.33, ?2.2.2.9, see also 11. The difference m
real difference between the language of our auth
from which he quotes.4 At any rate negabo is simple
established R as future.
6. Qui diis et non deo sacrificat eradicabitur. AM 185.1. 'Who sacrifices to the
gods and not to God will be destroyed.' To paraphrase: Whoever is at this
moment a polytheist will at some future date be destroyed. This is not to be
confused with a general condition.
In most of the following examples the action is immediate, post-locutory;
i.e., the E commences immediately upon the cessation of S; R is somewhat
harder to locate. I feel that it embraces S and E, and refers to a situation in
which S and E are elements.
1. Quod et factum est circa famulum dei Irenaeum ... cuius iam nunc vobis
certamen pandam victoriamque ostendam. AM 184.7. 'And this was done about
the servant of God, Irenaeus, ... whose struggle I will now reveal to you and
whose victory I will show.' Iam nune provides R, which starts with S and in-
cludes E (the promised exposition).
2. Iam nunc videbis quantam mihi dominus lesus Christus dabit tolerantiam
adversus tuas insidias. AM 189.1. 'Now at last you will see how much endurance
against your wiles Jesus Christ, my Lord, will give me.'
3. Dabo in te sententiam. AM 189.4. 'I will (now) pronounce sentence upon
you.'
2.3.3. Postlocutory action (no determinable R).
4 I have not been able to locate precisely this version. It is neither the Vulgate nor Itala.
The Vulgate shows the conventional tense sequence: Qui autem negaverit me coram homini-
bus, negabo et eum coram Patre meo, qui in caelis est.
1. Eritis ergo sub officio ... donec Anulino proconsuli rat

AM 175.11. 'You will therefore be in custody until you rende
the forbidden books) to Anulinus the proconsul.' We have he
which an end is specified, an end which, however, is purely h
it depends on an event which may not come to pass. On extral
we know that the beginning of the E of eritis is at least simu
and can well be considered anterior thereto, since we know th
custody and has been for some time.
2.3.4. Summary of amabo. All clauses containing amabo are
future or posterior present or are ambiguous in that either a
plicable. Furthermore, the distinction between simple futur
present is always made by the reader on the basis of the logica
the physical situation described by the author, not on the basi
fact which would make such a distinction possible. For this
seem best to assign to amabo the chroneme post-locutory actio
2.4. AMAVI. The chrones in which amavi occurs are:
(1) anterior present;

(2) included past;
simple past (3) included iterative past;
(4) congruent past.
One may consider that (3) is a special case of (2). (2) and (4) may be gener-
alized as non-extended past. Anterior present and non-extended past cannot be
generalized as a tense; they can, however, be classified together as an action:
Prelocutory action.
2.4.1. Anterior present.
1. Prius est quod imperatores iusserunt quam id quod tu loqueris. AM 176.15.
'More important is what the emperors have commanded than that which you
are saying.' The R is indicated by loqueris (?2.2.3.1.); est, being here gnomic,
gives no real clue to tense; as we have said (pp. 23, 25), amo is neutral as to
tense, but since it is non-prelocutory and non-anterior, and since in this sen-
tence loqueris refers to a non-eternal event, hence is not gnomic, it becomes
present by default, as do most amo's, and can be said to establish an R for
iusserunt.
2. Recogitasti tecum? AM 177.4. 'Have you thought it over?'
3. Quinquaginta et sex annos habeo1 in hoc saeculo. Virginitatem custodivi2,
evangelia servavi3, fidem et veritatem praedicavi4. AM 178.18. '1 have fifty-six
years in the world. I have remained chaste, preserved the gospel, preached
faith and truth.' R is supplied by habeo (cf. ?2.2.2.2). The speech is a present
result of past events. Only through the context do we know that E's 2, 3, 4, must
have taken place during the fifty-six years of Felix's life; E2 being a negative
accomplishment at least coincides with all this period-it even extends back
infinitely. The other events have indeterminate starting points; logically (from
contexts and deductions therefrom) we know the terminus ante quem, but
linguistically all we know is that as of now these things have taken place.
4. Clementissimi principes iusserunt aut sacrific

bere debere. AM 185.3. 'The most merciful rulers have
or to be obliged to submit to tortures.' This order is
5. Mihi praeceptum est tormenta magis susciper
moniis sacrificare. AM 185.6. 'I have been taught to
denying God, to sacrifice to demons.'
6. Sacrifico per bonam confessionem deo meo, c
185.16. 'I sacrifice to my God, to whom I have alwa
(sincere?) confession.' Semper amavi is necessarily
the duration implied by semper. For simple past i
7. Fac quod iussum est, hoc a me non exspect
been commanded; do not expect this of me!' Ame
8. Deum habeo, quem a prima aetate colere didic
whom I have learned to worship from my earliest
9. Lucrare mortem; iam tibi sufficiant quae tole
'Die, for you have borne enough torture!' (Literally
have borne suffice you.') R indicated by ama, iam,
10. Tu autem fac quod tibi praeceptum est. AM 1
been (or is) commanded you!' Here is a crossing of
present, for praeceptum can be interpreted as a noun
in which case we have amo and not amavi. This cr
active voice for formal reasons. It might account for
etc., in deponents.
11. Tu autem nihil horum intulisti. AM 189.11. '
any of them'-yet, as of now.
12. Unde hoc facias oro, ut cognoscas quemadmo
contemnere consueverunt. AM 189.12. 'And there
that you may know how Christians have been
despise death.'
13. Tibi gratias ago, domine Iesu Christi qui mih
menta donas tolerantiam et aeternae gloriae me par
AM 189.21. 'I thank thee, Lord Jesus Christ, who
various hardships and tortures and hast seen fit to
glory.' Note the use of amavi in coordination wit
the R.
14. Domine Iesu Christe, qui pro mundi salute pa
... AM 190.8. 'Lord Jesus Christ, who hast seen fit
the world, let the heavens open up ..'
Of the above sentences, the majority (1, 2, 3, 4,
interpreted as a simple past-although the best En
quire a 'present perfect'. Our classification of them as
well stem from a distinction made in English, a d
see, is not made formally in Latin. Sentences 6, 9,
anterior present, but for purely contextual, non-f
2.4.2. Included past.

1. Diocletiano VIII et Maximiano VII consulibus augusti
AM 174.1. 'In the consulship of Diocletian VIII and Maximia
edict was issued.' R is given by the ablative absolute phras
2. et [edictum] propositum est per colonias ... AM 174.5. '
published throughout the colonies.' R, as in sentence 1; E2
comes after E1 of exiit, which indicates that the order of o
expressed by the order of amavi clauses. See fig. 1.
1 2
Fig. 1
3. Tunc programma positum est in civitate tibiucensi die nonarum iu

AM 174.10. 'Then the program was instituted in Tibiurca on the day
Nones of June.' Tunc 'then' = 'E, follows E.' (E, being denoted by
clause, E, by a preceding clause or sentence), without reference to th
(R position); but die nonarum iuniarum = R.
4. Postera autem die Felix episcopus venit. AM 175.15 'On the ne
however, Bishop Felix came.'
5. Tunc profectus est Felix a Tibiuca Carthaginem decimo octavo ka
iulias. AM 177.13. 'Then Felix left Tibiurca for Carthage on the ei
day before the Kalends of July.' R = decimo ... iulias, during which
place, hence included past; unless decimo ... iulias = 'at a time poin
the eighteenth day, etc.', in which case R would be a point (or period) c
with E-Felix's departure. If so, this is a congruent simple past. W
this passage an ambiguity involving included and congruent past, both
tenses, in non-ambiguous contexts, are expressed by amavi. It is just su
semantic contexts which provide a point de d6part for generalization
into chronemes. These remarks are also applicable to sentences 2, 4.
2.4.3. Included iterative past.
1. Plurimus vero diebus ibidem clausus diversis poenis est affectus. A
'And, shut up in the same place in the course of many days, he was sub
various punishments.'
2.4.4. Congruent past.
1. Tune ... curator iussit ... AM 174.12. 'Then the judge ordere
have now (AM 174.12 ff.) embarked on a series of E's, each with its con
Thus the series of dixit's on p. 175, and the other dixit's in AM IX (F
in all. There are seven iussit's in this text.
2. Tunc assignatus est illi deductor Vincentius Celsinus. AM 177.9. 'Th
V.C. was assigned to him as a guard.'
3. POST SEDECIM autem DIES Felix episcopus productus est de carcere in v
culis, HORA NOCTIS QUARTA, ad Anulinum proconsulem. AM 178.6. 'After sixtee
days, however, Bishop Felix was brought out of the dungeon in chains at
fourth hour of the night, before Anulinus, the Proconsul.' The R is express
by the expression which is in small capitals. If this

noctis quarta, it would have been unhesitatingly clas
being located punctually after the lapse of sixteen
recounted event. The presence of hora noctis quarta
sider the possibility of interpretation as include
demonstrates that the difference between congru
expressed by the selection of a verbal set, but is de
factors as adverbial expressions. The verbal set, the
chroneme generalized to simple past, that is, from
to tense. And, as we have seen, a further generalization
present, a generalization from tense to action (pre
has already been presented (p. 27); we are now seei
developed at each step of a study of the text.
4. qui pro modestia sua ingenita et timore divino,
viebat, dignus nominis sui inventus est. AM 184.11
inborn modesty and fear of God, to whom he was d
proved to be worthy of his name.' Note that inservieba
Irenaeus's whole effective life, whereas inventus est re
point during that life, a point before which it was
Irenaeus was 'dignus nominis sui' and after which
5. ... oblatus est Probo. AM 184.15. 'He was brough
6. dixit. Sixteen occurrences in Irenaeus.
8. respondit. Sixteen occurrences in Irenaeus.
9. Probus iussit eum recipi in custodiam carceris. AM 186.11. 'Probus ordered
him to be received into the custody of the prison.'
10. Quodam autem tempore media nocte, residente pro tribunali praeside
Probo, introductus est beatissimus martyr Irenaeus. AM 187.2. 'And at a certain
time in the middle of the night, Judge Probus staying behind for the trial, th
most blessed martyr Irenaeus was brought in.'
11. Probus indignatus eum fustibus caedi praecepit. AM 187.10. 'Probus,
angered, ordered him to be struck with clubs.'
12. Et qui fuerunt illi qui praeterita flebant sessione? AM 188.7. 'And who
were those who were weeping at the past trial?' The R of fuerunt is not prae-
terita sessione; that is the R of flebant (q. v., ?2.5.2). Here a permanent state or
attribute with past R is represented by amavi. Permanent does not mean 'eternal';
it refers to an attribute or state whose duration is as great as the existence of
that characterized by the state: if a is b throughout the existence of a, b is a
permanent attribute of a (even if a does not have eternal existence). Thus in
this sentence a direct answer to quifuerunt illi? would be in terms of a permanent
attribute, e.g., mei parentes; or, in terms of chrone-analysis, R is congruent with
E, R being equal to the duration of illi praeterita sessione flebant, E being an
attribute of illi, etc.
13. Iratus itaque Probus super fiduciam beatissimi viri, iussit eum etiam
gladio percuti. AM 189.16. 'And so Probus, angered by the steadfastness of
this most blessed man, ordered him to be struck with a sword.'
14. Et cum venisset ad pontem ... oravit. AM 190.5. 'An

to the bridge, he prayed.'
15. Sic ... a ministris proiectus est in fluvium. AM 190.16
by the attendants into the river.'
16. Martyrizatus est ... Irenaeus ... die VIII idus Aprilis
naeus was martyrized on the eighth day before the Ides
We will not attempt a summary of amavi until we ha
we will then be able to compare these two sets, both of
of their uses, represent a simple past (p. 13: 'A simple te
which any part of E is simultaneous with any part of R
2.5. AMABAM. Amabam occurs in the following chrone
tended past; (2) durative past; (3) iterative past; (4) ex
past; (5) extended inceptive past.
2.5.1. Extended past.
1. ... nulli eorum respondit: festinabat enim ad supernae spem vocationis per-
venire. AM 186.15. '... He answered none of them, for he was hastening to
achieve the hope of the heavenly summons.' The R of this passage is congruent
with E of respondit.
2.5.2. Durative past.
1. Cum esset persecutio ... quando Christiani ... praemiis se perpetuis par-
ticipes efficiebant. AM 184.7. 'When there was persecution ... then [lit., 'when']
the Christians made themselves partakers of eternal rewards.' Here we have
the construction: cum amarem ... amabam. Cf. ?2.4.4.14, in which we have the
construction cum amavisset ... amavi.
2. ... qui pro modestia sua ingenita et timore divino, cui operibus rectis in-
serviebat, dignus nominis sui inventus est. AM 184.11. 'And he, by reason of his
inborn modesty and fear of God, whom he served by righteous deeds, proved
to be worthy of his name.'
3. Parentum vero omnium luctus et fletus erat super eum ... AM 186.3. 'In-
deed there was grieving and weeping on the part of all his relatives...'
4. Et qui fuerunt illi qui praeterita fiebant sessione? AM 188.7. 'And who
were those who were weeping at the past trial?' As stated at p. 30, the R of
fiebant is expressed by praeterita sessione; if we consider this as a definite period,
we have a chrone which shows a definite R and an E of indefinite extent whose
quantitative and serial relationship with R is unknown except for the fact that
at least some part of E occurs within R; it may be diagrammed as follows:
If this should require a special nomenclature, we suggest durative past with

definite R, to distinguish it from the durative we have discussed up to now:
Its most striking feature is that it is vague, or non

extension. In terms of our definitions in Chapter I
is vague as to aspect.
2.5.3. Iterative past.
1. Itaque ... nullum parentem absque eo se noss
AM 188.17. 'And so ... he claimed to recognize or t
Him.' This verb, fatebatur, represents a sort of r6sum
has just been recorded in detail. If each of Irenaeu
9-13, could be regarded as a way of denying relation
they constitute a series of acts, capable of being summ
with a root meaning general enough to be able to inclu
ings of the preceding verbs.
2.5.4. Extended co-completive past.
1. Multifarias minas tuas et tormenta plurima ex
haec me ferro subiiceres. AM 189.9. 'I was expectin
(and) that even after all these you would have put
course, shortly before S (Irenaeus has just heard him
into the river). His expectation of extended threa
but had started at an indeterminate point before the b
2.5.5. Extended inceptive past. All the sentence
structure, amans, amabam, in which it appears that
inception of the E of amabam.
1. Advenientes vero parentes eius, videntes eum
AM 185.20. 'His relatives, seeing him tortured, ple
him.'
2. Hinc, pueri pedes eius amplectentes, diceban
children embracing his feet, said...'
3. ... inde uxores lugentes vultum et aetatem eius
'Whereupon the women, bewailing his appearance
R is expressed by inde and lugentes.
4. Sanctus vero dei martyr, tamquam secundam p
agebat, dicens ... AM 189.19. 'But the holy martyr
second palm, gave thanks to God.'
2.5.6. Summary: The chroneme of amabam can b
light of its contrast with amavi.
Amavi, we have seen, is essentially prelocutory ac
since it appears both in clauses of past (congru
meaning.
Amabam is a simple past, which never appears in a clause of specifically
congruent or included aspect. From this circumstance we deduce that it has
specifically non-congruent/non-inclusive meaning (hereafter called non-punctual,
not in the sense defined in Chapter I, but for our own purposes in Latin). For
specifically punctual meaning, amavi is used. Amabam is, then, used in all
non-punctual simple past aspects: durative, inceptive, co-completive, etc.
Here, then, is a strange pattern of interacting acquisitions of meaning by
'default' (in the sense in which duck assumes the meaning of

tion to drake; i.e., it acquires the meaning 'all ducks which
Thus, 1. amavi is prelocutory action (cf. duck1): 2. amabam
simple past (cf. drake); 3. amavi is punctual ('by default') prelo
We could, perhaps, have used another starting point, by n
is never specifically durative, iterative, etc., from which it w
amabam is non-punctual by default; this, however, would in
original aspect to a chroneme (prelocutory action) which, be
R-less), cannot involve aspect (R-E relation). Amabam, whose
past) can logically involve aspect, must then be our starting p
play of aspectual meanings.
2.6. AMAVERAM. Anterior past.
1. ... quoniam eadem die Felix episcopus Carthaginem fuera
174.13. '... since on that day Bishop Felix had left for Carth
According to Juret,5 Plautus used -tus sum as anterior pr
simple past; similarly, -tus eram seems to have expressed dur
anterior past, -tus fueram, punctual anterior past. '... ces p6r
cent ' atre frdquentes avec Tite-Live et tendent A se substitue
eram, etc.: elles exprimaient plus nettement le passe.' It is po
time of our documents this usage had become general, and
pectual significance was any longer to be attached to these p
In the time of Plautus, then, it would appear that the passiv
rately subdivided by aspects in the anterior past than was th
by the time of our texts, the structure of active and passive
Plautine system still obtained, it would not be possible in our
the periphrastic formations as single tense-formations, as bein
same set as the corresponding active forms, since there was
correspondence of active and passive sets. As nearly as we c
meager sample, we may consider passive and active forms a
same set.
2.7. AMAVERO. Anterior future.
1. Intra hoc triduum recogita tecum, quia si in hac propria civitate quae
praecepta sunt implere neglexeris, ad proconsulem ibis. AM 176.19. 'Think it
over within the next three days, for, if within this particular city you fail [at
the end of three days] to carry out what has been commanded, you will go to
the proconsul.'
2. Gaudeo si feceris, ut domini mei passionibus particeps invenior. AM 185.11.
'I [will be] glad if you do, so that I may become a sharer of the sufferings of
my Lord.'
This is a more vivid future condition, as described in Allen and Greenough (1903)
?516, with amo substituted for amabo in the apodosis (instead of in the protasis
as described ibidem a N) and amavero in the protasis (ibid., c) to represent an
E 'completed before that of the apodosis begins' (ibid.) 11, 22, pp. 18, 20 (cf.
?2.2.2).
1 Juret, Sys8me 43-4.
3. Si quis me negaverit coram hominibus et ego n

AM 186.11. 'If any one denies me before men, him
Father.' This, a quotation from Matt. 10, 33 (cf. ?
set sequence of si amavero, amabo, described in A.
4. Consulo mihi in perpetuum, si non sacrificav
for my advantage for all eternity, if I do not sac
in 2. Cf. also 2.2.2.11, p. 22.
5. Gratulor si feceris. AM 189.5. 'I will rejoice if
in 2 and 4.
Summary: All of our examples of amavero show it in protasis, with the apodosis
containing either amo or amabo.
The tripersonal sets now to be discussed are in the subjunctive mood. Since
it is not within the scope of this essay (or possible in terms of the system herein
exposed) to analyze the meaning of the subjunctive, we shall either pass over
in silence the selection of the mood or explain it by reference to the standard
authorities.
2.8. AMEM. We have three chrones of amem in our text: (1) simple present;
(2) posterior present; (3) simple future.
2.8.1. Simple present.
1. Fac quod iussum est, hoc a me non exspectes. AM 187.8. 'Do what has been
commanded, you should not expect this of me!' Potential Subjunctive, Allen
and Greenough ?446.
1. Da libros ut possint igni aduri. AM 176.8. 'Give up the books so that they
may be burned.' It is clear that postlocutory action is involved, but whether
the tense is present or future is problematical. In the absence of any indication
of R-position (tense) in the subordinate clause, we may take the present R of
the main clause as continuing in the ut-clause; hence the chrone is posterior
present.
2. Lucrare mortem; iam tibi suficiant quae tolerasti tormenta. AM 187.16.
'Take death; let the punishments which you have borne now be sufficient for
you.' Hortatory subjunctive, A & G ?439. In these imperative expressions it
seems that now (the moment of speech) is involved as the time from which an
obligation to act comes into existence. The obligation lasts from S to E (fulfill-
ment of the obligation in question). It seems plausible to consider R as the be-
ginning of the state of obligation, hence the chrone as being posterior present.
3. Consule tibi, iuvenis; immola ut non te cruciatibus impendam. AM 188.22.
'Have regard for yourself, young man; sacrifice that I may not hang you on
instruments of torture.' Purpose (Allen and Greenough ?531) with unclassical
use of ut non for (ut) ne.
4. Unde hoc facias oro, ut cognoscas ... AM 189.12. 'And therefore I pray
that you do this, that you may know ...' facias, dependent on oro, is posterior
present; cognoscas, post-locutory, dependent on a present tense clause (facias),
is also posterior present.
5. Domine Iesu Christe ... , pateant caeli tui, ut suscipiant angeli spiritum...
Irenaei. AM 190.8. 'Lord Jesus Christ, may your heavens

may carry up the soul of Irenaeus.' Both amem forms ar
by the same argument as in the preceding example.
6. Te peto ... ut ... hos in fide tua confirmare digneris. A
... that ... thou see fit to confirm these people in thy fait
2.8.3. Simple future.
1. Eritis ergo sub officio donec Anulino proconsuli rati
175.11. 'You will therefore be in custody until you render an a
the proconsul.' Eritis has been classified (?2.3.2.1) as nonco
but of post-locutory action, since the time involved star
S and possibly earlier, but certainly ends after S; the do
has a discrete E posterior to S, while donec itself states th
taneous with E; hence the chrone is simple future.
2. Gaudeo si feceris, ut domini mei passionibus particeps
'I [will be] glad if you do, so that I may become a sharer of th
Lord.' Although the anterior future is ambiguous as to act
past, may be pre-, post-, or collocutory) the context mak
action is postlocutory. feceris in the clause on which inve
a future R. It is the nature of the meaning of ut that the
posterior to that of the clause on which it is dependent. L
still leave the possibility that the chrone of inveniar is any on
chrones (see fig. 2), but, it is clear that it is this very E which
feceris 1 2 3
Fig. 2 I
feceris gaudeo, inveniar
Fig. 3
Fig. 4 .
Fig. 5
exactly: thus the E of gaudeo, the E of inveniar, and the R of the entire passage
are congruent, while the E of feceris precedes this group. See fig. 3.
2.9. AMAREM. Amarem occurs in the following chrones: (1) posterior past;
(2) durative past; (3) extended past.
2.9.1. Posterior past.
1. ... et propositum est per colonias et civitates principibus et magistratibus,
ut libros deificos extorquerent de manu episcoporum et presbyterorum. AM
174.5. '... and [the edict] was published throughout the colonies and cities to
the leaders and magistrates, that they seize the

