NAQSHBANDI SUFIS IN AWEETERN SETTING

Tayfun Atay

Sdiool of Oriental and African Snidies

Dissa-tation submitted in fu1fi1mtit of therequireznmt of the

regulaiionsfor the dejee of Doctor of Philosophy in
the Univa-sity of London

1994

B!BL
LONDON
UNIV
To Mesude
 ABSTRACT

This is a sods anthropological anysis of the discourse aid sods practice of

Naqshbaidl Iamic-Sufl community in London. It tempts to discuss the ways in
which the Naqthbandls think aid ta]k thout thnsdves and 'others' (both Muslim aid
non- Muslim) in a Western setting,
The study is bed on the anthropological flddwork that I conducted between
August 1991 and August 199Z. I used participant observation to collect the
information that consists of serial diary notebooks, extislve tape and video
rordlngs photographs aid numerous written and printedmaerlals which arereled
to the communal activities of the NshbaidIs.
Quipter 1 provides background information on SufIn and the Naqshbandl Sufi
Order Chapter 215 an introduction to the London Nashbandl community and its
leader, Sheikh N&un of Cypnis. Chapter 3 is an analytical aid refledve account of
my fieldwork experience. In chapter 4, Naqshbaidl ritual prailcels desulbed in
detall. Chapter 5 focuses on the ethico-religlous notion of (lower self) In the
Naqshbaidl discourse. The delineation of the Naqshbandl perspective towards the
modern sodetyis the subjert of chapter6. Chapter 7 is an analysis ofthemfflenaxian
thnes In the Naqslibandi world view. Chapter 6 examInes thepolitical standpoint of
the Sheikh andhis followers. Chapter 9 explores awefl-estthlithed antagonlsmin the
Naqshb aidi discourse agnst another Islamic stance. The last chapter of the study
discusses the nature of the intra-communal divisions, competition and conflict
processes In the London Naslibaidi community.
The study reveals that the Islamic discourse of Shelith Neznn's London
Naqshhaidi community encompasses a multitude of expressions by which the
community merthers' percilons of their social aid sphitual universe aeshaped aid
communicated to a wider aidience. It also condudes that a thorough analysis of an
Islamic comxni.mity thould p particular attention to three dosely related discursive
processes: (a) the reri1ons of ich a community on the wider (modern) society of
whichitis apart; (b)thewrs inwhichitdefinesitself 'IslamIc and contestswlth
other Mu1m groups or movements for the representation of the 'correct model' of
Islamic tradldon (c) the discourses of confil ci aid power within the cormnwilty.

3
 CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6

TRANSLITERATION 7
INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE: Historical and Conceptual Background 19

1.1. Sufism and Sufl Orders 20
1.1.1. Mystldsmin Islam Sufism 20
1.12. The Sufi Orders and the Shekhs 25
1.1.3. Anthropological Appro aches to Sufi &n 30

12. The Naqshbandi Order 33
1.2.1. Foundaion of the Order 33
12.2. The Naqshbandl Order in India 37
12.3. The Nshbandi Order in the Ottomai/Turkish Setting 39
12.4. The Silsile andthe Orthodoxy- HeterodoxyDebe on the
Nsb anya 44

CHAPTER TWO: The Master and His Disciples 47

2.1. Sheikh Nam A1-Haqqani 48
2.1.1. SheikhNanm: Background Informon 48
2.1.2. The Grand Sheikh 50
2.1.3. Family Details 53
2.1.4. Coming to London 54
2.1.5. The Sheikhinthe Eyes of the Mxids 57

2.2. The Mrids 60
22.1. The Turkish Mrids 62
2.22. Mtrids of South Asian Origins 66
22.3. Western Miiiids 63
22.4. Self-Identificaion 74
22.5. Oh and Reauitment 73
22.6. Biographies 83

CHAPTER THREE iihligts From A Personal Story 105

3.1. Prelude 106
32. The Fieldwork 111
33. The Pressures 126
3.4. Beingan Alien 129
3.5. Being a Muslim 131
3.6. My Family in theStorm of Fieldwork 133
3.7. Conclusion: Being both an Inslder and Oulsider 134

CHAPTER FOUR Ritual - The Zikr C&emy 136
4.1. The Settings 139
42. TheCerezrny 143
42.1. Beforethelikr 143
42.2. The Performance 144

42.3. AftertheZflr 154
4.3. Further Points on thelikr 155
4.4.Opposition to theij 159
4.5. Interlude 162

4
CHAPTER FIVE Ethico-Religious Discourse: The Notion of 163
5.1. Nefs 164
52. Svarithood, Worship andthelikr 169
5.3.Nefsin Social Prtice 170
5.4. Conduding Remarks 173
CHAPTER SIX: Viewing the World Out There' - The Naqshbandi Perspective
on the Modern World 176
6.1. A Sketch of the Modernizion of thelslamic World 178
62. The Modern World in theNaqthbartdi Discourse 181
6.3. An Historical Comparison: Modernism arid Anti-Modernism
in Islam 190
6.4. Corning to Terms with Modernity 193
CHAPTER SEVEN: Waiting for the Mandi' - Millenarian Trends in
the Naqshbandi Woridview 199
7.1. An Introduction to Millenarianism 200
72. The IslamicMillenarian Trarlition 2.03
7.3. Naqshbandi BeflefintheMahth 206
7.4. Further Points onthe.AppeaanceoftheMandi 216
7.5. Conduding Remarks 218
CHAPTER EIGHT: Political Discourse- ThePolitical Viewpoints oftheSheikh
andthe Mirids 221
8.1. Kernalismvs. Islam 223
8.2. The'Idol' of the Turks? 2.27
8.3. Ottomanism as against Turkishness 231
8.4. The Flag of the Prophet 235
8.5. Defending Monarchy against Democracy in Islam 237
8.6. Rejection of Islamic Radicalism 240
8.7. Criticism of the Staes in the Islamic World 243
CHAPTER NINE: WahhabismintheNaqshbandiDiscourse 245
9.1. The Najshbandi Discourse of 'Wahhabi' 247
92. Wahhabism The Historical Barkgound 249
9.3. Naqshbandiya vis--vis Wahhabisxn 250
9,4. Wahhabi' in London 254
9.5. Conduding Remarks: Construction of 'Self through 'Oth& 262
CHAPTER TEN: Conflict and Power Re1ions in the Tarik 265
10.1. Preamble 266
10.2. The Chief Mrid andthe Imarn 269
10.3. Other Settings of Conflict 283
10.4. Epilogue 292
CONCLUSION 294
PLATES 301
APPENDICES 311
GLOSSARY 318
BIBLIOGRAPHY 321

5
 ACINOWLEDGEMENTS

I would ilketo thank Ytksek Oretim Kurulu and Hactepe University of Turkey
for their financial supp ort, v?ithout which this work would never he been possible.
It was rescued a a paIticulaly diiaait time by a grant from the Vice Chancellor's
Dlscrettony Fund of the University of London; I an grateful for this and much
lndthted to Denise Norman for her help in obtaining It.
My deep ea gratitude goes to Sheilch Nim Al-Hqani and the mnbers of his
Nshbaidi comin.inity In Londonforthelrwelcomlng of an acvkwdrese&cher, for
their generosity and hospitality, aid, more lmportanxly, for shovAng me a different
universe.
I should liketo press my thanks to my supervisors, Dr. Richard Tper and Dr.
Nancy Undisfarne not only for their guidance and encouragement but also for
sharing with the iotional burden of fieldwork and wxidng-up pthods, and their
moral and maal support.Iowe both re than they know.
I remalnlndthtedto maiyfxiendswho hdpedxinmany dlfferentws. Iwisti
in pardcularto thank three of them who warmly supported my endeavour to study
Islam aidSufisin, despiteinypoorbkground onthn, and helped me onthew to
get acess to Shdith Nanm's London Naqshbandl cozmunity Gkhai cfinsa. All
Kse aid Nrn Hllcm
Finally, my wife aid my daighter net only shared with me the dlffioililes and
pressures of thewhole research p1od, but they sometimes suffered more than I did.
My debt of grailtudeto both is therefore endless.

6
 TRANSLITERATION

Since the leler of the community on which I conducted my fieldwork arid many of
its members are Turkish I have opted for the modern Turkish spelling of words
v/nith have Arabic aid Persian origins. Thus, rliy a, Instead of awliy a; kr, instead
of dhilcr; b&eket, instead of baraka. All these words are undexlined in the text Words
that can be found in the Oxford Shorter English ])ictionaiy, such as sMith, Sharia,
ulem sunn Mandi and Koran, appearmntheseforms aid havenot been underlined.
Exceptions include the names of the Sufi orders1 particularly the overused
'Naqshbandiya', and Islamic movements, such as Wahhabinn or Jamna'at al-Islami:
These arenot given in Tuikish irans1iteraion nor are they underlined, for there is by
and large a convention on these forms of spelling In the relevant literature The names
of persons present or historical, which are particulaiy connected with
TurkisWOttomnai environment, are given in Turkish transliteration; others are
transliterated in the International Journal of the Middle East Studies convention;
example 3yddin G ihanevi and lanai ad-Din al-At ghani.
Some Turkish letters unusual to English speakers are pronounced as follows

I: CapitalhlnTurkishiswlthadot
cjasini&k.
cc di asindiuTth.
i: ThisundottedlisapecullarTurklslivowel amidpronounced as einother.
: as in German.

shasin.
Ui) asinGerma

7
INTRODUCTION
The chaxer of Islan in the modern world has been a matter of continuing debate.
Following the Iranian revolution of 1979, the self-assertion of Muirns has been
vaiouslylthelled by non-Muslims as 'Islamic fandamentali, 'Is1anicrevivalin'
or 'Ianicreirgence. Y the constant use of these notions creates erec1yp1cal and
essenttali images of Islam in the minds of many people, and the multiplidty of
I.amic expreson is consequently igiored. 1 To overcome generalised depictions of
Ian as a angle and monolithic entity requires a focus on the vaiety of Islamic
discursive traditions (Asad 1986: 14), and the distinctive wsin which these deal
with the conrenporay world aid its doninant principles and institutions.
Central to the. discussion of Iamin the contemporaiy world is the &gwnent that
Ian stands as a force of iraditionalin' agalnst modernity. Analyses of Ianlc
social realities in terms of a dichotomy bween 'irition' aid modernity' and pladng
Islam In the domain of the former, have been quite common aid tharacierise many
scholarly studies conducted by both Muslim/Islaniicist and Western/Orientalist
scholars (see palculey Na 1937 aid Watt 1989). The difficulty of defining what
is 'irlltion' and what Is 'modern' aslde, both terms are often treated as generic,
'irltlon' referring to the continuation of the past experience in the present, and,
'modern' referring to anew sort of experience which breaks with the past 2 From this
point of departure, itis argued that Islam as apathiilar, 'tralidonal', worldview aid
way of life is Inconsistent with the dominant modes of life and thought in the world

1 Thfs stereotypical image of Islan is Inherently negative. As Eickelman points out

'Islan is associated [in the West] with fanatical opposition, almless revolution, anti-
Westernism and anti-modernism, so that the widespread evidence of lnterpretadons of
Islan ... is downplayed or ignored' (Eickelmai 1987: 15).
2 Ne.e.dless to say, these two terms are. blg)ily valable in content As fa as Islam is
concerned, Gilsenan draws attention to how the struggle over the meaning of trition
Is a crucial element In what is called Islamic .indanmtalin (1982: 15). For Asad,
Islam is atralitlon as .ith, which he deflnt, rather bro&]ly, as follows: 'A tradition
consists essentially of discourses that seek to instruct practitioners regarding the
correcxform aidpurposeof aglvenpr&ticeth preclselybeeauseitis establie4
has a history. These discourses relate conceptually to ap (when theprarxlce was
instituted, and from which the knowledge of Its point aid proper performance has
been transmitted) and a future (how the point of that practice can best be seeured in
theshortorlongterm, orwhyit thouldbemodified orabauloned), throughapresent
(howit is linked to other practices institutions, and sodal conditions)' (1986: 14).
9
today. Briefly, Islam is defined in opposition to the 'modern world': at worst, it is a
challenge or threatto thefoundional dams of modernity besi Itis advllizon,
indeed the only one, which has been able to sirvivein the face of the disruptiveness
of modern dvllizadon and theref or; the only viable altem&ive to the hegernonic
discourse of modernity which offers hope of bringing humanily pee aid secuntyin
the world (for modernity and related issues, see Chapter 6). Irrespective of their
orientions and conclusions, all these arguments suggest that the encounter of Islam
with the modern world is aprobi ezn&ic process.
One way of situi.ng Islam among dominant contemporary Ideological currents, Is
to focus on Islamic groups and communities living in Europe or America Various
Islamic movements aid organisarions which appeal to Muslim immigrants in Western
countries have recently become more active In these countries and begun to make a
direct inacx on Western sodal and political processes. The notorious Rushdie affalr,
protests against the Gulf War and recent reactions to the apathy of Western
governments to the fate of the Bosnian Muslims, are cases in point.
Another significant aspect of the appearance of Islam inthe West is the increasing
number of Western people who convert to Islaim Having become a 'Third-worldist'
ideology of opposition to Western domination and hegemony In the Islamicworl4,
Islam in Westem countries is seen by some Westerners as a remedy for the sodal ifis
of the moderns or better to say posimodern', world. Thus today in the Wesi, one can
see Western/European people as well as immi giants from many different ethnic,
nional aid cultural backgrounds all of whom come together as Muslims within the
elide of an Islamic organisarion or community. Such a setting is an appropriate arena
for exploring questions of the kind Rippin rases 'what it means to be Muslim in the
modern world' aid how are the values and demands of Islam enacted within the
modern context' (1993:3).
This study is an investigation of the discourse and practice of one Muslim
community operating in the Wesi namely, the Sufi Naqshbandi community of Sheikh
Nam in London Sheikh Nim is a man of Turldsh-Cypriot origin In his mid-70s

