RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN REGIONAL ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT AND THE URBAN SYSTEM
THE CASE OF CHILE
by
BRIAN J. L. BERRY*
Chicago, U.S.A.
In this paper we draw together the evolving
literature dealing with the dimensions of urban
systems and explore the relationship between
these dimensions and regional economic develop-
ment. A conceptual and methodological scheme
is outlined in the first part of the paper. This
scheme is then examined critically with the aid
of case study materials for Chile. In particular,
the results of several multivariate analyses
relating to the urban places of Chile are com-
pared with an evolving regional planning
framework in that country. Development of this
framework has been predicated on a growth
pole concept.
E. L. THORNDIKE, Your City, New York Harcourt
1939. E. L. THORNDIKE and ELLAWOODYARD, Indivi-
dual Differences in American Cities: Their Nature
and Causation, American Journal of Sociologv Vol. 43
(1937). pp. 191-224.
DANIEL0. PRICE, Factor Analysis in the Study of
Metropolitan Centers, Social Forces Vol. 20 (1942),
pp. 449455. Prices study was replicated later by
SYLVIA M. PERLE, Factor Analysis of American Cities:
A Comparative Study, unpubl. masters thesis, Univer-
sity of Chicago 1964.
PETERR. HOFSTAETTER, Your City Revisited: A
Factorial Study of Cultural Patterns, American
Catholic Sociological Review Vol. 13 (1952), pp.
159-168. HOWARD 3. KAPLAN,An Empirical Typology
for Urban Description, unpubl. Ph. D. dissertation,
New York University 1958. H. J. HADDENand E. F.
BORGATTA, American Cities: Their Social Character-
istics, Chicago Rand McNally and Co. 1965. HAROLD
M. MAYERanalyzed U.S. S.M.S. As using 1960 data.
As yet, his results have not been published. Recently,
I completed an analysis of 97 variables for each of the
1762 U.S. cities with populations exceeding 10,OOO:
American Urban Dimensions, 1960, unpubl. paper,
University of Chicago 1968.
Professor, Center for Urban Studies, University of
Chicago.
Accepted for publication October 1968.
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPTJOKT. 1969
Dimensions of Urban Systems
Studies of urban dimensions date at least from
the early explorations of Thorndike1 and Price2
in the United States in the 1930s. More recently,
many additional studies of American data have
been completed.3 Other analyses of India,4
Yugoslavia,~ the Soviet Union,6 Canada7 and
the United Kingdoms are now available.
The methodology of these studies can be
exemplified by reviewing the book British
Towns. In their highly original and innovative
study Moser and Scott studied 157 towns in
England and Wales with respect to 60 different
variables. The main object of their work was
to classify British towns into a few relatively
homogeneous categories, or to see whether
such a classification makes sense. They used
eight main categories of variables: population
size and structure (7 variables), population
change (8), households and housing (1 5),
economic functions and employment charac-
teristics (1 5), social class (4), voting behavior (7),
health (7) and education (2).
4 QAZI AHMAD,Indian Cities: Characteristics and
Correlates, University of Chicago Department of
Geography Research Paper No. 102, 1965.
5 JACKC. FISHER,Yugoslavia - A Multinational State,
San Francisco Chandler & Co. 1966.
6 CHAUNCYD. HARRIS, Cities of the Soviet Union,
Chicago Rand McNally and Co. 1969.
7 LESLIEJ. KING,Cross-Sectional Analysis of Canadian
Urban Dimensions, 1951 and 1961, Canadian Geo-
grapher Vol. 10 (1966), pp. 205-224. More recently,
a substantially more extensive treatment has appeared :
D. MICHAEL RAYet. al., The Socio-Economic Dimen-
sions and Spatial Structure of Canadian Cities, un-
publ. paper, University of Waterloo 1968.
8 C. A. MOSERand WOLFSCOTT, British Towns: A
Statistical Study of their Social and Economic Differ-
ences, Edinburgh and London Oliver and Boyd 1961.
283
Prior to classification, it became necessary to easily recognizable types within the framework
find the basic patterns according to which the of these underlying dimensions.
towns varied, . ..Because the many series that In a recent paper, Gerald Hodgeg went so far as
describe towns are not independent; they to argue that the dimensions of urban systems so
overlap in the story they tell ... towns with a far identified have considerable generality :
high proportion of heavy industry tend, on the Common structural features underly the
whole, to have low social class proportions, development of all centers within a region.
Structural features of centers tend to be the
a substantial Labour vote, high infant mortality, same from region to region regardless of the
,

and so on. Four common factors were found stage or character of regional development.
to account for the correlations among the Urban structure may be defined in terms of
primary variables by use of principal compo- a set of independent dimensions covering
at least (a) size of population, (b) quality of
nents analysis: social class; growth 1931-1951 ; physical development, (c) age-structure of
growth 1951-1958; and overcrowding. The population, (d) education level of population,
essence (of the analysis was) to investigate how (e) economic base, (f) ethnic and/or religious
much of the total variability of towns exhibited orientation, (g) welfare and (h) geographical
situation.
in the primary variables (could) be accounted for (3a) Economic base of urban centers tends to
and expressed in a smaller number of new act independently of other urban struc-
independent variates, the principal components. tural features.
Since the common factors summarized the essen- As Table 1 shows, there is clear agreement. in a
tial differences among towns contained in the variety of independently conceived and executed
entire set of original primary variables, the studies of the United States, that there are
classification problem originally posed by Moser several quite fundamental dimensions of varia-
and Scott could then be simplified. Each town tion according to which urban centers are
was given a score on each common factor, and systematically differentiated :
towns were then allocated to groups on the (1) Size, rather than comprising simple popula-
tion-size, this dimension represents total
basis of relative scores on the four factors. functional size of centers in an urban
Fourteen groups of towns were identified, hierarchy, or aggregate economic power.
falling into three major categories: (2) Socio-economic status of the urban residents.
I. Resorts, administrative and commercial centers (3) Age composition and family structure of these
(i) seaside resorts residents.
(ii) spas, professional and administrative centers (4) Population mobility and new growth patterns.
(iii) commercial centers (5) and (6) Ethnic heterogeneity of the population:
11. Industrial towns (a) Nonwhite residents
(i) railway centers (b) Residents who are foreign born or of
(ii) ports foreign parentage
(iii) textile centers of Yorkshire and Lancashire (7) Location within the national space-economy,
(iv) industrial centers of the Northeast and Welsh including such additional variables as overall
mining towns urban densities, use of public transport, etc.
(v) metal manufacturing centers In addition, there are other more specific
111. Suburbs and suburban-type towns patterns related to :
(i) exclusive residential suburbs (8) Female participation in the labor force.
(ii) older mixed residential suburbs (9) Participation of elderly males in the labor
(iii) newer mixed residential suburbs force.
(iv) light industrial suburbs, national defense
centers and towns within the influence of Further, consistent with Hodge, a variety of
large metropolitan conurbations elements of the economic base of towns do
(v) older working class industrial suburbs (on the basis of measures related to percentages
(vi) newer industrial suburbs of the labor force in different industries) act
In the grouping the general aim (was) to independently of the general dimensions identi-
minimize within-group (differences) and to fied above, giving rise to the traditional functional
maximize those between groups.7 town-types:lo
(10) Manufacturing towns
Comparative Evidence -. The important feature (11) Mining towns
of the Moser-Scott study was that it showed: (12) College towns
(1) although many primary variables can be
selected to study cities, they in fact index a 9 GERALD HODGE, Urban Structure and Regional
much smaller number of presumably more Development, paper presented to the 14th Annual
basic independent dimensions of variation Meeting of the Regional Science Association, Harvard
identifiable by use of appropriate multivariate University 1967.
10 ROBERT H.T. S m ,Method and Purpose in Functional
procedures, and Town Classification, Annals of the Association of
(2) that urban centers fall into clearcut and American Geographers Vol. 56 (1956), pp. 81-92.