of the bishops and priests.'
2. ... tormenta plurima exspectabam, ut etiam p
AM 189.9. 'I was expecting many tortures, that
subject me to the sword.'
2.9.2. Durative past.
1. Cum esset persecutio sub Diocletiano et Maxim
... Christiani, a tyrannis illata supplicia devota de
se perpetuis participes efficiebant. AM 184.1.
under the emperors Diocletian and Maximian, th
with mind devoted to God, the tortures put upo
themselves partakers of eternal rewards.' Two c
and efficiebant represent past E's, simultaneous [not
indeterminate termini; the E of each clause serves
2.9.3. Extended past.
1. Cumque acerbissime vexaretur, dixit ad eum
AM 185.13. 'And when he was being most cruell
him, "What do you say, Irenaeus?" ' R is congrue
2.10. AMAVERIM. No examples.
2.11. AMAVISSEM. Anterior past.
1. Ubi cum venisset, legato oblatus est. AM 177.1
he was brought before the legate.'
2. Et cum venisset ad pontem ... oravit. AM 190
to the bridge ... he prayed.'
2.12. AMATURUS (SUM). We have two examples of t
them, together with ample context, and then pr
1. Felix episcopus dixit: Quae prius locutus su
proconsulem ea sum dicturus. Magnilianus curator di
et ibi rationem reddes. AM 177.5. 'Bishop Felix s
I say now, and I will say the same even before th
said: You will go therefore to the proconsul and
count.'
2. Cui dixit Anulinus [proconsul]: Quare scripturas supervacuas non reddis?
Felix epicospus respondit: Non sum eas daturus. AM 178.9. 'And Anulinus said
to him: Why do you not give up the useless writings? Bishop Felix answered:
I will not give them up.'
The problem which presents itself here is: Is amaturus sum to be considered
as a set or as a phrase? That is, is amaturus a monolexemic set, or is it ama-
turus sum which is to be dealt with as a periphrastic set? We decided to treat
amatus sum as a set (see page 21) because, although itself polylexemic6, it pat-
terns with amavi in the relation of active to passive. Amaturus sum, on the
contrary, has the same chronetic meaning as amandus sum, which is also poly-
lexemic. The proportion amavi : amatus sum :: amaturus sum : amandus sum
is a meaningful one on the purely semantic level, but formally it is not quite
6 I define a POLYLEXEME as 'any sequence of two or more lexemes'.
accurate, since it sets up the proportion monolexeme : poly

lexeme : polylexeme. The latter half of the proportion could be
us the opposition amaturus-amandus, the members of which h
chronetic meaning and differ only as to voice; the opposition
sum, then, does not enter into a formal proportion with amat
only a semantic one. This analysis, however, is based on a fuller
Latin than could be derived from our texts alone, which give us
amandus, and none of amaturus with an auxiliary not in the am
we wish to keep this a purely descriptive study, based entirely
corpus, we must forego the convenience of the extra-textual exi
dus, and conclude that the decision as to the status of amaturu
must, at this stage, be an arbitrary one. From the point of view
utility (a criterion which had considerable importance in our c
amatus sum as a set) the decision is still arbitrary, since there i
amaturus in French verbs. For the immediate purpose of this
establish as a convention that, where a polylexeme may with e
be considered either as a set or as a phrase, we shall consider it
and attempt to find a meaning for the new monolexemic set, w
with the meaning of the member of the known set with which
result in the meaning of the phrase as it appears in the text. In
prefer the monolexemic set where possible.
Another criterion as to the set-status of a polylexeme is the
derivative meaning. (See page 11.) Where the meaning of a polylexem
from the meanings of the lexemes composing it, the polylexeme is t
as a phrase and not as a super-unit. Applying this criterion to s
will reduce monolexemic sets wherever the chronetic meanings
from the parts of a verbal polylexeme. In the case of amatu
allowed diachronic utility to take precedence over this principl
absence of such a consideration, the principle of derivative mean
well to make what would otherwise be an arbitrary decision.
A verbal polylexeme which is not a set usually consists of a n
form (such as a participle or infinitive) and a personal form, fun
as 'auxiliary' or as 'main verb'. Let us consider the personal
verb' and the non-personal one as 'dependent verb', whether or
considered as 'auxiliary'. Further, let us symbolize the main ve
its chronetic elements El, R1, S1, and the dependent non-pe
V2, with R2, S2 and E2. Now, we shall find that such verbal ph
particular structure, such that R2 is dependent,on some elemen
belongs to a set which indicates tense, R2 is placed with rela
however, V1 is not specific as to tense, but only denotes action,
on which to base R2. In this event, R2 is placed with relation t
we shall call DERIVATIVE.
Juret' informs us that the -urus suffix indicates a readiness to perform an
action. Expressed in terms of our system, amaturus indicates a readiness at R
7 Juret 39: 'Les adjectifs en -urus [signifient] "4tre dispos6 , destin6 A." '
to perform E, which is plainly posterior to R. Thu

is posterior tempus, with derivative R. Amaturus s
E of sum (since the chroneme of amo does not spec
is non-prelocutory action; therefore the R of amat
of the phrase amaturus sum, is, then, posterio
equivalent to post-locutory action, since if the R c
implied in the expression non-past) the E is neces
R-position is not more definitely known than that,
chrone is posterior present or posterior future. S
purely chronetic meaning of amaturus; it must
another kind of meaning than chronetic is involve
describable in terms of our system. It is a sort of
be describle as 'potential'; -urus means 'potentia
chronetic conditions of this state of potentiality, just
describing a condition or state. This accounts, a
cannot, for the difference in tone between amab
amaturus sum (also post-locutory action, but by a
describes a state of potentiality existing in the sub
of V1 or of its clause. In our text, ea sum dicturu
'future' event as it does with a 'present' intention
Felix with the calm, matter-of-fact amabo used b
attempting to convey a state of mind or attitude
facts in whose eventual realization he was coolly co
Similarly, in the exchange between Felix and
explanation of the fact that he would not give up
which was not simply a stubborn repetition of the
in terms of a then current state of mind which would account for his future
actions.
In summary, then, we repeat, the chroneme of amaturus is posterior tempus
with derivative R.
2.13. AMA. The classification of ama as non-personal is tenable on descriptive
grounds, if not on historical. Our texts show no example of the imperative in
-to. If it is felt that a third classification--uni-personal-should be set up for
ama, that could well be done without a significant modification in the pattern
of verbal sets. Unlike the other moods, the imperative offers no chronetic
contrasts within the mood. The tense (S-R relation) is always present: the
place of E is often immediately after R, but in any case after: hence, ama is
posterior present.
1. Date illos igni aduri. AM 175.5. 'Give them [the books] to be burned.'
2. Da libros vel membranas quascumque habes. AM 176.4. 'Give up what-
ever books or parchments you have.'
3. Da libros ut possint igni aduri. AM 176.8. 'Give up the books that they
may be burned.'
4. Intra hoc triduum recogita tecum. AM 176.19. 'During a three day period
beginning today, think it over.'
5. Obtemperans praeceptis divinis sacrifica diis. AM 184.17

the divine precepts, sacrifice to the gods.' Note that this is no
aspect. It could mean 'From now on make it a habit' or 'Just
way.'
6. Aut sacrifica, aut faciam te torqueri. AM 185.9. 'Either sacrifice, or I
will have you tortured.' Ama is punctual here, as shown by the context, for,
after a waiting period, presumably not long, the alternative, in post-locutory
action, is expressed, thereby putting a term to the E of sacrifica.
7. Miserere tui et nostri, pater. AM 186.1. 'Pity yourself and us, father.'
8. Tenerae adolescentiae tuae miserere. AM 186.3. 'Have pity for [take pity
on] your tender youth!' Whether the aspect is durative or punctual is not clear,
hence the two translations suggested above.
9. ... flectere horum lacrymis ab insania tua et ... sacrifica. AM 186.18. 'Be
moved by their tears from your folly and ... sacrifice.' Punctual.
10. Iam sacrifica, lucrans poenas. AM 187.6. 'Now sacrifice, [otherwise]
suffering punishment.'
11. Fac quod iussum est. AM 187.8. 'Do what has been commanded.'
12. Lucrare mortem. AM 187.16. 'Die!'
13. Vel propter illos sacrifica. AM 188.18. 'Sacrifice for their sake, at least
14. Tu autem fac quod tibi praeceptum est. AM 188.21. 'You, however, do
what has been commanded you.'
15. Consule tibi, iuvenis; immola ut non te cruciatibus impendam. AM 188.2
'Have regard for yourself, young man; sacrifice, that I may not hang you o
instruments of torture.'
16. Fac quod vis. AM 188.24. 'Do what you will.'
2.14. AMANS. Amans denotes simple tempus with dependent R; it is non-
committal as to aspect.8
2.14.1. Amans dependent on amo.
1. Praeceptum est domini mei Iesu Christi dicentis: ... AM 188.9. 'There is
a precept of my Lord Jesus Christ, who said: .... ' The English translation of
this sentence obscures the temporal relations; the relative clause of the transla-
tion allows a change in the position of R. In Latin, however, the amans is an
adjective describing an activity being engaged in at an unspecified time by the
denotatum of the noun which the adjective modifies. This is an approach to the
gnomic meaning of amo; it is not a question of the subject's being at present
or at any other particular time engaged in saying the 'precept'; it is rather in
the sense in which one says, 'Confucius says' (not 'is saying'). Perhaps exis-
tential would be a more appropriate designation of this use of amo, and hence
of the accompanying amans, than is gnomic.
2.14.2. Amans dependent on amavi.
1. Felix ... elevans oculis [sic] in caelum dixit ... Deus, gratias tibi. AM 178.16.
'Felix, raising his eyes to Heaven, said, Thank You, God.' Here we have an
illustration of the non-committalness (Jakobson's merkmallosigkeit) of amans
8 For the syntax of amans, its double function as adjective and verb, etc., see A and
G ?488 ff.
as to aspect. Dixit (p. 29) is congruent past, hen

The E of amans, however, can be congruent wi
spoke in the same moment), it can include R, th
(Felix spoke after raising his eyes, while his eye
included by R (Felix raised his eyes while speak
2. Sed, ut dictum est, meliore cupiditate deten
oculos habens, quae dixit, Si quis me negaverit
ergo despiciens nulli eorum respondit. AM 186.9
back by a better desire, having the saying of G
said [namely] "Whoever denies me, even him w
of them, answered none of them.' The R is prov
of habens and dispiciens, simultaneous with eac
with (and probably inclusive of) R.
3. Quodam autem tempore media nocte, resi
Probo, introductus est beatissimus martyr Iren
time at midnight, Judge Probus staying behin
meaning], the most blessed martyr Irenaeus was
4. Et cum venisset ad pontem qui vocatur Base
sua et extendens manus in caelum oravit dicens: ... AM 190.5. 'And when he
had come to the bridge which is called Basentis, rending his clothes and stretch-
ing out his hands to Heaven, he prayed, saying: ... ' The E's of all the amans
forms are simultaneous, perhaps (but not certainly) congruent, with the R of
oravit, which is simple past.
5. Martyrizatus est ... Irenaeus ... die VIII idus Aprilis ... agente Probo prae-
side, regnante domino nostro Iesu Christo. AM 190.19. 'Irenaeus was martyr-
ized on the eighth day before the Ides of April, Judge Probus acting, our Lord
Jesus Christ reigning.' The two amans forms clearly include R, i.e., are ex-
tended.
2.14.3. Amans dependent on amabam. See the four examples on page 32,
under the heading, Extended inceptive past. To these add the following:
1. Parentum vero omnium luctus et fletus erat super eum ... et lamentatio
amicorum, qui omnes clamantes ad eum dicebant: .... AM 186.3. 'Indeed there
was grieving and weeping [on the part] of all his relatives, and lamentation of
his friends, who, crying to him, all were saying, ....'
2. Itaque ad deum in caelum adspiciens et ad eius promissiones intendens,
omnia despiciens nullum parentem absque eo se nosse atque habere fatebatur.
AM 188.14. 'And so, looking into Heaven up to God and turning his attention
to His promises, looking down on all things, he claimed to recognize or to have
no kinsman except Him.'
2.14.4. Amans dependent on ama.
1. Obtemperans praeceptis divinis sacrifica diis. AM 184.17. 'Submitting to
the divine precepts, sacrifice to the gods.' The E of amans is simultaneous with
that of ama, hence postlocutory (ama is posterior present; see p. 39).
2.... flectere horum ab insania tua et consulens adolescentiae sacrifica. AM
186.18. 'Be moved from your folly by the tears of these people and, having re-
gard for your youth, sacrifice.' Same as the preceding example.
3. Iam sacrifica, lucrans poenas. AM 187.6. 'Sacrifice now

Literally, 'Sacrifice now, receiving punishments [if you do
clear and has no bearing on the chronemic analysis of ama
2.14.5. Amans dependent on amare:
1. Mihi praeceptum est tormenta magis suscipere qua
daemoniis sacrificare. AM 185.6. 'I have been taught to su
than, denying God, to sacrifice to demons.' Denegans is dep
which, in turn, derives its tense (R-S relation) from praec
anterior present.
2.15. AMARE. Amare is another case of class-cleavage, in
the syntactic properties of a noun, and others of a verb. As
tion as subject (see ?2.14.5.1. above), or as object (e.g. iu
trudi, q.v. ?2.15.3.A.3). For a more detailed account of its s
see Allen and Greenough, ??451-63, 486. It has the followin
(1) It denotes an event-in-progress, (2) it can take objects
ments characteristic of the verb, and (3) it has some kind
cance. It is this last characteristic with which we are concerned here.
The chroneme of amare is simple tempus with dependent R. The simultaneity
of E2 to R2 (which is, in turn, R1 or, in a set not denotative of tense, El) must
be qualified, however; this relation depends on the root-meaning of V1. E2
follows R2 immediately if V1 has a purposive, factitive or jussive meaning. E2
is simultaneous with R2 if V1 is a verb of perception, saying and the like. The
immediate postposition of E2 to R2 is a special case of simultaneity, since the
ending point of R2 coincides with the beginning point of E2. (For the meaning
of simultaneous, see the use of this word in the description of the simple tempus
on page 13).
2.15.1. Amare dependent on amo.
1. ... deos vero manu factos adorare non possum. AM 187.14. '... but I can-
not worship manufactured gods.'
2. Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi putas inferre poenas
... accipio vitam aeternam. AM 187.18. 'I will profit from death immediately
when, through these tortures which you think you are causing me, I obtain
eternal life.'
3. Filii mei deum habent quem et ego, qui potest illos salvare. AM 188.19.
'My children have the same God as I, Him who can save them.'
4. Irenaeus [sic] inoboedientem praeceptis regalibus in flumen praecipitari
iubeo. AM 189.6. 'I command Irenaeus, disobedient to the royal ordinances, to
be thrown into the river.'
5. Te peto ... ut me suscipere et hos in fide tua confirmare digneris.
AM 190.13. 'I beg that you see fit to accept me and to confirm these people in
your faith.'
2.15.2. Amare dependent on amabo.
1. Aut sacrifica aut faciam te torqueri. AM 185.9. 'Either sacrifice, or I will
have you tortured.'
2.15.3. Amare dependent on amavi.
A. In a clause with past R:
1. Aprum presbiterum ad se iussit perduci. AM

the priest, to be brought to him.'
2. Curator iussit Felicem ad se perduci. AM 1
ordered Felix to be brought to him.'
3. Legatus vero iussit eum in carcere trudi. A
ordered him to be thrown in jail.'
4. Tunc iussit eum in ima carceris mitti. AM 178
him to be sent to the lowest reaches of the prison.
5. Probus praeses iussit eum vexari. AM 185.13.
to be tortured.'
6. Probus iussit eum recipi in custodiam carce
dered him to be received into the custody of the
7. Probus indignatus eum fustibus caedi prae
enraged, ordered him to be struck with clubs.'
8. Probus ... iussit eum etiam gladio percuti. AM
him to be struck with a sword.'
B. In a clause with present R:
1. Mihi praeceptum est tormenta magis suscipere quam deum denegans
daemoniis sacrificare. AM 185.6. 'I have been taught to suffer tortures rather
than, denying God, to sacrifice to demons.'
2. Deum habeo, quem a prima aetate colere didici. AM 187.11. 'I have a
god, whom I have learned to worship since my earliest years.'
3. Unde hoc facias oro, ut cognoscas quemadmodum Christiani propter
fidem, quae est in deo, mortem contemnere consueverunt. AM 189.12. 'And
therefore I pray you to do this, that you may know how Christians, because
of the faith which [they have] in God, have been accustomed to despise death.'
4. Tibi gratias ago, domine Iesu Christe qui ... aeternae gloriae me partici-
pem efficere dignatus es. AM 189.21. 'I thank thee, Lord Jesus Christ, who ...
hast seen fit to make me a partaker of eternal glory.'
5. Domine Iesu Christe, qui pro mundi saluti pati dignatus es .... AM 190.8.
'Lord Jesus Christ, who hast seen fit to suffer for the salvation of the world,
2.15.4. Amare dependent on amabam.

1. ... festinabat enim ad supernae spem vocationis pervenire. AM 186.15.
'... for he was hastening to achieve the hope of the heavenly summons.'
2. ... nullum parentem absque eo se nosse atque habere fatebatur. AM 188.14.
'... he claimed to recognize or to have no kinsman except Him.'
2.15.5. Amare dependent on amem.
1. Da libros ut possint igni aduri. AM 176.8. 'Give up the books that they
may be burned by fire.'
2.15.6. Amare dependent on ama.
1. Date illos igni aduri. AM 175.5. 'Give them up to be burned.' This ap-
pears to be an interlocking construction which may perhaps be explained his-
torically as a contamination of date illos and iubeo illos aduri.Y
O Riemann, Syntaxe latine, 245: 'A part les deux locutions familibres mais correctes,
2.15.7. Amare dependent on amans.

1. Advenientes vero parentes eius, videntes eum torqueri pr
AM 185.20. 'His kinsmen coming, seeing him being tortured, t
ing with him.'
2.16. The macrosystem of Latin. In order to describe the chro
of Latin, as found in the Acts, we must introduce several ne
SYSTEM Of sets distributes among the sets all AVAILABLE TIM
can be divided in a number of ways, for example, as in Hopi, i
of an event is deduced from the validity-forms (for example,
ports an experienced event, it is 'past' or 'present'), clause
forth; or it may be divided into the three actions, without c
reference period; that is, the whole system divides available
mutually exclusive and conjointly exhaustive parts; or it may
subdivided into a number of categories by a complicated inter
ferent dimensions (tense, tempus, action, aspect, etc.).
Latin adds to the complication by having several systems, eac
divides available time in its own way. These systems we call M
which combine as the MACROSYSTEM of Latin, which includ
Microsystems are necessitated by the fact that various mood
by grammatical and semantic exigencies which have nothing t
etics. When for example, the Subjunctive mood is required, t
have at his disposal the means of expressing any part of avai
obvious, however, from the fact that the Indicative has six s
chronemes), and the Subjunctive four, that the two moods dis
differently.
The microsystems of Latin are:
(1) Indicative mood (6 sets); (2) Subjunctive mood (4 sets); (3) Participles (3
sets); (4) Infinitives (Only one set in our material, probably part of a larger
microsystem like that of Classical Latin; see discussion below); (5) Imperative--
a defective microsystem, one set, no 'past', but considered as a microsystem
because the past is not part of available time for the meaning of this mood.
As a result of certain lacks in our material, due more probably to its quanti-
tative limits than to the fact that a given set did not exist in the language of
the authors (e.g., the lack of amaverim, amavisse), we shall make provision for
the possible existence of such by placing its set-name in square brackets ([ ])
and explaining its meaning in terms of what we know from other sources about
standard and Vulgar Latin.
2.16.1. THE INDICATIVE MOOD.
The sets are arranged below in an increasing order of specificity--that is,
"dare bibere, ministrare bibere," "donner a boire," ... l'emploi de l'infinitif pour marquer
le but est inconnu & la prose classique ... C'est seulement en po6sie, et sans doute A l'imita-
tion du grec, que l'on trouv6 l'infinitif employ6 en latin ... aprbs des verbes signifiant 'don-
ner, prendre, abandonner', I& oA l'on mettrait en prose l'adjectif verbal en -ndus s'accordant
avec le compl6ment du verbe principal.'
10 The terms explained here were mentioned briefly at the end of Chapter I, but not
discussed in detail.
the more chronetic dimensions entering into a chr

cificity.
I. Action [Assertion].
1. Amo. [If a 'historical present' is assumed to exist in the language of our
authors: Simple assertion, most conveniently symbolized by E alone.] Since
our texts show no 'historical present' we shall consider the chroneme of amo as
non-prelocutory action, symbolized thus: E S (to be read, 'E not before S').
2. Amavi, like amo, involves only two variables, E and S [or, unlike amo,
adds a variable, S, thus entering the action dimension from the dimension of
pure assertion; if the Classical system were the important object of description
here, the dimensions so far discussed would be I. Assertion, II. Action]. Pre-
locutory action: E-S ('E before S').
3. Amabo- postlocutory action: S-E.
II. Tense and aspect (Introduction of R)
1. Amabam introduces a third variable, R, thereby entering the dimension
of tense; its chroneme is simple non-included past, symbolically rendered (E >
R)-S ('E not smaller than R, and the ER complex before S'). When the chrone
of a past clause is specifically congruent or included, amavi, a set of more gen-
eral signification, is used.
2. Amaveram- anterior past: E-R--S.
3. Amavero- anterior future: S-R, E-R ('S before R and E before R';
the E-S relationship is unspecified).
[4. Amaturus eram/fui. This complex set is not frequently encountered in
Latin, since the chrone, posterior past, usually occurs as an indirect statement
or question, involving infinitive and subjunctive constructions respectively. See
Allen and Greenough ?517d.]
[5. Amaturus ero--posterior future: S-R-E.]
2.16.2. THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
There are two tenses and two tempora in the Subjunctive microsystem, hence
four chrones, and (assuming the existence of amaverim in our authors' dialect)
four chronemes. It is reasonable to assume the existence of amaverim, or at
least of some set corresponding to its chroneme (anterior non-past), since our
texts contain no sentence in which its use is called for. We may follow the prin-
ciple that, where there is no overtly un-classical usage (e.g. use of amavissem
where CL would require amarem), the language of our texts would most prob-
ably follow the classical usage. We shall have occasion to reinvoke this prin-
ciple in our discussion of the infinitives. We shall continue, however, our use of
square brackets for CL sets not found in our texts, along with the mental reser-
vations that they should inspire.
The tenses of the Subjunctive are non-past and past; the tempora, non-
anterior and anterior.
NoN-PAST PAST
NON-ANTERIOR amem amarem
ANTERIOR [amaverim] amavissem
2.16.3. THE PARTICIPLES.