10
who visits Britain every year to iet his followers living in this country (see Chapter
2). The study mainly focuses on the members' definitions of and reflections upon
themselves and the world outside their dose-knit community. Suflsm, as a major
strand of Islamic tradition, emphases spirituality and Is pnmarily concerned vth the
spiritual and moral Improvement of individual Muslims. It is generally held that it
was through the activities of the Sufi drdes that Islam spread to areas outside the
central Islanic lands (see Chapter 1, P. 26). Sufism now seems to play a similar role
In the spread of Islam in the West, especially in the conversion of Westerners to
Islam. As described in the following pages, among the members of Sheikh Nim's
Naqshbandi community in London and elsewhere in Britain, there are significant
numbers of Westerners most of them British) who form a substantial part of this
distinctively heterogeneous community.
In particular, this study aims to answer thefollowing set of questions: How and in
what ways do the members of this community constitute thr Islamic identity and
distinguish themselves from other Islamic goup? That is what are the distinctive
aspes of thdr religious woridview and pr&xice? In vthat ways and to what tent is
the Naqshbandi community constnicted through its acornmodionto the Western
setting? In what ways does the Nashbandi discourse challenge the woridview and
dominant values of the modern world? What are the inner thmenslons of conflict and
competition within the community and how do they reveal themselves In the
communal practice? How are competing interpretations of Islam experienced by
community mexnber?
The first two chapters of the thesis provide backound information on the
Naqshb andi order. In the first chapter, I sketch the emergence and development of
Sufi mystidn in Islam aid the aystal1Ision of its institutionalised forms in the Sufi
orders, and go on to outline the history and main charxeristics of the Naqshbandi
Sufi order of which Sheikh Nim's assodation Is a part. In this chapter, I also
daboratethekey terms aid concepts which areusedin Sufi cirdes and constitute part
of the distinctive discourse of the Sufi tradition in Islam. A brief review of the

11
availthle aithrop ological literature on Suflsrn is also induded in this introductory
chapter. The second chapterintroduces the commtmity which Is the main foois of this
study. First I give a biography of theleader, Sheikh Nanm, Induding his followers'
views of him and a charter sketch. Then I desaibein detal the disfinvefearures
of the community in London, focusing particularly on the major sub-groups aid
providing biographies of some individual mnbers, as well as describing the settings
in which the members of the community come together to perform thelr ritual

Chapter3 is an extended count of my fieldwork experience.. Ontheonehand, I

highlight the methodological procedures Ifoflowedin thefleidwork and, on the other
I actnpt what has been called a narradve ethnography' (Tedlock 1991). Recently
there has been a methodologicz recrienton in social anthropology rather thai
being merely rresentions of 'other' cultures, the focus of anthropological Inquiry
has shifted to indude a ref ecdon upon the 'self, l.e, the anthropologist's position in
the fieliL This new anthropology calls into question the making of ethnographic texts
that Is, the writing of the results of fieldwork observations (see Clifford and Marcus
1986). Also questioned is the authority of the ethnographic work itself which,

notwithstanding the banner of objectivity, is indeed the. personal aid partial product
of the researcher who may have a dominant powerful and subvave position vis--
vis thepeoples/he studies What is suggestedis th rather thanpouring his/he
seingly 'disinterested' observations into the text s/he writes, the resea cher should
take into consideration his/her own experience in the field and ccnstru the text on
thebads of hiier reflection upon these experiences as aproduct of interactions with
people In the field (Crick 1982; Tedlock 1991). 3 Given that my position as a
researcher in the field fected aid was affecied by the ethnographic endeavour I
agreethatanthropological seif-reflexivityis crucial to good ethnography. Inthethird

3 For an entertaining example of ethnography of this kind, see Barley (1986). An

important early contribution to this Innovation in anthropological writing comes from
my ares of specialisadon l.e, anthropological studies of Muslim societies: Rabinow
(1977).

12
thter, I tnpt to accommode this centr concn of the 'new wave' In
aithropology; describing the circumances aid conditions under which I conduaed
the fiddwork aid the co ralnts pressures aid wores which Inevitably affected the
wrs In which I cofleied inforxnsdon aid constructed the knowledge presented here.
In this personal naxr1ve, I seek to axualise wh Tedlock calls The obsv1on of
paiidp1on' (1991).
Qiapter 4 is a dexalled acxount of the Naqthbandl imal remony, the zikr. The
z[kr ceremonies are the main occaons for sodal Interdon In the coimnunity. The
chapter provides an tended desaiption of the performance of the ritual and the
pat dpants' reflections on It. It also neshowtheperforanceoftherltual in
this particular Naqthbamll community thaws distinctive chartezisiics aid devises
fromwhhavebeenunderstood as theconventional ws cfperforrningthe ln
the Naqbandi tritIorL
Cnapters 5 to 9 constitute the main body of the thesis. These five chapters are
dosely In themically, insofar as they all reveal important aspects of Nashbaid1
dlscourselnaWestem setting. Chapter 5 deals ctththekeynodon of (loosdy,
lower self) which is widely used to interpret behaviour within a moral framework
Thenotlonispadculalyusedto ezplalnthesources of evilfee]Jngs andconduthn a
person. and how evil can be avoided. Chapter 5 draws attention to the ways In which
the conct of nefsis also manlpulaed to Justify ones awn position vis4vls others.
In chapter 6 the Naqsbbandl approach to what they call The modern world' Is
described in detaiL The. NashbaidIs disapprove of modeznity or 'the Western way
of life' aid dithotornise the world into two opposing cainps the world of Islan aid
the world of unbdlef () which denotes what Is modern. Western European or
(aistian. The chapter also compares the Nshbandl perspective on modernity with
those of oth Is1aiic drcles aid tries to locate the Naqthbaidl refusal to subscribe to
the values aid mentality of the modern world anong other Iamist rejeciions of
modernky.

13
 Qiapter 7 focuses on another Important aspect of Nshbandi discourse related to
eschatology. The Naqshbandis wait for aredeemei the Mandl, who they believe vtll
deliver them from what they see as theimpasses of the modern world. I discuss the
Naqshbandi millenaianism centred around the expectation of the coming of the
Mandi threferenceto wider nthropologjcal literature oniaianin.
Chapter 8 is concerned with the political Ideas of the Shdkh and his followers.
1Although the community does not see itself as actively political, current political
developments in the world are taken up and elaborated by the Sheikh in rather
distinctive ways which desave particular attention. The major pat of the chapter
examines the Sheikh's aiticisin of the secular Turkith regime and his alternative,
Islamic political age.nda for Turkey and Cyprus. The chapter also considers the
Sheikh's assessment of the predicament of Muslims and the current polihical situation
in the Islamic world,, induding his approach to so-called Islamic fundamentalist
trends.
Therlvalry and oppositionbetween different Islamic groups ormovements has so
far been a neglected dimension In studies of Islam. Yet such rivalries often transcend
the united opposition of different Islamic oups to forces outside the domain of
Islam. Chapter 9 describes the well-established antagonism in the Naqshbandi
discourse against the Islamic stance of Wahhabism The chapter draws attention to the
fact that the construction and maintenance of aparticular Islamictrailition is In pat
rdaedm the denundarion of 'an Islarnicother'.
Thelast chapter of the thesis moves from the Issue of lntra-Islamlc rivalries to the
rivalries within theNaiisbbandl community. A1thouglithemnhers of the community
seek to give an impression that they are In harmony with each other, there are degy.s
of conflict and competition between both individual members and sub-groups of
Shelkh Nazm's Nshbandi community in London On the basis of case studies, the
chapter shows how ethno-national differences the dichotomy between the Islamic
scholar (aiim) and the mystic (Sufi), and sodo-onomic position aid status based on
education aid profession all relateto degjees of discord aid contestationbetween the

14
members of the Order. Chapter 10 also desaThes how Islamic knowlexigeis essential
to clams of power, aithority arid thfluencc over the others within the community.
Although I have endeavoured to suggest theoretical issues rased by my
desaiption, lam aviaethattheweightofthetlsisls ethnographic. With someirony,
I would even suggest that the relative poverty of my theoretical analysis is due to the
richness of my ethnographic material, There have been very few studies of Sufi
communities in the West aid, to my knowledge, only one partial count of the
Naqshbandls in London (Habibis 1985 -- see below, pp. 16-18). For this reason, I
have attempted to present a sound ethnographic a.count in texms of which more
complex analytical questions my be raised at later stages.
Another shortcoming of the study is its 'deliberat& neglect of the rresentation of
women. The thesis is biased towards the world of men and does not cover aspezis of
gender relations in this particular Naqshbandi-Sufl community, though it is
potentially one of the most provocative dimensions of studies on Islam in the
contemporary world. My neglect of questions of gender has a praiical explanation. I
spent most of my time in the field among male members of the community or in
gatherings organised primarily for men, though women were not always absent
Compared with many other Islamic communities or associations, Shelkh Nm's
Naqshbandi community is much more open and tolerant with respect to gender
separation, and women engage in a range of religious dialogues and activities. Yet it
was not as easy for me to enter the domain of women as that of mexi This does not
mean that I hal no ar.cess to female members of the community nor opportunity for
communication with them. I was able indeed to talk to some prominent women; I
visiid their homes and hal fruitful conversations with them, and I have induded in
the thesis some of the insights which emerged from these encounters. However, there
are also s ar-ate and exdusive gatherings of women and I was not able to attend any
of them, excqt on those very rare occasions when the Sheikh himself took me to the
gatherings of women in which he led a ceremony. I believe that without an
intensive study of these women's gatbering an account of gender relations In the

15
community mu ra1n Incomplete For this reason, I did not deal with gder

relatons as such.

A fln1 words, before st&tlng a Journey to the world of the Nshbandls In a

Western setting I must dfy what I mean by two terms which would constantly
pear throughout the tat: 'community' aid 'discourse'. I refer to the followers of
Shdkh Nazun In London as the 'Nbandl community' In the sane raher loose
sise as the usages of 'BIaci community '1 'Jewish community', 'Indo-Paldstail
community' or ar coxnmunity that is, a set of people living within the wider
sodetal framevork who feel, In one wy or anothe a sense of primordial belongjng
to e&h other and a degree of dIancefrom others In the wider sodety.
I use the tm discourse to refer to aparttcilar way of thinking and tIcing thout
'lif&world' or, following Mardin, 'alaiguageforlife, a set of siructured concepts for
grasping and manipulating the phiomezial world' (1991: 130). In this sise, I
consider the discourse of the Nshb aid! community of Shelith Nanm as one
particular veron of wiia Mad cails 'Islanlc discursive tradition', Concenilng Islan,
Mad argues tha It Is the form of discourse that makes apathular pr1ice 'Islamic':
'AprzIcels Islamltber.aiseltis aithorlsedbythediscurslvetraditions of Islan, aid

Is so taight to Muslims -whether by aij, akh&lb, a Sufi shasich, or an untutored

p& (As ad 1936: 15). Mad suggests that the fund which nwtures evy distinctive

Islamic discourse Is the founding tts of this religion, namely, the Koran and the
Halls literature (the tradition of the Prophet Muhanm). Or, as Mardin puts It, an
Islamic discourse Is based on the culture of shari alth aid ahiak' (MardIn 1991:
133).