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969

284
TABLE 1 :

(13) Trade centers U.S. studies, the factorial procedures produce

.
. . . . wholesale the related underlying dimensions as output.
. . . . . retail The reasons for this kind of factorial output
. . . . . service
. . . . . transport in the American context are not hard to find.
(14) Military installations For example, when a substantial number of
(15) Centers of public administration. highly-correlated primary variables reflecting
Not all of these dimensions appear in each of the population-size of city, size of the urban labor
U.S. studies, because different sets of variables force, and employment level is included in an
were used in different analyses, but wherever analysis, a primary dimension of differentiation,
appropriate city characteristics are included in almost a priori, will have to be one of total
-
60 TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPTJOKT. 1969
285
functional size or aggregate economic power.
That increasing numbers and types of economic
functions are now distributed according to size
of center has been observed by other research
workers.11 For retail and service activities this
is, of course, perfectly consistent with central
place theory.12 The highest-scoring cities in
U.S. studies will all therefore be National
Business Centers according to Rand McNallys
hierarchical ratings.13 But there is also a close
relationship of manufacturing employment to
size of city, consistent with notions of the
increasing significance of market-orientation
for industry, and distribution of different types
of manufacturing according to relative scale and
external economies afforded by different-sized
cities.14 One other variable usually correlating
with this hierarchic pattern for the largest
places is the date that a city passed 100,000
population, indicating that the largest and most
powerful cities today have generally been those
places fortunate enough to achieve earliest
eminence and to maintain their position by self-
sustaining growth at higher levels of the urban
size-ratchet.15
Similarly, communities also vary in socio-
economic status. The notion that a social
mobility process affects individuals during their
lifetime is now well-known: People are born
into particular families-of-orientation from
which they achieve initial status, and they are
first socialized in a physical and social environ-
ment within which the familys residence is
located. Education affords the opportunity for
upward- or downward-mobility from that initial
status, through access to different occupations
and therefore incomes. In turn, financial
resources derived from income provided access
to residential environments of varying quality
and to different levels and standards of con-
sumption. For any individual, these levels and
standards represent the base he provides for
the next generation. Because developers prefer
to build homes for a consistent market and
individual purchasers prefer to buy homes in
areas that will be occupied by others of similar
11 COLINCLARK,The Economic Functions of a City in
Relation to its Size,, Econornetrica Vol. 13 (April,
1945), NO.2, pp. 97-113.
12 BRIAN J. L. BERRY, Geography of Market Centers and
Retail Distribution, Englewood Cliffs N.J. Prentice-
Hall 1967.
13 City Rating Guide, Chicago Rand McNally and Co.
1964.
14 BRIANJ. L. BERRY and FRANKHORTON, Geographic
Perspectives on Urban Systems, Englewood Cliffs
N.J. Prentice-Hall, in press.
1J WILBUR THOMPSON, A Preface to Urban Economics,
New York John Wiley and Sons 1965.
286 60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969
social status, small communities tend to be
relatively homogeneous in terms of the type and
quality of housing they provide, and therefore
in terms of social status. Thus, size and quality
of homes, educational levels, occupations, and
incomes are all highly inter-correlated, each
indexing one facet of the more complex mobility
process that differentiates communities according
to the socio-economic status of their residents.
The highest-status communities in the United
States tend to be politically-independent seg-
ments of the largest and richest metropolitan
areas. On the other hand, the lowest-status
communities lie in the nations backward
isolated poverty regions; the lowest-status
politically-independent communities within the
more affluent large metropolitan areas are
somewhat better-off than small towns in areas
of rural poverty, although they, too, suffer
from the same deficiencies of unsound small
housing units, low levels of education, inferior
job opportunity, high unemployment, and low
incomes.
Along the third dimension, there is variability
of towns and cities not simply according to
aggregate economic power and the socio-
economic status of their residents, but according
to the stage of these residents in the life-cycle.
If there were no geographic mobility, a commu-
nity would age naturally along with its residents
- initially, perhaps, housing new young families
in active child-rearing; reaching a stage in which
family sizes were at their maximum; and then
experiencing increasing age and diminishing
family sizes as children leave home; with final
dissolution as families break up with death of a
partner; followed by regeneration of the
community with another cycle of residents.
Communities would then differ according to
stage in family cycle. On the other hand, if
communities provide different kinds of housing
units and residential environments appropriate
to families at different stages of the family cycle,
and if there is mobility, with the same kinds of
people moving in as move out, there will also
be life-cycle differentiation of the communities.
In actuality, any community experiences a
mixture of these two patterns, but communities
do differ according to the stage in life-cycle of
their residents - bij age-levels and mixes,
fertility rates and family sizes.
Many of the young-family communities in the
United States in 1960 were typical bedroom
suburbs within larger metropolitan areas. At the
other extreme were the retirement communities
of Florida and California, with the older-
family communities within the larger metropoli
 either having somewhat greater residential
mixture than the retirement towns, or being
located in specific apartment neighborhoods
within the central cities (for example, along
Chicagos North Shore).
The socio-economic status and life-cycle
family structure dimensions have been identified
by the social area analysts and factorial ecolo-
gists as the principal bases of differentiation of
neighborhoods and communities within Ameri-
can cities as well, of course, along with various
forms of cultural heterogeneity, particularly
relating to the Negro population and to the
recent-migrant foreign born.16 The latter two
dimensions also differentiate towns and cities
across the country.
However, just as the social area dimensions vary
cross-culturally,~7so do the structural dimen-
sions differentiating urban places. Thus, in the
Canadian case, a fundamental division between
the English and French cultures cuts across
both status and life-cycledifferentiation, although
as in the U.S., the Canadian cultural dimensions
are separate from the functional town-types
based on economic activities. This cultural-
economic base separation is not unreasonable,
because each type of industry supports a variety
of grades of occupations (and thus status levels)
and age-groups(andthus life-cycledifferentiation).
Thus, factorial separation of economic base
dimensions from those of a socio-cultural kind
is the one proposition of Hodge, other than his
first (common structural features under-by the
development of all centers in a region), that
appears to have cross-cultural validity.
Examination of Table 1 reveals that the other
principal sources of variation from the U.S.
model are also due either to heterogeneous
cultural bases that cut across and confound the
characteristic American separation of socio-
economic status and stage in life cycle, or to
level of modernity of society and culture, or some
combination of these. Thus, in the British case
there are different factors for different mixes of
housing type. social status, and age-structure
cum demographic (fertility, etc.) variables,
consistent with the different levels of the British
class system. Canadas English-French gulf has
already been noted, but there are subsidiary
elements of differentiation coincident with the
Italian, Slavic, Scandinavian and Asiatic sub-
16 BERRYand HORTON, Geographic Perspectives.. ..,
op. cit.
17 An attempt to provide a systematic base for cross-
cultural comparisons of social geography is provided in
BRIANJ. L. BERRY and PHILWH. REES, The Factorial
Ecology of Calcutta, unpubl. manuscript, University
of Chicago 1968.
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT.
populations. In India, the principal elements of
differentiation are between North and South,
East and West, coincident with widely different
castes, communities and cultures. In Yugoslavia,
there are important elements of differentiation
between relatively backward traditional regions
and more advanced developing areas.
Evidently, wherever there is strong stratification
of a society along cultural, regional, class or
caste lines these strata will override the American
factorial pattern of urban differentiation. In-
stead, the factor structures will isolate particular
status levels and regional or cultural groups
and combine status-, age-, and family-patterns
in separate dimensions of differentiation. To
the extent that a society evidences relatively
complete homogeneity based upon caste-like
differentiation by status, cultural background
and other variables, separate sub-cultural
dimensions will combine into a single scale.
At the other extreme, in a society that is
characterized by a class system based on indivi-
dual mobility, in which opportunity is independ-
ent of cultural constraints and stage in life
cycle, the American pattern will be approximated.
Similarly, there are differences based on degree
of modernity, as in Yugoslavia. It follows,
therefore, that it should be possible to array
countries and factor structures on a scale from
the unidimensionality of a traditional Erewhon,
through transitional states in which there are
mixes of traditional and modern elements, to
modern structures characterized by minimal
association of ethnic or cultural variables with
those of a social or economic kind, and a
separation of status and life-cycle variation.18
The transitional type of variation of urban
dimensions from the American pattern is the
one that is of particular concern in Chile.
Regional Development Processes
The difficulty is how to scale societies into
traditional, transitional and modern, with the
particular concern for typifying the dimensions
of urban structure. Many attempts to derive
such scales have been made. For the purposes
to be served in this paper the key relationships
appear to be those between the urban system
and regional economic development. An excur-
sion into regional growth theory can therefore
help resolve the particular problem of cross-
cultural comparison faced here. This, in turn,
will facilitate interpretation of the Chilean
data and evaluation of the proposed growth
center strategies for that country.
10 Zbid for a similar characterization of internal structures.
1969
287
The most complete set ofpropositions concerning businessman or the nation as a whole, but which better
the regional development process and the spatial accords with regional desires for growth.
6. Economic growth takes place in a matrix of urban
incidence of economic growth is that of John regions through which the space-economy is organized -.
Friedmannlg. These propositions are phrased in Cities organize the space-economy. They are centers of
a way that links growth theory to regional activity and of innovation, focal points of the transport
planning, and so are particularly apposite to network, locations of superior accessibility at which
firms can most easily reap scale economies and at which
the present discussion. Friedmann emphasizes industrial complexes can obtain the economies of localiza-
that planners who seek to affect the course of tion and urbanization. Agricultural enterprise is more
regional development must understand the efficient in the vicinity of cities. The more prosperous
process by which it is generated. His propositions commercialized agricultures encircle the major cities,
whereas the peripheries of the great urban regions are
represent an attempt to cast light on the characterized by backward, subsistence economic systems.
process, viz : There are two major elements in this organization of
I. A regional economy is open to the outside world, subject economic activities in space:
to external influence -. The space-economy is a series of (a) A system of cities, arranged in a hierarchy
overlapping, interdependent networks in which changes according to the functions performed by
in one affect the others. Thus, the degree to which local each.
decisions can shape the future of a regional economy (b) Corresponding areas of urban influence or
depends upon the degree of closure of that economy. urban fields surrounding each of the cities
Greater closure implies greater autonomy of choice; in the system.
greater openness implies greater dependency upon Generally, one can argue the following about this system
changes and choices in other regions and the nation. of spatial oreanization:
2. Regional economic growth is externally induced -. T i e size and functions of a central city and
Growth impulses in open regional economies usually the size of its urban field are proportional.
came from outside, in the form of demands for regional The spatial incidence of economic growth is
specialties. The nature of these specialties, alternative a function of distance from the central city.
sources of them, and changes in the structure of demand Troughs of economic backwardness lie in the
therefore determine in large measure the nature and most inaccessible areas along the inter-
extent of regional growth. metropolitan peripheries.
3. Export sector growth translates into residentiary sector Impulses of economic change are transmitted
growth -. Export industries need secondary support in in order from higher to lower centers in the
the form of housing, public facilities, retail establishments, urban hierarchy, in a size-ratchet sequence,
service facilities etc. The size of the multiplier effect so that continued innovation in large cities
depends upon local expenditure patterns and income remains critical for extension of growth over
distributions, patterns of ownership and political organiza- the complete economic system.
tion. Among the relevant issues raised are whether The growth potential of an area situated
earnings are retained locally or transferred outside or along an axis between two cities is a function
whether the basic industry generates a middle class. of the intensitv of interaction between them.
4. Local leadership is critical in the adjustment to external 7. When economic growti is sustained over long periods,
change -. External factors create growth opportunities -.
it results in progressive integration of the space-economy
or lead to decline. Yet opportunities have to be perceived If development is sustained at high levels, rural-urban
and seized by imaginative leaders; otherwise, they are differences are progressively eliminated and the space-
lost. Regional economic growth is a competitive game in economy is integrated by outward flows of growth
both market and planned economies. Entrepreneurs impulses through the urban hierarchy, and the inward
and local administrators attitudes and sensitivity to migration of labor to central cities. Troughs of economic
change are critical in the successful exploitation of backwardness at the intermetropolitan periphery are
changed external circumstances. eroded, and each area then finds itself within the influence
5 . Regional economic growth is a problem in the location fields of a variety of urban centers of a variety of sizes.
of firms -. Ultimately, growth can be traced back to Concentric bands of agricultural organization around
individual location decisions about particular business metropolitan centers are eliminated or reduced in im-
establishments. From a market viewpoint, the entre- portance and agricultures also begin to specialize,
preneurs problem is one of selecting an optimum (most taking full advantage of differences in local resource
profitable) site for a given enterprise. From a welfare endowments.
viewpoint, the problem for society becomes one of
diverting the optimum entrepreneurial location in the
It is this full integration of the national space-
direction of sites that generate the greatest social good,
economy that constitutes the modernend of the
if that good does not coincide with maximum efficiency
development spectrum. Essentially, what growth
on the part of the firm.From the regional viewpoint, if
theory suggests is that continued urban-industrial
neither of these rationales is favorable, the political
process is invoked to generate a locational choice that
expansion in major central cities should lead
may be less desirable from the viewpoint of the individual
to catalytic impacts on surrounding regions.
Growth impulses and economic advancement
should trickle down to smaller places and
19 JOHN FRIEDMANN,Regional Development Policy: ultimately infuse dynamism into even the most
A Case Study of Venezuela, Cambridge The M.I.T. tradition-bound peripheries.20
Press 1966. Also my Strategies, Models and Economic
Theories of Development in Rural Regions,Washington
Agriculture Economic Report No. 127 1966. 20 BERRY,Strategies, Models.. .., op. cit.