All the participles have dependent R, and by themselves express tempus
alone. The pattern of participles is asymetrical as to voice, as seen below:
amans- simple tempus (E = R): active only.
amatus- anterior tempus (E-R): passive only.
amaturus- posterior tempus (R-E): in our texts,
active only. [CL passive, amandus]
2.16.4. THE INFINITIVES.
Our texts have revealed only one infinitive with its passive, the 'present'
infinitive (amare-amari)
When the infinitive is not the simple naming of an event (E), it places its E
(E2) with reference to R2 (which is simultaneous with R1, if any, or with El,
as is the rule with derivative R; see pp. 37-8).
AcTIVE PASSIVE CHRONEME DIAGRAM
amare amari Simple tempus E2 = R2(=R1/E1)

[amavisse] [amatum esse] Anterior tempus E2-R2
[amaturum esse] [amatum iri] Posterior tempus R2-E2
From the lexemic point of view the pattern is asymmetrical in a voice-tempus
table:
ACTIVE PASSIVE
SIMPLE X X
ANTERIOR X O
POSTERIOR O O
X's represent monolexemic sets,

sponds to a lexeme in at least one
ent from that encountered in th
substitutes involving auxiliaries in
by totally different constructions.
2.16.5. The IMPERATIVE has alre
as described ?2.13., is posterior pr
as constituting a defective microsy
CHAPTER III. ELEVENTH-CENTURY FRENCH REPRESENTED
BY LA VIE DE SAINT ALEXIS
3.0. We base our study of Old French on La Vie de Saint Alexis

poem of the eleventh century, written most probably in Norma
period antedating the separation of Neustrian into Norman an
Our citations are from the edition of Gaston Paris, in the Classiqu
Age, septibme 6dition revue, Champion, Paris, 1933. This is a rec
text, completely normalized and in a few places re-written by Par
tion has been chosen solely because it is the most easily available t
most likely to be in the possession of the reader of this thesis. In
study of this edition, we have made a careful comparison of it wi
matic edition of the principal MSS. found in the Altfranz*sisches
of Fdrster and Koschwitz, and wherever differences of verbal sets
ferences with bearing on our problem have been found, they hav
into account.
Alexis has been chosen for this study because it is one of the earliest docu-
ments of significant length in French proprement dit, because it is not too
long (consisting of 125 strophes of five lines each) but long enough to afford a
fair sample of the language, and because it contains various styles of discourse:
general observations of a philosophical nature, straight narration, direct quota-
tions, and indirect discourse.
Although the language studied here is adequately representative of Old
French of the earliest literary period, we shall, in order to avoid over-generaliza-
tion about Old French from the evidence of one document, make statements
not about Old French but about Alexian French (AF), unless we discuss phe-
nomena known through evidence other than this text, in which case we shall
speak of Old French (OF).
3.1. THE SETS OF ALEXIAN FRENCH. Our nomenclature of the sets is taken
directly from that of Damourette and Pichon: that is, the set is named after
the second person plural form of savoir in that set. The spelling is modern, since
the sets of OF show a one-to-one correspondence, from the point of view of
historical morphology, with those of Modern French. There are a few excep-
tions: AF displays a few isolated reflexes of Latin sets which have been lost in
Modern French: L. ero > AF ierc, erc; erit > iert, ert; erimus > ermes; erat >
ert, eret; fecerat > firet. The principal commentators of Alexis consider that
these forms are used as equivalent to sets which have remained in Modern
French: thus, forms coming from ero, etc., belong to the saurez set, although
the etymological history of saurez is quite different (<*saper'ates < sapere
habetis); similarly, ert, eret < erat belong to saviez, and firet belongs to sates.
Examination of the text reveals the following simple sets:
'Gaston Paris and Leopold Pannier, La Vie de Saint Alexis 43 and passim.
46
NON-PERSONAL FORMS: PERSONAL FORMS:

sachant savez
savant saurez
savoir sauriez
su sfites
saviez
sachez
sachiez
sussiez
3.2. In this study we shall start by considering the non-personal sets. The
most distinctive character of French as contrasted with Latin appears to be its
propensity for closely-knit periphrases in which, most typically, a personal
form of one verb appears in a construction with a non-personal form of another
in such a way that the chronetic, modal, and chronetic meanings of the verb-
forms (roots plus set-marking morphemes) enter into 'interlocking' construc-
tions in which the chronetic or modal meaning of the one verb is logically more
applicable to the lexical meaning of the other. In verse 202 Se tei ploiist, ici ne
volsisse estre, for example, the expression of potential unreality (the selection of
the sussiez set of volsisse) is logically more applicable to the lexical meaning of
estre than to that of voleir, since it is the 'not being here' which is potentially
unreal, not the 'wishing'. (See fuller discussion at p. 80). Similarly, many verbs
receive a sort of semantic demotion to the class of auxiliaries in that their prin-
cipal function appears to be that of a vehicle for chronetic and modal meanings,
plus a special kind of meaning peculiar to the auxiliary use of a given verb (e.g.
voleir, aler, aveir) in a given construction (e.g. with savoir, sachant, su, respec-
tively).
3.2.1. SACHANT. Like amans, sachant may be described as simple tempus
with derivative R (see p. 37 for definition). Syntactically, it is a verbal adverb,
and as such is uninflected.
507. Chantant en portent le cors saint Alexis. 'Singing they carry the body
of Saint Alexis.'
560. Qui vint plorant chantant l'en fait raler. 'He who came weeping is sent
away singing.'
A specialization of the above is the use of a personal verb-form denoting a
very general sort of motion with a sachant of a verb denoting a more specific
kind of motion.
76. Done vint edrant dreitement a la mer. 'Then he came traveling directly
to the sea.'
113. Jusque en Alsis en vindrent dui edrant. 'Two of them came traveling
as far as Edessa.'
423-4. La vint corant com feme forsenede

Batant ses palmes, cridant, eschevelede.
'She ran up there like a woman insane,
Beating her hands, crying out, disheveled.'
Sachant, as will be observed in these examples, i

inflected forms of savant in ?3.2.2.
3.2.1.1. ALLEZ SACHANT. A form of aler is tw
not count verse 211 here for reasons that will be
struction with sachant to denote and emphasize
this, aler seems to add no particular lexical mea
space, go', which it has in most contexts. Thus al
construction, and the compound set allez sach
chroneme durative aspect. We shall see that save
pect meaning, hence we would hesitate to assign
durative present, although it does have that chr
Alexis.
9-10. Vielz est e fraieles, toz s'en vait declin

Sist empeiriez toz biens vait remanant.
'Old it is and weak, it is in utter decline,

And it is becoming worse, all good is comi
In the following example we see a form of aler i
but since aler has here its usual lexical meaning
gard it not as an auxiliary but as another case o
motion followed by a sachant of a more specific
211. Ist de la nef e vait edrant a Rome. 'He leav
ing to Rome.'
3.2.2. SAVANT. Savant is a deverbative2 adjecti
the chroneme of extended aspect. The noun it m
denoted by the root. As an adjective it is inflecta
exhibit masculine nominative singular (in /-s/), n
-0), masculine accusative singular (in -0), and
(in -e).
114. Iluec troverent dam Alexis sedant. 'There they found Sir Alexis sitting.'
272. Nel reconout nuls sons apartenanz. 'None of his people recognized him.'
Here we have the adjective savant used as a noun.
275. Ne puet muder ne seit aparissant. 'He cannot keep that from being ap-
parent.'
434. E jo, dolente, com par fui avoglide! 'And I, grieving, how exceedingly
blind I was!'
3.2.3. SAVOIR. Savoir is a verbal noun whose chroneme is non-anterior tem-
pus. Its allochrone in a given context depends on the lexical meaning of the
verb (verb-plus-preposition, hereafter called verb expression) of which it is the
object. The chrone is simple tempus after verbs of factitive or permissive mean-
s Deverbative means 'derived from a verb root by the addition of a suffix'. Verbal (as in
the expression verbal adjective) means 'derived from a verb root and retaining some of the
syntactic functions peculiar to verbs'. Thus, sachant is called verbal because it can take
an object, but savant is not verbal since it differs in no way syntactically from nominal
adjectives.
ing (faire, laissier), after verbs of ability (podeir, saveir), a

tion (vedeir), and after a verb of cessation (cesser de); it
after verbs or verb expressions of beginning (prendre a, m
obligation or necessity (estoveir, deveir, aveir a), verbs of
(cuider, esperer), and a verb expression of helping (aidier
savoir is posterior tempus after the conative expressions
verb of requesting, rover, and after verbs of motion towar
the goal in this case being an action.
3.2.3.1. Simple tempus.
45. Lour dous enfanz vuelent faire asembler. 'They wish
children together.'
112. Par moltes terres fait querre son enfant. '[He] has [t
through many lands.'
168. Deus fist l'imagene por soue amour parler. 'God ma
for his love.'
29. De saint batesme l'ont fait regenerer. 'With holy baptism they made
him be reborn.'
257. Chascune feste se fait acomungier. 'He receives communion on every
feast day.'
335. E! reis celestes, tu nos i fai venir. '0, Heavenly King, make Thou us
come there!'
558. Alquant i vont, alquant se font porter. 'Some go there, some have them-
selves carried.'
See also verses 144, 171, 181, 383, 527, 560, 619.
79. Drecent lour sigle, laissent corre par mer. 'They raise their sail, begin
their sea voyage.' Cf. also v. 192.
579. Vueillent o non, sil laissent metre en tere. 'Willy-nilly, they let him be
put in the ground.' Remark that here there is no formal distinction made of
voice. It is only the absence of another object for metre, a transitive verb, which
makes it clear that the 1 of sil is the object, not the subject of metre. Similar
is verse 597.
110. Or sui si graime que ne puis estre plus. 'Now I am so sad that I cannot
be more so.'
127. Noncent al pedre que nel pourent trover. 'They announce to the father
that they did not succeed in finding him.'
153. Ja n'avras mel dont te puisse guarir. 'You will never have a woe of which
I can cure you' (i.e. 'if I can cure you of it.')
156. Ne puet altre estre .... 'It cannot be otherwise.'
444. Que podrai faire, dolente, malfedude? 'What will I be able to do, grief-
stricken, wretched?'
546. Qui at pechiet bien s'en puet recorder. 'He who has sinned can certainly
remember it.'
See also verses 94, 157, 160, 194, 222, 232, 312, 355, 370, 395, 464, 478, 492,
506, 512, 514, 517, 529, 545, 547, 575, 580, 590, 596.
125. Ne vos sai dire come il s'en firet liez. 'I cann
made him.'
174. Cil vait, sil quiert, mais il nel set choisir. 'He [the acolyte] goes, and he
seeks, but he cannot espy him.'
488. Ja tote gent nem soussent torner .... 'At once no one would have been
able to turn me [from ....].'
241. Soventes feiz les veit grant duel mener. 'He often sees them display
great grief.'
426. Qui donc li vit son grant duel demener ... 'Whoever then saw her display
her great grief ....'
439. Por teim vedeies desidrer a morir. 'You saw me desire to die on account
of you.'
242 continues from 241 with plorer dependent on 241 veit. 427-9 continues
from 426 vit and adds the following savoirs: debatre, degeter, baisier, acoler.
85. O qued il seit de Deu servir ne cesset. 'Wherever he may be, he never
ceases to serve God.'
290. De tot en tot recesset del parler. 'He gives up speaking entirely.' Here
the savoir is treated as a noun even to the point of taking an article.
3.2.3.2. Coinceptive aspect.
317. Alquant le prenent fortment a blastengier. 'Some begin to reproach him
strongly.'
62. Damz Alexis la prist ad apeler. 'Sir Alexis began to call her.'
129. La bone medre s'en prist a dementer. 'The good mother began to wail.'
The only sets of prendre after which A savoir is found in AF are savez and
sAtes. See verses 63, 130, 391, 516.
156. Ne puet altre estre, metent l'el considrer. 'It cannot be otherwise, they
begin to consider it' (lit., 'they put it into considering.') Here is a savoir pre-
ceded by a preposition and an article, as in verse 290.
128. Sed il fut graims ne l'estuet demander. 'There is no need to ask if he
was sad.'
194. Mais ne puet estre; aillours l'estuet aler. 'But it cannot be; elsewhere
must he go.'
430. N'i out si dur ne l'estoiist plorer. 'There was none so cruel that he did
not have to weep.'
509. N'estuet somondre icels qui l'ont odit. 'It is not necessary to urge those
who have heard him.'
573. Grant est la presse, ne l'estuet demander. 'There is no point in asking
if the crowd is dense.' Cf. 591.
279. Or set il bien qued il s'en deit aler. 'Now he knows well that he must
go away.'
291. En la sedmaine qued il s'en deut aler .... 'In the week in which he had
to die .....'
318. Iceste chose nos deusses noncier. 'You should have told us about this
thing.'
366. Cist apostolies deit les anemes baillir. 'This Pope has the duty of govern-
ing souls.'
See also verses 413, 414, 418, 587, 620.

187. "Certes," dist il "n'i ai mais ad ester." ' "Surely," sai
need to remain here." '
367. C(ost ses mestiers dont il at a servir. 'This is his work which he has to
do.'
528. Par igo cuident aveir descombrement. 'Thus they expect to get some
free space.'
193. Dreit a Tarson espeiret arriver. 'Straight to Tarsus he expects to ar-
rive.'
462. Aidiez m'a plaindre le duel de mon ami. 'Help me to express the grief
for my beloved.'
3.2.3.3. Posterior tempus.
45. Lour dous enfanz vuelent faire asembler. 'They wish to bring their two
children together.'
80. La pristrent terre o Deus lour volt doner. 'They landed where God wished
to give them [land].'
165. N'en vuelt torner tant come il at a vivre. 'He does not want to go back
[to Rome] as long as he is alive.'
180. Par nul guise ne s'en vuelt esloignier. 'By no means does he wish to go
away.' 260 is identical.
188. D'iceste onour nem revueil encombrer. 'I do not wish to be bothered
again by this honor.'
295. Prest est la glorie qued il li vuelt doner. 'Soon will be the glory which
He wishes to give him.'
See also verses 95, 150, 186, 277, 350, 351, 384, 520.
439. Por teim vedeies desidrer a morir. 'You saw me desire to die on account
of you.'
259. Del Deu servisie le ruevet esforcier. 'It asks him to strengthen [himself]
in the service of God.'
35. Puis vait li enfes 1'emperedour servir. 'Then the child goes to serve the
Emperor.'
44. Ensemble en vont li dui pedre parler. 'Together the two fathers go to
speak of it.'
133-4. Ne sai le lueu ne ne sai la contrede
0 t'alge querre: tote en sui esguarede.
'I do not know the place nor do I know the country

Where I may go to seek you: I am quite lost.'
323. II vait avant la maison aprester. 'He goes ahead to get the house re
11. Puis icel tems que Deus nos vint salver. 'From the time that God ca
to save us.'
474. Se revenisses ta spouse conforter. '[I have watched to see] if you would
return to comfort your wife.'
3.2.3.4. In addition to these post-verbal uses (post in the sense of 'dependent
on'), we have some illustrations of preposition-plus-savoir constructions which
act as attributes to a noun head. We find tha

between noun and the savoir phrase varies ac
A savoir designates the preceding noun or p
Another way to say this would be that savoir
does not exist as a feature of formal categori
?3.2.4.), it is preferable not to introduce a new
over, it will be found easier from a historical-s
for changes in usage from d to de in certain cons
this relationship in terms of voice.
In the following examples, the nouns which a
also objects of the personal verb in the sentenc
Let us examine the sentence, verses 254-5:
N'en fait musjode por son cors engrais

Mais as plus povres le donet a mangier
'He does not make a store for it [de la

['of the food'] to fatten his body,
But gives it to the poorer ones to eat
In 255, a mangier functions as described abov

unique example of pour savoir in Alexis, is an
The immediate constituents of the clause, 254,
This can only be determined semantically or c
taken after musjode, the meaning would be
purpose of refraining from hoarding food is to f
161-2. Dis e set ans, n'en fut neient a dire

Penat son cors el Damnedeu servisie.
'For seventeen years, there was nothing to be said,

He caused his body to suffer in the service of God.'
614. Co at ques vuelt, n'est neient a dire. 'He has what he wants for himself,
there is nothing [else] to say.'
There is another a savoir construction in which savoir is the head of a noun
expression; in our example the nouns, objects of porter, must be considered as
the attribute of the construction. The whole construction serves here as subject
of the sentence. In ModF such a savoir would be introduced by de.
411-2. Tei covenist helme e bronie a porter,

Espede a ceindre come tui altre per.
'It would have suited you to wear a helmet and

a mail jerkin,
To gird a sword, like your other peers.'
De savoir is of rare occurrence in AF. In 173 de savoir is the attribute of an

adjective construction after a copula; de introduces a savoir whose subject is
the subject of the sentence.
173. Ed il est dignes d'entrer en paradis. 'And he is worthy of entering Para-
dise.'
In all of these prepositional phrases not dependent on a verb, savoir is of
simple tempus, in congruent or coinceptive aspect.
3.2.4. su. Su is a verbal adjective which denotes a situation existing at R
and resulting from an E anterior to or simultaneous with R. The situation thus
denoted by su we call the RESULTANT. R is often located by a form of estre or
aveir in a construction with su.
Estre is used when the subject of the verb is in the resultant state; otherwise
aveir is used. Reflexive verbs are found constructed sometimes with estre, some-
times with aveir, the latter probably because the object is logically in the re-
sultant state, while, since the object and the subject are logically identical, the
subject, too, is in the resultant state, hence the use of estre.
4. Tot3 est mudez, perdude at sa colour. '[The world] is quite changed; it
has lost its color.' This verse shows the use of su with both estre and aveir: in
the first clause the subject, li siecles (which was introduced in verse 1), is in the
resultant state: when the E responsible for that state occurred is not specified;
in the second clause it is not ii siecles which is in the resultant state, it is the
object, sa colour. The resultant state is congruent with R. In this example the
tense is present, so that the chrone is present resultant. It is to be noted that
the place of E relative to R (the tempus) is not specified-it may be known
only through context.
As an adjective, su may occur in predicate position, after a copula:
604. Lour compagnie fut bone ed onorede 'Their company was good and
honorable.'
78. Donet son pris ed enz est aloez 'He pays his fare and is seated inside.'
Thus also verses 10, 95, 107, 132 (twice), 141, 164, 245, 289, 319, 322, 339, 344,
346, 392, 394, 405, 409, 417, 443, 457, 463, 482, 484, 533, 542, 545, 576, 586,
593, 604, 605, 613, 616, 617, 618.
It occurs as an adjective attribute to a noun head:
595. Cel jorn i out cent mil lairmes ploredes 'On that day there were shed a
hundred thousand tears.'
It may stand in turn as an adjective head to a noun attribute:
361-2. Ci devant tei estont dui pechedor,