My deai,our to condu research on Sheikh Nim Is not the first one In the field of
sods anthropolor. Over tern years ago, another Nashhaicli community of his

followers was researched In another setting, aid the results were presited in a PhD
thesis submitted attheLSE (Hthibis 1985). In this study, Daphne Hthibls attnpts a
16
comparison between eilth Nim's Naqshhandi drcleln Tripoli, Lebanon, on which
she conducted six-month's research in 1980-1981, and the community of another
Naqshbaidi Sheikh active in London, who was a British convert to Islan Sheikh
Abdullah Sirr-Dan al-Jamal.
Habibis herself is also a convertto Islam and a member of the second Naqshbaidi
community she described, namely Muridul Haqq further, shels married to its leader,
Sheikh Abdullth. Thus, being an insider anthropologist (see below, pp. 134-135),
Habibis seems not to have had any slous difficulty In getting access to the worlds of
thesetwo Naqshbandi communifie at, if she hal any, wedo not know this, for sheis
silentinregadto herown storylnthefield. Sheprovidesrichand xtensivernaterials
onthehistory of She.ilth Nm's branch of the Naqthbandi order and biographies of
him and his Sheikh, Sheikh Abduilah Daghestani.
Recently Habibis produced an atide (Habibis 1992)which is an abridgement of
the account of the Tripoli community which constitutes one major part of her thesis.
Earlier, she published a version of the man chapter of this account, on millenarian
motifs In She.ikh Nanm's discourse (Habibis 1989). To my knowledg she has not
yet published anything related to the second major part of her study, that is the
London Naqshbandi community of Sheikh Abdullali SirxDan al-Jamal.
Hthibis's account depicts both Nashbaidi communities as entities which aeby
and large in harmony In theinselve and pays no attention to the dynantics of conflict
in these communities. Habibis also fails to inform us about her methodology,
strategies of collecting information and difficulties she encountered during fieldwork.
We do not lean howher particular position affected the ways in which she conducted
fieldwork and collected information, Also lacking is an introductory chapter in her
thesis from which we can learn v how aid why (ms objectives, expectations)
she did the research - it is only in one of her later atides that she mentions that she
did fieldwork in Lebanon for six months in 1980-1981). Her position, as with arty
other anthropologist must have been central to her construction of knowledge and,
moreovex presents unconventional pariiailarities, such as her being the wife of the

17
community lealer, yet she prefers nor to Indude the dlmeions of her icounter aid
lnterwxlon with people in the field aid thrImp on the mdng of her bnogrhy
and her anthropological aiys1s.
In the presmt study, I do not provide a compalson of my findings about SMith
Naztm's community in London with th of Dhne Habibis's In Tripoli. Such an
&teznpt would endaigertheproperpresern*ion of my hnographlcmatth, many
parts of which we not covered by Habibis, while I have det cursorily with the
prcal aects of commun life with which Hb1s Is rnAriIy concerned. Besides,
while the welgiit of Habibis's study was on the description and discussion of the
workings of Sheikh Nim's Naqshbandl community within the wider Thpolitan
sodezy, my paiticilar focus Is on aspezs of the same Shelkh's discourse, but In
another community In a London setting. The only meeting point Mwem Hthibls's
study and mine Is the theme of a1a,l which both of us have paid pardcular
attionto and discussed bro1ly. This does not mean th It Is lmposslbleto assess
HablbWs acount and mine from a compazativeperspecdve. Howe cier neither time
nor the limited sp.e of my Pb]) thes has slowed me to reailse this. So, in this
study, I consider It my first task to presit my own ethnographic findings aid
xpce, reserving any sustained comparison with Habibis's study for the post-
doaorai stage, and referring to her study here only briefly, at relanr plwes.

18
 CHAPTER ONE

HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

19
 i.L Sufian and the Sufi Ordi

Lii. Mysddsmin Mam: Suflan

Suflsm (tasavvuf) can be briefly defined as 'Muslim mysticism' and refers to the
quest, In the Islamic context for personal-spithual contact with the Divine Reality
(Allah). As an alternative Islamic iradition to the formalism of orthodoxy, which
asserted itself as a legal and moral systen S'ufism was, from its early beginnings as a
distinct Islairc tradition in the 8th century, concned with the iritual development
and asceiidn 4 In the se&ch for God In their heats, the Sufis renounced the world
and withdrew themselves from worldly affairs. instead, they moved towads spiritual
acxivity arid experience, aiming a self-abandonment into God (the Sufi notion of
tevelkli) (Trimingharn, 1971: 312; Schimmel, 1976: 17; Rabman, 1979: 130).
Theword Sufi Is most probably dthved from the Arabic word, which means
'wool' and refers to a person who weaxs woollen garments The word tasavvuf
(Sufism) stems from suf and means 'wearing wool'. In early Islamic times, wearing
woollen clothes was a sign of asceticism and abstinence from worldly wealth and
enjoyment (zQhd) (Kar, 1990:27). Indeed, therewas an assodaion of woollen dress
with spirituality which daed to the pre-Islanic times (Llngs, 1977: 46).
Although the meaning of 'sufi' as wearing wool is etyrnologically the most
arceptable one, nevertheiess, there were other suggestions about the origin of the
word. Among them were the Arabic root ('pure') which Sufis mention quite

4There Is a general tendency, particularly apparent in the writings of Muslim scholars,

to datethebeginning of Su.flsm to thedmeof the Prophet andhis companions, I.e.,
the 7th century. This dT.ng probably developed in order to counter the argwnent tha
Sufism was actually a phenomenon alien to Islam and peaed as a result of the
effects of other religious, particularly mystical, traditions on the people living in the
Islamic world. I shall discuss this argument a little later. Indeed, without disagreeing
with the idea that the seeds of mysticism can be found both in the message of Islam
(the Koran) and in the life of the Prophet I would consider the early 8th century as
the proper beginning of the &ifi tradition in Islam slnce the word 'ifl' was for the
first time &tributed to someone of tha century, Abu Haslthm of Kufa (Baghdad) (d.
776).
20
fzequently since it was reiated to the purity th they assert In their Islalc rel1gos1ty.
When he was asked, once, wh& was the origin of the word sufi' Shkh Nanm, afirz
mition1ng the deb&e on the Issue, answered th the most probthle source was the
word w rk. ), nce it rerred to the very char&xeilsttc of Islan on which the
Sufishavealways1aldparaaenha.; thatis 'ceatllness'.
The effect of other mystical traditions on the form*lon of Sufisin has beei a
focus of constant debate. The question In this respect Is whether Sufisin Is essentially
at lndlgtous movemit ax1ng from within Islan or the marifest1on in the

Iamicfrane of at lnd,endezit and universal mode of humat peilence namely,

mysticism. For the actual prarit1oners of the adlt1on such as Shdlch Nam aid his
mihids, the aitherttldty of Sufisin as the essential part of Islan is beyond question
(see pp. 74-75). However, I an more persuaded by the malnslream view which is

adopted by maty scholars both Muslim aid non-Muslim. That is, although it is
undeniable that Sufisin emerged within amilieu of a blend of several religlo-mystic
traditions, such as Neoplaonlsin, Buddisin, Gnosticism, Zoroasthaiism. aid was

effected by then,, 'it was really at Inner phenomenon which took its roots from the
mystery of the Korat' (Trimlnghan, 1971: 2).
The emergence of Sufism In Iam is relaed to two 1nterconned fators (see
Trimingliam 1971: 2; Sthin,rnei 1976: 176; Rthmai 1979: 131). FIrst was the
resentment of some Mud 1m towards the luxurious life and worldliness of the ruling
Um'yad dynasty in Danascus. Seconi1ly, there was areaxlon agthnst the legalistic
aid normlve Islam represented by the body of Islanic stholar the lema, vino
allied themselves with the Um'yad court. The main concern of the ulema was to

regulam peoples conduct as proper members of the Mudim community. As against

the 'communal' stress In this legalist wend of Islan, Sufi Islan focused primarily on
the prlv&e aspects of religious life among 'which was spiritual experience, a
dimension laddng In the legal concerns of the ulema The esoteric knowledge
(marif - gnosls) of 'spiritual' aaess to God's divine essence, which was possessed
and taught by the early Sufi masters, became at altrrnatveto the formal knovAedge

21
of Islam (the Sharia) ati1ated by the Islamic scholars who were concned, more
than anything else, with regul&lng the Muslims' bthavlour towards God and the
community (mmet) of believers. In away, Sufisrn produced a different body of
religious spedalists who, in pr&xlce, gae the impression of being as close to God as
the Prophet had been, without denying, however, the lat&s supreme position. Thus,
as Gilsenan states, f the gate of Prophecy was shut, the ph of sainthood was open'
(1973: 11; see also Brinner 1987: 37).
No sooner had the Sufi nadtfian developed in Islam than a confrontation began
between the Sufi ascetics and the uiema The established body of the Islamic scholars
did not welcome Sufisrn. The Idea of reahing knowledge of God througi mystical-
spiritual experience, which the Eufi drdes called marifet. was imp a1able for the
ulema who contended that knowledge of God came through the study of the Koran,
the Hails, the Sharia and theology, with the aid of the weighty tools of Islamic
scholarship which they had developed' (Robinson, 1988: 31). The ulema saw in the
position and aizivities of the Sufi mystics a threat to their athority over the Muslim
masses, which hail been exclusive until the emergence of the Sufi 3ifion. Besides,
the potential in Sufl&n for chaxismic leadership was not missed by the rulers of the
Islamic community and came to be a reason for political supidon of Sufi masters
(ckdm, 1989: 201).
Although the ulema's discouragement and denundon of the .fivities of the
Sufis had stated towards the late 9th century, it certainly gained momentum
foil owing the exeme Sufi notions such as th of Hallaj al-Mansur who was
executed by the ulema of his dr for saying En el-Hak. meaning, 'I am God' (Aiberry,
1990: 59-60; Kara, 1990: 23). 5 Wh Hallaj meantwasinfa as Arberry (1990: 59-
60) points ou not a personal claim for his own divinity, but his supreme mystical

5 The basis for Hallaj's uttering 'I am God', comes from the illustrious mystics
preceding him, particularly Bayand Bistami (d. 875), who developed the docthne of
fena In Sufi thought aid caised the first disturbances by amoundng NGlory to mei
How great is My Majesty, aid Jund Baghdad! (d.. 910) who furtherimproved the
former's doarine of fena. Arberry (1990 54-60) calls the Sufis of this kind the
'intoxicated' Sufis.
22
expalence of 'reunion' in God. It was the manifestation of the feeling of passing
,ay from self (fena) into the consciousness of survival in God (beka)' (i4. 14).
However, towads the. end of the eleventh century, the attempt to find a
reconduiion between the legalisifrmnormive Isiam of theulema and the mystical
Islam of the Sufis was brought to a workthle conclusion) p ully with the gea
effort of the celebr&ed figure of medival Islam, Imarn Al-Ghzali (dliii) who
was both an and a sufi. 6 Through the intellectual formulaion by Gha7zali,
Suflsm galned a position complementaiy, rather than conirarlictory, to the Islam of
the u1a From then on, the difference between these two strands of Muslim
devotion came to be conceived r&her as a mater of emphasis on different
components of the Islamic falth. As Hodgson elegantly puts It
...the usual ustificion of Suflsrn with regard to the Shari'ah did ... depend on ... a
frank division of labour ... The Sufis dealt with the inwad side (b&In) of the se
falth and truth of which the Shar'i ulema scholas were conceined with the
outwad side (zahir) ... The Ulama looked to the prophethood (nubuwwah) of
Muhammad becaisethey were concerned with outwad law, the Sufis looked to
the sainthood (wilayth) of Muhammad because they were conc&ned with inward
gr The ulema tanght Islam. submission of humans to God's majesty (jpJ
which is perfected intawhid, the profession of God's unity; for the Sufls this was
essential but only a first step; they taight the way to love of God's beauty
damal), which Is perfwed in wandah, the experience of God's unity (or even of
unity in Him) (Hodgscn 1974: 219).
Thu. from then on, an intense interaction began between the rresentatives of the
two trends of Islamicrellgioslty, namely theulexna and the Sufis. At best, theulema
recognised the aithority of the Sufi masters on the life cycle of the MusUms while
the Sufis, on the other ha4 took the iar knowledge of the ulemna as the primary
stage on the way to the inner experiential knowledge maifet), Sometimes, there
happened fusion between the two traditions v*ten some distinctive figures caned in
thdrpersonthequalities of both aschola and amystic. TheSufi mers, generally
called sheikh(secthenextsub-seriion), performed the duties of theulemna scholars in

6 Before Ghazzali, ctaln holas ith as Al-Makkl, Al-Kalabadhi and Al-Quthairi,

had marie grea efforts to combine the Shari Islam with Sufisrn but had not reached
the synthesis athieved by Ghali (Arberry, 1990: 83).
23
vlous rejons of the Iarn1c world. In oth tu1on some eminent holars could
befound as members or, ev leadezs of the Sufi ltutions

...ln Duru x [shdkh] Osman has many mullas &ound hlrra and the village Is a
cene of orthodox le&nlng as well as of myic praatce. Several Qadirl Shelkhs
also double as ulaina ... These Shkhs have among their followers some rigidly
orthodox as well as pecplewho worship then as saints and hold herodox beliefs
thout them (Van Brulnessen 1978: 313).