6 0 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFlE - SEPTJOKT. 1969

288
At the opposite end of the spectrum are tradi- Any general expansion in a high income (i.e.
tional societies where the process operates large, urban) region will reach a rising floor to
poorly, if at all. Instead of development the wage-rate first. Some industries will be priced
trickling down the urban size-ratchet and out of the high income labor marked and there
spreading its effects outwards within urban will be a shift of that industry to low income
fields, growth is concentrated in a few large (i.e. smaller urban, or more peripheral) regions.
urban centers, and a wide gulf between The significance of this shift lies not only in its
metropolis and countryside is apparent. Rather direct but also in its indirect effects. If the boom
than articulation there is polarization, in a originated in the high income region, as is highly
classic dual economy. likely, the multiplier effects will be larger in the
The reason is to be found in the failure of the initiating region although the relative rise in
trickle-down and spread-effect mechanisms in income may be greater in the underdeveloped
traditional societies. Thus, the poorly-developed region. But the induced effects on real income and
urban hierarchies that lie between the metropolis employment may be considerably greater in the
and the village are administrative rather than low income region if prices there are likely to rise
economic in origin, and their generative func- less and/or if the increase in output per worker
tions are weak. They are not the beneficiaries would be greater. Both are likely, from the same
of spreading growth, or the instruments by source of decreasing costs due to external econo-
which growth impulses are transmitted. Rather, mies stemming from urbanization of the labor
they are means by which the traditional cultural force. If the boom can be maintained, industries
bases are maintained - and therefore the of higher labor productivity will shift units into
culture-centered factorial structures. lower income regions, and the ratchet and
It is at this point that growth center concepts of dispersal effects will push development even
regional development enter, in moving traditional further.
societies into a transitional and ultimately an There is little trickle-down of this kind in
articulated developedstatus. There is, of course, traditional societies ; development concentrates
a national context of prerequisites that must be in a few major cities, and the countryside remains
satisfied before regional policy per se can become backward, ignorant, and conservative. Why?
effective. If growth processes are to be manipu- Very simply, the trickle-down process is con-
lated to achieve goals of regional policy, for founded by high rates of population growth
example, aggregate demand in the nation at and of rural-to-uiban migration that outstrip
large must be sustained at high and rising levels, metropolitan rates of economic growth. These
so that a maximum of external influences maintain or worsen the village way of life and
impinge upon the region. This suggests that the simultaneously increase the urban labor supply
prime policy instrument is the national growth at all levels, but particularly among the unskilled,
rate, and this has rightly been emphasized in at a pace that never permits expansion to meet
most national planning. Regional policy deals rising floors to metropolitan wage-rates. As a
with the locational aspects, the where of this consequence growth and stagnation polarize ;
economic development, for it is by manipulating the economic system remains unarticulated.
national policy variables that the most useful The regional planning problem that emerges
contributions to the future of regional economies is thus one of replicating and administering a
can be made. systematic process of decentralization while
Rapid and sustained national growth should continuing to center innovative, large-scale, and
lead to filtering of innovations down the urban capital-intensive activity in the countrys largest
size ratchet and out from centers into their urban places, the only centers capable of exerting
surrounding urban fields, diffusing from center significant economic leadership. Some of the
to periphery to carry growth outwards into issues that then emerge are:
lagging areas. If the trickle-down process is (a) Determination of the desirable hierarchy of
working well, therefore, a strategy that promotes growth centers and urban fields.
activity in major centers should cause the rural (b) Specification of the properties of economic
periphery to follow along. activities appropriate to centers of each
level.
Regional income inequality, for example, should (c) Comparison of the desirable settlement
thereby be reduced because the higher the capital- pattern with that existing, and identification
labor ratio in a region, the higher the employ- of differences.
ment level of the unskilled at any wage rate and (d) Development of strategies for eliminating the
differences.
at any given social minimum, therefore, the
smaller the number of involuntarily unemployed. It might be thought that settlement planning
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969 289
is just a passive variable in economic develop- between 1952 and 1960 was 2.7 per cent annual-
ment - a way to accommodate growth. Yet this ly; Santiagos was 4.3 per cent; the rest of the
is not the case. Because of absence of any country minus Santiago was 2.0 per cent.%
trickle-down mechanism in traditional societies,Because Santiagos rate of natural increase was
it provides a way to cut through the excessive the same as the rest of the country, the difference
concentration of economic and social activities was due to migration, the means whereby
in a few centers, and the maintenance of the rest
further concentration and centralization takes
of the nation as an overwhelming, stagnant, place.25 This inward migration has led, in turn,
traditional residual. Immediate strategies then to circular and cumulative increase in the
become a combination of Lewiss decentralizing- relative advantages of Santiago vis-a-vis the
downward efforts 21 - the attempt to move from rest of the country.26
metropoli to a next level of urban center in theSuch patterns of centralization have been
location of larger-scale activity - and Johnsons
compared with the city-size distribution of the
centralizing upward activities22 - attempts to, United States and characterized by such terms
urbanize the countryside by creation of small as primacy, or with more perjorative impli-
market towns and local opportunities that will cations like over-urbanization27. But as Abu-
in some way help stem the tide of migration Lughod notes over-concentration of the urban
population in relatively few cities, rather than
into the metropoli. Such settlement policy relies
on, and exploits, the fact that the national over-urbanization per se, appears more
economy is organized through its urban centers, serious.2*
each of which, at whatever level in the total This theme is taken up by Friedmann and
hierarchy, has its corresponding field of in- Lackington in the Chilean case, using the
fluence and potentiality as a growth center. concept of hyperurbanization - a relation of
disequilibrium between the levels of a countrys
The Chilean Case urbanization and economic development.29
The Chilean case thus provides a dual opportu- First, they note, only Argentine exceeds Chile
nity - to add further evidence to the emerging in the ratio of level of urbanization in relation
literature on urban dimensions, and to explore to per capita income. Second, there has been
a proposed growth center strategy, in a context a steady increase in the urban concentration of
where students agree upon Chiles transitional economic activities; in 1920 Santiagos popula-
state, absence of effective trickle-down mecha- tion was only 2.33 times that of the second city,
nisms, and need for growth center strategies.
For example, Herrick writes: 24 HERRICK, op. cit. and Direcci6n de Estadistica y
Chile falls mid-range in the spectrum of underdeveloped Censos.
.
countries.. . one of those countries whose per capita 2s HERRICK, op. cit., p. 44.
.
annual income.. , means that many of its citizens can 26 In charting the spatial configuration of the movement
live without worrying every day about the most pressing Herrick concludes (p. 102):
needs of subsistence. On the other hand, the strength of The Ravenstein-Redford pattern of stage-like
the peoples desire for further development can easily migratory movement was convincingly replicated
be visualized.23 .
by the Chilean experience.. . Rural-urban
The countrys urban system is highly centralized. migration.... to the biggest city, was a less
Economic, educational, cultural, administrative
..
important factor.. than was inter-urban move-
ment.
and diplomatic functions are concentrated in the ... .The selectivity of the migration process was
capital city. The administrative centralism that ..
once again demonstrated; .. internal migrants
began under Spanish rule persists and has .
stood at the beginnings of their lifetimes of work..
coupled with educational and occupational
increased. Organizational centralization is attributes that indicated.. .. ..
capability.. to
compounded by massive population concentra- compete....
tion; in 1960 Santiagos 1.9 millions represented 27 BRIAN J. L. BERRY,City Size Distributions and Econo-
more than a quarter of Chiles 7.37 million mic Development, Economic Development and Cultural
Change Vol. 9 (1961), pp. 573-87. MARKJEFFERSON,
people. The growth rate of the total population The Law of the Primate City, Geographical Review
Vol. 29 (1939), pp. 226-232. N. V. SOVANI,The Analysis
21 JOHNP. LEWIS,The Problem of Growth Centers. of Over-Urbanization, Economic Development and
Paper read at Hyderabad Seminar on Accelerating Cultural Change Vol. 12 (1964), pp, 113-122.
District Industrialization 1966. 28 JANET ABU-LUGHOD, Urbanization in Egypt: Present
22 E. A. J. JOHNSON, Market Towns and Spatial Develop- State and Future Prospects, Economic Development
ment in India, New Delhi National Center for Applied and Cultural Change Vol. 13 (1965), p. 315.
Economic Research 1965. 29 JOHN FRIEDMANN and TOMASLACKINGTON,Hyper-
23 BRUCEH. HERRICK, Urban Migration and Economic urbanization and National Development in Chile:
Development in Chile, Cambridge The M.I.T. Press Some Hypotheses, Urban Affairs Quarterly Vol. 2
1965, p. 3. (1967), pp. 3-29.