Par la Deu gracie vochiet emperedor.
'Here before you stand two sinners,

By the grace of God called Emperors.'
3 Paris's reading is toz; all manuscripts, however, show tot or tut, which may reasonably
be translated as an adverb.
362 functions as adjectival head to pechedor; voc

jectival construction, emperedor is its attribute.
It is when su functions as adjective attribute to
position that the combination of a form of aveir with
group which could be called a compound set. But,
amples which follow, the syntactic structure of su
meaning of the phrase which changes, a meaning w
contextually, and not by any special construction
116. Si out li enfes sa tendre charn mudede 'For the child's tender flesh was
so changed.' This recalls the ModF type, Il avait les yeux bleus. The su here
does not represent an anterior E performed by the subject, although in most
cases of avez su it does. Cf. verse 4.... perdude at sa colour, where the tempus
is ambiguous.
108. (o dist la spouse: "Pechiez le m'at tolut." 'This said the wife: "Mis-
fortune has taken him from me."' Here at tolut is anterior present. Only con-
text-not the meaning or usual aspect of the verb-root itself, nor the
construction-can determine the tempus. Thus also verses 369, 458.
The use of avez su as a simple past, as in
118. A lui medisme ont l'almosme donede 'They gave the alms to him him-
self' will be taken up in detail under savez (pp. 75-7).
3.3. THE PERSONAL SETS: It will again be necessary to have recourse to Bron-
dal's valuable concepts of neutral, negative, and positive categories (see p. 24
of the present work). Since the words negative and positive are apt to be con-
fusing (in cases in which the merkmalhaft category has what is ordinarily
called a negative meaning, e.g., the unreal meaning of the subjunctive mood,
as against the assertive meaning of the merkmallos indicative), we shall adopt
here other terms for these concepts. Brondal's neutral we shall retain; his posi-
tive we shall call SPECIFIC, and for his negative we shall substitute RESIDUAL. To
return to the example proposed earlier, duck as used without reference to sex
is neutral, as before; drake is specific, and duck (female) is residual, since it
represents the whole class of ducks minus the drakes.
The first great division of the sets of AF is that between those sets which
express person-number distinctions (specific) and those which do not (neutral).
The nonpersonal sets have no residual meaning brought about by opposition
to or contrast with the personal ones. Within the personal sets, however, every
neutral category has also a residual meaning.
There are two moods, the neutral (conventionally called the indicative) and
the unrealized mood (the subjunctive). The residual meaning of the neutral
mood is assertive. Each of these moods constitutes a microsystem.
The simple indicative sets are the following, in the order of decreasing spec-
ificity: saviez, saites, saurez, savez. (There is only one example of sauriez, and
that is used very like a sussiez. Its place in the AF macrosystem will be dis-
cussed in the section devoted to it.)
Of these sets, the saviez and sftes are specifically past and saurez and savez
are neutral as to tense. The specifically past sets are in turn divided as to as-
pect into saviez, non-punctual, sAtes neutral and resid

tense-neutral, residually non-past sets are opposed as
posterior and savez is neutral, residually present. The sy
dimensional; see fig. 6.
TENSE
Fig . 6 neutral past -neutral

neutral SAVEZ SUTES
Fig. 6SUTES ---non-
SAVIEZ punctual
E posterior SAUREZ
In this figure, the horizontal dimension represents tense (left side n

and residually non-past, right side past), the vertical dimension repre
tempus (first line neutral and residually simple, second line posterior),
front-to-back dimension represents aspect (the back plane neutral and re
punctual, the front plane non-punctual).
The combination of a simple set of the auxiliary 9tre or avoir with su
resultant whose chrone is that of the set of the auxiliary. Alexis offers
ample of aurez su. Each compound set will be discussed under the set o
auxiliary.
3.3.1. SAVIEZ. Saviez is the set which is, of all the simple sets, specific in most
dimensions. It is neutral as to tempus (residually simple), but specifically past
as to tense, and specifically of non-punctual aspect.4 By this is meant, of course,
that while saviez is found only in contexts which admit of interpretation as past
and non-punctual, other sets (e.g. savez, s1ftes) are used as past as well as non-
past, and as punctual as well as non-punctual: thus, saviez marks these chron-
etic features, whereas the others mark only some or none of them. A further
division could be made of our examples of saviez in accordance with the ana-
lytic method exposed in the first chapter; we shall, however, make it our policy
not to seek semantic distinctions to which no formal or structural distinctions
in the language correspond. We will say simply that the aspect of saviez corre-
sponds to and includes the aspects described in the first chapter as extended,
expanded, and durative.
Following are some examples which will illustrate the tense and aspect of
saviez:
1-3. Bons fut li siecles al tems ancienour,

Quer feit i eret et justisie ed amour,
Si ert credance, dont or n'i at nul prout.
'This, by the way, is an illustration of the greater convenience of the terms specific
and residual as against positive and negative, for, in terms of the latter terminology, non-
punctual would be positive and punctual would be negative; this would cause no end of
confusion.
'Good was the world in the olden time

For there was faith and justice and love,
And there was belief, of which there is now not much.'
17. Coms fut de Rome, del mielz qui done i eret. 'He was a count of Rome,
of the best that there was then.'
77. La nef est prest o il deveit entrer. 'The ship in which he was to enter was
ready.'
239-40. N'il ne lour dist, ned il nel demanderent,

Quels om esteit ne de quel terre il eret.
'He did not tell them, nor did they ask,

Who he was, or of what land he came.'
301. Sainz Innocenz ert idonc apostolies. 'Saint Innocent was the Pope then.'
419. Pou en perneies en ta povre herberge. 'You took little of it in your poor
lodging.'
566-7. Saint Boneface, qued om martir apelet,
Aveit en Rome une eglise molt bele.
'Saint Boniface, who is called martyr,

Had a very beautiful church in Rome.'
The church was dedicated to the saint-it is not as if he were a living man
who had a house for a period during his lifetime; in such a case AF would most
typically have s-ftes---out une maison, or the like. This is an extended past: the
R is not the lifetime of the saint, which does not enter into question, but is the
time in which the events of the story took place, which is much less than and
included by the time of the existence of the church.
401-2. "O filz, cui ierent mes granz ereditez,

Mes larges terres dont jo aveie assez... ?"
'"0 son, to whom will belong my great property,

My extensive lands, of which I had many?"'
I had thought that a past tense was used here to emphasize that these lands
were possessed by Euphemius during the lifetime of Alexis, when there was
still some point to owning land that could be handed on: the past tense, ac-
cording to this interpretation, would indicate that now he may as well not own
them. Meyer-Liibke (3.128) regards it as a present tense, saying that the use
of saviez here is an "emploi d6termin6 par le d6sir de s'exprimer avec discr6-
tion."
The remaining verses in which saviez occurs are the following: 65, 169, 233,
258, 319, 336, 346, 373, 376, 380, 389, 408, 435, 438, 439, 479.
3.3.1.1. AVIEZ SU. There are in Alexis two examples of avies su, both of which
represent non-punctual anterior past.
333-4. Tot dreitement en vait en paradis

A son seignour qu'il aveit tant servit.
'He went straight off to Paradise,

To his Lord whom he had served so long.'
This may be more narrowly described as a cocompletive past, E starting with

the beginning of Alexis's earthly service of the Lord and ending with his de-
parture for Heaven. If we think of Alexis's service of the Lord as continuing
after his death, this is preinceptive.
406-7. Ma grant onour aveie retenude

Empor tei, filz, mais n'en aveies cure.
'I had maintained my great prestige

For you, my son, but you did not care about it.'
This is a preinceptive past, since the effort to preserve the honor of the family
name had begun well before R (the period of Alexis's life between his marriage
and his death), while the effects of this effort were still viable after R.
Both preinceptive past and cocompletive past are types of non-punctual
past, if we consider the E which initiates the resultant as the tempus-determining
chronetic element. If, on the other hand, we regard the resultant (denoted by
su), as the tempus-determining element, these are types of simple tempus. This
ambiguity is of the essence of the compound sets: our attention is directed more
or less equally to cause and effect.
There are two examples of reflexive verbs with the auxiliary (estre) in saviez.
103-4. Quand il go sourent qued il foilz s'en eret,

Qo fut granz duels qued il en demenerent.
'When they found out that he had fled,

They manifested great sorrow about it.'
This may be taken as a punctual anterior past, if E is emphasized, or as a

durative simple past, if we regard the resultant as central in this passage, with
the meaning, 'was absent.'
404. Empor tei, filz, m'en esteie penez. 'For you, son, I had suffered much.'
This, like 406 above, is a preinceptive past.
We shall suspend further discussion of aviez su until the section on efites su,
where we shall explore the contrast afforded by these two sets.
3.3.2. strES. Sftes is specifically past but non-specific as to aspect: that is,
examples of sAtes are found in AF as punctual and as non-punctual. Among
the non-punctual one may perceive further distinctions such as, in congruent
aspect, expanded and iterative; in extended aspect, coinceptive, preinceptive,
etc. As to tempus, there are examples of sXtes as anterior past as well as simple
past. Therefore, concerning tempus, it can only be said that sfites is never
posterior.
We shall give here only a few of the many exam

punctual:
19. Done prist moillier vaillant ed onorede. 'Then he took a wife, one virtu-
ous and honored.'
146. Del duel s'assit la medre jus a terre. 'In grief the mother sat down on
the ground.'
168. Deus fist l'imagene por soue amour parler. 'God made the image speak
for love of Him!'
345. Vint a son fil o gist soz son degret. 'He came to his son where he lay
under his door-step.'
603. Ensemble furent jusque a Deu s'en ralerent. 'There they remained until
they returned to God.'
Following are some examples of sAtes as non-punctual past:
1. Bons fut li siecles al tems ancienour. 'The world was good in the time of
our ancestors.' ModF would probably use 6tait in such a context.
12. Nostre anceisour ourent crestiantet. 'Our ancestors had Christianity.'
13. Si fut un sire de Rome la citet. 'And there was a gentleman of Rome.'
14. Riches om fut, de grant nobilitet. 'He was a rich man, of great nobility.'
17. Coms fut de Rome, del mielz qui done i eret. 'He was a count of Rome,
of the best that was there then.' It is possible that here we have a contrast
between saviez (eret) and sates intended to emphasize the non-punctuality of
saviez (in this passage, its extended aspect) as against the congruency (though
not punctuality) of fut. For a discussion of how a stylistic device at one stage
of a language may serve as a pivot for a structural change at another stage,
see below, Chapter IV.
18. Sour toz ses pers l'amat li emperedre. 'The Emperor loved him above all
his peers.'
21. Puis converserent ensemble longement. 'Then they lived together for a
long time.'
26-7. Tant li preierent par grant umilitet

Que la moillier donat feconditet.
'They prayed to Him in great humility

Until He gave the woman fecundity.'
Preierent is cocompletive past, donat is punctual.

28. Un fil lour donet, si luin sourent bon gret. 'He gave them a son, and they
were grateful to Him for it.'
34. Tant aprist letres que bien en fut guarniz. 'He learned letters until he was
well provided with them.' Aprist is cocompletive past, fut is expanded past.
54. Ne volst li enfes son pedre corrocier. 'The child did not want to anger
his father.' Note that volst here does not have the special meaning of the ModF
voulut 'tried, attempted.' This is an expanded past.
64. De la celeste [vide] li mostrat veritet. 'He told her the truth about the
heavenly life.' Of mostrat it can only be said that it is simple past; there is no
clue as to whether it is punctual or expanded.
81-2. Dreit a Lalice, go fut citet molt bele,

Iluec arrivet sainement la nacele.
'Straight to Laodicea-this was a very beautiful city

The ship arrived there safely.'
There are a great many more examples, but the above sho
the variety of aspectual functions which sftes fulfills as sim
There is a sub-type of the non-punctual-the iterative-wh
sented in AF solely by sates, although this is commonly r
by saviez. There is not a single example of an iterative savi
98. Receut l'almosne quant Deus la li tramist. 'He received
God sent them to him.' Both clauses are iterative. The E (o
congruent with R: this is an expanded iterative, then, not
tive.
236. Sovent le vidrent e li pedre e la medre. 'Often the f
saw him.'
238-40. Par nul guise onques ne l'aviserent;

N'il ne lour dist, ned il nel demanderent,
Quels om esteit ne de quel terre il eret.
'In no way did they recognize him;

He did not tell them, nor did they ask him,
Who he was or from what land he came.'
291-2. En la sedmaine qued il s'en deut aler

Vint une voiz treis feiz en la citet.
'During the week in which he was to go away [die],

There came a voice three times in the city.'
606-8. Sainz Alexis est el ciel senz dotance,

Ensemble o Deu, en la compaigne as angeles,
O la pulcele dont se fist si estranges.
'Saint Alexis is in Heaven, without doubt,

Together with God, in the company of the angels,
With the girl to whom he made himself a stranger.'
I interpret fist as non-congruent because it refers, I think, to the period dur-

ing which Alexis refused to make himself known to his wife. It could also be
taken as a punctual, to refer to the moment when he assumed or decided upon
his policy of anonymity.
There are a number of passages in which sa1tes can be interpreted as anterior
past, but, in most cases, with alternative interpretations being possible. These
passages fall into two types: 1) those in which the verb representing the E be-
fore which the E of the presumed anterior past s1tes occurred is in savez, and
2) those in which the simple past is denoted by

group the savez-sites sequence, the second type t
Following are the examples of the savez-sfte
chronetic interpretations possible.
22. Qued enfant n'ourent peiset lour en fortme
weighed heavily on them'. Ourent here is anterior
ing ('bear'), but it is extended past if it has a dur
124. Il fut lour sire, ore est lour provendiers. 'H
was receiving their charity.' Here there seems to
by means of contrasting sets, denoting the diff
longer true at R, and what actually existed at R.
127. Noncent al pedre que nel pourent trover. 'T
that they could not find [or had not succeeded in
dicated by the alternative translation, pourent c
its punctual meaning, giving the chrones extend
spectively.
174-5. Cil vait, sil quiert, mais nel set choisir

Icel saint ome de cui l'imagene dist.
'He went, and he looked, but he could not pick out
That holy man of whom the image had spoken
[or was speaking].'
The alternative translation is a clumsy way of expressing the possibility that

here dist is extended iterative: perhaps the translation: 'the holy man that the
image meant' would render the notion of extended aspect somewhat clearer.
If we recall that the image had not yet had its full say, it is possible to inter-
pret dist as iterative, that is as referring to the sequence of instructions from
the image which is the subject of strophes 34-6.
It seems to me just as likely, if not more so, to consider dist as referring to
the previous utterances of the image, hence as anterior past.
212. Vait par les rues dont il ja bien fut cointes. 'He went through the streets
with which formerly he had been familiar.' This fut can be interpreted as an-
terior past if R is simultaneous with the E of vait, or as extended past if the R
is made explicit by ja. This sentence contrasts chrones by means of contrasting
sets, as in the other examples of the savez-sdtes sequence.
221-2. Quant ot li pedre la clamour de son fil,

Plourent sui ueil ....
'When the father heard the appeal of his son,

His eyes wept ....'
Ot can be taken as anterior past if it is in sequence with plourent:
'When he had heard, he wept.' In any case, taking ot as punctual and
as the explicit R of plouret, we can consider ot as included coinceptive past
( ) and plourent as extended coinceptive past
( ); i.e., quant ot is R to plourent and conversely.

This is a special type of the savez-s1ftes sequence, in which sites represent
punctual event which coincides with the beginning of a non-punctual, rep
sented by savez.
386-7. Quant ot li pedre go que dit at la chartre,

Ad ambes mains deromt sa barbe blanche.
'When the father heard what the document said,

He tore his beard with both hands.'
This is like verses 221-2.

The general statement that can be made about savez-sAtes sequences is this:
Some of them are the fortuitous collocations of two verbs, one savez, the other
sAtes, in the same sentence, both of them denoting simple pasts. Others bring
into play a deliberate contrast between the sets to emphasize the fact that the
end of the E of savez occurs after the end of the E of sates. This general condi-
tion includes slites as anterior past and as included coinceptive past.
In the sates-sfites sequences that we have involving the possible interpreta-
tion of one of the sAtes as anterior past, we find that the possibly anterior past
sites is always in a non-temporal dependent clause, such as a relative clause.
We shall discuss these cases in detail below.
Strophe 18. Puis s'en alat en Alsis la citet

Por un imagene dont il odit parler,
Qued angele firent par comandement Deu
El nom la virgene, qui portat salvetet,
Sainte Marie, qui portat Damnedeu. 90.
'Then he went to Edessa

Because of an image which he had heard about
Which angels had made at God's command
In the name of the Virgin who had borne Salvation,
Of Saint Mary, who had borne the Lord God.'
All the sates which I have translated above by means of English 'past per-
fects' are capable as well of interpretation as simple pasts. Take, for example,
dont odit parler in verse 87: It could just as well mean, 'that he was hearing
talk about,' that is as extended past. In the relative clauses which follow, we
may have to do simply with the identification of the nouns (imagene, virgene,
Sainte Marie) by means of adjectival clauses which do not stress the anteriority
of the E's of their verbs to the R of the whole passage, but simply state that
such an E is part of the history of the nouns so modified, that that E is an at-
tribute of the noun. Thus it might be said that a relative clause may have its
own R which is independent of the R of the passage in which it occurs, that
it is not part of the sequence of events of which the narrative consists.
284-5. De sei medisme tote la chartre escrist,

Com s'en alat et come il s'en revint.
'He wrote the whole document about himself,

How he had gone away and how he had come back.'
The alternative translation, 'How he went away and how he came back,' is
equally possible. Again, just as in the relative clauses above, these dependent
clauses seem to have their own R; the events are shown simply as having oc-
curred in the past and without an explicit temporal relation to the R of the
narration. The possibility of their interpretation as anterior past occurs to us
only because we know logically that the events denoted had to be anterior to
escrist. Thus again we see that every feature of a referent is not necessarily ex-
pressed in the utterance which denotes it. The degree of specificity is determined
by the merkmalhaftigkeit of the linguistic form which is chosen.
381. E go lour dist com s'en foit per mer. 'And it [the document] told how
he [had] fled by sea.' This is precisely like the preceding example.
3.3.2.1. EtTES SU. All our examples of elites su are clearly punctual anterior
past. Aviez su and elites su, then, form a division of the chrone anterior past
into conjointly exhaustive and mutually exclusive categories. The residually
punctual meaning of slites has become, in this compound set, consistently punc-
tual. Our sample is too small to enable us to say with perfect confidence that
in the language of the author of Alexis eftes su may never be ambiguous as to
aspect; it is, however, clear that this specialization of function is dominant
in AF.
Following are the six examples of elites su of our text.
32. Qui l'out portet volentiers le nodrit. 'She who had borne him gladly nour-
ished him.' Compare this specifically anterior past with the possible one in
verse 89, portat. In the latter we have a relative clause which serves only to
identify, as explained above; but here we have two events placed in a definite
sequence; the relationship is explicit.
72-3. Donc li comandet les renges de sa spede

Ed un anel dont il l'out esposede.
'Then he entrusted to her the buckles of his sword

And a ring with which he had married her.'
We see by these two examples that elites su may follow a simple past savez
or slites.
236-7. Sovent le vidrent e ili pedre e la medre

E la pulcele qued il out esposede.
'Often his father and mother saw him,

And the girl whom he had married.'
433. 'E filz,' dist ele, 'com m'oiis enhadide!' '"0 son
dislike you had taken to me!"' R is presumably the mom
467. Vint la pulcele qued il out esposede. 'The girl c
married.'
We have included, as our sixth example, what is really a case of ffites su:
101-2. Or revendrai al pedre ed a la medre

Ed a la spouse qui soule fut remese.
'I will now return to the father and mother

And to the girl who was left behind.'
This example shows the double nature of the su as resultant and as the E
which caused it: an effect which is usually clearer in constructions with estre
than in those with aveir.
3.3.3. SAUREZ. Every instance of saurez is embedded in a context whose R
is clearly either present or past. The saurez's in present contexts are all in
postlocutory action, and it is sometimes difficult to say whether the chrone is
posterior present or simple future, although the majority of cases are clearly
posterior present. When the R is past, however, it is the action which is in
doubt, while the chrone is clearly posterior past. We saw on page 13 that all the
chrones except posterior past and anterior future have the action determined.
Now, if we have a set which, in a present context, is postlocutory, but not
perfectly definite as to tense, and which, in a past context, is posterior, but not
clear as to action, it is obvious that the chroneme, posterior tempus, will include
these uses, at least in the absence of a clear case of future tense.
In all our examples of conditional sentences of the savez-saurez type (see
?3.3.5.1.1), the saurez is postlocutory. Every one of these sentences is a direct
quotation and in the present tense, therefore the conceivable use of this type in
the past is not available for our analysis. In all of these sentences, the condition
is presented as a possible event in the immediate future, that is, as possibly
succeeding S without an interval of time after the cessation of the utterance;
the consequence is presented as following the condition in time, not simply as
a logical or usual consequence, as does the savez-savez type. In the savez-saurez
type, the condition (savez) is presented as very probable, the consequence
(saurez) as nearly certain. (This description in terms of probability will have
its importance when we contrast the conditional sentences with the condition
in savez with those whose condition is in sussiez.)
The conditional sentences, cited above, are, then, posterior present. Other
examples of saurez as posterior present follow:
5. Ja mais n'iert tels com fut as anceisours. 'Nevermore will [the world] be
as it was in the time of our ancestors.' Ja mais means 'from now on' and presents
the R as proceeding indefinitely on from S. Similarly verse 8.
101. Or revendrai al pedre ed a la medre. 'Now I will return to the father
and mother.' This is the author commenting on the order in which he recounts
the events of his story. Or 'now' sets the R; t

complex.
149. Des or vivrai en guise de tortrele. 'From now on I will live like a turtle-
dove.'
209. Or ne lairai nem mete en lour baillie. 'Now I will not allow anyone to
get me in their power.'
224. Tot te donrai, bons om, quant que m'as quis. 'I will give you everything,
good man, as much as you have asked for.'
315. Quer iluec est, iluec le troverez. 'For there he is, there you will find him.'
Similarly, verses 135, 141, 369, 401, 444, 455, 477, 492, 493, 494, 495, 504,
517, 522, 523, 525, 535.
Of saurez as posterior past, we have the following examples:
35-7. Quant veit li pedre que mais n'avrat enfant,
Mais que cel soul cui il par amat tant,
Donc se porpenset del siecle ad en avant.
'When the father saw that he would never more have a child,
Except that one whom he loved so much,
He began to think about the future.'
309-10. Deprient Deu que conseil lour en doinst,
D'icel saint ome par cui il guariront.
'They prayed God to give them advice