Also an equally Important but converse example C01TtS from Gilsenan who points out
th

...the Azhar University of Cairo itself, a basdon of orthodoxy, has from the
sIxteenth century been a cenne of Sufln and it appeals quite clear that in
succeeding centuries there was a high level of overlapping between the Sheikhs of
the Orders and the ulana' and legal offics (Gilsenan 1973: 12).

However, in settings where the controverales perale due partici1ly to the

compedrion for power and infiuence1 the rift between the formalhlegelist Islam of the
ulema and themysdcal Islam of the Sufis continued to edst. As amatt& of f& the

ulema never tolerated the excessive theosophical sp.ilat1ons of some leading Sufis,
such as the celebrated Ibn al-Arthl, and the exeme stasy of some Sufi drdes, nor
did the latter give up their prlm&y dalxn m 'holy agezir ? through which an ordiny
Muslim can reh God's essence rr1ngham 1971: 10; Van Brulnessen 1978: 253).
Therefore1 over a hundred yes after Ghzali, Ibn al-Arabl, whose doctrine of

Vthdet-i Vcud(Ar. Wandat al-Wu1ud caneto betalm aspanththticandmonthlc

by many representatives of xnalnstrean Islam, was being called s'h-i ekfer (the
sheikh of unbdIevers) by many ulema, while he himself, on the other han4 was
clllngtheu1ema'thepharaohs ofmmet or the deccals 7 of the p1ouspple' (Kaa
1990: 23). IJlewise1 centuries ter the execution of HaUaJ, one can still nd Sufi

dervises in the Ottoman period, who were executed axording to the fetva given by
theulema of th&thnes(thld.).

7Decth denotes to Antl-Cbri In Islam and Is one of the key notions In the
eschaologlcal discourse of Sheikh Nazim's Naqshbaidl comin1ty. See pp. 214-216.

24
 As a reli. despite all the forts made to resolve the tslon between the two
ltions, the divergence between the formalism of the ulerna aid the mystldsm of
the Sufis has been malntalned until now. I will try to denonstrate the tres of this
tension inthe case of SheIkh Nm's Naqibaidlya (pp. 76-78), aSufi order which Is
considered as the dosest to the scholaly Sh&1 Islam of the ulezna (Alga 1976).
Some significait phases, or turning points, can be distinguished In the historical
development of Sufi my1cism In Ian. In the Initial phase which took plae In the
dghth century, Suftn was essentially ai Individual phenomenon concerned wtth
ascet[dsm. From the nInth century, It cane to be ai intltual xlvlty led by ai
urbai elite which tlourlthed in Bajida, aid then begai to be taigit publicly In the
urbai areas (Arberry 1990: 45; ckeJman 1989: 290-1). In this plod, there oceurred
ai appaent lftfroman nphasls onthefeaof God (takva), which was theprimay
concern to early ascetics who reated agnst worldly wealth aid ambition, to ai
nphas1s on the love of God (muhabbet) on the basEs of vilch the Sufi mystics
turned Sufism into a system of theosophy (Axberxy 1990: 43-5). ThIs period, which
seems to have lasted to the eleventh century, maks the beginning of the
systemailsallon of Sufi mystical thougit on the basis of the master-dlsdple
rd1onlp (Hodgson 1974: 24; Scblmmd 1976: 55). From the deventh century,
the Sufi masters loced In theurbai centres stated waulering aound d countrysEde
aid spreIng thdr teachings to a 1 ager audience of Muslims. (Triminghan 1971: 9).
The process contEnued until the emergence of the Sufl orders, which signified the
most alvaiced stagein the populalsarlon of Suflsm(Hodgson 1974:217-8).

1i The Ords ad the hs

From the 13th century, several Sufi centres led by Sufi masters, developed Into the
schools of 'escknov1edge which thned to provide the pupils who &tended then
with spiritual access to the Divine TrutiL Different teaching methods, mystical
exerdses aid rules for living ge each cme a disthuilve she, aid the MusEim
laids, both urbat aid rural, were coveredwith themultiplidty of'parhs', theta1kars
25
which took their followers to the divine presence of God. The Arabic word ti g a or
jq literally means the 'path' and refers, ual1y, to a particul mystical method,,
system and guidaicewbithis orderedby amaster and foliowedby a group of novices
to expience the esotezitknowiedge of God.
The Sufi orders (the English iraislion of the word taikatsj ae, therefore, the
Institutional manifestions of this mystic trifion In Isian which emerged probably
towards thelate 12th ce.nlury and. thattimeonwards, spread widely, pardailaly
into regions where Islan had recently expanded. In faci Isiarn penetrated Into Central
Asia, the Indian subcontinent, South-east Asia Anatolia aid Africa largely through
the ativities of the Sufi orders. In this process, the religious cults and belief systems
prevalent in these areas before the arrival of Iam were assimilated with the later.8
In a short period of time, the Sufi orders merged with the life and culture of the
different peoples living in the various parts of the expanding Muslim world. They
became, as Vergin (1985) puts It, 'themass organisations of Homo Islamicus'.
Notwithstanding their athieveznents among the masses in the rural areas, the
orders did not become associated with only one type of sodal setting. Their impact on
the social life of the Muslims slwed, and still shows, a siji&ant diversity in social.
economic and geographical terms:
Some [orders] were aistocratic favoured by the court and ularna, 111cc the
Suhrawardiyya In the Sultanate of DeThi in the thirteenth century and the
Masviawiyya in rel1on to the authorities of Seljuq aid Ottoman states. Others
had a popular following, as with the contrasting types of Bektashiyya and
Khalwatiyya in Turkey. They might be urban (Mawlawiyya) or rural
(Bektashiyya) or occupational (cordlng to local circumstances like the
association of fisherman in Egypt with the Qliriyya), linked withtrade-guilds or
the military class, like the relationship of the Janissary corps and the Bektashlyya
(Triiinghain 1971:233).

The &xEvities of a Sufi order are realised around the axis of the master-disdple
relationship and generally centred in a lodge. telke (also known as zawiya,

8 Mopologica1 illurations of the adoption of pr-lslarnic shamanic cults into

Isianic form aid their maintenance In the form of popular SufLn in Central Asian,
Afghan and Anatolian Turklc groups have been presented in Basilov (1984),
Cmtlivres and Slobins (1971), Sidky (1990) and Yman (1968). Lewis (1984)
similarly desaibes the assimilation of pre-Islanic religious figures Into Islam by
means of popular Sufiszn in Somalia
26
khath ordath invaLouspatsofthelslainlcwoxld). Inthe1odg themtof
the taikat, who is ofti called thdlch teaches the doarine and principles of the order
to his dlsdples who aie called mrids, and guides then in thr worldly aid ethical
conduct Within a Sufi lodge, relations between the she.ikhs or their
d,ut1es/iccessors, who ac called halife (Ar. khallf a), aid the. foil owes of the ord
ac constructed malntaned aid p rpetuated. Thelodges a In most cases, also the
reddices oftheshelkhs ortheirdescmdits.
Apart from these primary functions1 the Sufi lodges sometimes develop into
places in which local4evd social, political aid economic activities take pl&e. In
Senegal for instance, the. 'Sufi zawi y a in local terms amotuits to a Muslim welfare
state, organising not only devotional antivity but also egnculwral producxion and
marketing, distribution of charity aid hospitality, and rresentatlons to state
aathority' (O'Brien 1988:131).
The words used to refer to the masters in the talkas are various. The most
common one is the Arabic, shelkh which literally meais 'old man'. The Persian word
pjr v?hith also means 'old man', Is used generally in the Islanlclands where Pslaiis
the maln or more thf1unt1al language. Originally, however, the word p was plied
to the founder of apaticila taika,, while the word sheilch was used for the lees
of the Sufi orders at any partlaila time (Kara 1990: 715). Theword mtrd comes to
mean spiritual guide or teacher and is a synonym for shdkh m tms of the master's
funon of tealng the 'pab'. Another words which is used sometimes wrongiy aid
sorxtimes with confuon, instead of shd.kh, is the yell (p1. evli y e) which means the
&1end of Allah' and Is generally taken in the West as a translation of the EngUsh
word, 'saint'.9 In Sufin, aveli Is condered to be a Sufi who has completed all
necessay stages hi his spiritual journey (seyr.I suluk) aid come to an utmost maturity

9Turner, who opposes any simple aid convenient trai.aIons of the Manic terms
into the Christian equlvalent daboraesthatthetenn, , as well as anumher of
related words such as shcikh, sufi and m&about, cannot berraislated as 'saint' since
The history, Institutions and cultural frameworks of [Islan aid Christianity] are
distinctive' (Turner, 1978: 56-61)L Another dlsc2isslon on the dlffiaalty of making
uafion between the Christian and Arthic-Islanic concts, between 'salnt' aid yj
inpaxticiilar, is In Brinne (1987: 43-4).
27
(jj, 226-7). A sheikh thould be both a veil aid arnrd. v,tezeas not every
can be a mr4, thice the later mu have a particula ability to teah and guide the
people (ibid.). The word hifeIs used for the du1y or successor of the shdkh. The
sheikh can appoint one of his prominent inxlds as halife to another ple to spreM
the doirine of thetalk After the shdkh dies his appointed hthfes can begin to
behave as shdkhs in their ownright orbetaken as .ich by their devotees.
In the opinion of his followers, the shdkhls not an ordinay person. Heis a holy
person thosi by God to guide humanity. Tha is to s the shelkh is an agit
between man aid God. Citral to the holiness attributed to the shdkhs by their
followers is the notion of ber& (Ar. baake) vith means 'divine blesthig'. The
holy position of a sheilth is ridered by his possesng aid providing bereket for his
followers. It also constitutes the r&ionale of his po over the. people: The sodal
ImplieMons of the notion of bereket a-c discussed in several anthropological studies.
Lucas &es tha
rBereketl provides Sufis with a great deal of their moral aithority it is tied in
with the sodal &ctance of their status and role It Is involved in their curing in
the workings of their xnlrides [keran1 aid in the conse.s about their daily
lives and alons (Lucas, 1985: 136).

The extent of bereket possessed by a sheikh can evi become a source of honour aid
self-esteem for the people who follow him (Pastner 1984). Apart from the sheikh
himseif, his descendants and his lodge can be seen as the embodiments of bertha
Besides, th1ngs, places, people, situations, can all possess berek (Lucas, 1985:
137). The conct is mnobilised by the people for both ritual and pralcaI purposes
such as animal sifice, curin& soo s1nE, Judicial mediation and mass prayer
(Geerix 1971: 50-1). Gilsenan chantezises the sodal, cultural and ideological
implicIons of theuse of thenotlon In the Mudlxn cmnmnznities.
...on the one hand ... baraka is esstIal to the Inrumentalities of power,
producxion, and thaige, Itis vital as an o sing aid txanorm1ng dmientln
the Ideology of the total universe the order seeks to construa. On the other han4
[it] is the. refuge of thosewhose lives are mo unruaured, or deconstrunted, ... It
can be the language of domination or of the domlnae4 but in completely
contrasted forms and withvery dIffert significance (Gilsiat 1982: 115).

28
In connection with his argument thai a concept's meaning does not necessarily derive
from (or is independent of) its use in prce, Geilner makes three points concerning
theuseoftheconctofberek Theseare
'[1] possessors of baraka are tre&ed as though they were possessors of an
objective th tmsncs [sic] rather thai recipients of high moral grades from
fellow men ... (2] apart from being transmitted genetically, it can also be
trannittedby its possessor to another person by means of spitting mm the iuth,
etc ... [3] [althougi] people ... becomepossessors of barka by being rreed as
possessors of it, ... nevezthdess itis treaed as thougi Its possession were am&ter
wholly independent of thevoiltion of thosewho iribuielt'(Gellner 1970: 45-6).