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969

290
Valparaiso-Viiia del Mar, but by 1960 this
measure of primacy was 5.18. Third, manufactur-
ing employment is even more concentrated than
population. These elements of hyperurbanization,
Friedmann argues, are indicative of Chiles
transitional state.30
Additional characteristics of this state are a
doubling of the urban population every two
decades, massive farm-to-town migration at the
lowest levels and interurban migration at higher
levels of an urban system with a capital city
approaching two millions containing half of
Chiles urban population, two other cities with
populations over 100,OOO which have experienced
substantial relative decline (Valparaiso-Vifia del
Mar, Concepcibn-Talcahuano), eight towns of
50-100 thousand, and 22 of 20-50 thousand. And
one result is a social, economic and political
crisis seemingly leading Chile to a breakthrough
to a modernizing state.31 The new regional
planning mechanisms and growth pole concepts
are one reflection of this condition, and if the
first part of this paper is correct, it should be
indexed quite clearly by the countrys urban
dimensions.
Chiles Urban Dimensions, 1952-1960 -. We
conducted several cumulative analyses of Chiles
urban dimensions, to clarify different facets of
both the set of dimensions and their stability
through time, viz:
(a) Analysis of the employment structure of 105
communes with populations exceeding 15,000.
Three analyses were completed, for 1952,1960,
and for industry-mix and competitive shifts
1952-1960.32
(b) Study of 59 social, economic, political and
demographic variables for 80 urban com-
munes in 1960.33
30 Friedmann refers (p. 9) to Halperns criterion of
economic differentiation: The intrinsic ability of a
society to generate and absorb continuous transforma-
tion, in terms of which there are three classes of society:
(a) traditional: not faced continuously by system-
transforming demands, but when so con-
fronted are capable only of disintegrating or
creating a new closed system;
(b) transitional: overtaken by structural changes
and demands, but incapable of dealing
effectively with them;
(c) modernizing: have achieved capacity to
manage and integrate structural transforma-
tions into an ongoing and surviving system
of interdependencies.
MANFRED HALPERN, The Revolution of Modernization
in National and International Society, in: CARL. J.
FRIEDRICH, ed. Revolution, New York Atherton
Press 1966, pp. 178-216.
31 FIUEDMANN and LACKINGTON, op. cit.,. 28.
32 These data were provided by Lowdon Wingo, Jr.
and are derived from Direcci6n de Estadistica y
censos.
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969
(c) Exploration of data relating to passenger
and goods movements by air, water and rail,
plus additional information on telephone
calls and income, sales and industrial taxes
for 94 urban places in 1962-3, 1965, and for
the changes between these two years.34
These are discussed in turn.
Numbers of employed workers or employees
were tabulated into nine industry groups and
a balance category as a precursor to the first
analysis: (1) agriculture, forestry and fishing;
(2) mining; (3) manufacturing; (4)construction;
(5) electric, gas and water services; (6)commerce;
(7) transportation, communication and ware-
housing; (8) services; (9) not elsewhere classified
and industry of association not clearly specified
by respondent; (10) self-employed persons -
includes unemployed, not seeking work, etc.
Preliminary inspection showed each distribution
to be reverse-J and so they were normalized
using a logarithmictransformation. Correlations
between the variables in 1952 are shown in
Table 2 and in 1960 in Table 3. The configura-
tions are very similar, and principal axis factor
analysis with normal varimax rotation to simple
structure yielded near-identical two-dimensional
factor structures (Tables 4 and 5). Orthonormal
factor scores for the 105 communes are listed
in Table 6, and Figures 1 and 2 compare these
scores for the two factors in the two years.
The clear dimensional stability is reiterated by
the low correlations among 1952-1960 industry
mix and competitive shift coefficients for the
ten sectors (Table 7), and their essentially
nonsensical factor structure (Table 8).35 Chiles
urban dimensions, as evidenced by ten-sector
employment data, were stable between 1952 and
1960; differences between these years appear
random.
33 The numbers were assembled in T. LACKINGTON,
Los Centros Urbanos en Chile: Analises de sus
Diferencias Economicas, Sociales, Politicas y Demo-
graficus. Universidad Catolica de Chile August 1967.
34 Drawn from materials accumulated by Lockheed
Aircraft Corp. for the Chile-California Project of the
Universidad de Chile, and released to the author by
Ned Kanaan.
35 The mix and shift coefficients were obtained by shift
analysis, one of the simplest analytical approaches,
based on a study of three main components of regional
growth: that part attributable to national growth, that
part attributable to rates of growth of the mix of in-
dustries in the region that are greater or less than the
national rates of growth of all industries, and that part
due to differences between rates of growth of industries
within a single region and rates of growth of the
same industries in other regions. Symbolically, this
may be expressed as:
where:
+ +
(1) dii = gy ky C#
g# = the national growth element for industry i
in region j
(to be continued)
291
What were these dimensions? The first scaled
Chile's communes into an urban hierarchy
based on functional size in all economic cate-
gories except mining and agriculture-forestry-
fishing. The second differentiated the communes
in a simple bipolar fashion according to the
two residual categories into those with mining
and those with agricultural orientation. In
turn, the scores of the communes yielded the
classic three-region pattern emphasized as the
most basic element of Chile's geography
(Figure 3).36 Formalizing the town-typing proce-
dures of Moser and Scott37 by application of a
simple stepwise grouping algorithm38 to the
relative similarities of communes, computed as
distances between points in the scatter diagram
of 1960 factor one scores plotted against factor
(continued)
kg the industry-mix effect for industry i
= boxes in the tree; numbers within the boxes
in region j
cg = the regional competitive effect for in-
dustry i in region j
dg = the absolute change in employment
between two points in time for industry i
in region j (that is, EMO - Eiwo).
For example, considering industry i in region j between
1950 and 1960, the following might apply:
Year : April 1 employment (thousands)
1950.. . .
: . . 42.8
1960. . . .
: .. 59.0
Absolute change. : 16.2
Now, the national overall rate of growth between 1950
and 1960 was 0.1548. For industry i it was 0.3112.
And for industry i in region j it was 0.3787.
Letting:
r = the national overall rate of growth (0.1548)
ri = the national rate of growth in industry i
(0.3112)
rg = the rate of growth of industry i in region j
(0.3787)
with:
E1950 being employment in 1950
E19.50 being employment in 1960
Then :
gu = El950 x r
= 42.8 x0.1548 = 6.6 thousands
ku = El950 x (ri - r 1
= 42.8x(0.3112- 0.1548) = 6.7 thousands
cg = El950 x (ru - rl 1 (-0.590) and larger dependency ratios (-0.931,
= 42.8~(0.3787- 0.3112) = 2.9
du = E l m - El950
= 59.0 - 42.8 = 16.2 thousands
Finally, we have:
du = gg kg
16.2 = 6.6
++ 6.7++cg2.9
36 Corporacih de Fomento, Geografia econ6mica de
Chile, Santiago 1950 and 1962.
37 British Towns, op. cit.
38 Ward's criterion. See BRIANJ. L. BERRY,Essays on
Commodity Flows and the Spatial Structure of the
Indian Economy, Department of Geography Research
Paper No. 111, University of Chicago 1966.
292
two scores, yielded 5 categories of Chilean towns:
A: Santiago.
B: Thirtheen high-order central places with
dominantly agricultural (etc.) orientation:
Valparalso-Viiia del Mar, Concepci6n-Tal-
cahuano, Curico, Taka, Linares, Chillan,
Los Angels, Temuco, Valdivia, Osorno, and
Puerto Montt.
C: Sixty-two communes of low-order and
dominant agricultural orientation.
D: Twenty-six central places with relatively
little orientation to agriculture, and in most
cases a substantial mining function, topped by
Antofagasta, Arica, Coquimbo and Punta
Arenas.
E: Three mining communes: Tocopilla, Toco
and Chanaral.
The grouping process is depicted in Figure 4
with, on the left, four cross-sections of the
stepwise sequence and, on the right, the related
'three'. Numbers in the top left-hand graph
are tbe same as the numbers on the tops of the
relate back to Table 6, and show which
communes fall within each of the initial clusters
(dots within the numbered boxes in the top
left-hand graph). Figure 5 shows the employ-
ment profiles of centers in each group for both
1952 and 1960. In addition, employment shifts
that led certain centers to change their class
position between 1952 and 1960 are indicated.
The C to B shift is an upward move by a deve-
loping growth center in the agriculturally-
based central-place hierarchy. Shifts from C to D
came from transfers between construction and
mining as new mining ventures were developed
and represent a difference in timing rather than
any fundamental structural shift.
A far more complex factor structure is revealed
by the 80-commune 59-variable analysis (Tables
9 and 10). Nine factors with eigenvalues exceed-
ing 2.0 accounted for the entire common
variance. Three of the first four do, however,
reiterate the findings of the employment analysis.
In the first factor, the largely agricultural areas
(variable 31, loading -0.662) of central Chile
(see Table 10) are shown to have substantial
illiteracy (variable 59, loading -0.879), larger
families (-0.604), higher infant death rates
thousands
-0.918). The nonagricultural areas (i.e. mining,
manufacturing, otherwise 'urbanized' - see
Table 10) have the higher proportions of
population in the active age-groups (0.936),
higher levels of education and schooling (0.868,
0.807, 0.725), homes with utilities (0.672, 0.787,
0.796, 0.665, 0.710), higher proportions of
employment in commerce, services, transport
and communications (i.e. in central-place func-
tions), and higher vehicle ownership (0.744).
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEFl'./OKT. 1969
 1952

Urban Hierarchy
H i j h Srarus

--PO

*.!
:*.* *. -
-_ 10 .*:
;.
Mining
1960 aty 1960
.dJ: . : Ism

4- .=
---2O
a%

t ao

low Sraius a m
---30

Fig. 2: Comparison of Factor Scores: Second Factor 1952

and 1960

Fig. 3: Urban Hierarchy (lefr) and Basic Employment Composition

60 - TIJDSCHRWT VOOR ECON.EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969 293
 -
6961 'LXOI'LdEIS 3 I J Y V 9 0 3 c 1 '30sN8 'NO38 VOOA .LdIXDSUCI.L - 09
TABLE 2:
CORRELATION MATRIX, 1 9 5 2

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1 AGRICULTURE 1.000
2 MINING -0.485 1.000
3 MANUFACTURE 0.098 0.264 1.000
4 CONSTRUCTION 0.096 0.363 0.794 ' 1.000
5 UTILITIES 0.093 0.363 0.709 0.807 1.000
6 COMMERCE 0.035 0.405 0.907 0.859 0.791 1.000
7 TRANSPORT -0.141 0.432 0.848 0.826 0.746 0.921 1.000
8 SERVICES 0.060 0.323 0.883 0.898 0.811 0.943 0.912 1.000
9 OTHER INDUSTRY 0.028 0.221 0.660 0.606 0.633 0.673 0.621 0.694 1.000
10 SELF-PIPLOYED 0.294 0.048 0.733 0.701 0.602 0.752 0.702 0.820 0.641 1.000

TABLE 3:
CORRELATION MATRIX, 1 9 6 0

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1 AGRICULTURE 1.000
2 MINING -0.528 1.000
3 MANUFACTURE -0.007 0.353 1.000
4 CONSTRUCTION -0.015 0.429 0.849 1.000
5 UTILITIES ,-0.043 0.485 0.766 0.846 1.000
6 COMMERCE -0.050 0.479 0.928 0.887 0.842 1.000
7 TRANSPORT -0.201 0.473 0.871 0.859 0.802 0.923 1.000
8 SERVICES 0.039 0.383 0.880 0.887 0.848 0.957 0.896 1.000
9 OTHER INDUSTRY -0.064 0.524 0.881 0.853 0.792 0.926 0.863 0.888 1.000
10 SELF-EMPMYED 0.187 0.237 0.798 0.753 0.643 0.799 0.737 0.829 0.835 i.nnn

_____

TABLE 4:
-
W L O Y N E N T BY INOUSTRY, 1952:
I TABLE 5 :
MpLoyHEM' BY INDUSTRY. 1960:
--

FACTOR STRUCTURE FOR 105 CQMJNES FACTOR S T R U C ~ EFOR 105 C 0 " E S

FACTOR FACTOR
1 2 1 2
Eigenvalue 6.481 1.641 Eigenvalue 6.959 1.696
Per cent v d i i a n e e 64.9 81.3 per cent variance 69.6 86.6

0.149 0.882 0.801 I AgIlculfvie 0.103 0.918 0.853

2 MTning 0.305 -0.821 0.766 2 mining 0.373 -0.198 0.776
3 Wanufscture 0.916 -0.021 0.840 3 Manu~acrure 0.935 -0.061 0.878
4 construction 0.910 -0.085 0.835 4 CO"str"CtI0" 0.924 -0.123 0.869
5 Utilities 0.851 -0.101 0.734 5 Urilitiea 0.862 -0.194 0.781
6 Cmerce 0.955 -0.139 0.932 6 commerce 0.965 -0.162 0.917
7 Trsnsporr 0.905 -0.271 0.893 7 Transport 0.904 -0.271 0.891
8 services 0.973 -0,067 0.911 8 service. 0.967 -0.052 0.938
9 other Industry 0.761 -0.024 0.580 9 Other Industry 0.933 -0.186 0.906
10 Self-Employed 0.850 0.270 0.795 10 self-Employed 0.886 0.150 0.807

Traditionalism thus remains strong in the communist voting patterns (-0.71 5, -0.689), high
agricultural provinces of central Chile. death rates (-0.73), few conservative inclina-
Factor four identifies the mineral-exploiting tions (0.488), and much social unrest.
towns (0.502), where most of the population As for the remaining dimensions, factor five
has at least primary schooling (0.719), where identifies manufacturing towns (-0.802, -0.8 l),
there is but little older-age population (-0.427), with more home ownership than elsewhere
relatively few privately-owned homes (-0.43 1) (-0.405) and low female-to-male sex ratios
but also much less substandard construction (-0.484). Factor six (radical) and nine (conserva-
than elsewhere (-0.610). Such areas have little tive) focus upon particular voting patterns.
agricultural or fishing employment (0.448). Although there are no clearly evident correlates
Factor three restates the presence of an urban with other variables, the spatial pattern indicates
hierarchy in terms of size of city (0.816; 0.805). radical voting at the northern (Arica to Ovalle)
A housing shortage in the largest cities (0.702) is and southern (Puerto Montt to Magallanes)
also noted. extremes of the country. Factor seven reveals
certain areas of older population (-0.473) in
Factor two, by contrast, identifies the rapidly which unemployment is high (-0.479). Finally,
growing areas (-0.775, -0.671) of mineral factor eight picks out zones with higher than
exploitation (-0.413), with heavy socialist- average birth rates.
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969 295
 r
c
w

TABLE 7:

CoBBEULTlckl IUTBIX,
SHIPT-SBhBB
,-C 1952-1960
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