About this holy man by whom they would be saved.'
311-2. (Qo li deprient ... Que lour enseint ol *porront recovrer. 'They prayed
God ... to tell them where they would find him.' Porront is my own respelling
of the variant readings A purrunt and P porunt [trover]. L's reading is poissent.
Verse 330 is exactly like verse 310.
166-8. Quant tot son cuer en at si afermet
Que ja son vuel n'eistrat de la citet,
Deu fist l'imagene pour soue amour parler.
'When He had so strengthened his heart

That never of his own will would he leave the city,
God made the image speak for love of him [Him?].'
3.3.4. SAURIEZ. Sauriez has one occurrence in Alexis:
226-7. 'E! Deus,' dist il, 'quer oiisse un serjant

Quil me guardast! Jo l'en fereie franc.'
' "O God," said he, "I would [like to] have a servant
Who would take care of me. I would reward him with
freedom." '
This speech offers a confusion of optative and conditional

is a word usually associated with commands: this is somethi
imperative. The underlying conditional expression is, '
would set him free.' The sussiez is frequently used in A
and consequence (see under sussiez, ?3.3.6.1.), and could ha
in place of the sauriez, fereie. A possible reason for the ch
than the sussiez of the same verb (which does not occur i
probably have been the metrically equivalent fesisse) may
a contrast with guardast in the same verse, perhaps in orde
of fereie as an apodosis (consequence), with the use of gua
clause of characteristic. For if we consider separately the s
un serjant quil me guardast, guardast might be taken as a
taminated conditional construction meaning something
servant (= 'If I had a servant'); he would take care of me.'
point is, of course, risky and unrewarding due to the extreme
of sauriez. If it were not for this single occurrence, we co
this set existed in the language of the author of Alexis. On
basis it would probably be best, first to assign fereie to th
basis of syntax and meaning (and of the absence in AF, of such
and then to expand the meaning of saurez from posterior
posterior present (in contrast with sauriez, specifically posteri
tempus, assertive mood, neutral (and not residual) as to ten
It is perhaps significant that saurez is used as posterior p
savez is used to mark the ER to which the saurez is posterior b
where sfites is so used. That is, it is not for lack of oppo
corpus that the author of Alexis failed to use sauriez as a p
In a historical study it will be necessary to recognize the e
set in eleventh century French and to assign AF fereie to
return to this question in the chapter on post-Alexian Fren
3.3.5. SAVEZ. Savez occurs in passages of both present an
3.3.5.1. It is used as a simple present in three kinds of con
of the author on the present state of the world, including
verities', (2) in direct reference on the part of the author
this story, and (3) in direct quotation. Examples:
(1)
4. Tot est mudez, perdude at sa colour. 'It is quite changed; it has lost its
color.'
9. Vielz est e fraieles, toz s'en vait declinant. 'Old it is and weak, it is in
utter decline.'
69. La vide est fraiele, n'i at durable onour. 'Life is fragile, there is in it no
lasting honor.'
566-7. Sainz Boneface, qued om martir apelet, / Aveit en Rome une eglise
molt bele. 'St. Boniface, who is called a martyr, had a beautiful church in Rome.'
The shift of R to the present in a relative clause is frequent.
613-19. Quer ore est s'aneme de glorie replenid

Co at ques vuelt, n'en est neient a dire
Ensourquetot e si veit Deu medisme.
Las! malfadut! come esmes encombret!
Quer go vedoms que tuit somes desvet.
De noz pechiez somes si avoglet
La dreite vide nos font tresoblider.
'For now his soul is filled with glory:

He has what he wants, there is nothing else to be said;
Especially since he sees God himself.
Alas! Wretches! How encumbered we arel
For we see that we are all quite mad.
We are so blinded by our sins
[That] they make us entirely forget the righteous life.'
(2)
15. Por gol vos di d'un son fil vueil parler. 'For this I tell you it: I wish to
speak of a son of his.'
591. Or n'estuet dire del pedre e de la medre ... 'Now, it is needless to say,
concerning the father and the mother ...'
610. Ne vos sai dire com lour ledece est grande. 'I cannot tell you how great
their happiness is.' Sai is in the present: est is in the past, the so-called historical
present, to be discussed below.
As a special case of this type, there is a comment on a past situation which
relates it to some continuing effect of that situation at S: It may concern a
landmark which still exists at Rome, or the situation may illustrate a general
truth which is still valid, or a judgment may be passed on a past action.
196. Ad un des porz qui plus est pres de Rome. 'To one of the ports which
is nearest to Rome.'
236. Par nule guise ne l'en puet om blasmer. 'In no way can one blame him
for it.'
AF Cost is used much as ModF c'est to introduce a fact which, by virtue of its
having come into existence, is a part of the history, of the experience of the
world and, as such, continues to exist. Whereas in English the attention is fo-
cussed on the past, in French, c'est introduces a substantive which may be quali-
fied by a past relative clause.
48-9. Damz Alexis l'esposat belement;/Mais Cost tels plaiz dont ne volsist
neient. 'Lord Alexis married her properly, But this was the sort of contract
with which he would want nothing to do.'
See also verses 84, 125, 128, 545 (twice), 546, 547, 548, 554-7, 560, 573.
(3) The cases of a present savez in direct quotation are so numerous that we
shall give only a few examples:
177. "Certes," dist il, "ne sai cui entercier." '"Certainly," said he, "I do
not know whom to recognize." '
178. Respont l'imagene: "Qost cil qui tres l'uis siet."
More of this type are at verses 59, 60, 66, 70, 110 (twice),
179, 180, 187, 188, 201, 206, 207, 210, 219, 220, 343 (twice), 364
445, 480, 482, 494, 524.
In all of these simple presents reasons may be discerned on
dence for seeing congruent or durative aspect, or some othe
is the only set of the assertive mood used in simple present cla
that no formal distinction on the basis of aspect will be discov
present.
The neutrality of savez as to tense is brought out in strophe
tense is not residually present but ambiguous; that is, it can be
equal probability as past, as a combination of the narration,
would be best to consider strophes 109-111 to follow the shifting
period.
109. Sainz Alexis out bone volentet:
Poruec en est ui cest jorn onorez.
Li cors en gist en Rome la citet,
E l'aneme en est enz el paradis Deu:
Bien puet liez estre qui si est aloez. 545
110. Qui at pechiet bien s'en puet recorder:

Par penitencie s'en puet tres bien salver.
Bries est cist siecles: plus durable atendez.
Qo depreioms la sainte trinitet
Qu'o lui ensemble possiems el ciel regner. 550
111. Sorz ned avuegles ne contraiz ne leprous,

Ne muz ned ors ne nuls palasinous,
Ensourquetot ne neuls langoros,
Nul n'en i at quin alget malendous,
Cel n'en i at quin report sa dolour. 555
109. Saint Alexis was a man of good will:

Therefore he is honored this day.
His body lies in the city of Rome,
And his soul is in God's paradise:
Certainly he may be happy who is located there. 545
110. He who has sinned can certainly remember it:

Through penitence he can certainly save himself.
Brief is this world: you await a more durable one.
This we pray the Holy Trinity:
That we may reign with him in Heaven. 550
111. [Whether] deaf or blind or lame or leprous,

Or mute or sightless or in any way palsied,
Above all in any way diseased.

There is no one who goes away from there
There is no one who brings back his woe f
The first of these three strophes deals with the st

is at Rome, his soul is in Heaven, and Alexis is ho
contains a statement either of general application
Heaven) or specifically concerning Alexis; i.e., it i
plexe as distinguished from neutre) as to aspect, f
is preinceptive present: i.e., the E responsible for
aloez is anterior, while the resultant itself is prei
statement it is included present.
Verses 546-8, including Bries est cist siecles, is c
gnomic (atendez is in sachez and as such is posteri
terms of this interpretation would have no refer
general statements, just like Bries est cist siecles.
depreioms, in which the activity denoted by the
sentence in which it occurs. This is one of the few cases in which S and E are
perfectly congruent.6
Strophe 111 marks a return to the story, i.e., the savez's of this strophe have
past meaning, not present.
Foerster6 regards strophes 109 and 110 as an interpolation, or rather as a
special ending for an abbreviated version, and it is his belief that the copyist
of L, having finished copying a short version of Alexis, including this new end-
ing, came across a fuller version and copied the rest of the story, without trou-
bling to remove the now supererogatory special ending. This theory fits in with
the shift in R.
If we accept Foerster's theory that strophes 109-10 form a special ending for
an abbreviated version, the chrone of verses 546-7 is definitely gnomic present;
only if it is considered as a possible legitimate part of the narrative can it be
taken as ambiguously present (gnomic) and past, the latter referring to those
sin-conscious individuals who, edified by Alexis's example, wended, in the suc-
ceeding strophes, to the place where his body lay. If, however, we omit strophes
109 and 110, the sequence, 108, 111 et sqq. makes very good sense and tends
to support Foerster's theory.
3.3.5.1.1. In some conditional sentences we find that savez occurs in both
clauses (which we call here the CONDITION and the CONSEQUENCE), in others we
find the sequence, savez in the condition, saurez in the consequence.-
5 This kind of meaning was observed for the first time, as far as I know, by Anna
Granville Hatcher, The use of the progressive form in English, Lg. 27.3 (1951). She puts
it thus: 'The "activity" predicated has no existence apart from the predication, but is
identical with it.'
6 Pages 150-2, Sankt Alexius, Beitrdge zur Textkritik des iltesten franz6sischen Gedich
(Der Aufbau, Nachweis von Liicken und Einschiebseln), by Wendelin Foerster (Halle a.
1915).
SThere are two other types, which we shall discuss in the section on sussiez: the sussiez-
sussiez type and the sussiez-eussiez su.
There are three sentences of the savez-savez type, 60, 100

60. S'or ne m'en fui, molt criem que ne t'en perde. 'If I do
much afraid lest I lose Thee.' If it had not been for the inc
qualifying criem, which forces a subjunctive construction,
have been of the savez-saurez type, with the conclusion so
perdrai, with the necessary syllables to fill out the line. Fo
not fleeing is not the fear of loss but the loss itself.
100. Se luin remaint, sil rent as poverins. 'If any remained to
it to the poor.' (253 is exactly the same except for the endin
the beggars.') The tense of this sentence is past, but the te
ple-simple, is characteristic of the set-sequence, savez-save
to a habitual action (here, in the past) triggered by a condit
In this sort of sentence, se might be translated as 'wheneve
it may also be used in a gnomic way to represent invariable
current or constant conditions; there is no example of this in
There are five sentences of the savez-saurez type: 151-2
and 525.
151-2. Respont la medre: 'S'o mei te vuels tenir,

Sit guarderai por amor Alexis.'
'The mother answered: "If you want to stay with me

I will take care of you for the love of Alexis." '
The condition is post-completive present: that is, E is co-existent with S (and

could have started before S) and its (indefinite) end is after S. The consequence
is posterior present: If you want to stay with me (and if this desire persists),
I will take care of you. (The chroneme of saurez, posterior tempus, was demon-
strated in ?3.3.3.) In this example, then, we see that the E of the savez of the
condition stretches out posteriorly beyond the end of S.
203-4. S'or me conoissent mi parent d'este terre,

11 me prendront ....
'If now my relatives from this country recognize me,

They will take me ....'
205. Se jos en creit, il me trairont a perte.
'If I trust them, they will drag me to perdition.'
495. Il nem faldrat, s'il veit que jo lui serve.
'He won't fail me, if he knows that I am serving Him.'
525. S'il nos font presse, donc en ermes delivre.
'If they press around us, then we will be free of them.'
The verbs of the condition in the above four sentences all refer to a post-
locutory situation, without specifying whether or not the E is simultaneous
with S.
We may say this, then, of savez in the condition of a conditional sentence:
If the consequence is in posterior tempus, at least p

verb of the condition is posterior to R.8 If the cons
at least part of the E denoted by the verb of the
with R.
3.3.5.2. Somewhat more than half of the savez's in
they show the following aspects of the chrone, sim
congruent (expanded and durative), coinceptive, ex
chrones are cited in the order of increasing specificity
The category of simple past is the most numerous
attempting to interpret cases of a neutral category as
specific category one will often be faced by exampl
with equal plausibility of either interpretation. We
only aspectual chronemic feature is that in the alte
non-punctual, and that this alternation occurs in th
Savez, then, when it is used as a past, patterns like
punctual, sometimes clearly of one or another of th
sometimes in a context such that a convincing argu
either aspect. This illustrates the ambiguity of sa
difference between mere neutrality, which means neit
refers to the genus containing them, and ambigu
the same time.' But such a suggestion is impossible
distinction is not formally expressed at some other po
language.
22. Qued enfant n'ourent peiset lour en fortment. 'That they had no child
weighed heavily on them.' It would seem that the aspect of peiset ought to be
the same as that of ourent, since the E's of the two verbs are congruent. How-
ever, the aspect of siftes is neutral, with a residual meaning of punctual. In the
context of this sentence, the durative seems most appropriate. In other con-
texts, we find both sftes and savez in a punctual meaning.
We find in this sentence a mixture of sets which might lead one to believe,
with Foulet'o and Brunot," that in the past there is really no distinction made
in OF (or at any rate AF) between savez and sftes. It is quite possible that a
distinction between these sets is made on stylistic rather than purely chronetic
criteria.1' There are, in fact great possibilities in the application of chronetics to
8 The simpler and apparently equivalent statement, that the tempus of the condition
is the same as that of the consequence, is not true, since a post-completive present is still
simple tempus, as exemplified in verses 151-2, where the sequence is post-completive
present-posterior present.
9 I use 'ambiguous' in the sense of Brondal's complexe; see his Essais, 46-7.
10 Petite syntaxe 220, 322.
1 Hist. de la langue fr. 1.239, 240.
12 See Meyer-Liibke, Gramm. des langues romanes 3.?102, for suggestions as to stylistic
uses of the 'pr6sent historique': 'Le pr6sent s'emploie pour exprimer des actions et des
6tats dont le moment n'est pas d6termin6 ou bien qui se produisent ou du moins sont cens6s
le faire en pr6sence de celui qui parle; ainsi donc il se dit aussi d'6v6nements qui, en r6alit6,
se sont accomplis A une 6poque ant6rieure, mais que le narrateur, dans l'6motion du r6cit,
expose comme actuels.'
stylistics. It is not within the scope of this paper to go into

but it is not inappropriate to mention lines of inquiry which m
by the present study.
At this point I should say what I conceive to be the differe
descriptive and stylistic study: When two forms A (neutr
and B (specific) may be used with equal semantic propriety
the task of the descriptivist is only to note that the neutra
cludes the specific meaning of B; the stylist, on the other hand
the reason for the author's choice of one rather than the other.
As far as the choice of savez as a past is concerned, it appears to be charac-
terized by greater affectivity than s-ites. It may be that a set which does not
specifically refer to the past, to the over-and-done-with-ness of events, a set
which, in its residual use, refers to the present, and is, therefore, apt to suggest
the present even when it does not denote it, brings to the description of past
events a greater vividness, a greater possibility of vicarious experience on the
part of the listener or reader.
There are 176 examples of savez which I have classified as simple past. There
is no reason to list them in detail, since they would add little to the discussion.
There are other sentences like that of verse 22 which show a mixture of sets,
especially of savez and s-ftes, for example 28. In other sentences we find dis-
agreement among the various manuscripts, usually involving s-ites or savez,
e.g., 30 Bel nom li mistrent solonc crestiantet 'They bestowed upon him a beau-
tiful name, in accordance with Christian practice.' MSS. S and L have metent,
A mirent and P mistrent. Here Gaston Paris has chosen sates, although he
usually places most reliance on S and L. The sixth strophe is one of the most
extreme examples of set mixture, and it would really seem to be anybody's guess
as to the original set at this point. Paris provides no clue in the notes to his edi-
tion with Pannier of 1872.
Strophes 9 and 10 show a transition from possibly durative to clearly punctual
aspect. In strophe 9 description, scene-setting appears to be the principal con-
cern; in the next strophe we are given a series of discrete actions. We note again
a mixture of sets which will provide much for the student of stylistics to think
about, and the option between savez and sates offered by variant readings.
9 Fut la pulcele de molt halt parentet,

Fille ad un comte de Rome la citet:
N'at plus enfant, ii vuelt molt onorer.
Ensemble en vont li dui pedre parler:
Lour dous enfanz vuelent faire assembler. 45
10 Noment le terme de lour assemblement;

Quant vint al faire, donc le font gentement-
Damz Alexis l'esposat belement;
Mais cost tels plaiz dont ne volsist neient:
De tot en tot a Deu at son talent. 50
9 The virgin was of very high birth,

Daughter of a count of Rome:
He had no other child, he wanted to honor her m
Together the two fathers went to speak of it:
They wished to bring their children together. 4
10 They named the date of their union;

When it [the date] came to the doing, then they
Lord Alexis married her beautifully,
But this was the sort of contract with which he w
have nothing to do:
He was entirely devoted to God. 50
Variants: 43 A ot: not plus enfant si lot mult en chi

48 L lespuset.
Following are more examples of savez as punctual
332. Desseivret l'aneme del cors saint Alexis. 'The
body of Saint Alexis.'
352. A l'apostolie revient toz esbaiz. 'He returned to
516. Entre els en prenent cil seignour a parler. 'T
talk among themselves.'
The following examples of savez occur as coincepti
38. Donc se porpenset del siecle ad en avant. 'Then
the future.'
57. Done li remembret de son seignour celeste.
heavenly Lord.'
222. Plourent sui ueil, ne s'en puet astenir. 'His eye
from it.' Plourent is coinceptive, puet is simple pa
the others) is purely contextual. The second clause
tears bursting forth in spite of efforts at self-cont
in the midst of his weeping, we see him burst into t
232. Fait lui son lit o il puet reposer. '[He] made hi
rest.'
289. Sa fin apruismet, ses cors est agrevez. 'His end
heavy-laden.' Apruismet is coinceptive past. This s
of the beginning of the end, the start of the process o
322. Mais ne l'en creident: al herberc sont alet. 'Bu
[Euphemian, when he said he did not know he was s
went to the dwelling.' Euphemian made his statem
com li om qui nel set]; disbelief sets in immediately
the document left by Alexis is read. Hence creident
ceptive.
A series of verbs may, as we have seen, be used to denote a series of E's in the
same order as the verbs. In the examples below, we shall see how a series of verbs
may be used to represent E's which do not occur in any particular order but
which are roughly simultaneous, what we may call a group or bundle of events.
It is not implied by such a bundle that every event is simultan

or overlapping) with every other, but merely that the whole
together. Thus it is when a reference period of a certain durat
(for example, the period of Alexis's sojourn in Edessa or in Rom
period a number of events or descriptions of states of affairs,
and the like, are presented as characteristic of that R. Such a
panded aspect (see ?1.4).
We see in the following examples how s(tes and savez are us
sense:
98-100. Receut l'almosne quant Deu la li tramist:

Tant en retient dont son cors puet guarir;
Se luin remaint, sil rent as poverins.
'He received the alms when God sent it to him:

He kept as much of it as his body needed:
If any was left, he turned it over to the poor.'
The variants of retient in 99 are as follows: L retint, P recut, A receit S recust.