Adjacent to the notion of bereket Is the kera t (Ar. karaiia) which Is taken to be
another inclicion of a sheikh's spiritual pos. The word keramet literally means
favour yet in the context of Sufismit denotes miraries performed by a sheikh or
(Kara 1990: 156-7). Needless to say, asheikh does not present himself as aman of
bereket and kernet. He is made so by his followers as the still very popular phrase in
many parts of the Muslim world inthc&es 'Even if the shelith does not fly, his mirid
makes him fly' (Th. Sevh uqiasa da mrld uqirur). The ts of keramet are 'creaed,
reproduced aid transformed' in evyday pratice by the people who believe they
come from their shelkh (Gilsenai 1982:75). As with his analys of bereket, Gilsenan
sees thesemiracles as aweapon or refuge of the domin&ed against the powful who,
inturi deny these acts as periiion db4, 77).
The theikhs and the Sufi orders have always played important sodal and political
roles in the lives of Muslims. Yet their &titude towards the centres of political power
have been determined in diverse ways according to wider contextual factors of lime
and setting. In some case the Sufi orders emerged as the centres of militant
resistance against the political authorities (see Evans-PrItchard 1949; Lnercier-
Quelquejay 1983: 22; Bennigsen and Wimbush 1985: 32, 102-12). In some others,
they were ibmissive to, even co-operative with the political rulers (Lemercier-
Que.lquejay 1983; Bnigsen and Wimbush 1935: 3). Even the potion of the sane
order, the Tijaniy against the sax colonial power, France, changed in neighbouring
countries of North-West Afnca because of the particular drcumstaices of these

29
different local stings: The Order collaboraed with the French in Algeria and Tunisla
since It was in conflict with tritional local chiefs who harm already taken an anti-
French position In Morocto, it was the Tijanlya itself which was anti-French since
thetwo oth rival Sufl orders hadmadeacomxnitmentto Frenthrule and, finally, In
Senegal, it was first in favour of French rule until the early 1900s, bui le with a
split between diffrient lodges of it some of the Tijatis took an anti-French position
with the aim of a revival of Islan in the country (Abu Na 1965). The influence of
the Sufl orders over thelarge masses In many Muslim countries has become a crudal
concern to rulers and political learners whose fortunes, no matter whher th are
ideologically Islaiic, secular or even socialist, have largely depended on support
given to them by Sufi circles (e.g. Mer 1967: 165-6; Makovitz 1970: 93-6; Ewing
1983; Norton 1983). Howevex the relions between the Sufi orders and the political
actors appear as mutually dependent, for the orders also need the support of
politicians to improvetheirposltions (seeDe Song 1983). In any case, the sheikhs are
the focal points in the operion of political process in many Muslim countries. As far
as their involvement In politics Is concerned, its extent is dependent on the interpl
of a number of farxors such as personal thility, characteristics of the political powex
historical conditions and local sodo-economicrealities.

113. Anihropolol ApproathesTo Sufism

Sufism is a subject which has concerned both orientalist and post-orientia scholars
of Islaii in the West perhaps more than any other aspect of the Islamic traifitlon..
Library shelves arepacked with books devoted to Sufism or Islanicmyidszn. Most
of thesebooks, however, arerelatedto the discipline of religious (Islamic) studies and
concerned mainly with the thecretical, theosophical and poetical asp ed:s of Sufi
mysticism. Anthropological studies of Muslim sodks, on the other hand, have
focused on the social aspects of Sufism and been concerned partiQilaly with
questions as to what sorts of social slgnificance the Sufi orders and the sheikhs have
inthe lives of Muslims.
30
 One common argument in anthropological studies on Sufi Islam is that Sufi in
its popular form, suits the tribal life style (e.g., Evans-Pritchard 1949: Geliner 1969
aid 1985: 114-30; Lewis 1984; Van Bniinessen 1978). This thesis suggests that the
puritan aid textual Islam of the ulema does not attract the Muslim tribes who are
more or less Illiterate aid living in the areas remote from the town centres. InsteJ,
centred around the holy personage of a the&h, p or veil, a discourse on Sufi Islam is
acessibleto these people (see GeIlner 1969 aid 1985). In theseterritories, where the
central state athoxities are unable to maintain law and order the sheikhs aid their
lodges function as mediators and legal &ithothies in the conflicts between rival tribes.
This makes them indispensable In the tribal settings (Van Brulnessen 1973).
Notwithstanding this argument of the fthi1y of Suflsmto tribali a group of other
studies demonstrate that Sufi orders and sheikhs are just as popular and influential in
social lifein non-tribal settings such as towns and villages as Inthetribal areas (see
Gilsenan 1973; Eckeirnan 1976; Fusfeld 1984; Vergin 1985).
Another major focus in the anthropological literature on Sufism is the analysis of
the situations in which Sufi Islam founditseif in theZOth century. A view common in
one strand of these studies is the 'decline' theory, which argues that in the fae of the
social chaige undergone In the Islamic countries due to such factors as colonialism,
'xidernisaion' (or Westernisation) and seailarism, Sufin lost its ability to mobilise
people aid became less important in the social and cultural lives of Muslims (e.g.,
Geertz 1968; Eickeiman 1976; Barclay 1963; 1963b aid 1964; Kennedy and Fahim
1974). However, this argument loses its aedibility as a result of coniray cases
recorded by both anthropologists aid sociologists in valous Muslim localities.
Gilsenan (1973) showed the adtation and, therefore, survival of a Sufl order in
Egypt as a result of a successful shift of emphasis made by its le1er from mystical
ascidsmto thetheological saipturalin which was assodatedwlththeulema. Van
Binsbergen (1980) discovered that the colonial experience in north-Western Tunisia
did not caise the decline of mymcal Islan rather it gained a new momentum and
strength in the area Cohen (1968) pointed out how a previously non-existent Tijaniya

31
order flourished aganst the nationalistic aspirations in a Mgen town ter
independence of this country from colonial rule. Vergin (1985) plored the
emergence of a Naqthbandi cirde ter heavy industry had bei introduced into the
life of a cotal village In north-Western Turkey.
It cannot now be agued that Sufism lost its social and cultural importaicein the
face of thewaves of social change inthemodn world. The agents of popula suflsii
namely, the Sufi orders and the sheIkhs, have been able to adapt themselves to new
circumstances in the contnporay world. Furthermore, they have found appropriate
channels to attract many new followers among Muims and non-Musllms as the
present study of the Nshbandi order in London will demonstrate (see also Habibis
1992).

32
 U. The Naqthbll Order

The Nshb andlya Is among the &afi orders which have had the greatest thfluence on
the lives of Muslims past and pres from South-East Asia througii ChIna Central
Asla Indlato the MlddleEast n ngtheMaglireb), theBalkais and, finally, the
WesternWoxld (Westan EwopeandNorth America). Theorderisbestchaxerlsed
by Its middle of the road' Suflsm theutrnostixnportaicelt gives to the observaice of
therules aid principles of theShai Its s.tivityto polifics' andmorepredsely, to
the question of v/nether or not the rulefs polides are compatible with the
requirements of Islan and fln1y its ability to wmmodateto local sodo-ltural
settings and new drcumstaices, while maIntnfrg its bac principles (Alga
1976:138-40; Nizami 1991: 163; Ter Haa 1992:311).

1,-i- Foxid1nn afthe Order

The order takes Its nanefrom a Bulthaai saint of the 14th citury 1 Baha al-Din
Nshbaid (1318-1389) who is mit1oned by the Naqshbandl adepts of today as
(Tk.) $th-i Nakslb Despite his appeaance as the 'eponyrnous figure' In the

history of the ord, Nashband Is not counted as the ound In most of the literature
on the Ordez which had alrezdy be establithed with its distinctive principles aid
mhods of activity long before his lime (see HabIb 1969: 41; Tr1mlnghain 1971: 62.;
Houraii 1972: 90; Alga 1976: 134; Vei Brulnessi 1978: 281). What Baha al-Din
did was to give this Order its final crystalllsatlon' aid to &hleve its donlnance over
the other fanus ordffs In Ceniial Aa (Alga 1974:43; Madln 1989:55).
Before Baha al-DlnNaqshband, two other sufi masrs appea as the ones who laid
thefoundIonsoftheNaqshbandlya. Thefirstone YusufHamalaii (1048/50-1140)
is the sptrltual aicestor of the Order, for he was mtioned as the insuctor (spiritual
rather than phycal) of the second one, AM al-KMI g Ghujdawanl (d. 1220), who
can be confidently accepted as the arthit of the paticular Sufi doctrines aid
pra.tices which give the Nashbaidiya its essu1al chaaxmslic& To ifiustrate, out
33
of the eleven esoteric principles on which the characteristic sufi framework of the
Order is based, eight were formulated by Ghujdawanl. 10 The still distinctive
characteristic of the Naqshb andi g practice, the silent kr zikr-i hafi), was also
introduced for the first time by Ghujdawani (Algar 1974: 42).

Ghujdawani asserted himself as the disciple and successor of Hamadani

(Madelung 19 67-8: 504-5). However, since the dates between GhuJdawani and
Hamadarii would have made physical contact between them impossible, this was a
'spiritual', rather thazi a physical, succession. This type of succession is known as
Uveysii,. namely, the initiation of a person into the. fraternity by The spirituality or
M piriwal presence" uhaniyyet) of a deceased sheikh or even by Khidr' (Ter Haar
1992: 312).11 Ghujdawaii's effort to establish his position as a sufi master in
succession to Hamadani seams to point to the respex the latter gained in the famous
centres of Central Asiain the 12th and 13th tj12
Abd al-Khaliq Ghujdavmnl established the Khojaaniya (Tk. Hacean) Order
which was the forerunner of the. Naqshbandiya (Madelung 1987-8: 504). The legacy
of this Order is detectable even tod in the vy name of the Naqshbandi kr ritual,
Hatm-i Haeean (see pp. 155-158). At this juncture, the question is: why the

1OTheseprinciples, which are orlgjnallyln Persian, can be summarised asfollows 1.

Hus der dexn (awareness whilebreathing), 2. Narber kadem (watching one's steps),
3. Sefer der vatan (internal mystical journey)1 4. Halvet der encmen (solitude in
crowd), 5. Yad gerd (silent recollection of God)., 6. B get (restraining one's
thoughis), 7. Ni g ah dat (watching one's thoughts), 8. Yad dt (concentrating upon
God). Later, Baha al-Din Naqshband added three more to these prindples to make
eleven aitogeth 9. Vukuf-i adedi (knowing the number of recitation), 10. Vukuf-i
zarnani (spending one's time to reach God), 11. Vukuf-i kalbi (making a -spiritual-
link with God in the recitation) (Golpmarli 1969:218; Eraythn 1981: 222-7; GQndz
1964b: 233-6; Mardin 1991: 135).
' l Khidr(Th. Hizir), TheGreen Man, is the prophet or saint whose soul, the Muslims
believe, is kept alive in the human form after his death by God to help the ones in
desperateneedlntheworld. Thenotion of Uveyslis given utmost irnportaicein the
Naqshbaidl cirdes (Ter Haar 1992: 314). Besides Ghujdawani's succession to
Hamadani through the Uveysi path, Baha al-Din Naqshband, as It will be mentioned
below, succeeded to Ghujdawani through the Uveysi line.
l2pj a matter of fact, the circles of the Yasawiya Order 1 which had a strong
ascendancyin the same areainthe 13th and 14th centuries, lalda strong phasis on
the spiritual anceiy of Hamadaii in their Orderwhosefoundez AhrrrAYasi, was
also mentioned as thethird successor (halife) of Hamadani (Kprhi 1964:64-72).