1 nk:@icultura 1.wo
2 nix:wLning -0.031 1.000
3 nix:nan"f BCtUre -0.002. -0.037 1
..000
~.~
4 niX:constructio* 0;030 -0.068 0.153 1.000
. ...
5 Mixutilities 0.196 -0.063 -0.025 0.201 1.000
6 IiS:C-erCa 0.022 -0.087 0.126 0.072 -0.035 1.000
7 nk:Trsnaport -0.060 -0.013 -0.006 -0.035 -0.082 0.053 1.000
8 nix :services 0.010 -0.026 0.048 0.021 -0.001 0.008 -0.032 1.000
9 Uix:Other -0.045 -0.087 -0.098 -0.218 -0.165 -0.066 0.033 0.048 .1.000
10 Mk:Self-Employed 0.085 -0.056 0.037 -0.052 0.007 0.003 -0.046 -0.184 0.063 1.wHI
11 Shift:Agrieulture 0.124 0.039 0.095 -0.031 0.209 0.004 -0.134 0.021 -0.095 0.055 1.000
12 Shift:lining -0.026 0.202 0.218 -0.173 -0.124 -0.013 -0.060 0.009 -0.019 0.011 -0.035 1.000
13 Shift:Mnufacture -0.121 0.002 0.197 -0.226 0.072 -0.003 0.044 -0.016 -0.722 -0.018 0.114 -0.042 1.000
14 Shift:Constructioo -0.016 -0.164 0.048 -0.036 -0.438 0.008 0.020 -0.021 -0.047 0.105 0.072 -0.117 0.046 1.000
15 Shift:Utilities 0.059 -0.090 0.072 0.340 0.099 0.225 -0.025 0.030 -0.010 -0.006 0.153 -0.086 -0.102 0.077 1.000
16 Shift:C-ree 0.011 0.029 -0.007 0.044 0.027 -0.045 -0.723 0.013 0.042 -0.023 0.167 0.004 0.009 -0.022 -0.007 1.000
17 Shift:Transport 0.021 -0.003 0.219 -0.028 -0.171 -0.207 -0.219 0.119 0.139 0.016 -0.039 0.029 0.013 0.052 0.004 -0,056 1.000
18 Shift:Services 0.044 -0.077 -0.078 -0.195 -0.152 -0.020 0.071 0.089 0.847 -0.190 -0.067 0.006 -0.674 -0.076 0.002 0.023 0.091 1.000
19 Shift:Other -0.064 0.002 0.008 0.064 -0.275 0.064 0.027 -0.220 0.224 -0.047 -0.099 -0.138 -0.229 0.105 0.075 -0.044 0.174 0.079 1.000
20 Shift:Self-Employed 0.034 -0.022 0.043 0.020 0.023 0.455 -0.073 -0.066 0.002 -0.001 0.165 -0.023 0.004 0.011 0.267 -0.016 -0.023' -0.020 0.162 1.000
 100,000
6;
cy
10,000
I
1,000
100
t
z
g B I' C to B
5
10
100,000
m v
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
r
w INDUSTRIES
1 Agriculture
2 Mining
10,000
I3
4
Ma nu fa cture
Construction
5 Utilities
6 Commerce
1,000 7 Transport
8 Services
9 Other Industry
-
10 Self-Employed
100
-- 1952
...... 1960
10
C to D
r l l g l r l c I I I I I I I I
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9' 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
INDUSTRIES
TABLE 8:
EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRY,
FACTOR STRUCTURE SHIFT-SHARE CCMPONENTS, 1952-1960

FACTOR 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Eigenvalue 2.607 1.759 1.675 1.522 1.444 1.378 1.376 1.306 1.291
Per cent variance 13.0 21.8 30.2 37.8 45.0 51.9 58.8 65.3 71.8

Variable Comrnunality
1. Mix :Agricilture 0.098 -0.036 -0.018 -0.059 0.637 0.022 0.017 0.023 0.103 0.433
2. Mix :Mining -0.098 0.042 0.016 0.209 -0.118 0.161 -0.638 0.112 0.103 0.526
3. Mix :Manufacture -0.161 -0.040 0.107 -0.214 0.070 0.279 0.102 0.683 -0.098 0.655
4. Mix :Construction -0.074 0.045 -0.001 -0.909 -0.046 0.006 -0.014 -0.010 0.009 0.836
5. Mix :Utilities -0.134 0.015 -0.083 -0.324 0.590 -0.323 -0.373 -0.144 -0.068 0.748
6. Mix :Commerce -0.002 -0.066 0.768 -0.108 -0.094 -0.256 0.095 0.138 -0.011 0.707
7. Mix :Transport 0.042 -0.910 0.013 0.037 -0.099 -0.122 0.021 -0.053 -0.001 0.860
8. Mix :Services 0.065 0.019 -0.071 -0.018 0.060 -0.029 0.133 0.141 -0.785 0.668
9. Mix:Other 0.929 0.016 -0.015 0.143 -0.006 0.107 0.058 -0.024 0.011 0.899
10. Mix :Self-Employed 0.002 0.014 -0.116 0.034 0.286 -0.116 0.321 0.263 0.657 0.713
11. Shift Agriculture -0.149 0.199 0.267 0.173 0.612 0.093 0.037 -0,053 -0.075 0.556
12. Shift:Mining 0.056 0.056 0.006 0.212 -0.135 -0.098 -0.278 0.756 0.051 0.731
13. Shift:Msnufacture 0.879 0.011 0.004 0.247 0.030 0.016 0.050 0.035 -0.115 0.852
14. Shift:Construction -0.106 0.017 0.081 0.135 -0.165 0.200 0.760 0.037 0.092 0.692
15. Shift:Utilities 0.050 0.009 0.436 -0.521 0.170 0.086 0.133 -0.001 -0.066 0.522
16. Shift:Comerce 0.032 0.932 -0.006 -0.013 -0.014 -0.088 -0.005 -0.031 -0.015 0.879
17. Shift:Transport 0.059 0.056 -0.198 -0.002 0.115 0.795 0.053 0.208 -0.142 0.757
18. Shift:Services 0.904 -0.022 0.019 0.148 0.008 0.042 0.004 0.028 -0.201 0.883
19. Shift:Other 0.191 -0.044 0.245 -0.123 -0.291 0.589 0.044 -0.265 0.332 0.727
20. Shift:Self-Employed 0.007 0.031 0.825 0.019 0.127 0.095 -0.054 -0.035 0.053 0.714

Tables 11-13 summarize the factor structure Functional size of centers in an urban
of the transportation and tax data. To ease hierarchy,
Agriculture-related traditionalism in central
interpretation, the loadings have been cascaded Chile.
in order of size, and the lowest values eliminated Mineral-exploiting towns, particularly the
from the table. copper-mining communities of the north.
In both 1962-3 and 1965, the first dimension Manufacturing towns.
Rapidly-growing towns in areas of mineral
of variation was one of size: tax collections, exploitation at the northern and southern
railroad receipts, volumes of railroad and air extremities of the country, radical in outlook
passenger and cargo activity are all scaled by the - the towns of Chiles resource frontiers.

urban hierarchy.
Special features of the transportation pattern
of Chile are identified by the remaining dimen-
sions. Factor two relates ocean general cargo
unloads and railroad loading (imports to Chile),
particularly through Concepci6n and San Anto-
nio, whereas factor four in both cases focusses
on general cargo loading (exports from Chile),
especially through Valparaiso. On the third
factor, value of general cargo unloads at the
free ports of Arica and Punta Arenas, combined
with the reliance of these extreme northern
and southern cities upon air transportation, is
noted. Finally, other factors point to the
unique transportation patterns associated with
such places as Cerro Sombrero on Tierra del
Fuego.
The change dimensions are very orderly (Table
13). Apparently, in the 1962-3 to 1965 period
each transport sector shifted independently
of the others, but consistently, so that the
structure of Chilean transportation did not
change markedly in the period.
To summarize, therefore, the principal dimen-
sions of variation of the Chilean urban system
appear to be :
Unlike the US.,then, but consistent with other
transitional societies, status and population-
composition are not separate dimensions of
variation, but related in a factor that indexes
the traditional bases of society. Unlike India,
however, where each regional culture has its
own structure, and the very cultural diversity
creates multiple factors, Chile is small and
relatively homogeneous, enabling the traditional
urban patterns of the central region to be
captured in a single dimension portraying the
educational and demographic correlates and
consequences of rural backwardness.
Regional Development Planning in Chile
It is this backwardness that Chiles new regional
planning mechanisms, with their explicit growth
center and decentralization strategies, have been
designed to attack. To tie together the several
themes of this paper we now turn to an examina-
tion of these mechanisms, how they relate to
regional growth theory, both exploit some and
attack other dimensions of urban variation, and
might in the long-run be expected to transform
the dimensionality.

298 60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPTJOKT. 1969

TABLE 9:

CENTRAL PLACES I N CHILE - - ANALYSIS OF ECONOMIC,

SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND DEMOGRAPHIC DIFFERENCES

FACTOR 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Eigenvalue . 15.841 4.720 3.633 3.629 3.537 3.302 3.281 2.547 2.521
Per cent variance 36.8 47.8 56.3 64.7 72.9 80.6 88.2 94.1 100.0