Gaston Paris seems to have taken the verb provided by L and the savez set
given by A. He may have chosen the savez set to keep some consistency in this
verse, and preferred retient to receit for variety's sake, since receut occurred in 98.
Or he may have been influenced by 252, which appears in S as Tant en retient que
son cors en soustient, as it is in Paris's version, although L and P (A is lacking
here) show sates for both verbs in this verse.'" It is interesting that we find this
confusion of sets in the manuscript tradition wherever it is a matter of neutral
versus specific forms. I have not noticed the use of what I have identified as a
specific form in some meaning other than the specific meaning (that is, the re-
sidual meaning) as being concerned in a manuscript conflict.
124. Il fut lour sire, ore est lour provendiers. 'He had been their lord, but
now was the object of their charity.'
248. A grant poverte deduit son grant parage. 'In great poverty he lived his
noble life.'
249. Qo ne vuelt que sa medre le sachet. 'He did not want his mother to
know it.'
250. Plus aimet Deu que trestot son lignage. 'He loved God more than all
his family.'
Thus also verses 254, 256, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 266, 268, 270, 275.
There is another relationship of simultaneous E's which we find expressed by
savez: One of the E's is of greater duration than the other, which, being punc-
tual, marks the R. The verb denoting the longer E is, then, in extended aspect.
Compare the use of aveit in verse 567, cited above.
156. Ne puet altre estre, metent l'el considrer. 'It could not be otherwise,
they began to consider it.' Puet is extended, metent is punctual.
13 Storey (99 footnote) says that Paris follows S in verse 251 'pour faire des assonances
parfaites', but, since L and P agree, Storey finds 'ce proc6d6 beaucoup trop hardi'.
186. Quant il o veit quel vuelent onorer. 'When he

to honor him. ...' Veit is punctual, vuelent is extended.
278-9. Molt li agrieget la soue enfermetet

Or set il bien qued il s'en deit aler.
'His infirmity weighed heavily upon him:

Then he realized that he must go away [di
298-9. Si li deprient que la citet ne fondet

Ne ne perissent la gent qui enz fregondent
'And they prayed to him that the city be n

And that the people who inhabited it not p
Deprient is punctual, fregondent is extended.
303-4. Si li requierent conseil d'icele chose

Qu'il ont odide, qui molt les desconfortet.
'And they asked him for advice about this t

Which they had heard, which disturbed th
325. Icil respondent que neuls d'els nel set. 'They

none of them knew it [extended].'
345. Vint a son fil o gist soz son degret. 'He came to h
his step.'
350. Eufemiiens vuelt saveir qued espelt. 'Euphemian wanted [pctl.] to know
what it was about [ext.].'
Iterative verbs (see definition p. 14) occur in AF as expanded E-series. That
is, they describe repeated actions characteristic of a certain reference period.
100. Se luin remaint, sil rent as poverins. 'If any remained, he turned it over
to the poor.'
244. II les esguardet, sil met el considrer. 'He watched them, and was re-
signed to it [their grief].'
242. Iluec paist l'om del relief de la table. 'There he was fed from table scraps.'
251-2. De la viande qui del herberc li vient

Tant en retient dont son cors en sostient.
'Of the food which came to him from his lodging

He kept as much as his body needed.'
For remarks on the variants of these verses, see p. 73, observations on verses
98-100.
257. Chascune feste se fait acomungier. 'He received communion every feast
day.'
264. Lour lavedures li getent sour la teste. 'They threw their dishwater on
his head.'
265. Ne s'en corrocet ned il nes en apelet. 'He did not becom
proach them for it.'
267. L'aive li getent si mueillent son ligon. 'They threw the
and soaked his pallet.'
268-9. Ne s'en corrocet giens cil saintismes om,

Ainz priet Deu qued il le lour pardoinst.
'He did not become angry, this most holy man,

But prayed God to pardon them.'
436. Plourent sui ueil e si getet granz criz. 'Her eyes wept and she uttered
great cries.'
3.3.5.3. AVEZ SU. When the R is present, avez su denotes an anterior present
or a present resultant. These chrones are derivable from the chronemes of the
parts, savez (indicative, tenseless, aspectless, tempusless, actionless) and su
(Q3.2.4, denoting a resultant of anterior or simultaneous E), and are illustrated
by the following examples:
4. Tot est mudez, perdude at sa colour. 'The world is quite changed, it has
lost its color.'
106. Qo dist li pedre: 'Chiers filz, com t'ai perdut!' 'This said the father:
"Dear son, how have I lost you!"'
172. Quer il at Deu bien ed a gret servit. 'For he has served God well and
pleasingly.'
224. Tot te donrai, bons om, quant que m'as quis. 'I will give you everything,
good man, as much as you have asked for.'
320. Tant l'as celet molt i as grant pechiet. 'You have concealed it so much
that you have great sin thereby.' Here we take pechiet as a noun rather than
as a su, since it is modified by the adjective grant.
108. Co dist la spouse: 'Pechiez le m'at tolut.' 'This said the wife: "Sin has
taken him from me." ' Meunier has Le plch6 (un scrupule); I take this to mean
Alexis's consciousness of sin is responsible for his having left.
208. Avuec ma spouse que jo lor ai guerpide. 'With my wife, whom I have
left to them.'
353. Ore ai trovet go que tant avoms quis. 'I have now found what we have
sought so long.'
Similarly verses 393, 397-9, 452, 518, 546, 559.
The cocompletive present is very much like the present resultant, with the
specification that E (or its resultant) ends not after R.
109. Amis, bels sire, si pou vos ai out! 'Dear one, fair lord, how little I have
had you!'
341. Molt longement ai o lui converset. 'A very long time have I lived with
him.'
353. Ore ai trovet go que tant avoms quis. 'I have now found what we have
sought so long.'
395. Tant t'ai vedut, si net poi aviser. 'I have seen you so much, and yet I
did not [even once during that time] recognize yo

present, poi aviser is simple past.
471. Sire Alexis, tanz jorz t'ai desidret. 'Lord Alex
many days.'
Similarly verses 472, 473, 487, 519.
As we can see from the above examples, such chrones as present resultant and
cocompletive present are varieties of anterior present, taken in the broadest
sense of major portion of E or at any rate the most emphasized portion of E
before the RS complex. The situation in the past is different: only fifteen of
twenty-five examples can be taken as anterior past, the rest representing simple
past, without any clear differentiation as to aspect. This then is the situation:
avez su, having the chrones, anterior present, simple past, and anterior past,
shows in all of these chrones one common feature: prelocutory action. (We have
no example of the use of avez su where the context shows future tense.) In a
sense we can say that the meaning of avez su is derived from the meanings of
savez and of su, that is, that the principle of derivative meaning is involved
here, and that avez su is not a super-unit. It must, however, be admitted that
the exact use of avez su as we find it in Alexis could not be predicted merely
from the chronetic meanings of savez (as much as we know about it aside from
its use in the auxiliary of a compound set) and of su, and from the lexical mean-
ing of avoir. It would not, for example, have surprised us to find a system in
which avez su had the chroneme, anterior tempus: this we could have inter-
preted as being derivable from the meaning of the parts. But the somewhat
vaguer and broader uses of avez su as found in AF are not consistent with
the meanings of the parts. The implication here is that when dealing with mean-
ings that are an intimate part of grammar, the parts are composed according
to rules which seem to be superimposed on the individual sememes and chro-
nemes themselves: there are tagmemes as well to be taken into account: that is,
particular meanings for certain constructions.
There are three sets (including the compound set, avez su) which are used to
denote an aspectually neutral simple past: they are savez, avez su, and sites.
The chronetic feature which these sets have in common is prelocutory action
(including the neutrality of savez as to action), that is, this is the meaning which
the three sets have in common when they appear to be interchangeable in a
given type of environment. And for the descriptivist, as we said earlier, this
should be enough. For the stylist, however, we might find degrees of what may
be called vividness. Savez, being neutral as to tense and tempus, can be used
as simple past and at the same time take advantage of its neutrality in order
that it suggest to the reader or listener the present, that he may 'live' through
the event. Sites, specifically past, suggests the over-and-done-with-ness of an
event and therefore does not suggest as vividly to the hearer the event which
he might otherwise experience vicariously. The avez su, since it represents at
least prelocutory action, so that it is not neutral as to action (it is neutral as to
all other chronetic features), suggests that the effect, the resultant state of an
event might, at least, exist in the present.
The sixth strophe of Alexis shows the use of the three se

to represent simple past; let us examine the last three lines
28-30. Un fil lour donet, si luin sourent bon gret.

De saint batesme l'ont fait regenerer:
Bel nom li mistrent solonc crestiantet.
'He gave them a son, and they were grateful to Him.

With holy baptism they caused him to be reborn:
They gave him a beautiful name, according to
Christianity.'
From a chronetic point of view, the meaning would not be changed if the
sets of 29-30 were interchanged; stylistically there appears to be a considerable
difference: The effect of baptism is considered by the author as continuing to
Eternity; moreover there is a certain joy expressed in saying that Alexis has
been caused to be reborn: this is a lasting fact, about which we can now rejoice,
not just in retrospect, not just to rejoice in Alexis's good fortune but also be-
cause, by his example, we may know that eternal bliss is attainable by us. This
is, of course, for the stylist to think about, who cannot well avoid the necessity
of indulging in a bit of mentalistic conjecture: again, I only suggest here what
the stylist may look for, using the new discipline of chronetics as an auxiliary
tool. For the descriptivist the important thing is that we have savez, which
is neutral to every chronetic feature, avez su, which is neutral to all except
action (even tempus is not specific), and sates, which is neutral only as to aspect.
For the stylist we suggest that the following system may be valid: (1) sftes:
not vivid, (2) avez su: half-vivid, (3) savez: fully vivid.
Thus the least specific set as to chronetic features is the most vivid stylisti-
cally, the most specific is the least vivid.
Following are a few examples of avez su as simple past:
118. A lui medisme ont I'almosne donede. 'They gave the alms to him him-
self.'
121. Nel reconourent ne ne l'ont enterciet. 'They did not recognize him, nor
did they realize who he was.' This shows a nearly complete identity of sfites
and avez su as simple past. It is possible that the avez su is more emphatic, as
its position in the sentence would suggest.
143. Si l'at destruite com s'ost l'otist predede. 'And she destroyed it as if
an army had sacked it.' Variant: A destruist.
145. Sa grant onour a grant duel at tornede. Her great dignity turned to
great grief.'
280. Cel son serjant at a sei apelet. 'He called his servant to him.'
294. [Vint une voiz ... I Qui ses fedeilz i a tot envidez. '[There came a voice
... ] which summoned all His faithful there [to the sanctuary].'
311-2. Vint une voiz qui lour at enditet:
'En la maison Eufemien querez.'
'There came a voice which declared to them:

"Seek at the home of Euphemian." '
338. Soef l'apelet, si li at conseillet. 'Gently he called him and advised him.'
386-7. Quant ot li pedre go que dit at la chartre,
Ad ambes mains deromt sa blanche barbe.
'When the father heard what the document said,

He tore at his beard with both hands.'
Avez su appears as anterior past to a simple past which may be marked by

sites or savez. When the anterior past may be more closely described as co-
completive past, we shall point it out.
71-2. Quant sa raison li at tote mostrede,

Donc li comandet les renges de sa spede.
'When he had completely explained to her his reasoning,

Then he commended his sword-buckles to her.'
91-2. Tot son aveir qu'o sei en at portet,

Tot le depart.
'All his property which he had brought with him,

He shared it all.'
96-7, Quant son aveir lour at tot departit,

Entre les pauvres s'assist.
'When he had completely distributed his property to them,

He sat down among the poor.
Note that s'assist is in sates.
166-8. Quant tot son cuer en at si afermet

Que ja son vuel n'eistrat de la citet,
Deu fist l'imagene pour soue amour parler.
'When He had so strengthened his heart

That never of his own will would he leave the city,
God made the image speak for love of him [Him?]
274-5. Ne neuls om ne sout les sons ahans
Fors soul le lit o il at geut tant.
'And none one knew his hardships

Except only the bed where he had been lying so long.'
At geut represents a preinceptive past; strophes 48-56 are a descriptio

up to the next bit of action, Alexis's request for ink and parchment.
of 275, then, represents an E which started before R and probably c
for some time after R.
276. Trente quatre anz at si son cors penet. 'For thirty-four

been mortifying his body.' Preinceptive.
286-8. Tres sei la tint, ne la volst demostrer,

Nel reconoissent usque il s'en seit alez.
Parfitement s'at a Deu comandet.
'He held it [the document] to himself, he refused

to show it,
Lest anyone recognize him before he died.
He had duly commended himself to God.'
300. Qui l'ont odit remainent en grant dote. 'Those who had heard it re-
mained in great fear.'
303-4. Si li requierent conseil d'icele chose

Qu'il ont odide, qui molt les deconfortet.
'So they asked him for advice about the thing

Which they heard [and] which distressed them much.'
348-9. En son poing tient sa chartre li Deu sers,

O at escrit trestot le son convers.
'In his fist the servant of God held the document

In which he had written his whole life story.'
378-9. D'icele geme qued iluec ont trovede

Le nom lour dist ...
'[The document] told them the name of that gem

Which they had found ...'
Similarly verses 509, 530, 571, 574, 593.

Such combinations as Ates su, devez savoir, allez savoir, and so forth, are
described under su and savoir, in the sections devoted to those non-personal
sets. It will be clear to the reader, after the preceding discussion under savez,
which of these are in the past tense, which in the present, and so forth.
3.3.5.4. In summary we see that savez is neutral in every dimension: it be-
longs to the neutral mood, which is residually assertive, and it is of neutral
tense (residually non-past), neutral as to tempus (residually simple), and neu-
tral as to aspect, without a residual aspect. Further, we have seen that avez su,
the savez of compound sets, is of anterior tempus in a good many instances,
but that it also represents a simple past in a sort of stylistic compromise between
anterior present and simple past: that is, being used as an anterior present, it
is prelocutory, a fact that gives it a partial identity with sttes (always simple
past); and that endows it with the greater vividness that a set which may be
used in the present tense has over a set which is alw

less vivid than savez since it is specifically prelocuto
sAites since it is not specifically past. This fact is difficu
which does not take style into account. In such a desc
that savez is neutral in all dimensions, avez su is spec
specific as to tense and action.
3.3.6. THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD: We find that sachiez and sussiez are in com-
plementary distribution in every construction except as the nucleus of a main
clause. Even in this function, we consider them to be in syntactic complementary
distribution, since what is apparently a main clause can conveniently be de-
scribed as elliptical, for reasons which will be detailed below, and since the
'missing' part of the ellipsis corresponds to the features with regard to which
sachiez and sussiez are respectively in complementary distribution. We shall
first examine examples of these two sets as they occur in larger constructions,
and then take up the elliptical constructions.
3.3.6.1. SUSSIEZ. We have already (?3.3.5.1.1) seen conditional sentences in
the indicative mood. These are of two sorts, those with savez in both condition
and consequence, and those with savez in the condition and saurez in the conse-
quence. Conditional sentences also occur which show the sequence sussiez-
sussiez and sussiez-eussiez su. Sachiez does not occur in conditional sentences,
so that we have, with respect to this construction, complementation. We do,
however, have contrast between indicative and subjunctive moods in this
construction. The difference in meaning seems to be that the subjunctive sug-
gests the possible or probable non-occurrence of the E of the condition (and
therefore of the consequence), while the indicative is perfectly non-committal
as to possibility or probability; a conditional sentence in the indicative is con-
cerned only with the relationship between condition and consequence, without
the addition of any implication concerning the reality of the E or E's.
202. Se tei ploiist, ici ne volsisse estre. 'If it would meet with your approval,
I would rather not be here.' The first clause represents a potential E. Volsisse
is not, in spite of the deceptive syntax, the result of the condition set forth in
the first clause. The idea which is negated by ne is not 'wish', but 'be here.' This
is the usual misplacement involved in an 'I do not wish to do that' which means
'I want not to do that', or, to make use of the negative infinitive of spoken Eng-
lish, 'to not do that'. In most contexts it really makes no difference as to which
of these is meant, since the two ideas are not usually in contradiction. In this
sentence, however, the distinction must be made, although the contradiction is
not total or diametrical. I shall rephrase the translation so as to show the logical
relationships: 'If it would please you that I be not here, I would not be here,
and my not being here would be in accordance with my present, definite wish
not to be here.' If the wish is definite, why is the verb denoting it not in the
indicative? There are at least three reasons: (1) Attraction to the preceding
sussiez, reinforced by the form of the sentence, which resembles the regular
conditional sentence; (2) the confusion of the negated element--since the verb
of wishing is negated by attraction to the negative object of the wish, the wishing
itself partakes of the nature of a potential event, the consequence of a doubtful
condition; (3) the set of volsisse expresses humility before

would not wish anything that would not please God, so th
does not want to be where he is, if he thought that God wo
leaving, he would, in obedience to God, even cease wishin
humility or diffidence which makes a conditional expressiv
or the polite expression of a wish. So much for the discussion
ings involved in this sentence. As to its chronetics, both
present.
420. Se Deu plotist, sire en defisses estre. 'If it pleased God, you should have
been its lord.' This is a real conditional sentence, with the meaning of the mood
reinforced by the lexical meaning of the root dev- 'be obliged'. As to the chro-
netics, ploiist is either anterior past or simple past; it is hard to tell, since the
will of God may be thought of punctually, as a thing which, if it had occurred,
would have had a certain result, or duratively, as a continuously existing thing
(even up to the present) in the midst of which the result could have taken place.
Deiisses by itself means, to give it a rough translation based on chronetic, modal,
and lexical meaning features, 'You would [have been] obliged to be.' But in
this context it is not a question of a moral obligation; rather, it describes a set
of circumstances in which a given result is to be expected: 'Things would be
[would have been] such that.... ' The whole sentence, once more, then: 'If God
were [had been] willing, you would be [have been] by that fact in a position to
be its lord.' As we can see by other examples from this corpus, either translation,
using or not the alternates suggested in square brackets, is possible. Context
tells us that the chronetic meaning is past: there is no morphologic or syntactic
clue to the tense.
486-90. Se jot sotisse la jus soz le degret,

O as geut de longe infermetet
Ja tote gent nem sotissent torner
Qu' ensemble o tei n'ouisse converset.
Se mei leust, si t'otisse guardet.
'If I had known you [were] there under the step,

Where you have lain in long illness,
From that moment all the people [in the world]
could not have dissuaded me
From living with you.
If I had been allowed, I would have taken care of you.'
This strophe contains two conditional expressions: (1) condition in verse
486, consequence in 488-9; (2) both parts in verse 490. 489 oiisse converset is, of
course, not itself a consequence; it forms a part of a consequence but, as part
of this smaller construction represents a past anticipation, to be dealt with
below. It will again be noted that the tense, past, is evident only through context.
448-50. Sed a mei soule vels une feiz parlasses,

Ta lasse medre si la reconfortasses,
Qui sist dolente! Chiers filz, buer i alasses.
'If you had talked to me alone at least once

Your unhappy mother, you would have com
Who is now so sad, dear son, you would h
This is clearly past, again for contextual reasons.

that all the examples we have so far examined of s
sentences are both past and unreal (contrary to fac
verse 202. In that one, the tense is present and the m
unreal, although the degree of potentiality is somew
actuality represented by sussiez in conditional sente
tential, with the implication of a low probability. A
textually represented, there is a strict connection b
reality, present tense and potentiality.
We shall now examine the use of sussiez as consequ
tences that do not contain the condition-sign se.
405. Puis mon deces en fusses onorez. 'After my d
honored for them [my property and my social po
unnamed condition here. We know that if Alexis h
way, he would not have taken the course he did. It i
any certainty the exact protasis which the father 'had
that the father never bothered to make a precise
condition of this sentence, since the whole situatio
father's audience, as well as to the readers of this p
be extremely cautious in the appeal to ellipsis as an
to assume that a speaker had an idea in mind which
It happens, however, that when a given expression i
when the end of the expression is predicted with a
the listener before he hears it, such an expression
far back as that portion which gives a reliable clue t
counter, for example, the order, Hamburger with (w
with) will be understood by the counterman as mean
If we grant that this degree of ellipsis is admissible,
which is involved here. Let us state it tentatively
cannot be called elliptical unless the elided part can
Now, how accurate does this identification of the e
lieve that the problem occurs, and therefore must b
of analysis. The example of hamburger with [onion
the solution of this ellipsis (that is, the identificatio
quires the exact lexeme sequence. On the construct
that a given construction cannot be called elliptical
tion can be definitely supplied, as, for example, a
At both levels, it must be emphasized, recourse m
gained through context as well as to form.14
The following examples are all subject to the sam
14 I am indebted for these general conclusions on the natu

with Richard B. Noss.
413. Ta grant maisniede deusses governer. 'You would hav

tion to govern your great holding.' See discussion of 420 de
411. Tei covenist helme e bronie a porter. 'It would have
a helmet and coat of mail.'
418. E d'icel bien qui toz deust tons estre. 'And of this property which ought
to be all yours [you took very little].'
These three examples are ambiguous as to tense: they could be equally well
interpreted as past or present.
It is in verses 226-7 that we find sussiez in a construction which appears to
be a contamination of several constructions. If we examine it closely, we find
that this "contamination" is made possible by the range of meaning of sussiez,
which is here represented in its fullest range. That is to say, sussiez is in different
contexts encountered in different specializations of its general meaning, but in
this context, nearly every specialized meaning can be read into it, and all of
them can be subsumed under a general meaning that fits all of them. Let us
quote these verses once more (we have already seen them in the section on
sauriez):
'E! Deus,' dist il, 'quer otisse un serjant

Quil me guardast! Jo l'en fereie franc.'
'"0 God," said he, "I would like to have a servant

Who would take care of me. I would reward him with freedom." '
The punctuation is that of the editor, Gaston Paris. The fereie is the conse-
quence of the quer oiisse, which, considered separately, is an independent opta-
tive, but which, considered in its relation to the other two clauses of this speech,
functions as condition to each of them. This sentence, then, viewed as a condi-
tional sentence, may be translated as follows: 'If I had a servant, he would take
care of me [and then] I would set him free.' The particle en represents the rela-
tionship between the second clause and the third, that is, 'I would set him free
if he took care of me (= for taking care of me).' Syntactically, however, the
sentence is not of the conditional type: the construction quer + sussiez is opta-
tive (one of the uses of sussiez as main verb), while quil me guardast represents
an anticipatory subjunctive of the type traditionally known as the subjunctive
of characteristic, for which sussiez appears as the subjunctive form because it
is in sequence with a sussiez. We shall see further on that sussiez in a subordinate
clause is used automatically in sequence with a specifically past indicative set
or with sussiez. We shall discuss anticipatory subjunctives later on: for the
moment, we have introduced this example at this point to mark a border-line
usage of the subjunctive partaking of conditional and anticipatory elements.
Another example of this sort is 485: Mielz me venist, amis, que morte fusse.
'It would be better for me if I were dead.' This sentence represents a border-line
type between the conditional and the anticipatory sentence: the expression mielz
me venist is an expression of an attitude, a value-judgment, as is typical of many
of the anticipatory verbs which introduce subjunctive clauses.
The typical anticipatory sentence is introduced by a main clause whose verb
is one of a certain list of verbs denoting an attit

terior event posited by the subordinate que-cla
'command', 'fear', and the like. If the verb of a
past set in the indicative mood (e.g. sAtes, saviez
verb is in sussiez; otherwise the subordinate ve
This idea of anticipation covers many of the t
tives: subjunctive after verbs of fear, doubt, des
tive of characteristic in a relative clause, with wh
to an example of it.
An anticipatory subjunctive which does not oc
strophe 95, verses 473-4:
E tantes feiz por tei en loinz [ai] guardet,
Se revenisses ta spouse conforter.
'And so many times have I looked into the d