34
Khojagaiiya order did not perst but evolved into the Natshbandiya? The question
remains unanswered, for there is little information about thelife and cndu of Balia
al-Din Nshband. Nonetheless, what is evident in the historical sources is that in the
period from the 13th to the 15th century, the people of Transoxiania experienced a
significant shift of influence from the Yasawiya Order to the Khojaganiya led by
Baha al-Din Naqshb and. During the 13th and 14th century, the Yasviya had great
influence on the area, but in the 15th century, most probably just after Baha al-Din
had completed his mison, the Khojaganiya tradition (from then on, Naqshbandlya)
gained a superior position vis--vis the Yasawiya among both the Iranian and the
Turkman populations of Central Asia (Kprl 1940; 1984: 109-16; Hourani 1972:
91). Leaving Trans oxi ani a to the sphere of influence of the N aqshb andiya, the
Yasawiya, on the one hand, moved to Eastern Turkistan where it has until todr
remained the major Sufi tra&tion and, on the othei advanced from Central Asia to
Anaoliawherelt became theforerunner of the Bektashiya Order (Kprl 1940: 213;
1934: 118). Thereason fortheNaqshbancli domination inthepl&eof Yasawiyain
Transoxiania seems to be linked with the support given to this fraternity by the
Timurid rulers of the time (Koprl 1984: 113 fn). The success of Baha al-Din
Naqshband in bringing the fraternity to the dominant pa fion perhaps caised his
nametobegivento it.
Our knowledge about the life of Baha al-Din Natshbaid is very limitecL Algar
(1976: 134) explains this in terms of Baha al-Din's own attempt to forbid any
recording by his novices of his conduct and words. From the sourt ai1thle, we
know that Baha al-Din Naqshb andmet the jes of the Khojaganiya order early in
his life and joined the order as a disdple of Sheikh Amir Kulal, who would later
appoint him as his halife (El-Buharl 1933: 5-6). However, heis considered, and he
himself also mentions it in his book, to he been 'an Uveysi' who ecved his
mystical upbringing from the spiritual presence of Abd al-Khaliq Ghujdawani' (Ter
Haar 1992: 316). Ter Haar considers this as 'the classical exnplein the Nshbaidi
brotherhood of a Sufi who takes his first strps on the mystical path in the physical

35
presence of a living Shaykh, but who owes his real initiion to a spiritual guide who
hasnem(4j.
A dear indication of the priority given by Btha al-Din to his 'spiritu
to Ghujdawani rather than his physica1'/worldly attachment to Amir Kulal Is the
narrative that despite the performance of the vocal' g by Amir Kulal and all his
other disciples, Balia al-Din was doing the ilently' as a sign of following
Ghujdawau's rule. Whenever Emir Kulal and his followers stated to do vocal
Baha al-Din left the congyegadon. Thetraitional sources mention that, as against his
disciples' resenunent of Baha al-Din's dissidence, Airiir Kulal, cvho had sensed Baha
al-Din's extra-ordinary faculties', told the others that he was free in all his conduct
(Sertolu 1976).
At a later stage of his Sufi venture, Baha al-Din came Into contact with the
Yasawi dervis, Khalil At and stayed in his circle for six years. This is a dear
indication of how dose the two Sufi traliulons were each other in the Bukhare-
Samaiqand region at the time of Baha al-Din Narshband. It is said that Khalil Ata
gained political power and becamethe ruler of Transoxiania for atime Later howevez
he lost his power and was renioved frt,m his ruling position. The toppling of Khalil
Ata so upset Baha al-Din that he moved to a small village to live in a spiritual
contemplation
With Baha al-Din Nashband, the Order, which had been well-advanced and
mature since Ghujdvani, became quite structured and institutionalised, athieving
ascendancy in Transoxiania Ter Hr (1992: 3i2) tharaiienses the end of Baha al-
Din Nshband's period of ativity as the completion of the formative phase in the
history of the Naqshbandiya After him stats a period of expansion to the wes,
towards the Ottoman lands and to the south, towards Muhal-Tinurid India
The first prominent figure whom pears after Naqshb and in the history of the
Order Is the celebrated 15th-century sheikh Ubayd Allah Abrar (d. 1490), who opened
a new chapter In the history of the Order in terms of its politidsation. Making an
alliance with a Timurid ruler in Transoxiania and giving support to his rule, Ahrai

36
ganed not only religious but also political influence In Samaqand in the rrid-1400s
(Schlmrnel 1973: 202; Algar 1976: 137). He seems to have been the first Naqshbandi
shelkh to advocae th sheikhs exercise pressure on the rulers so as to prevent their
devl&ion from Iamic precepts. He therore bmugt to the Naqshbandi tradition the
task of dialogue with the nilers, to remind them, when necessary, of their
resp onsibilities for keeping Islamic socimes away from the danger of disintegralon.
It was this new tradition introduced by Ubayd Allah Abrar that was bthind the
politically-inspired acxlvlties of two famous Naqshbandi figures of subsequent
centuries, namely, Sheikh Abmad Slrhindi in the India of the late 16th and early 17th
centuries and Mec'lana Hd Badadi In the Ottoman Empire of the lae 18th and
early 19th centwies, both of whom are associaed with the most outstanding o chs
of Naqshbandi history.

11-p- The Naqthb auth Order m India

The Nshbandiya rexhed India at the end of the sixteenth century, Introduced by
Khwaja Baqi Bi'llah (d. 1603), who came to India In the reign of famous Mugiial-
Tirnurid emperor, Akbar. However, the Order owes its popularity and fame in the
Indian setting to one of Baqi Billah's disdples, Sheikh Ahmad Sithindi.
Sheikh Sirhindi or, as he is popularly known in the Twkish-speaklng areas,
Imam-i Rthbanj., lived between 1563 aid 1624. He is talen in the literaure as the
first outstanding figure to appe after Baha al-Din Naqshbaid in Nshbaidl history.
Sithindils well knownforhisreactionagthistMugiml rulein Indiaintheeaily 17th
century, and aganst Mughal tolerance of HInduln aid support for a sort of religious
syncielism at the expense of Islam (see zami 1965; Haq 1977). Mughal rule, whose
legitimacy had been based on Iam, later adopted an eclectic religion caned Din-i
flthi which gaveunnost holiness, even divinity, to the rulers, probthly as a result of
the diffiailty of ruling a Hindu majority in line with a Sunni-orthodox legisiation.
Fearing tha Islam was 1ong face and ground both in the stae aid society, Sirhindi
appointed himself to the tasi of reestthlishing the supremacy of Sunni Isiam in the
37
Mughal Court. With this atm, he sent therulers several letters In which he urged aid
exhorted then i hold to the prindples of the ar1a 13 His followers potted him, on
thebasisofaHalisoftheProphe1. astheexpexedReneweroflslaninthesecond
Iam1c mllln1uin (Mujaddid-1 AIM Thani). From then on, the Nathbandi order In
the Subcontinent has come to be known as 'Naqshbandl-Mujadilidiya' or shortly
'Mujaxldidlya'. His letters were 1&er compiled into a book, Mthub which has
survived as one of the most popular Sufi treatises, respexxed not only in Sufi aid
Nshbaidi drdes, but elsewhere anong Musllxn In the Naqshbandi community of
She.thh Nun In London, too, Mela:ub& appears as a basic reference book for
thfonnion regarding Isi arni c religious inaters.
In the Subcontinern, the most notable Nashbaidi figure after zhindI is Shth
Wali Allah of Delhi (d. 1762). Shah Wall Ailahis sald to hebeen the spiritual (I.e.,
Uveysi) surcessor of Siihlndi, aid to he talenover from him the sk of revitaling
Isiaminlndla(M&dln 1989: 56; 1991: 6). Like rhind1, heis also called therenewer
(mujaldid) of his age (Nizanl 1951). However, while both aLtnptedto renew Islan
In India, Sirhindi aid Wall Allah had dlstlnrx alms, due to differences in context For
Sirhindi, such an tenpt was to prevent the deciation from Islanic prects in an
Islamic Empire at the zenith of its power. Wall Ai1ah on the other hand, witnessed
the crumbling of this empire aid his atm was to restore its po on the Sub continent
(Smith 1957: 44-5). HIs Involvenient in political processes was more precise than
Sirhindi. In much of his writings, he put forth a number of reform measures in
political, nilitay, econcmIcandfiscalmters (Nani 1951: 134-5).

l3Fxledmann(1971: 77-81)wguesthatheextentofSirhlndl's &tnptto affeci onthe

rulers regarding their view on Islam is negilgible. However, i1iefx tha rh1ndl was
imprisoned by the nperor Jthangir, the iccessor of Akb ar, for one yea indicates
how seriously he was talen by the Court (Haq 1977. 12-4). In fat Friedmain
himself also notes Jahaigir's description of Sirhincli as an arrogant irnpoor who t
disciples to the towns and dtles to agitate ppIe (1971: 83-4). Thus, It cat be
confidently assumed that Sirhindi posed a political challenge agalnst the rulers.
However, his political efforts cannot be consldered successful given the faci that in
the end, after one-year's imprisonment he came to tms with Jthaiglr and
rogn1sed his powet
38
 Shah Wall Allah's attempt to restore Muslim power in India had a substantial
imp&x on sec7eral reationary Muslim movements in the first half of the 19th century.
Among them, one can mention that of Sayyld Abmad Breiwi (d. 1831), a Nashbandi
disdple who attempted to establish an ideal Muslim state in thenorth-west of India
He initiated a holy war' (Jihad) aganst the Sikhs aid British expansionism with the
aim of restoring Muslim power in the Subcontinent (Vail 1982: 111-2 Robinson
1988:122). However, British power aid domination, particularly after the shock of
the Indian Mutiny of 1857, left plare for neither the Naqshbaid.i saints nor for other
reaiionary Muslim movements to at with dir political intentions.
With the tightening control of the British colonial government in the
Subcontinent;, a shift of emphasis appeared in the Nshbandi strategy to maintain
Influence on the Muslims in India Under conditions where political peal was
impossible, there seemed to be awithdrawal from the political-renewalia discourse of
the Order to the original domain of Sufi Is1an that is, mystidsm and spirituality
(Fueld 1984: 103-6). A striking exampleis Shelkh Abu'l Khairwho, in the l8OCs,
strongly emphasised that the Inner progress of Muslims and their spiritual solidarity
and identification with the wider Muslim world were necessary for the salvation of
Muslim community in India (jd.. This, one can argue, was a kind of return to an
earlier situadon in that Balia al-Din Nashband had retreated from politics as a relt
of his disappointment with the fall of Yasawi davis Khalil Ata's political power in
the Bulthara-Samarqaid regjon.

12.3. The rlaqthbandl Order IntheOttoznanfl'urktth Sexing

The spread of the Naqshbaidiya to the Ottoman Erire started towards the end of the
15th century when Ubayd Allah Ahrar was aiive1y co-operating with the Thniirid
rulers in Central Asia aid giving sheto apolitical forrnulafor the Order. It was no
colnddence, therefore, that the first Naqshbandi s cane to Anatolia with the armies of
Timur-lang (Tanerlane) and ge hints about the orthodox nature of the Order
(Mardin 1991: 127-9). Y theperson who organised the first Nashbaidi cirtle in the
39
Empire was Molla ilahI of Simav (cL 1490). Molla liahi went to Transoxiania, becae
a dtsdple of Ubrd Allah Ahrar and on his rurn, established the first Nashbandi
lodge in Iaaibul. Assted by a companion from Bukhara, Sheikh Ahmad Bukhai, he
institutionalised the Orderin Anarolia and Rumelia(Algar 1976: 139-40).
Rose argued caner thar the Naqshbandlya In the beginning was not popular and
was even disapproved of by the Ottoman rulers (Rose 1923: 207-8). Howevex more
conteniporary writers suggest that the Ottoman attitude to the rival of the
Naqshbandiya was rather positive due to the Ords firm tendency towards Sunni
orthodox prindples (Algar 1976: 140; Mardin 1991: 129). According to Mardin, the
Naqshbandiya arrived in Ottoman lands when the Ottoman state was shifting its
Islamicpotion from allian ththeherodoxsynaexist dervises, whosethfiuence
on and tivities anong the Turkman population had for a time become a serious
threat for the central state authority, towards becoming the aspirant r pre errative of
Sunni orthodoxy. Therore, the Ottoman nilers weicomed the Naqshbandiya, which
was strictly 3herent to Orthodox Sunni Islam
in the 16th century, it seems thatthe offidal support given to the Nshbandiya in
the Ottoman Empire expanded more. There ac cases in which one can detect the
prominent ple the Naqshbandi drcles gained in the Empire.' 4 This was most
probably due to the threat coming from Shil Safavids of Ira a major rival religious
forceto the Surmi Ottoman Empire In thIs century. The Ottoman sultans of the time
aimed at encow aging the Nathbandi Sufi fivies among their sub jecis in order to
prevent the Safavld influence over the large segments of herodox population of
Anatolia which were tended to Shflsm and Shl'i-inclined Sufi as sod ati ons in Anatoia
(Kufrali 1948: 143-5)