Variable Comrnuna l i t y

1 Total Population 1960 0.446 -0.061 0.816 -0.138 -0.088 -0.084 0.141 0 . 068 0.123 0.941
2 Percentage P o p u l a t i o n 0-14 0.911 -0.074 -0.005 0.076 -0.015 -0.219 0.040 0.156 0.119 0.930
3 Percentage Population 15-64 0.936 -0.032 0.034 0.063 0.044 0.178 0.146 -0.071 -0.010 0.943
4 Percentage Population 65+ y r s . 0.024 0.376 -0.059 -0.427 -0.148 0.029 -0.473 -0.150 -0.255 0.661
5 Female t o Male Ratio 0.155 0.220 0.418 -0.257 -0.484 0.046 -0.361 -0.064 -0.133 0.702
6 Dependency Index 1960 -0.931 0.043 -0.026 -0.062 -0.056 -0.195 -0.154 0.070 0.009 0.943
7 Dependency Index 1952 -0.918 0.144 -0.150 -0.177 -0.004 -0.067 -0.024 -0.029 0.081 0.929
8 T o t a l Population 1965 0.448 -0.111 0.805 -0.146 -0.101 -0.075 0.153 0.153 0.052 0.143
9 I n f a n t Death r a t e 1965 -0.590 0.180 -0.029 -0.008 0.277 0.202 0.135 0.075 -0.086 0.530
1 0 Population v a r i a t i o n 1940-52 0.355 -0.231 0.143 0.242 -0.370 -0.112 0.292 0.085 -0.044 0.502
11 Population v a r i a t i o n 1952-60 0.365 -0.775 0.138 -0.155 -0.031 -0.099 0.205 0.035 0.269 0.903
12 Population v a r i a t i o n 1940-60 0.293 -0,671 0.262 -0.123 -0.440 -0.105 0.055 0.058 0.007 0.831
13 Death r a t e 1960 0.396 -0.730 0.177 -0.102 -0.022 -0.103 0.265 0.049 0.298 0.905
14 B i r t h r a t e 196a -0.045 -0.038 0.117 -0.081 -0.034 0.051 -0.143 0.776 -0.034 0.652
15 B i r t h r a t e 1965 0.048 -0.044 -0.029 -0.100 -0.226 -0.110 -0.209 0.720 0.013 0.640
16 Percentage Homes with water '& I
0.672 -0.134 0.129 -0.033 -0.022 0.055 -0.253 0.335 0.251 0.730
1 7 Percentage Homes w i t h b a t h '60 0.787 -0.255 0.166 0.096 -0.064 -0.189 -0.204 0.261 0. 140 0.890
18 Percentage Homes with gas
and e l e c t r i c i t y - 1960 0.796 -0.355 0.106 0.152 -0.033 -0.248 -0.078 0.054 0.146 0.886
19 Percentage Homes with
e l e c t r i c i t y -1960 0.665 -0.373 0.106 0.257 -0.072 -0.242 -0.199 0.293 0.213 0 . e94
20 Percentage Homes with water
and sewage 0.710 -0.267 0.261 0.037 0.023 0.009 -0.274 0.298 0.161 0.835
21 Percentage Homes owner oceup. -0.162 0.231 0.049 -0.431 -0.405 0.253 -0.017 -0.328 -0.065 0.608
22 Percentage Public Homes
b u i l t i n 1965 0.188 0.039 -0.035 0.056 0.091 0.202 0.052 -0.143 0.006 0.114
23 Percentage P r i v a t e Homes
b u i l t i n 1965 -0.047 0.139 0.140 -0.069 0.144 0.034 -0.045 -0.309 -0. 356 0.291
24 Percentage Substandard Homes -0.330 -0.016 0.325 -0.610 -0.112 -0.061 -0.043 0.064 -0.024 0.609
25 No of Persons per Home -0.604 0.009 -0.004 -0.205 0.114 -0.360 0.168 0.241 0.010 0.636
26 Shortage of Homes 0.324 -0.271 0.702 -0.123 -0.207 -0.036 0.149 0.100 0.255 0.827
27 Male Unemployment 12-14 '60 0.441 -0.061 0.197 0.436 -0.248 0.059 -0.203 -0.187 0.177 0.600
28 Male Unemployment 65-84 '60 0.322 -0.314 0.148 -0.055 -0.181 -0.141 -0.479 0.393 0.195 0. 702
29 Percentage of Females i n
Agriculture-1960 -0.709 -0.194 0.330 -0.135 -0.352 -0.057 -0.135 0.242 -0.013 0.873
30 Percentage of P o w l a t i o n a c t i v e
i n manufacturing i n d u s t r y '60 0.318 -0.063 0.150 -0.010 -0.802 -0.179 0.044 0.255 0.101 0.880
31 Percentage of Persons a c t i v e
in a g r i c u l t u r e and f i s h i n g -0.662 0.277 -0.287 -0.448 0.009' -0.153 -0.029 -0.016 -0.321 0.925
32 Percentage of P e r ~ o n sa c t i v e
i n exploitation of minerals 0.137 -0.413 0.014 0.502 0.279 0.192 -0.130 -0.035 0.419 0. 751
33 Pereentaee bf persons i n
p a r t manufacturing 1960 0.334 -0.071 0.142 -0.017 -0.810 -0.187 0.044 0.239 0.096 0.896
34 percentage of persans a c t i v e
i n c o n s t r u c t i o n 1960 0.257 -0.299 0.393 -0.096 -0.313 0.253 -0.040 -0.064 -0.060 0.490
35 percentage of Persons a c t i v e
i n Public services 0.363 -0.197 0.387 0.049 -0.132 0.152 -0.031 -0.042 -0.114 0.379
36 Percentage of Persons i n
COlILUeXe 0.692 -0.129 0.249 -0.259 -0.359 0.061 -0.156 0.112 0.143 0.814
37 Percentage of Persons i n
Transportation-Coilrmun. 0.551 -0.193 0.031 0.136 -0.368 0.251 -0.050 0.049 0.120 0.578
38 percentage of Persons in
p a r t S e r v i c e s 1960 0.709 -0.013 0.249 -0.301 -0.343 0.170 -0.014 0.154 -0.118 0.840
39 Percentage of Persons i n
o t h e r s e r v i c e s 1960 0.248 -0.039 0.271 0.099 -0.318 -0.176 -0.223 0.065 0.422 0.510
40 Vehicles p e r Persons 0.744 -0.151 0.099 -0.125 -0.100 -0.246 -0.003 0.168 0.019 0.701
41 Percentage of Democrats '65 -0.126 0.114 0.112 -0.091 -0.135 -0.494 0.004 0.001 0.085 0.320
42 Percentage of Radicals '65 -0.008 0.122 0.030 -0.111 -0.025 0.753 0.036 0.033 0.009 0.599
43 Percentage of Conservative
and L i b e r a l 1965 -0.009 0.488 -0.026 -0.201 -0.105 -0.377 -0.002 0.112 -0.447 0.645
44 Percentage of Communist
and S o c i a l i s t 1965 0.166 -0.715 0.039 0.277 -0.025 0.056 -0.160 0.178 -0.011 0.678
45 Percentage of Democrats
1961 and 1965 -0.071 0.343 0.081 -0.404 -0.072 -0.301 0.056 0.017 0.498 0.641
46 Percentage of Radical S65 0.156 -0.025 0.067 0.053 -0.008 0.646 -0.101 -0.070 0.039 0.467
47 Percentage of L i b e r a l and
Conservative s 65 -0.036 0.127 -0.130 -0.007 0.002 0.023 0.025 0.023 -0.758 0.610
48 Percentage of Communist
and S o c i a l i s t 565 0.211 -0.689 0.061 0.250 -0.037 -0.038 -0.233 0.044 -0.068 0.649
49 Percentage of Absten '65 -0.256 0.245 -0.030 0.308 0.238 0.554 0.503 0.003 -0.178 0.870
50 Percentage of Absten 565 -0.140 0.176 -0.004 0.442 0.105 0.550 0.470 0.042 -0.307 0.876
51 P a r t i c i p a t i o n over 21 '60 0.278 -0.061 -0.101 0.189 -0.004 0.049 -0.779 0.234 0.020 0.791
52 Representative over 2 1 '60 -0.113 0.035 -0.163 -0.010 0.146 0.013 -0.805 0.262 -0.009 0.779
53 Percentage Male 15 y r a or
mare 1960 -0.733 0.086 -0.217 -0.375 0.190 -0.138 -0.097 0.122 0.106 0.823
54 Percentage Female 15 y r s
or more 1960 -0.867 0.209 -0.073 -0.301 0.158 -0.040 0.044 0.080 -0.133 0.944
55 Percentage population with
Primary school 1960 0.007 -0.075 -0.196 0.719 -0.046 0.092 0.004 -0.147 -0.044 0.595
16 Percentage population w i t h
Secondary school 1960 0.868 -0.045 0.191 -0.140 -0.253 -0.093 -0.052 0.069 0.040 0.894
57 Percentage population w i t h
University school 1960 0.807 -0.178 0.387 -0.079 -0.147 -0.101 0.027 0.006 0.020 0.872
58 Percentage population with
S p e c i a l schooling 1960 0.725 -0.212 0.166 0.105 -0.106 0.295 -0.198 0.021 0.175 0.777
59 Percentage population w i t h
No education -0.879 0.153 -0.096 -0.303 0.188 -0.153 0.053 0.092 -0.002 0.966

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPTJOKT. 1969

299
TABLE 10:

CBNTlUL PIACES IN CHILE -- ANALYSIS OF ECONOMIC.

-
C O W FACTOR SCOBBS
1 2 3' 4 5 6 7 8
1. Arica 2,oa -1.82 -1.17 -0.86 -0.31 0.54 1.54 -0.09 -0.58
2. 1quiqus 1.39 0.28 0.03 1.28 -0.87 1.39 -0.33 -0.55 -0.01
3. Tocopilla 1.04 0.37 -0.16 1.94 -0.29 1.70 -1.74 -0.80 0.54
4. TOCO 1.60 0.35 -1.19 4.29 3.92 -0.12 1.34 2.17 -0.11
5. Calama 0.37 -0.77 0.75 1.90 0.31 0.28 -0.03 -0.72 0.78
6. Antofagasta 1.54 -0.12 1.01 0.21 -0.50 1.23 0.32 -0.59 0.32
7. Channral 1.28 -0.76 -1.31 1.30 20.7 0.46 1.81 -1.87 2.94
8. Copiapo 0.23 -1.00 -0.73 -0.60 -0.25 1-34 0.07 -0.05 2.52
9. Vallenar -0.78 -1.34 -0.30 -0.95 0.28 1.22 -0.45 -0.90 2.31
10. La Serena 0.4.3 0.15 0.84 0.09 -0.27 0.31 -1.04 0.28 0.60
11 * Coquimbo 0.37 -0.14 0.04 0.45 -1.09 0.33 -1.10 0.24 1.12
12. Ovalle -0.53 -0.78 0.82 -1.01 -0.31 0.93 -0.38 -0.66 1.18
13. Illapel -1.13 -0.70 0.49 -0.36 0.57 0.37 -0.72 0.10 0.84
14. San Pelipe 1.47 0.07 -1.03 -0.17 -0.34 -0.71 -1.14 -0.07 -1.43
15. Lo8 Andes 1.70 0.90 -0.88 0.48 -0.43 0.07 -0.92 1.42 -0.89
16. Quillota 1.08 0.01 -0.18 -0.23 -0.28 -0.43 -0.22 0.78 -0.70
17. Nogales -0.60 -0.65 -1.13 1.93 -1.01 -1.74 -0.78 -0.49 -0.61
18. Calera 0.38 -0.26 -1.40 1.10 -1.65 -0.50 -0.58 0.15 0.71
19. Valparaiso 2.37 0.96 2.12 0.10 0.05 -0.72 -0.21 -0.39 -0.30
20. Limache 0.95 -0.29 -0.89 -0.49 0.14 -1.56 -1.07 -1.59 -0.66
21. Villa Alemana 1.84 -0.81 -1.16 -0.96 -1.11 -0.95 -0.32 -1.71 -0.28
22. Quilpue 1.09 -1.14 -0.41 -0.46 -1.91 -1.26 -0.25 -2.07 -0.22
23. Gran Santiago 1.74 0.63 4.27 -0.41 0.37 -1.61 1.30 -0.02 0.75
24. Puente Alto 0.09 -0.76 . 0.23 0.26 -1.57 -1.69 0.41 0.92 1.16
25. Talagante -0.09 -0.10 -1.03 0.14 -0.12 -1.99 -0.51 1.29 0.72
26. Penaflor 0.16 -0.56 -1.07 -0.29 -1.27 -2.54 0.61 -0.34 0.63
27. Melipill. 0.05 -0.21 -0.46 -0.68 1.00 -2.68 0.04 -0.18 0.20
28. San Antonio 0.56 -0.43 -0.35 -0.25 -1.02 -0.02 -0.44 -0.23 1.51
29. Buin 0.06 0.01 -1.10 -0.31 0.29 -1.79 0.12 0.93 0.28
30. Rancagua 0.65 -0.60 0.77 -0.21 0.09 -0.45 -0.81 0.44 -0.66
31. Machali 0.50 -0.87 0.88 1.91 3.21 -1.27 -0.75 -1.77 -0.39
32. Sen Vicentc -0.48 0.25 -0.43 -0.12 1.44 -1.92 -0.65 -0.37 -0.87
33. Rengo -0.51 -0.03 0.09 0.22 0.27 -0.50 -0.52 0.51 -0.61
34. San Fernando 0.17 0.02 0.05 -0.20 -0.01 -0.43 -0.39 0.93 -1.02
35. Chimbarongo -1.06 -0.57 -1.03 -0.49 1.70 -0.66 -0.77 0.90 -1.48
36. curico 0.30 -0.07 0.30 -1.04 0.43 -0.30 -0.10 1.10 -0.11
37. Talca 0.64 0.99 1.48 -0.42 -0.49 -0.50 -0.73 0.79 0.33
38. Molina -0.44 0.23 -0.32 -0.71 0.75 -0.50 0.83 0.88 -0.08
39. Constitucion -0.20 0.95 -0.04 -0.58 0.28 0.82 -1.37 -0.90 0.19
40. Cauquenes 0.06 1.05 -0.03 -0.85 0.93 -0.40 -1.52 -1.31 0.03
41. San Javier -0.29 -0.50 -0.79 -1.70 1.17 0.34 -0.35 0.30 -0.54
42. Linares -0.10 -0.25 0.10 -1.24 0.06 -0.59 0.23 0.70 0.36
43. Parral -0.49 -0.54 -0.12 -1.67 0.42 0.47 -0.29 0.61 -0.37
44. San Carlos -0.47 -0.32 -0.35 -1.85 1.17 0.52 -0.48 1.59 -0.63
45. Chillan 0.17 0.08 1.28 -0.95 -0.23 1.17 -0.72 0.76 0.16
46. Bulnes -0.70 -0.20 -0.92 -0.82 0.76 0.58 -0.51 1.47 -0.76
47. Tome -0.51 -0.84 -0.46 0.56 -2.04 -0.40 -0.16 0.07 0.60
48. Talcahuano 0.71 -0.16 2.77 0.48 -0.79 0.25 0.61 0.56 -0.13
49. Penco -1.34 -0.94 -0.04 1.40 -2.44 -0.13 -0.22 0.58 1.35
50. Coronel -1.10 -1.70 1.31 1.20 -0.04 0.35 -0.05 0.37 1.29
51. Lota -1.36 -0.69 1.91 2.21 0.69 -0.21 -1.03 1.23 0.54
52. Yumbel -1.45 -0.72 -0.67 -0.13 -0.87 0.75 0.36 -0.43 -0.46
53. Arsuco -1.23 -0.73 -0.39 -0.64 0.56 0.75 -1.99 -2.73 0.14
54. Curanilahue -2.11 -2.41 0.28 0.19 1.12 0.96 -1.12 0.21 1.44
55. Los Angeles -0.28 0.40 0.76 -1.16 0.50 -0.01 1.21 0.91 0.69
56. Mulchen -1.03 0.22 -0.59 -0.81 -0.10 1.01 0.22 1.08 1.46
57. Angol -0.15 0.60 0.57 -1.25 0.51 0.28 -0.58 0.88 0.38
58. Traiguen 0.04 1.44 -0.63 -1.21 0.57 -0.07 -0.26 1.22 0.30
59. Victoria 0.27 0.96 -0.27 -0.78 0.20 -0.21 0.21 0.45 -0.34
60. Curscautin -0.63 1.90 -0.95 1.20 -1.78 1.99 -0.13 1.87 0.13
61. Leutaro -0.30 1.76 -0.06 -0.85 0.66 0.55 0.39 0.24 0.57
62. Nueva Imperial -0.95 1.39 -0.09 -1.38 0.69 -0.11 1.35 -2.59 0.45
63. Carahue -0.97 1.71 -0.20 -0.56 0.85 0.77 0.59 -0.86 0.22
64. Temuco 0.67 1.74 1.30 -1.10 0.10 0.29 1.14 0.04 1.02
65. Cunco -1.28 2.42 -0.60 1.27 -0.42 -0.72 2.04 -2.38 0.80
66. Pitrufquen -0.29 2.33 -0.58 0.05 0.01 0.11 0.25 - 1.43 0.83
67. Loncoche -0.52 2.36 -0.54 0.34 -0.45 -0.26 1.34 -0.28 0.43
68. Villarrica -0.71 3.02 -0.62 0.99 -0.75 -0.13 0.57 0.41 1.20
69. Valdivia 0.26 -0.27 1.43 0.50 -0.69 0.76 -0.21 1.04 -1.41
70 i Los Lagos -1.36 0.54 -0.37 1.24 0.16 0.31 0.16 1.15 -0.90
71. Panguipulli -2.37 -2.12 2.13 0.28 0.38 0.32 2.63 -1.66 -2.30
72. La Union -0.62 -0.26 -0.30 0.37 -0.45 0.26 0.67 0.52 -0.97
73 * Rio Bueno -0.94 0.69 -0.00 0.39 0.35 0.01 0.19 0.24 -1.03
74. Osorno 0.05 -0.51 1.13 -0.39 -0.08 0.44 0.05 -0.09 -1.26
75. Puerto Varas -0.40 -0.97 0.11 0.22 0.08 -1.59 0.71 -0.07 -2.69
76. Puerto Monte -0.36 -0.42 0.87 0.18 -1.03 0.11 1.28 0.32 -1.34
77. Ancud -0.57 0.31 -0.04 0.84 -0.73 1.50 -0.99, -0.48 -2.36
78. Castro -0.56 0.79 0.86 1.00 -0.88 1.32 -1.98 -2.66 -3.42
79. Coyhaique -0.10 -1.23 -1.76 -0.11 -1.30 0.70 4.52 0.68 -1.33
80. Magallanes 2.96 -1.32 -1.81 -1.26 1.04 3.83 0.97 0.01 -0.76