[To see] if you would return [were returning]
your wife.'
This sentence combines an anticipatory idea (o

return) with an indirect question. The indirect
subjunctive (as it does in Latin), as is shown in
hist. ?385) remarks that while the indicative is u
the time of the earliest French documents the s
up to the seventeenth century, especially after
ample he gives, from Villehardouin, is " ... je ne
ferme." The negative ne voi introduces an unre
se revenisses represents a potential after a main
it appears that the construction, indirect questio
mood, but rather whether the main clause provi
unreality or potentiality.
Following are examples of the typical anticipato
389. Vis atendeie qued a mei repaidrasses. 'I wa
to me alive.' Chronetically this is posterior past
deie, which is in a specifically past set.
390. Par Deu mercit que tum reconfortasses 'T
might comfort me.' Reconfortasses is in a clause
it could be described as a subjunctive of purpos
the more general notion of anticipation or potent
are not marked as such by any formal features
categories.
Potentiality is clearly marked in a clause introduced by ainz que:
456-7. Ainz que t'efisse, en fui molt desirrose,

Ainz que nez fusses, si'n fui molt angoissose.
'Before I bore you, I was very desirous of [your birth];

Before you were born, I was very anxious for it.'
The ainz que clause marks the R for the following cla
you were born'; but this R is itself placed with relation t
occurred, but which both speaker and hearer know did
Thus the E of efisse (and of fusses) is posterior with res
whole clause establishes for the following clause. Here is
which in post-Alexian French is formally distinguished f
sauriez in an indirect statement.
A past unreal sussiez is exemplified at 435: Net conoisseie plus qu'onques net
vedisse. 'I did not recognize you any more than if I had never seen you.' Here
the E of ne ... vedisse is known at R (as well as at S) to be non-occurrent. The
most general statement about the subjunctive is that the E of a subjunctive
clause is not known at R to be occurrent. This includes cases in which the E is
known at R to be non-occurrent. Thus it may be used as potential (not known
to be occurrent, but not eliminating the possibility of its occurrence) or as un-
real (known to be non-occurrent). A past potential, in which E is known at S to
have occurred, but whose occurrence or issue was in doubt at R, is chronetically
describable as posterior past (prelocutory action). This chronetic meaning is,
of course, an occasional contextual consequent of the modal meaning of the
subjunctive, which has no essential chronetic function.
3.3.6.1.1. EUSSIEZ SU. There appears to be no chronetic difference (not even
a difference of tempus) between eussiez su and sussiez. The following formula-
tion seems to fit the few examples of it that we have in Alexis: eussiez su repre-
sents a higher degree of certainty within the general framework of potentiality;
that is, given a certain condition, the result is more emphatically expressed by
eussiez su than by sussiez. If a had occurred, then most certainly b would have
followed. Although the apodosis can be no closer to reality than the protasis,
the eussiez su implies that it is at least no less real.
486-90. Se jot sofisse la jus soz le degret,

Ja tote gent nem sofissent torner
Qu'ensemble o tei n'ofisse converset
Se mei leust, si t'oiisse guardet.
'If I had known you [were] there under the step,

From that moment all the people [in the world]
could not have dissuaded me
From living with you.
If I had been allowed, I would have taken care of you.'
Verse 490 is a conditional sentence, and requires no further elucidation. In

489, oiisse converset is dependent on torner in the preceding verse, and might be
described as anticipatory.
3.3.6.2. SACHIEZ. We have classified all our examples of sachies into nine
conventional modal categories and two chronetic categories. The chronetic
categories are past and non-past; whether the one or the other (except in opta-
tives, which are all non-past) depends on the tense of the clause on which the
sachiez clause is dependent.
As usual when a semantic subdivision is applied to

the distinctions are not clear-cut: a particular bord
to one or another of the categories more or less arb
the following rather conventional one: anticipation
pressing fear, wish, and the like), optative (wish in
following a main verb of wishing), command (which
expressed and with the expectation of fulfilment), pur
(a relative [adjectival] clause applicable to any mem
also definable as a description of a type without com
of a token of that type), unreality (subjunctive of
tion), alternative possibility ('whether ... or'), and
The selection of these meanings as separate coordi
arbitrary; they can be reclassified in any number of w
any one of them as a sub-type of one of the others
find the central meaning underlying the whole fo
classes can, of course, be grouped as subtypes of a l
of (1) complementation on some formal basis and (
the two sub-classes can be subsumed to the exclusion of all other formal cate-
gories. The fine semantic subdivision of one formal class can be likened to the
fine phonetic division of a phoneme, especially that into very similar phones
found in free variation. The principal value of such a division is in its implica-
tions for diachronic developments, as when two allophones achieve separate
phonemic status.
Modal sub-type: Non-Past Past
1. Anticipation 60, 229, 495 199, 200, 249, 287, 305
2. Optative 370 doinst, 410, 623
3. Command, request, 505, 550, 622 185, 209, 269, 297,
permission 298-9, 309, 312 enseint,
329, 370 poissiems,
508, 599
4. Purpose 600
5. Result 464 sazit 275 seit

6. Characteristic 25, 134, 153, 2
7. Unreality 554, 555, 557, 590
8. Alternative possi-
bility 579, 597
9. Mere opinion 539
Below are presented one example

in each tense. The examples follo
60. Molt criem que ne t'en perde
non-past.
198-9. molt fortment se redotet

De ses parenz, qued il nel reconoissent.
'He was very much afraid

Of his parents, that they might recognize him.'
Anticipatory past. Chronetically, posterior past.

370. E go doinst Deu qu'ore en poissiems guarir! 'And God g
we will be able to be saved by means of it!' Doinst represents
past, of course.
410. Filz, la toue aneme seit el ciel assolude! 'Son, may your
in Heaven!' Optative.
505. Si li preioms que de toz mals nos tolget. 'And we pray
move us from all evil.' Sachiez after a savez of request. Chron
tive or posterior present.
370 poissiems is the same as 505 tolget.
185. E tuit li prient que d'els aiet mercit. 'And they all pra
he have mercy on them.' Request, past.
599-600. E si li prient que d'els aiet mercit,
Al son seignour il lour seit bons plaidis.
'And they prayed to him that he have mercy on them,

[In order that] he be a good advocate for them
before his Lord.'
The seit clause denotes the purpose of the aiet clause; the whole passage is in
the past tense.
464. Ne puis tant faire qued mes cuers s'en sazit. 'I can do nothing to ease
my heart's pain.' I have classified this as present result, but other classifications
may be equally defensible; since it follows a negative, it is clearly unreal, which,
as we saw earlier, is a sort of subjunctive of characteristic after a negative.
275. Ne puet muder ne seit aparissant. 'He could not keep [it] from being
apparent.' Past result.
25. Enfant nos done qui seit a ton talent! 'Give us a child who will be to
your liking!' Present characteristic.
312. [Qo li deprient ... ] Que lour enseint ol puissent recovrer. '[They prayed
to Him ... ] that He tell them where they could find him.' Past characteristic.
This might better be described as past potential in a relative clause; I have
called it characteristic here in terms of the definition offered on p. 86.
554. Nul n'en i at quin alget malendous. 'There was no one who went away
[still] sick.' Unreal past (or negative characteristic past).
579. Vueillent o non, sil laissent metre en terre. 'Whether they wished it or
not, they allowed him to be buried.' Alternative possibility.
539. Co lour est vis que tiengent Deu medisme. 'It seemed to them that they
had God himself.' Mere opinion, past.
AYEZ SU. We have only one example of ayez su:
286-7. Tres sei la tint, ne la volst demostrer,

Nel reconoissent usque il s'en seit alez.
'He held it close to him, he did not wan

show it,
Lest they recognize him before he died.'
Past potential (anticipation). We seem to have here a sequence sates-sachiez

-ayez su. Volst is Gaston Paris's reading; the mss., however, all agree on a
savez form of this verb (LPA uolt, S uaut), making this unique example of the
sequence sAtes-sachiez at best inconclusive.
Reconoissent does not follow a verb of fearing, but it does follow the conjunc-
tion ne, which has much the same semantic function: it introduces a subjunctive
of purpose, the purpose being to prevent the E denoted by the verb in the ne-
clause. The E here (that is, the period during which the E is desired not to
occur) extends from R (= E of volst) to the E of usque il s'en seit alez. The chrone
of the usque-clause is, therefore, posterior past.
3.3.6.3. SUMMARY OF SUBJUNCTIVE. We have seen that in every example of
the subjunctive an E is denoted which at R is only posited, not affirmed. In
conditional sentences, it represents a hypothesis; in the other subordinate clauses
it denotes the anticipation of an E not yet occurrent at R-and its occurrence
after R is not stated as a certainty. Yet it must not be considered that the sub-
junctive necessarily expresses uncertainty. Nothing is more certain than eventual
death, and yet in 287 a verb denoting death is in the subjunctive.
The subjunctive mood has no formally marked chronetic features-tenses,
tempora, actions or aspects. Nor from the formal point of view can it be said
to have compound sets, with specifically marked chronetic differences from the
simple sets corresponding to the set of the auxiliary. There may be a somewhat
heightened affectivity to a compound set, but, again, this is not a chronetic
feature.
3.3.7. SACHEZ. The examples of sachez fall into three chronetic groups: coin-
ceptive present, posterior present, and postlocutory action. This classification
has been made solely on the basis of the physical possibilities of the denoted
situation. If the E which is the goal of the command is capable of being begun
immediately upon the utterance of the command, it is called coinceptive. Those
E's which require some sort of psychological preparation to start at once, before
actual performance of the act, are called posterior present. The postlocutory
has to do with commands that cannot, by the nature of the situation, be imme-
diately carried out. Of course, the designation, postlocutory action, covers all
of these, even coinceptive present if it be admitted that there must be some lapse
of time after the command and that, in any case, some of the E occurs after S.
A classification which is based on purely contextual features is not significant
for the essential meaning of a formal category: even the most general chrone for
sachez, postlocutory action, is merely a constant contextual feature. The mean-
ing of command, from which this chrone follows, is the essential meaning of this
modal set. Sachez, then, has no specific chroneme.
Following are examples of each classification, with a listing of verses containing
the rest of the examples of each group.
(1) Coinceptive present.
66-7. Oz mei, pulcele? Celui tien ad espous

Qui nos redemst de son sane precious.
'Do you hear me, girl? Keep Him as husband

Who redeemed us with His precious blood.'
Similarly, verses 154, 462, 548, 621, 622, 625.

(2) Posterior present.
52. Co dist li pedre: 'Filz, quer t'en va colchier ...
'(This) said the father: "Son, now go to bed ... "'
Similarly, verse 368.

(3) Postlocutory action.
25. Enfant nos done qui seit a ton talent!
'Give us a child who will be to Thy liking!'
Similarly, verses 170, 171, 217, 218, 220, 281, 314, 335.
3.4. THE AF MACROSYSTEM. The AF verb has only one microsystem which m
chronetic features formally. This microsystem is the one conventionally c
the indicative mood. Its three-dimensional structure is graphically represe
in fig. 6.
The other microsystem, the subjunctive, is modal, not chronetic. Its modal
meaning is that E is not specifically occurrent at R. It consists of two sets of
forms, sachiez and sussiez, which are in complementary distribution as to their
syntactic environment, hence they have no contrasting set meanings.
There is one defective personal set, sachez, which has three forms, second
person singular and plural, and first person plural. It is conventionally and cor-
rectly described as imperative, and its chronetic meaning, postlocutory action,
is merely a logical consequence of its essential modal meaning.
In addition there are three sets which exhibit class-cleavage; i.e. each belongs
to the class of verbs and to another class besides. They are: (1) Sachant, a verbal
adverb, whose chroneme is simple tempus; (2) Savoir, a verbal noun, whose
chroneme is non-anterior tempus; (3) Su, a verbal adjective which denotes a
simple resultant, i.e. a situation existing at R and resulting from an E anterior
to or simultaneous with R.
These sets are verbal, since they show some syntactic properties of verbs
as well as of the other class in which they have membership.
There is one form which has no verbal properties, savant, which we describe
simply as a deverbative adjective, the term deverbative having more etymologi-
cal than descriptive significance.
TENSE
neutral past
Fig. 6 neutral past ----neutral
neutral SAVEZ SUTES
--non-
SAVIEZ punctual
Sposterior SAUREZ
Fig. 7 TENSE
W amo amavi
amare amabam
habeo
Fig. 8 TENSE
4 non-past past
I ) ,punotual
? 8 savez sates
saurez
non-punctual
saviez
aviez su
90
CHAPTER IV. SUMMARY AND COMPARISON
4.0. In this chapter we shall summarize the principal microsystems

Latin of the Acta Martyrum (AML) and of Alexian French, and comp
in such a way as to bring out (1) the chronetic history of the sets as
entities and (2) the purely structural changes, taking chronetic concept
tionships as the object of our discussion. We shall also include consider
some aspects of post-Alexian French (PAF) based not on a systematic
texts but on experience with French. The remarks we shall make rel
PAF must not be taken for more than they are intended to be: guide-
future systematic study. It is clear that our work is far from finished
full use of the resources of the methods of chronetic analysis will require
several lifetimes of work, at the end of which time the methods prese
will be hardly recognizable, to judge from the changes which have tak
since I undertook this line of study in 1946. Some of the things which
be done are the study of a great many more Old French texts, of Late
Medieval Latin texts, bringing the history of French up to date, chr
studies in the field of comparative Romance, the extension of such s
more distantly related languages (e.g. application of chronetics to Ind
pean) and comparison of unrelated languages, perhaps as a contrib
language typology.
4.1. Below is a table representing the history of the sets. Latin sets n
in AM and French sets not found in AF are enclosed in brackets and are inc
for the sake of completeness.
SET DESCRIPTI ON SYMBOL

Lat amo non-past [assertion] E
AF savez panchronetic assertion E
Lat amavi prelocutory action E--8

AF sites simple past ER-S
Lat amabam non-punctual past (E > R)-S

AF saviez non-punctual past (E > R)-S
Lat amabo postlocutory action S-E
AF
Lat amaveram anterior past E-R-S

AF -
Lat amavero anterior future 8--R & E-R

AF
Lat amem non-anterior non-past R-S & E-R

AF sachiez achronetic
91
SET DESCRIPTION SYMBOL
Lat amarem non-anterior past (EKR)-S

AF
Lat amaverim anterior non-past E-(Rc-S)

AF
Lat amavissem anterior past E-R-S

AF sussiez achronetic
Lat amare simple tempus ER
AF savoir non-anter
Lat amatus anterior tempus E-R
AF su resultant
Lat amans simple tempus ER

AF sachant simple tempus ER
Lat amaturus posterior tempus R-E

AF
Lat [amare habeo]

AF saurez posterior tempus R-E
Lat [amare habebam]

AF [sauriez]
Lat [amatum habeo]

AF avez su prelocutory action E--S
Lat [amatum habebam]

AF aviez su non-punctual anterior past E-R--S
Lat [amatum habui]

AF e1ites su punctual anterior past
Lat [amatum habeam]
AF ayez su achronetic resultant
Lat [amatum habuissem]

AF eussiez su achronetic resultant
Lat [*amatum habere habeo]

AF [aurez su]
Lat [*amatum habere habebam]

AF [auriez su]
4.2. THE SETS OF THE INDICATIVE
4.2.1. R6sum6 of the Latin Indicative. In this chapter we shall use a new
symbol to denote the various kinds of relationships into which items in opposi-
tion can enter. A line will link any two related items; a short stroke cutting
through the line at one end will indicate that the item at that end denotes a specific
category; a circle at the end of a line denotes that the item at that end is neu-
tral. A definition of a neutral item is understood to be residual. A neutral item
which has no residual meaning in a given opposition will be designated by a circle
through which the line does not run: (- ; if it has a residual mean-
ing in a given opposition, the line will run through it: O
Here are some lexical examples:
(1) duck (female) - - - drake (male)

(2) horse (3) congressman
mare - stallion senator representative

The six sets of the Latin indicative fall into two groups, one of which is c
cerned solely with action (S-E relationships), the other being concerned w
tense and tempus (E-R-S relationships).
Action: Non-prelocutory -]I Prelocutory

amo (collocutory) amavi
amabo (postlocutory)
Tense: Past Future
simple non-included amabam
Tempus:
anterior amaveram amavero
[AM had no examples of "historic presen

is plenty of evidence external to AM tha
was written: early and popular Latin doc
of the Romance languages, all point to it
is not too hard to understand why AM o
factual account, not an imaginative or sp
tions were concerned almost solely with the
we want to take this use of amo into account, we shal

as far as the three action sets are concerned:
Prelocutory Collocutory Postlocutory
amavi ---------- amo --------- amabo ]

These two sub-systems are linked by a relationship between amavi and a
bam: amavi (punctual past) - --- amabam (extended past).
This system presents all sorts of peculiar asymmetries, but probably represents
the facts of AML better than some of the more symmetrical tables I have seen.
Most of them (e.g. Allen and Greenough, Foth') put amavi into two compart-
ments, to represent in one compartment its function as a simple past, in the
other as anterior present (or present resultant). The only way to reduce these
two functions to one is to call amavi prelocutory action, neutral as to tense.
Thus, such a table as Foth's (pp. 304, 306), looks like this, with set-names put
in place of his tense-names:
werdend zustindliches Resultat Moment
Gegenwart amo amavi [faxim]

in der Vergangenheit amabo amaveram amavi [dixi]
Zukunft amabo amavero [faxo]
Here Foth has worked out a 3 X 3 table, on the a
he has fitted six Latin sets, one of them in two
from Old Latin. He has not found it possible to
description at any point in the history of Latin.
history of Latin in mind, one can glimpse in it th
centuries and perhaps abstract from it a synchro
tion that such a description be already known to
A more recent worker in this field, Gustave Gui
ing table, which has the advantage that it is a six
the number of Latin indicative sets:
amabam amo amabo
amaveram amavi amavero
Guillaume says (2) that the Latin s

of amo to amavi, that is, of present t
' Karl Foth, Die Verschiebung der latei

Romanische Studien 2.243-335 (1875-77).
2 Even Greek probably has a 3x2 syste
PROGRESSIVE PERFECT AORIST
NON-PAST Ido: l6luka 1iso:
PAST 6luon eleldke: 6lusa
Temps et verbe (Paris, 1929).
tenses and the bottom line represents past tenses. As we r

becomes clear that in our terminology the statement would
represents non-anterior tempora and the bottom line ante
the two 6poques (in our terminology, tenses) are developed
amo-amavi axis, which two gpoques he calls past and future
relationship of amavero to amabo that we are to call his hor
and the vertical axes tenses: amavero is not a future in the
so bears, not a relationship of after-ness to amavi, but of b
in our language, it is anterior future. So his table is to be r
axes bearing a tense relationship to each other, while the
axis bear a tempus relationship to each other:
PAST PRESENT FUTURE
NON-ANTERIOR amabam amo amabo