14F instance, a Nslthandi shdkh Abdullah Gubarl, apo and a wntez gained
the approval of Sultan Suleymai the Magiffi cent and taight the Ottoman soldiers and
the son of thzade Bid (the younger son of the Sultan) (Parmalsizolu 1950). In
his treatise on the culture aid sodal life of the Fmpire in the late 16th century,
Gelibolulu Mustafa All praises the Nashbaidiya aid mentions it as the 'thief of the
Sufi orders' (Gelibolulu {1600} 1975: 141-2).
40
 With the lncieaslng populalty of the Naqthbaidl-Mujaddidi movnent in the
Indian Subcontinent towads the end of the 17th cenuiy, the Western Nashbandls
vno hal sde4 in the Ottoman lands gradually came under the influence of former
movement Shelkh Muhammad Mural Bukhari (d.1729), who was the dlsdple of
Sirhindi's son Muhammad Masum delivered the Mujaddidi tradltion to the Empire,
first to the Arth lands such as H1j, Egypt aid Syria aid then to Istanbul (Algar
1976: 14; Madin 1991: 129).
The early 19th century witnessed anevi turning point in the history of the
Nashbaid1 Order with the appearance of MevianaHalid Baghdadl (1776-1827), who
is considered 'the most significant figure in the Nashbandi silslle ter Sirhindi
(Alga 1976: 148). Born aid educated in the Kurdish province of Sleymailye near
Baida4 Halid went to India where hewas Initiated into the Orderbythe celebrated
Nashbandi-MujaIdidI shelich of the thne, Abd AUth Dthlawl (Abu-Manneh 1982).
Appointed by his shelkh as hailfe to the Westn laid; he came back to his country
aid, after meeting the challenge of Kadiriya he was able to establish a Naqthb andi
lodge in Baghdad In 1823, he went to Damascus, where his appointed halifes hal
galned popularity among the upper strata, particulaly among the officiali Heresided
thereuntil his death.
It was in Damascus that ie,lkh Halid was ableto propagatethetesv'}1ngs of the
uJathildi school ferIvely. Therewere, first of all, internal disturbances dueto the
violence of the local governors. Seconilly, the occat1on of the town by the
herodox andnon-Muslim militia of Lebanonln 1810 had inaeased the discontent of
the local Muslim popul1on. Finally the news of the Greek Revolution of 1821
completed thepiaure of huxnillaclon bitterness and fear In the minds of the people
(Abu Mannth 1982). Under these drcumstances, idilth HalId'srenewallst appeal - to
uphold the Tharia aid revive the pxlndplesof orthodox Sunni Islam - made a great
impact He asled the Muslims In the Empire to come togher and work for its
salvation under the baner of I sla at the same time he expressed hostilities agthist
Cbxlsdais aid Persiais (Abu Maineli 1982: 15; Mardin 1991: 130). Hewas regarded

41
as the renewer (mujaddid) of the 13th Muslim century (Abu Manneh 1982: 10). After
Sirhindi, the Order had been called 'Mujaddidiya after Mevlana Ha114, the label
'Hall diy was atathed to the Nashbandi Ordex
From Damascus the waves of this Islamic re-mobilizion spread to other pats
of the Empire, including the capital Istanbul. The FIthdi-Naqshbandi thei1ths who
were also very often within the ranks of the ulna, collthor&ed with such rulers as
Sultan Abduihamid II (rdgied 1876-1909) who sought the salvation of the Empire in
the pan-Islamicformula 15 Among then was ZiyddIn Gmilhanevi (d. 1893), the
most prominent and Influential Halidi Sheilth of the century in the lands of the
Empire (see GndCiz 1984b). However, the Halidi-Naqshbandis were not content with
the pro-Western and and-Islamic policies of the Young Turks, who deposed Sultan
Abduihanid and took power It is not surprising, therefor that arthellion against the
Young Turks, which is known in Turkish histoiy as 'the Incident of 31 March 1909',
was incited by a Naqshbandi circle located around an Islamic newspaper. The Order
reached the last ds of the Empire with a pervasive nwoxk in the capital. It was
recorded that of the Sufi orders in Istanbul in 1921, the one which had the highest
number of lodges (tekke) was the Naqshbandiya(Anderson 1922: 53).
The degradation of Islam in Turkey starting from the establishment of a secular
Republic caised serious Naqshbandi reactions, even open rebellions, against the new
regime. The Sheikh Said Revolt of 1925, which miced Kurdish nationalist aspirations
with Islamic resistance against the secular regime; the protest movenent of 1925
against the Hat Reform the Menemen incident of 1930 in which a young army cadet
was beheaded; the resi stance movement of 1933 against the call to prayer in Tuikish,
are all lInked with Naqthbandi circles. It seems that in the foundation period of the
Republic (the Atarrk Era), the Islamic reacdonaiy opposition indeed came mainly
from theNaqthbandi dunes (see aatay 1972: 24-36).

15For the emergence of the Haildl-Naqthb andi order and its influence over the social
aid political life in the Ottoman Empirein the nineenth century see Ginthz 1984a
2.36-255.

42
 The consolidation of the seailar regime and its efferrive control of social, cultural
and political conditions in Turkey put an end to open rebellion against the state,
comingfroxnthelslamicdrdes andparticularlyfroxntheNaqthbandis. However, this
does not meai that Naishbatdi activity and presence hI ceased to exist in Turkey
On the contry, the Order has maintned its prominent place in Turkish social and
political life. Among the figures who sustained the Order, the pre-ennent theikhs
Abdulhakim Arvasi and Mthmed Zahid Kotku are particularly important. While
avoiding direct Involvement In politics, both Arvasi and Kotku initiated as disciples
many important figures who played,, and sail play1 decisive roles in the political and
intellectual affairs of the country.' 6 Today, the Order appears non-wide as one of
the best orgised and most influential Islaic drdes, haciing rresentives in all
segments of the society and possessing hence the best chance to le1 attempts to re-
isiamicize the country in social and political terms.
However, one should not forget that there is no dear-cut and single strategy that
all the Naqshbandi drdes in Turkey today unanimously follow. On the contry, the
iiaqshbandi sub-groups situated in different parts of Turkey take different stances
cowards the modern-secular norms and values dominant in social life and relations.
These range from a complete rejection of 'modern' life, including science aid
technology, to objections restricied only to the political and cultural dimensions, and
not to the scientific and tedmological ones (Ayaa 1991: 226). In adthfion there are
differenl, even contrasting standpoints, in different Nshbandi settings, with regard
to politics ranging from a willingness to be involved actively in politics to the extent
of estthlishing a Naqshbandi 'political party', to the idea of a total withdrawal from
pohncs and rejection of dexnocary and all political parties as the agents of a 'modem',
(i.e., unlsiamic)Iife style (see Saribay 1985: 61; cakr 1990: 37-55; CXne-Ayata 1991;
Ayata 1991: 232-3).

16For Abdlhaldm Arvasl, see the account by his most popular mihid, Nedp Fd
Kisakre one of the distinguished poets of the Republican period (Kisakrek 1992:
319-36) Seealso Azamat 1983: 211-212. For MthmedZthid Kotku, see cakir 1990:
17-24.
43
1.7A. The Si1le and the Orthouy - B daodw,y 1 at on meIaq1awduwya

One of the feaures tha distinguishes the Naqshbanthya from the otner Sun orders is
this fraternity's firm acceptance of and umiost confomuty to the expectations of the
Sunni orthodoxy lvocaed by the ulema This, in turn, brings it closer to the drcles
of the mainsirean legalist tradition thus, one ninent Islanist scholar considers the
Nshbandiya as The order of the Ulem (Alga 1976: 14D).
Thevy bases both of this claim -to being the order of Sunni ulema- and of the
arguments aganst to this claim, rest on the silsile of this Ordez Uterally meaning
'chain', silsile refers to the spiritual succession in a Sufi order which links the present
leader/sheikh, through a number of successive figures, to the Prophet of Islam and,
through hirn to Allah. Susie is the source of legitimacy in the Sufi orders that maks
the Sufi masters or the sheikhs as the divinely-ordained ones whose religious
aithority is unquestionable; they stand at the end point of a line starting from God.
Silsile Is the notion which is articulated by the advocates of Sufi Islam to explain v/ny
a sheikh is superior to a 'scholar' (j) in Islam (see pp. 76-78). A sheikh's
knowledge comes directly from God through the spiritual succsion desedbed by the
si11e: by contrast;, a sthola possesses only the outward knowledge of the written
sources. The sheikh inherits the rea1' knowledge of God, halcikat, and the silsile is the
veryproof of this claim
Every Sufi order has its own susie. However, there can be divergences in the
recent links of a silsile in the different branches of the same Sufi order. Once the
master of a particular order appoints some of his prominent disdples as his halifes to
other places, each of these halifes tends to consider himself, after the death of his
master, as the real and only successor of the later. Thus, in every succeeding
generation, the number of gushes, associated with the newly emerged branches,
proliferates within the body of the same Sufi order. A good illustrion of this cat be
toundm the riaqshbaidi tradition. The silsiles of theWestem branches of this Order,
which, as it has just beenrnennoned, is called Halidi-Nashbandiy aredifferentiated
fromthose of thebranches inthelndian Subcontinentfollowingtheappearance of
44
Meviana Halid as an influential figure in the Ottoman-controlled aeas. A
angIleshi miid of Sheikh Nm who had already before coming to London been
a devotee of another Nthbanth sheikh in Bangladesh, gave me the siIIe of his
previous shdkh. From a compaison of this silsile with that of Sheikh Nim (see
Appendix 2 one can find the same successive figures until Meviana Halid's theikh,
AM Allah Dihiawi. The silsiles followed in the Subcontinent and Turkey diverge
train each other afterthis eikh. Needless to MevianaHalidisnotlocatedinthe
silsile of the Naqshband.i branches of South Asian origins. On the other hand,, it is
significant that while the susie of Shdkh Naim is sane with that of the ceithraed
lurkith Njshbandi shelkh Ziyaeddin Gmhaievi until Shdkh Halid,, they both
differentiatefrom eh other after the appeaance of Sheikh Halid's nanie this merely
indicates the emergence of the new Naqshbandi cirdes led by Halid's halifes in the
Islanic Iaids controlled by or adjent to the Ottoman Empire (KCick 1988: 21-2 -
seealsopp. 52-53).
Nealy all the Sufl orders have silsiles which go back to the Prophet through Ali,
who was the last of the four 'Rightly-guided Caliphs' and the Prophet's cousin and
son-in-law, In the Nshbandi orde on the other hand, thappea three 'cii ginally
different' silsiies, twa 'minor' ones coming through All and the major one, which
comes through the first Caliph, Abu Bakr (see Appendix 2). Apat from some
exceptional cases in which Naqshbandi branches trace their silsiles bk to All, In
most of the Naqshbandi branches, the silsile starts from Abu Balif. Given that /thu
Ba1'ris theforemost personality in Sunni Islam, one can understand theprioriiy given
to thesilsile goingbkto hirnintheNaqshhaidi tradition Thepreexninenceofthis
silsile seems also to be related to the legend in which the Prophet is said to have
taught Ahu Bakr the praaice of silent which is one of the distinguishing
charteilstics of the Nshbandi order (Alga 1976: 128-30; 1974: 41). Although the
existence of silsiles through All is explane.d by the love and rtspeet given to All by
the Naqshbandis and his know1edged status as the fountalnhead of Sufi Isiam
(Alga 1975: 91), nevertheless there are. cases in which the connection of susie with

45
All peasto betherelt of lieterodox' Alevi (Ar. Alawi) influence. An ample1s
the obsezv1on by Dc Jong that the mixed (men aid women togeth) cee'nonl
pformances of the Nshbaidis In Dobruja (Bulgala) e quite similato the Alevi
cn cnon1es (DeJong 1986: 307). This milng of N Lshbandirltu practice with
th of the Alevi sectrnlght be related to the pvavc influencein the Ba1kas of the
ziekiya ord which can ciudely be defined as the orgailsed taik form of Alel

Shdkh Nim stands as thele of a branth of the Hidi-Naqthbandl ition.

His sU.le goes back to the Prophet through Abu Bakr (see Appendix 2). He Is
situated in this silJe as the 40th shfllth, that is1 his follows ass the last'
Nasiba1di theikh, for aft him would be thethne of the Mdi (loosely spesk1ng
the Muslim eqwvalent of Qnstiai Messith - see chapt 7). He was guided by his
^helkh, Sheikh Abdullah Dagiestanl, in Danascus whe Mevlaia Halid hl eariiez
beensx[ed aid rh1steacbingthrougihishthfes all overtheOttomailaids in
early 1800s. heikh Nazun himself was one of the helif of Sheikh Daghestani and.
following the deah of his mast, succeeded him as the Sheikh of this branch of the
Nashbaidi orde.