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 196

300
 FACTOR STRUCTURE: TRANSPORT AND TAX DATA
196211963

Variable Factor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

7 Income Tax Collected 0.933

1 No. of Tax Payers Earning Over 5 Basics 0.929
6 Total Amount of Sal. Payers Earning Over
5 Basics 0.928
4 I n d u s t r i a l Tax Collected 0.916
5 Sales Tax Collected 0.911
22 Total Passenaer-Km Embarked (R.R.) 0.684
21 Total Amount-Received From Cargo Unloaded (R.R.) 0.659
17 Total Amount Received From Passengers (R.R.) 0.657
16 Total Passengers Embarked (R.R.) 0.646
29 A i r Cargo Loaded 0.596
24 Total Passengers Arrived h Left (Air) 0.499
20 Total Cargo Unloaded (R.R.) 0.486 0.217
3 K.W.H. 0.434 0.400
31 A i r m i l Loaded
18 Total Cargo Loaded (R.R.) 0.722
19 Total Amount Received From Cargo Loaded (R.R) 0.680
14 General Cargo Unloaded (Ocean)
13 Value Total Cargo Unloaded (Ocean)
12 Total Cargo Unloaded (Ocean)
15 Value General Cargo Unloaded (Ocean)
26 Total Seats Offered Arrived & Left (Air) 0.354 0.554
27 Total Seats Available (Air) 0.382 0.523
30 Air Cargo Unloaded 0.401
11 Value General Cargo Loaded (Ocean)
10 General Cargo Loaded (Ocean)
9 Value Total Cargo Loaded (Ocean)
8 Total Cargo Loaded (Ocean) 0.670
28 Factor Occupance (Air) 0.458 0.402
25 Total Passengers i n Transit (Air) 0.874
23 Average Trip-KM (R.R.) 0.938
32 A i r M a i l Unloaded
2 Long Distance Telephone Calls

Sum of Squares 7.555 2.194 1.506 1.293 1.263 1.163 1.058

FACTOR STRUCTURE: TRANSPORT AND TAX DATA

1965
Variable Factor 1 2 3 4 5 6

5 Sale tax collected 0.907

4 Industrial tax collected 0.906
6 TOTAL amount of s a l a r i e s of t a x p a y e r s earning
over 5.B.S. 0.889
1, Number of t a x payers e a r n i n g over f i v e b a s i c
salaries 0.883
2 Long d i s t a n c e t e l e p h o n e ' c a l l s 0.723
29 Air cargo loaded 0.652
21 T o t a l amount r e c e i v e d from cargo unloaded (R.R. ) 0.652
22
24
T o t a l Passengers - KM embarked (R.R)
T o t a l passengers a r r i v e d and l e f t (Air)
0.642
0.628
16 T o t a l passengers embarked (R.R.) 0.612
27 T o t a l s e a t s a v a i l a b l e (Air) 0.575
31 A i r mail loaded 0.568
32 A i r m a i l unloaded 0.538
20 T o t a l cargo unloaded (R.k,') 0.530 0.348
30 A i r cargo unloaded 0.522
26 Total s e a t s offered a r r i v e d & l e f t ( a i r ) 0.511
18 T o t a l cargo loaded (R.R.) 0.724
19 T o t a l amount r e c e i v e d from c a r g o loaded (R.R;) 0.714
17 T o t a l amount r e c e i v e d from p a s s e n g e r s (R.R.') 0.624
3 K.W.H. sold 0.612
12 T o t a l cargo unloaded (ocean) 0.484
9 Value t o t a l c a r g o loaded (ocean) 0.394 0.317
15 Value g e n e r a l c a r g o unloaded (ocean) 0.574
25 T o t a l passengers i n t r a n s i t ( a i r ) 0.544
14 General c a r g o unloaded (ocean) 0.538
13 Value t o t a l c a r g o unloaded (ocean) 0.445 0.360
10 General cargo loaded (ocean) 0.707
11 Value g e n e r a l c a r g o loaded (ocean) 0.605
7 Income t a x c o l l e c t e d 0.369 0.402 0.552
23 Average trip-KM (R.Q.3 0.900
8 T o t a l c a r g o loaded (ocean) 0.802
28 Factor occupance ( a i r ) 0.561

Sum of Squares 7.710 2.638 1.801 1.632 1.104 1.067

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969

301
TABLE 13:
FACTOR STRUCTURE: TRANSPORT AND TAX DATA
196511962

Sum of Sq. 4.401 4.237 3.810 3.419 2.381 1.940 1.366 1.342

!a&.i?b Factors 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
24
28 T o t a l Passengers Arrived end L e f t ( A i r ) 0.906
Factor Occupance (Air) 0.878
27
26 T o t a l Seats Offered Arrived and L e f t (Air) 0.837
T o t a l Seats Available (Air) 0.835
29 A i r Cargo Loaded (Air) 0.704 0.598
5 S a l e s Tax Collected 0.679 -0.375
31 A i r H a i l Loaded (Air)
17 T o t a l Amount Received from Passengers (R.R) 0.861
23 Average Trip-KM (R.R.) 0.856
22 T o t a l Passengers-KM Embarked (P.R.) 0.839
20 T o t a l Cargo Unloaded (R.R.) 0.835
21 T o t a l Amount Received Cargo Unloaded (R.R.) 0.803
16 T o t a l Passengers Embarked (R.R.) 0.593
13 Value Total Cargo Unloaded (ocean) 0.956
15 Value General Cargo Unloaded (ocean) 0.955
14 Value General Cargo Unloaded (Ocean) 0.951
12 T o t a l General Cargo Unloaded (Ocean) 0.915
11 Value General Cargo Loaded (Ocean) -0.933
9 Value Total Cargo Loaded (Ocean) -0.875
10 General Cargo Loaded (Ocean) -0.869
8 T o t a l Cargo Loaded (OCea") -0.857
6 Total Amount of S a l a r i e s of Tax Payers Over 5 . B . S . -0.827
7 Income Tax Collected -0.762
1 No. of Taxpayers earning over 5 Basic s a l a r i e s -0.749
4 I n d u s t r i a l Tax Collected 0.324 -0.623
18 Total Cargo Loaded (R.R.) 0.958
19 Total Amt Received Cargo Loaded (R.R.) 0.937
30 A i r Cargo Unloaded (Air) 0.332 0.859
25
3 K.W.H. Sold 0.656
T o t a l Passengers i n T r a n s i t ( A i r ) 0.407 0.456
32 A i r Mail Unloaded
2 Long Distance Telephone C a l l s

Formal Structure of Planning Chilean plan- -. designed to regionalize the national and sectoral
ning is centered in the Oficina de Planificacibn plans on an annual basis. Regional planners in
Nacional (ODEPLAN), and is directly attached the central office of ODEPLAN are, for example,
to the office of the President of the Republic. concerned with inter-regional allocations con-
Through a wide system of controls and invest- sistent with these plans, and with the regional
ment activities, ODEPLAN is thus the center of inequities reduced thereby or resulting therefrom.
Chile's 'directed' economy, concerned with In ten regional planning offices (ORPLANS) and
formulating the National Plan for Economic a metropolitan planning office for Greater
and Social Development. ODEPLAN has three Santiago, the regional planners have additional
main divisions, dealing with (1) national plan- responsibilities related to elaboration and execu-
ning, (2) sectoral planning, and (3) regional tion of the regional plans, however: identifying
planning. new investment opportunities, new and/or
The national planning function involves setting underused resources, or local bottlenecks;
goals for the economy and programming the specifying the coordination required between,
materials-, investment-, and output-requirements and location requirements of, intra-regional
for achieving these goals. Sectoral planning sectoral allocations, and exploring the coope-
translates the requirements into consistent ration required between the public and private
activities of the basic sectors of the economy, sectors to achieve both the regional develop-
to each of which is attached a Ministry of ment desired for growth and the spatial patterns
central government : agriculture, industry, trans- essential to regional well-being.40
port, energy, housing, health and education, A third and very fundamental facet of the
labor, and general administration. Each ministry regional planning offices is that they are to be
is concerned with executing its own investment the means whereby administrative decentraliza-
programs and developing attractive investment tion is achieved. Centralization of decision-
opportunities to be included within the national making has been of an extreme kind in Chile.
plan; ODEPLAN seeks to ensure that these Municipal Alcaldes have had only ceremonial
programs are scaled to achieve national goals roles ; provincial Intendentes have simply
and are consistent with each other29 expressed the local presence of the President.
The regional planning arm of ODEPLAN was Decisions of the minutest kind were transferred
39 Presidencia de la Republica, Oficina de Planificacibn 40 Idem. La Planificacibn Regional Una Experienca
Nacional, Que es Odeplan?, 1967. Nueva en la Planificacibn de Chile, 1967.