ANTERIOR amaveram amavi amavero
This looks good because the "perfect stems"

because the morphological relationship of the p
happy one: -b-: non-anterior tempus; -ver-: an
-o: future.
At this point it would be well to quote in his
this relationship (2):
Le latin rapporte le systhme du temps A la rel
amo-amavi, et c'est autour de cette relation
d6veloppe les deux 6poques pass6e et futu
c6t6 de cet axe, un futur de present amabo et u
et de l'autre c6t6, un pass6 de pr6sent amab
amaveram.
If we compare his formulation with ours, we see that he us

in two senses, present and non-anterior, and passe in th
and anterior. By reference to his table as we read we can
its two senses each of these words is used:
Latin builds the tense system on the relationship between non-ante-
rior and anterior, amo-amavi, and it is around this relationship, taken as
an axis, that it develops the tenses past and future: which gives on one
side of this axis a non-anterior future amabo and an anterior future ama-
vero, and, on the other side, a non-anterior past amabam and an anterior
past amaveram.
The main difficulty is the oversimple distinction between amabam, simple
past, and amavi, anterior present. As we know, amavi has itself both functions,
a fact which Guillaume has overlooked because of his use of pass6 to describe
both tense and tempus. If you follow his terminology it seems clear that amo :
amavi :: present : passd. And it is equally clear from the diagram and the verbal
description (in French) that amo :amabam :: present : pass6. The confusion
shows itself when you try to understand the relationship of amavero first to
amavi and then to amabo. Is it future to the one and past to the other? The
description futur de pass8 is confusing-it suggests a

past at the same time.
Keeping Guillaume's table in mind, it seems that
a relationship between items on different axes. Yo
lationship between axes and (2) relationship betwe
There is no clear direct relationship between am
talking about E's, the E of amavero is in no predet
of amavi. It can be said, however, that the E of am
E of amavi as well as to that of amabam in a given
amavi may be past as well as present.
4.2.2. The relationship of the French indicative to the Latin. Both French
and Latin have two microsystems which bear similar relationships to each other.
It is convenient to call them INDICATIVE and SUBJUNCTIVE in the two languages
because they are etymologically related (Latin indicative forms > French
indicative forms and Latin subjunctive forms > French subjunctive forms) and
because the relationship between the two microsystems in the two macrosystems
is similar.
In the indicative there is not a strict set-to-set etymological relationship.
The chroneme of amabo is similar to that of aimerai, but etymologically amabo
became extinct, while aimerai was developed from a phrase rather than a poly-
lexemic set: amare habeo. Other extinct (in French) Latin sets are amaveram
and amavero, while aimerais comes from another phrase, amare habebam. Thus
the history of the transition from the Latin to the French indicative is full of
interesting changes of status and structural rearrangements: Two Latin phrases
have become monolexemic sets in French, and two monolexemic Latin sets
have become extinct, their semantic place has been more or less taken by French
phrases, j'avais aim6 and j'aurai aim6.
The three-dimensional table of the monolexemic sets in AF was as is shown
in fig. 6. To follow the structural changes from AML to AF, let us fill in this
table with the Latin forms which correspond etymologically to the French
ones, as in fig. 7.
Does the table now (1) represent the true relationships among these forms?
(2) show an adequate picture of the Latin structure? The obvious answer to
both questions is no! One cannot even say that the description implied by the
position a given form occupies in the above table is an adequate definition of
that form. This is particularly true of amavi, which, as we have seen, is not
expressive of tense but only of action; whereas in AF action does not appear
as a distinctive dimension in monolexemic sets.
What is the relationship between amo and savez? In AM amo was specifically
non-prelocutory, and in AF savez is merely assertive and is not specific in any
chronetically definable dimension.
As to the relationship between amare habeo and saurez, it is impossible to
discuss it on the basis of our AM data, since they do not include amare habeo.
Foth (261 ff.) assures us, however, that amare habeo loses a specific meaning
of obligation (cf. Eng. ['haeftal]) only in quite late documents, a meaning which
it probably had as long as amabo was still in existence, and

discernible in some documents of early Romance. If we
saurez has taken the place of AM amabo, this is still not q
amabo is postlocutory, and saurez is in posterior tempus, and
of being prelocutory. In this way we see how similar chrones in
may belong to chronemes whose definitions are quite diff
comparative phonemics are not hard to find: compare the
that of Spanish, or the [ph] of English and of Chinese, or t
Chinese.
So far we have restricted the discussion to the comparison of the two systems
of monolexemic sets. But it will be of interest to examine the paraphrases in
French by which the chronetic concepts of the extinct Latin sets other than
amabo are expressed. The remaining extinct sets in the indicative are amaveram
and amavero, whose places are taken roughly by aviez su and edftes su for the
former, and by aurez su for the latter, although this phrase does not occur in AF.
As far as these 'perfect tenses' are concerned, we take a middle position be-
tween Reichenbach, who recognizes only the anteriority of E to R, and Foth,
who regards such forms as expressive, not of anteriority, but of a state resulting
from an E which is logically and only incidentally anterior to that state. This
state, which he calls the zustandliches Resultat, we have named the RESULTANT.
We have concluded that when the 'raw material' of a chrone has the form E-R
(in any tense) the emphasis may go with equal likelihood to the E or to the R,
and that where it does fall is to some extent an synchronic contextual circum-
stance and to some extent a diachronic event affecting the whole structure.
Of the Latin 'perfect' indicative sets, as we know, AF has kept only amavi
> sAtes; there are also in AF certain phrases involving selected sets of avoir or
'tre plus su. Among these phrases (which we shall call compound sets) AF has
avez su, aviez su, and efttes su.
In avez su we have a set perfectly suited, if one can judge from its construc-
tion meaning and the morphemes of which it consists (following the principle
of derivative meaning), to express the anterior present, or, considering the tense-
lessness of savez (the set of the auxiliary verb, avez), anterior tempus. Let us
construct a table of French chronemes which will add anteriority to the tempus
dimension in the table already familiar to us (see fig. 8).
In this rather idealized table we see that the language seems finally to have
returned to the distinction between anterior present and simple past which it
had in pIE and lost in Latin. The status of avez su in AF is not very firm, how-
ever. This appears to be due to the tenselessness of savez: in contexts in which
savez is present, avez su is generally anterior present; where savez is past, avez
su is often anterior past; but this is precisely the point where it loses the sys-
tematic strictness of which theoretically it would seem capable: since an anterior
present (or past) is necessarily prelocutory, avez su is often used in AF simply
as that, without any commitment as to tense or tempus. It is not hard to see
how this came about. It is a matter of stylistics-of vividness, as explained in
Chapter III: a form which suggests in its residual uses present tense, like avez
su, is more vivid than one which is specifically past

which is residually collocutory, like savez, is more
specifically prelocutory, like avez su. Thus avez su, in
through the same evolution as did the IE perfects an
verged in Latin, with the difference that sfites rema
past. This relationship between avez su and sates res
avez su (anterior present) -,-- sltes (

The following scheme represents the relationships a
lexemic and compound, in AF:
posterior simple
SA~U4 2non-past
past punctual nol-punctual

prelooutory past past AVIZ
AVEZ SU
anterior past simple simple
present past past
anterior anterior
past + I past
EUTES SU AVIEZ SU
I I
punctual non-punctual
The idealized table of fig. 8 is then seen to be a theoretical construc

stage that may have existed somewhat earlier than AF.
It will be noticed that no provision has been made in the above disc
for sauriez, aurez su, or auriez su. This is because these sets, which exist
Alexian French (PAF), are not represented in La Vie de St. Alexis.
would probably fit in for some of its uses as a posterior past, without s
tion as to aspect. But there are other uses, particularly in conditional se
which make the determination of its tense (if it is expressive of tense) a dif
problem. This is one of the many interesting fields of study which will ine
come up in a continuation of the history of French chronemics. Indicat
be found in the bibliography of works dealing with the verbs of Frenc
the eleventh century; it appears now that the works by Sten, Damoure
Pichon, and Wagner will probably be of the most use in the study of th
saviez and sauriez in conditional sentences, among other problems wh
not come up in AF.
In the meantime, there are developments in PAF which we can take u
before going into systematic analysis of representative t

from our practical experience with French that certain p
place or are still in transition which can be reported on now,
considerable confidence.
Among the most interesting are the relationships among the sets, sates,
saviez, and avez su which have obtained at different moments in the history of
French. We know that pIE probably distinguished between 'perfect' and 'aorist'
tenses, and that in Latin this difference ceased to be formally marked. We have
seen that it is quite probable that in a period between late Latin and AF, the
difference was marked by a periphrastic set (amatum habeo or avez su) for the
anterior present ('present perfect'), while the descendant of amavi, sAtes, was
used for the simple past ('aorist'). In PAF, it appears that the writers gradually
became more 'precise' in their choice of sets. At a certain stage of sophistication
of style, there appears to be a tendency to make distinctions whenever possible.
We mentioned earlier that the problem of the choice of a neutral set in a non-
residual sense, when the context would admit of the corresponding specific set
is a stylistic problem. It is possible, however, for a consistent use of a specific
category to bring about a change in the relationship of the terms of an opposi-
tion from one of neutral vs. specific to one of specific vs. specific, i.e. to a rela-
tionship of mutual exclusion. To resort once more to the illustration of ducks and
drakes, if the male is always referred to as a drake, and if the word duck is always
taken to mean the female, so that one never speaks of ducks in general but uses
such an expression as ducks and drakes, the relationship changes from one of
merkmallosigkeit to one of mutual exclusion. A style characterized by such
'precision', the wish to 'use the right word in the right place', can well be quali-
fied as pedantic. At any rate, the reason for such a principle is usually social.
Examples in English are the use of dog exclusively to denote the male, bitch to
denote the female, in the technical language of people whose profession concerns
dogs: breeders, show judges, veterinarians, and the like; or the use of congress-
man to denote a member of the House of Representatives, with senator remaining
to denote a member of the Senate. In the latter example, we start from a triadic
relationship consisting of a neutral word, congressman, with two specific words
conjointly exhaustive of its field and mutually exclusive of each other, and move
to a situation in which the term representing the socially inferior being (repre-
sentative) almost completely drops out of use with the neutral term moving into
its position. In the speech of some, the word congressman loses its neutral or
general meaning entirely, and resort is taken to such an expression as senators
and congressmen to denote a semantic field formerly covered by the term con-
gressman.
Similarly, then, writers and speakers in quest of 'precision' or 'correctness'
eschew neutral usages, which they consider either as ambiguous or as incorrect.
This stage has definitely been reached in modern literary French, in which
avez su is always anterior present, sates is always punctual past, and saviez is
always non-punctual past. Thus the pIE state of affairs is once more in the
ascendant. And yet once more, the swing back to what we might call the Latin
situation has come about with the virtual loss of sfit

su once more serves the two functions of simple past
its meaning is generalized as prelocutory action.
4.3. THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
The etymological connection between the Latin and the French subjunctive
has been indicated at ?4.1. The modal meanings and uses of the two subjunc-
tives are similar; it is not within the scope of this paper to comment at any
length on this.
The differences which concern us are of a chronetic order. Briefly summarized,
whereas the Latin subjunctive has a four-fold division in two chronetic dimen-
sions, the AF subjunctive has no chronetic meaning at all. Due to the comple-
mentary distribution of sachiez and sussiez in AF, there is a sort of latent chro-
netic distinction between them: except in conditional sentences, sussiez is used
in sequence with specifically past sets, sachiez in sequence with tenseless sets.
It is reminiscent of the differences between allophones representing latent pho-
nemic differences: all that is needed to change the phonemic structure of a
language containing such phones is a situation in which the phones come into
contrast.
These conditions are met for the subjunctive in post-Alexian Old French. For
example, in La Chastelaine de VergiP, verses 885 ff.: 'Ha! las! dist il, ma douce
amor / la plus cortoise et la meillor / c'onques fust et la plus loial, / comme tri-
chierres desloial / vous ai morte! ...' The whole expression, ma douce amor ...
loial, is a noun expression in apposition with vous; c'onques fust simply means,
'that ever was'; the subjunctive is used in a relative clause modifying a superla-
tive, as in Modern French, and the fust has past meaning. This example will
suffice to indicate that the Alexian structure, non-chronetic, has given way to
something that more resembles the Latin division of the subjunctive sets into
past and non-past tenses.
Does PAF, like Latin, also have a division into tempora? Vergi, 144-8: A
malaise fut cele nuit / li dus, n'onques dormir ne pot / por le chevalier qu'il
amot, / qu'il croit que il eust mesfait / par droit que s'amor perdue ait. 'That
night the duke was uneasy, he could not sleep at all, because of the knight whom
he loved, who he thought had wronged him and that he by right had forfeited
his love.' Although here eust mesfait is clearly anterior past, while ait perdue
is more plausibly described as past resultant, further reading in texts of this
period does not reveal any consistent difference such as this between eussiez su
and ayez su. The compound set denotes anteriority, while the set of the auxiliary
reveals a relationship of neutral vs. specific: i.e. sachiez vs. sussiez, or non-past
vs. past.
What is the relationship between the simple sets sachiez and sussiez and the
corresponding compound sets, ayez su and eussiez su? It is a relationship be-
tween non-anterior and anterior tempus, but we must find whether it is a rela-
tionship of mutual exclusion or of neutral vs. specific. We know that there is a
4Poem of the thirteenth century, edited by Gaston Raynaud; second edition by Lucien
Foulet: No. 191 of the Classiques frangais du moyen dge (Paris, 1912).
tempus distinction, since all the compound sets in the subju

seen in PAF literature show anteriority. But if we find any case
subjunctive set in the meaning of anterior tempus, we mus
meaning, non-anterior, of simple sets is residual. Here are
sussiez as anterior:
Vergi 48 ff.: ... La duchoise l'enama / et li fist tel semblant d'amors / que,
s'il n'eust le cuer aillors, / bien se peust apercevoir / par semblant que l'amast
por voir. 'The duchess fell in love with him and so clearly showed her love that
if he had not had his heart elsewhere, he would surely have been able to see tha
she obviously truly loved him.' Compare this use of sussiez with Vergi 64: eussiez
honor et preu 'you would have honor and profit.'
Marie de France, Le Fresne", verses 81 ff.: ... unc ne fu / Ne nus ne l'avium
veil / Que femme deus enfans eust / Si deus humes ne coneust. 'It never was
and we have never seen it, that a woman had two children [at the same time
if two men had not known her.' coneust is clearly anterior. Compare the ante-
riority specifically represented, this time in the indicative, at verses 39 ff.: N
n'avendrat cel' aventure / Que a une sule porteure / Que une femme deus fiz
eit, / Si deus humes ne li unt feit.
The structure of the medieval PAF subjunctive, then, resembles that of the
Latin subjunctive, except that the categories of past and anterior are specific
and non-past and non-anterior are residual:
TENSE
Neutral (non-past) I---- Past

Neutral (non-anterior) sachiez sussiez
TEMPUS
Anterior ayez su eussiez su
In this table, the residual categories a

In modern literary French, the struct
resemble the Latin even more closely,
has become specific, and is in a relation
rior. The non-past is still residual, how
torical present'.
But in the colloquial language, the sets
nearly obsolete; certainly the sussiez se
expressions, that the syntax of spoken
regard to set-sequence in the subjunct
sets are replaced in non-formal speech b
1 Marie de France, Lais, edited by A. Ewer
gives us a new system with a division in one dimension

is non-anterior, ayez su is anterior; the tense is derived fr
from the main clause on which the subjunctive clause
We can consider, as we have done, the history of the s
in terms of chronetic categories: we get therefrom an
changing structures, with changing relationships betw
structures. It is equally interesting to consider the sem
set or system of sets. Of the four subjunctive sets of
entirely, amarem and amaverim, the non-anterior pas
past, respectively.
According to Foth (passim), the perfect stem amav- de
not the E which produced it. The other stem (for Latin
have an aorist stem) denotes E (Handlung) in process. T
has two aspects and two tenses, as follows:
NON-PAST PAST
PROGRESSIVE amem amarem

RESULTANT amaverim amavissem
In post-Classical Latin, the distinction between these t

rigorously observed. In the indicative, for example, amav
the meaning of a simple past rather than a past resulta
amavero is interchangeable with amabo as simple future
amavissem is used as simple past in the place of amarem
shifts which, though possible on the analogy of these oth
amavi is never found in the place of amo as present, and ama
in the place of amem as present. The explanation is sim
Although Latin has no specifically aorist stem (its 'perfe
logically a mixture of pIE perfect and aorist forms), its
punctual (aorist) aspect is amavi. Thus amavi is often ass
that took place and are no more. In terms of chronetics, the
an anterior tempus has two facets, one which emphasizes
to R, the other emphasizing the simultaneity of the R of
R of another verb or of other verbs in the same context. Thus in some contexts
a perfect verb emphasizes what Foth calls Vorzeitigkeit (anteriority) and in
others what he calls the zustdndliches Resultat (in our terminology, the resultant).
Now if we move into a period in which the durativeness of E (Foth: das Wer-
dende) is no longer clearly distinguished from the resultant, a 'perfect' verb-
form is equally capable of emphasizing anteriority or simultaneity. From this
point on the direction it will take is dependent on other factors. We have seen
above that amavi did not shift into a present meaning because it was the most
frequently used form for past punctual chrones. Meanwhile an increased use of
combinations of forms of habere with amatus was creating new perfects. At the
same time phonetic changes were taking place which made some of the forms
less distinctive than they had been in Classical Latin. There were certain con-
tractions even in poetical CL, such as amaveram > amaram, amavero > amaro,
amaverim > amarim, amavissem > amassem. Add to this th

and we have a number of homonyms. If we now examine the t
tive sets, we see
NON-PAST PAST
NON-ANTERTOR amem amarem

ANTERIOR (RESULTANT) amarem amassem
In this table, the form amarem is ambiguous in both dim

already existing propensity for the use of resultants as sim
see how there arose a new system of two forms in one dimensio
NON-PAST PAST
amem amassem
This account gives only the most fleetin

which is very thoroughly dealt with
Foth's masterly article.
4.4. THE PARTICIPLES.
There has been an essential change in the chroneme of amatus > su. In Latin,
amatus is passive and of anterior tempus. The word amatus itself means, as an
adjective, something like 'having been loved' or, as a noun, 'a having-been-
loved one.' Thus amatus sum may be crudely translated as 'I am a having-been-
loved one', i.e., ' I have been loved' whence, given the formal identity in Latin
of anterior present and simple past, 'I was loved.' Similarly, amatus eram means
'I was in a state of having been loved' whence 'I had been loved', amatus ero
'I will have been loved.'
Su, in AF, is indicative neither of voice nor of tempus. It is an adjective which
denotes the state resultant from the E which its verb-root denotes lexically. It
enters into constructions with avoir and dtre as follows: If it is a predicate adjec-
tive after the copula (4tre), it denotes the resultant state in which the subject of
the sentence finds itself; if it is in a construction with avoir, it denotes a state
resultant from an E performed by the subject, and if there is an object, in which
the object finds itself. Verbs whose lexical meaning is such that the subject is
in the state resultant from the E performed by the subject are 'conjugated with
6tre'; such are verbs of self-displacement in time, place, or condition, and re-
flexive verbs.
A consequence of this change is that amatus sum does not mean je suis aimS,
since the former is prelocutory and the latter is generally assertive and residually
collocutory. What is the process by which this change came about? It is not
possible to trace this change in Late Latin documents, since, according to Bour-
ciez (?81a) and Pei (258) there is no documentary evidence for the use of amatus
sum as equivalent to amor, even as late as the eighth century. It would seem
probable that this change arose as the result of the asymmetry of the simple
active and anterior passive participles; i.e. there was no simple passive or ante-
rior active participle. Meanwhile in Late Latin there was an increasing use of
such forms as amatus fui, fueram, fuero, as the passives of amavi, amaveram,
amavero respectively. This would allow the specializati

and amans as active, without specific tempus meaning,
ACTIVE PASSIVE
amans sum amatus sum

amans fui amatus fui
etc.
in which forms on the same line have the same chrome.

The loss of the specifically passive meaning, according to Bourciez (?126b),
begins about the first century A.D., when such an expression as habeo cultellum
comparatum changes from a clearly present meaning ('I have a knife which I
have bought') to a simple expression of a prelocutory event ('I bought a knife'),
i.e. without commitment as to whether I still have the knife or not. (See also
Meyer-Liibke, Grammaire vol. 3, ?288). The effect of these two changes is the
loss of passive meaning of amatus in constructions with habere, and the loss of
anterior tempus in constructions with esse, leaving the French situation as de-
scribed above.
4.5. THE INFINITIVES AND IMPERATIVES. Two defective microsystems remain
to describe, in which there has been no important change: amare > savoir,
ama > sachez. The striking fact is that the overall structure of the two macro-
systems as to the number and functions and mutual relationships of the micro-
systems has scarcely changed from AML to AF. In PAF, as intimated earlier,
the development of saurez and sauriez, will make for a new microsystem, which
in a sense serves as a bridge between the indicative and the subjunctive. This
problem will be one of the principal ones for PAF, the rest of the situation re-
maining fairly stable except for developments hinted at above, as well as new
and special uses of saviez.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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The Historical Development of Tenses from Late Latin to Old French

1.0. The purpose of this essay is (1) to introduce a technique for an

to the object-nature category to which the subje

for another use. Each Latin set will be designated by a fo

the lexeme. It is clear that if such an important L

TEMPUS: the serial relationship of E to R. Tempora are A

able that there exists a language in which the be

The DURATIVE aspect might be considered another special case o

I shall not attempt a rigorous definition of MOOD, althoug

[174] Diocletiano VIII et Maximiano VII consulibus augustis, exiit

(10) Tunc programma positum est in civitate tibiucensi die non

[175] Quibus Magnilianus curator dixit: Libros deificos habetis?

(15) Postera autem die Felix episcopus venit Carthagine Tibiucam

[177] Post tertium autem diem iussit curator Felicem episcopum ad

Tune profectus est Felix a Tibiuca Carthagin

[184] Cum esset persecutio sub Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatori-

(15) Comprehensus itaque oblatus est Probo praesidi Pannoniae.

Irenaeus respondit: Mihi praeceptum est torment

(20) Advenientes vero parentes eius, videntes eum torqueri

Irenaeus respondit: Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas

[188] Probus dixit: Uxorem habes?

Iratus itaque Probus super fiduciam beatissimi viri, iussit eum

Sic itaque percussus gladio a ministris proiectus est in fl

(20) Martyrizatus est famulus dei sanctus Irenaeus episcopus civitatis

We shall consider amatus sum simply as the passive of amavi, hence as a

2.2.2. Durative present.

15. Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi pu

grammatical and semantic categories. Briefly, the

2 The Merkmal principle was enunciated by Trubetzkoy

Summary of amo. Amo is essentially neutral as to tense

2.3. AMABO. Amabo exhibits the following chr

1. Eritis ergo sub officio ... donec Anulino proconsuli rat

(1) anterior present;

4. Clementissimi principes iusserunt aut sacrific

2.4.2. Included past.

3. Tunc programma positum est in civitate tibiucensi die nonarum iu

by the expression which is in small capitals. If this

14. Et cum venisset ad pontem ... oravit. AM 190.5. 'An

If this should require a special nomenclature, we suggest durative past with

Its most striking feature is that it is vague, or non

'default' (in the sense in which duck assumes the meaning of

3. Si quis me negaverit coram hominibus et ego n

Irenaei. AM 190.8. 'Lord Jesus Christ, may your heavens

the leaders and magistrates, that they seize the

accurate, since it sets up the proportion monolexeme : poly

to perform E, which is plainly posterior to R. Thu

5. Obtemperans praeceptis divinis sacrifica diis. AM 184.17

as to aspect. Dixit (p. 29) is congruent past, hen

3. Iam sacrifica, lucrans poenas. AM 187.6. 'Sacrifice now

1. Aprum presbiterum ad se iussit perduci. AM

2.15.4. Amare dependent on amabam.

2.15.7. Amare dependent on amans.

the more chronetic dimensions entering into a chr

2.16.3. THE PARTICIPLES.

amare amari Simple tempus E2 = R2(=R1/E1)

X's represent monolexemic sets,

3.0. We base our study of Old French on La Vie de Saint Alexis

NON-PERSONAL FORMS: PERSONAL FORMS:

423-4. La vint corant com feme forsenede

Sachant, as will be observed in these examples, i

9-10. Vielz est e fraieles, toz s'en vait declin

'Old it is and weak, it is in utter decline,