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969

302
to Santiago.4 Regional planning represents the
urge to reduce this excessive centralization,
and the planning regions are, by constitutional
amendment, to become a new sub-national
super-provincial level of government, the first
step in downward-decentralization of decisions
and development.
The Planning Regions -. That this is so is
reflected in the basic tools used to develop the
system of planning regions: Mapas Basicos
Sobre la Regionalizacion y Descentralizacion
de Chile.42 The Chilean planners had to develop
a logical breakdown of Chile into a national
system of regions, and had to do it in only two
months. Experience had shown that the 25
Provinces were too many and too small for an
effective beginning to be made to decentraliza-
tion in Chiles context of limited resources,
including limited reserves of skilled planners,
technicians and administrators. Yet the pro-
vinces were to remain as basic building blocks
because of their existing administrative roles, and
because studies of local interdependency (for
example, the areas of influence of urban centers
- Figure 6) showed that the provinces were, in
the main, self-contained local economic units.
Groups of provinces therefore could be obtained
so that the new regions possessed a unity based
upon maximization of internal relationships
relating to all functions not performed for the
nation as a whole or for world markets. On the
other hand, each region was not to be too large
to prevent administrative coordination from
some central point, and each region was to
have at least one growth pole, as an essential
ingredient in the activation of regional growth. A
growth pole was defined as an urban center
sufficiently large enough, showing incipient
growth at a strategic transport location, and
with sufficient potential for additions to its infra-
structure to attract modern economic activities
and extend its dynamic influence to the rest of
the region.43 In all cases, the growth poles
selected were provincial capitals.
The regionalization was made after careful
study of the national economy. Analyses were
made of the physical base, resource limitations
and opportunities, the population and its
social-economic structure, both social and
physical infrastructure, and the economic life
of the country.4 The crudest fact in Chile is
41 HERRICK, op. cit. on centralization in Chile.
42 ODEPLAN, May 1965.
4) Idem. Las Regiones de Desarrollo en Chile, August
1961,
44 Mapas Basicos ...., op. cit.
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969
that of its shape, and of the translation of
deserts, mountains and glaciers into the distri-
bution of habitable land (Figure 7). But this
bears an inverse relationship to urbanization
(Figure 8) and such measures of modernity as
illiteracy (Figure 9) or availability of medical
facilities (Figure 10). Simultaneous consideration
of these and other similarities and differences
led to a regional synthesis (Figure 11) dis-
tinguishmg between three principal zones
(metropolitan, consolidated and coloniza-
tion), various subregional types, and ultimately
to a national system of ten planning regions
and Greater Santiago (Figure 12).
The metropolitan zones of Greater Santiago,
Valparaiso-Viiia and Concepcibn-Talcahuano
are the areas of highest density and most
concentrated development, with comprehensive
but overburdened infrastructure, diversified
economic bases, elaborate national and inter-
national ties, and medium to high levels of
living, but with great local differences between
the wealthy and the slum-dwellers. These zones
represent the greatest concerns of national
investment policy.
In the consolidated zone a medium density,
coherent, but traditional form of occupance
prevails. The degree of urbanization is low.
Central places cannot support high-level service
functions because of the low levels of purchasing
power, and their infra-structure is outdated and
unrelated to modern needs. Most were developed
in an era of horse transportation at approxima-
tely 50 km. intervals along the principal axis
of the Central Valley, becoming provincial
capitals for narrow areas stretching laterally
from Cordillera to Coast. They serve as the
minimal foci of an agricultural economy that
supports low to medium levels of living, and
breeds local sectionalism, resisting integration
into larger regions. These are the principal
zones of out-migration (Figures 13 and 14).
Here, the principal orientation of national
policy is the transformation of the traditional
structure through agricultural reform.
The peripheral zones are occupied principally
by isolated urban centers oriented to natural
resources (minerals, oil, fisheries). Large distan-
ces make contacts between these urban centers
difficult, and in any case many of them are
primarily oriented to international markets,
engaged in the export trade, or devoted to
provisioning Chiles metropolitan centers.
Levels of living are high in the urban centers,
but a dualism exists where local Indian cultures
persist. National policy for these areas often
303
304 60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEFT./OKT. 1969
60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969 305
 Fig. 13: Migration Rates, 1952-1960
involves granting special privileges to facilitate
development.45
Eachof the ten regions into which thesezones were
subdivided was thought to have some consistent
base in socio-economic homogeneity, some
connectivity between areas of growth and more
backward areas, essential accounting parity
between income generated by production activi-
ties and income spent in consumption lines
(i.e. each region is a functional economic
area)46 to facilitate construction of regional
45 WALTHERSTOHR, The Delimitation of Regions in
Relation to National and Regional Development in
Latin America, paper read to First Inter-American
Seminar on Definition of Regions for Development
Planning, Pan-American Institute of Geography and
History, Sept. 4-1 1 1967.
46 BRIANJ. L. BERRY, Strategies, Models and Economic
Theories of Development in Rural Regions, Washmg-
306 60
Fig. 14: Migration toward Santiago
accounts and planning models, and to be of
sufficient internal market size to offer economies
of scale for regional industries and for the deve-
lopment of high-level social facilities. This
latter consideration is of critical importance
in the overall development plan, one goal of
which is to create regions of self-sustaining
growth and a high degree of regional import
substitution in a framework of national com-
parative advantage.47 Each, then, was thought
ton Agriculture Economic Handbook No. 127 1966.
ODEPLANS Politica de Desarrollo, 1968, p. 42, contains
a list of the countrys economic growth poles, viz:
Santiago, followed by 1. Concepci6n-Talcahuano ;
2. Valparaiso-Viiia; 3. Antofagasta; 4. Punta Arenas;
5. Arica; 6. Iquique; 7. Temuco; 8. Valdivia; 9. La
Serena-Coquimbo; 10. Rancagua; 11. Puerto Montt;
12. Talca; 13. Osorno.
4 1 STOHR, op cit., p. 33.
- TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969
to be an ideal geographic instrumentality for turn increases external economies of scale
helping transform Chile from a transitional and urbanization, which breed further
efficiency and specialization and reduce the
society into a modern one. long-run cost bases of further development.

Relationships to Regional Growth Theory and to Clearly, both economic and social development
Urban Dimensions -. Such a regional planning themes are implicit in these effects; more basic-
format involves a strategy of deliberate urbaniza- ally, the two are mutually reinforcing. But
tion,4* a downward-decentralizing strategy49 social development can be expected to be more
that exploits the structure of urban places in a rapid in areas of new settlement unconstrained
functional hierarchy to break down dualism by by tradition as well as in the largest urban-
increasing growth potentialities in regional industrial complexes where economic growth
centers and strengthening connections between is most rapid (See Figures 9-10). Thus, the role
periphery and center so that the periphery of the urban frontiers is of particular significance
may take advantage of the centers growth in the establishment of new values and the ready
impulses. Friedmann argues that these results acceptance of new socio-economic forms.51 It is
are achieved by six feedback effects of growth therefore at the intersection of the development
center develoDment:50 frontiers and the development poles that old
Dokinance effect: continued weakening of
the periphery by net transfer of natural, values are broken down and new values are
human and capital resources to the core. created, where status based upon heredity is
Information effect: increase in potential replaced by status based upon achievement.
interaction within a region resulting from An index of the extent to which this process
internal growth in population and production.
Psychological effect : creation of conditions has finally born fruit is provided by the replace-
favoring innovation at the center. ment of traditional urban dimensions by
Modernizing effect : the transformation of dimensions based upon socio-economic status
existing social values, behavior and institu-
tions in the direction of greater acceptance and stage in 1ife-cycle.sz However, during the
of and conformity with rapid change through transitional stage, separate dimensions of varia-
innovation. tion can be expected to depict the radicalism
Linkage effects : tendency to breed new of the periphery alongside persistent traditional
rounds of change by creating new demands.
Production effects: creation of an attractive bases of society, and this is certainly true of
reward structure for enterprise, which in Chile today.

48 JOHN FRIEDMANN, The Strategy of Deliberate Urbaniza-
tion, Comite Interdisciplinario de Desarrollo Urbano
Universidad Catolica de Chile 1967.
49 JOHNLEWIS,op. cit.
$0 JOHNFRIEDMANN, A General Theory of Polarized
Development, Ford Foundation Urban and Regional
Development Advisory Program in Chile Santiago
August 1967.
5 1 JOHN FRIEDMANN, The Future of Urbanization in
Latin America: Some Observations on the Role of the
Periphery, Paper presented at the Congress of the
Interamerican Planning Society Lima October 1968.
For similar observations in the case of the U.S. see
BRIAN J. L. BERRYand ELAINENEILS,Location, Size
and Shape of Cities as Influenced by Environmental
Factors, in HARVEY PERLOFP,ed., The Quality of the
Urban Environment, Baltimore John Hopkins Press,
in press. Friedmann uses a variety of social and demo-
graphic variables to obtain a ranking of Chilean urban
centers into social development poles: Concepci6n-
Talcahuano ; Valparaiso-Vifia; Quilpui; Antofagasta;
Arica; La Serena; Punta Arenas; Rancagua; Valdivia;
Talca; Calama; Quillota; San Antonio; Coquimbo;
Chillan; Puente Alto; Tome; Iquique; Temuco;
Coronel; Osorno, Curic6; Lota; Ovalle; Linares;
Los Angeles; Puerto Montt; Melipilla. He argues that
any deviation of investment priorities from the econo-
mic hierarchy (see footnote 46) should be based upon
social development potentials.
$2 By implication, whereas Britain achieved economic
development at an early date, it never progressed to
commensurate levels of social development; status
based upon opportunity is still confounded by status
based upon rigidities of caste-like class, and these social
rigidities may in fact be the principal elements inhibiting
further economicgrowth. In thesame way, bi-culturalism
constrains full Canadian development.

60 - TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR ECON. EN SOC. GEOGRAFIE - SEPT./OKT. 1969 307