46
 CHAPTER 2.

Tli1 MASTER AND HIS DISCIPLES

47
 2.1. SHEIKH NAZIM AL-HAQQAIsi

The foUowing biographical n&rative on Sheikh Nazim is largely based on the

thfoimauon given by the mCirids (many of whom ac of Turkish oil gin) on a number
of occasions. I also extrBcted some information from the Sheikh's discourses in books
aid other written matials. On the other hand, I was hardly able to improve this
narrative through questions directed to the Sheikh. When I asked him about his life
aid his Sufi background, he. avoided giving me the kinds of answers I expected. For
instance, to my questions about how he started his Sufi venture as a Nshbandi
miid; how he dthded to travel all over the world, and paticulalyto the West; to
spread Islan and the taikat, his reply was simply in terms of 'his destiny from God',
Thefore, although the Shelkh does not forbid, as did Baha al-Din Naqshband (Algar
1976: 134), recording of his deeds and slngs, he is nonetheless reluctant to talk
about himself and how he became a Sufi adept aid then a Sheikh. Some gaps are
evident in the flow of the story below. It is also difficult sometimes to sepa&efxx
from fiction in the narive. With respect to these points I suggest it is enough to
note that the following is an account of which many peoplewho follow Sheikh Nazim
tell about his background. It reflects what his followers know (or think to know)
about their master.

7.11. n1kt a&im Bakouud Information

Sheikh Nim was born in either Larnaca or Nicosia (Tk. Lefkoa), C rprus in
1920. 17 His father, Adil Efendi, was acivil servantin theLand Registry Offlce(Tu

Daresi). Nnnwas theyoungest son of Adil Efendi'sfourthildrai threesons anda

' 7Acxording to two Turldth mrlds, the Sheikh's ancestors migrated to Cyprus from
Trthzon, on the Black Sea coast of Turkey. Habibis says the Shdkh was born In
Larnaca and his parents moved to Nicosia later (1985: 80). There are. a number of
minor inconsistendes bween the Information Habibis gives and mine regarding the
Shelkh's life story. The Information here Is based on my own records, though I have
ref eired to Habibis in relevant places.
48
dalghteL The oldest brother and the sister dIeL The Shelkh's surviving brother Is ai
igineer living In Istanbul aid a devotee of Shelkh Na1nL The mrlds stress that
whi theymeex hekisses the ShIch's hand, In spite of his seniority In age.
The Shelkh comes from a pious family with Sufi connections. His maternal
graidfather was a mnber of the Mawlviya order. His paternal grandfather was a
Sheilth of the Kadlya or& who was called Yesilbas (Greenheth) Efendi' aid was
the sheikh of the fanous Hala Sultan Tekke of Cyprus for 40 yelrs. Due to these
neons with these two other celebrated Sufl orders, the idkh points out that
thougi he is prslng the Naqthbatdl w, he is also linked to both the MawIavi
aid Kadirl paths.18
Sheilth Nm compled his primary aid seconday educalon In Mccsia After
th he went to Turkey to study ChnIstry at Istanbul Technical University during
the time of the Secrnid World Wa. His older brother was also In Istanbul at that time
aid studying Medicine Uke Nim, he was also a religious person and hal reaiy
undertaken all e2J ante to a thellch in Istanbul. Some mh1ds suggested that It was his
brother who first Introduced Nim to a Sufi drde Indeed, the Shdkh's first wtLve
encounter with Sufin aid taika occurred in Istanbul vAien he was at the university.
He himself mentioned, in my interview with him, that his first involvenient in the
world of tasavvuf canethrougi his meeting with a ielkh of the Taxikat-i Jll ye' 9 In
Istanbul in 1940. This Shdlth, who was his first 'guide' (mtrd), was Exzwimi Hai
SUeymai Efendi, who was based on asamba, a quater of the FaIh district of
Istanbul. Shdkh Nazim says that he took his first training from him.
In Istanbul, Nim started i lean Aiablc aid Ianic sdences, most probthly in
the drde of Sleymai Efendi. When he stated primay school at seven, he only
learned the Arabic alphabet for two months. Then the alphabet reform In Turkey in
1928 romanlzed the T lshsaipT. aid the ShJch missed a chance to learn the

18 The Shelkh himself mentions the sheilcbly position of his grandfathers In an

interv1ew See thelkh Nim nd-2: 1.
19Taikat Alive (the most distinguished one) Is a title used for the Naqthbandlya
The Nashhandis givethenaneofthdr fraternity, padculaiyonspedal occasions,
as Talkat-i Alive-i Nshbandiya (The MostDlstinguith Nashbandi Order).

LONDON
language of the Koran through formal education. He always felt sad about that He
mentioned how he had cried many times when he listened to his older brother's
chanting the Kor Ironically, it was in Turkey that the Shdkh finally had a chance
to learn the Arabic aiphthei when he was there for the purpose of university
education.
In Istanbul, an unexpected and sad event becane a turning point in the Sheikh's
life: The sudden death of his brother In Istanbul from an unknown disease.. He
reflected that even his brother who was experienced in such a subject in medidne,
could not escape death in what should be the healthiest years of his life. Thus, he
thought that to take worldly affairs so seriously was meaningless. Thereupon, he lost
all interest in a worldly career and success, and left his Qiemistry course in his final
year He focused on Sufism much more dedsively than before, joining the circle of
Sl eyman Efendl in Istanbul. H owevex the Sheilth pointed out in my interview with
him, conditions in Istanbul werenot appropriatefor himto improvehimseif more on
the Sufi path Therefore, Slieyman Efendi sent him to Damascus, which (Sheikh
Nazm dairns) was the main centre of the Nthbandiya Here was the Naqshbandi
master, eikh Abdullah DaestanL mentioned today by the mirids as the Grand
Sheikh. Soon after, Naam devoted himself to Sheikh Daghestani as a disciple and
started his real training on the Naqshbandi Sufi way (seyr-1 suluk). 2 This happened
most probably in the mid-1940s.

2.12. The Grand Shelith

Grand Sheikh Abdullah Dagliestani came to the Ottoman lands at the age of nine
from Daghestan in the Caicasus 'with his own Sheikh, erafeddin Daestani by
whom he was adopted. 21 They came and settled in Gneyk6y near Bursa We

20The Shelkh quotes Sheikh Daghestani's first words to himself In their first
encounter as, 'My son! We take you under our protection' ('Olum! Seni biz teslim
Lj)
(Shelkh Nim 1986a 172).
21 A more detailed biography of ieilth Abdullth Dagliestai, p&tiwlaly his lifein
Damascus, is in Habibis 1985: 72-80.
50
understand from a book by Sheikh Nazun (1988: 90) and a narrative related by a
Turkish-Cypriot mirid that during the First World War and the following Turkish
ndependence War (1919-1922). Sheikh erafeddin aid his novice Abdullah were in
Burs& This mrid relates that Atatrk approached Sheikh erafeddin to get his
support for the war aganst the Greeks. At that time Atark was presenting a pro-
islamicprofile. However, Sheiltherafeddin grasped at first sight what AtatQxk really
hl atthebark of his mind, and refused hirnby saying, 'Do not cometo us! Wehave
nothingto giveyou' (see also page229 in Ctapter8).
Habibis records that after the Sufi orders were banned in Turkey in 1925, Shdkh
aafeddin left Bursa for Jordan, but he returned shortly before his death (1985: 73).
After he died, hewas buried in Gneyky. When Sheikh Nanm goes to Turkey (as he
has done regularly evy year since 1974), he always visits Sheikh erafedthn's tomb
in Gneyky, as well as other shrines in Istanbul, such as E yQb Sultan and Telli B aba.
Urana heikhi)agiestani joined theDadanelles Campaigi (Canakkale Savaa) in

the First World War. 22 Hewas first sent to the Arab lands to figt against the British-
f. .
backed Arabs, L his request (sincehe did not want to fight against co-rehgiomsts),
he was later sent to anakkale to figit against the Anzacs. After the abolition of the
Sufi orders in Turkey in 1925, he went to Damascus and lived there until his death
(Habibis 1985: 73).
According to information given by Sheikh Hishain, the son-in-law and halife. of
Sheikh Nazm, 23 the Grand Sheikh never even opened a book However, all the
famous scholars of his time came to his talks aid listened to him with respect and
mirjon. He pezfeclly linked Sufism withthe Sharia aid th neverfound anything
against the ShaIain his talks. This was because he took his 1nowiedge direcdy from
the heart of the Prophet
The Grand ieilth lived until the age of 115 (see Plate 2). Onthelast day of his
life, he announced from his bed that 'Now, I must go, since I was called by the

22Hthjbls says SheikhDaghestanl also fought inthe Balkan Wars (1912-1913).

23 Sheikh Hisham met the Grand Sheikh and Shelith Nazim in Damascus in a long
timeago. Hemeniionedthat hehasbeenwith theSheikh since 1955.
51
Prophet', and he died. While nying to revive his hean the doctor suddenly he&d a
voice coming from his mouth, saying 'Leave me alone. I want to go home'.
Thereupon, the doctor left evything and ran away.

The Daghestan ongin of these two thdkhs who preceded Sheikh Nm in the
silsile dealy indicates the connection of this Nshbaidi branch with the Northern
Caucasus where the Order played a very significant role in the 19th century. The
Caucasian origin of the Naqthbandi branch represented by Sheikh Nanrn is clearer
when one pays attention to Sheikh Nim's silsile (see Appendix 2). As it has been

pointed out before, the silsile of SheIIth Nazim's Naqshbandiya differs from those of
the other westerly branches of this order afterthename of Meviana I-laUd Bagiidadi

(seep. 45). In Sheilch Nazim's silsile, Meviana Halidis followed by Sheikh Ismail en-
Narani (see Appendix 2). It is most probable that this was the Nshbandi Sheikh
mentioned in the related literature as Shelkh Inail of Krdexnir who was the first
iJaqshbandi mrd in the Shirvan area of Caucasus around the 1820s (Lemerder-

Quelquejay 1963: 1-35; Bennigsen and Wimbush 1965); his three successors are also
niennoned in heilth Nazim's silsile; Khas MuharnmI Shirvani, Muhammad Yaraghi
and Jamal addin at- Ghumuqi, all of whom were based the Daghestan-Shirvan regions
of the eastern Caucasus:

[Shdkh] lanai! of Kthiemir initiated the shkh Khas-Muhammal, a Shirvani or,

corthng to other sources, a Bukharan, who initiated sheikh Mahammad Efendi
of Yaraglar (or Yukari Yarag) in the Khanae of Kurin in southern Daghestan,
who was the first to preach jihad in 1625. He initiated: Jemaleddin of Kazi
Kumukh, in Central Daghestan, who was the master of Ghi Moharnmad, first
imam and ot Shamil, third imam of Daghestan (Lemercier-Quelquejay 1963: 6-
7).

This region, North-eastern Caicasus, was a ronghold of rigorous opposition and

struggle against the Russian conquest in the 19th century. The almost 30 year
resistance of Imam Shamil (mentioned in the above quotation) Is the. best-known

example of Naqshbanth4edmovenients against the strong Russian armies.

Sheikh Nazim asserts that Mevlaia Halid appointed Shelkh Ismail as his

successor and gavehimthe 'great secret of the tarikat(sirr-i azam). Other Naqshbandt

52
branches do not ple Sheikh Iail In their susie, wbich, according to the Sheilth,
indicates their 'inferiority' vis--vls Sheflch Nim's brnth the only one in which
Shd1thInail takes his p1e as the successor of Meviana Halid in the silsile:
The chain of sheikhs ends in one. Our Grand sheikh [Daghestanl] is the last link
inthegolderi chain and heis holding thaposilion ... For Nshbanth sheikhs, we
e waiting for them to rew their Baiyat [b'at allegiance] with us or else
they e only putting titles on themselves.
Eh sheilth must appoint one deputy. Meviana Khaiid Baghda.l appointed
Shelith Ismail but so many Nshbandi orders lo him in their silsile and lo also
the secret of our U d-sheikh. Now so many Nshbandl sheikhs In Damascus
Aleppo and Horns can't find a successor. Except for our Grandsheilch, no one has
pointed to a deputy. This is because we have Sheikh Ismail in our Sille. (Sheikh
Nm 1980: 221-2).

2.1.3. Family Details

Sheikh Nam is mxied with four thildrt His wife, Haci Amina Hatun or, as the
mhids call her, Haci Anne (Mother Pilgrim) 24, is from Kzan (see Plate 3). On
another occasion the Sheikh mentioned his wife's name as Faima Adil and
emphasised that shewas from the Kazan Turks. Sheis around sixty years old. 25 The
Sheikh m his wife in Damascus, within the Naqshbandi drde of Sheikh Daiestani.
The Sheikh's wife also has an tiveposidon in the taik Uke the Sheikh who has
authored many book she also produced some books of her own (see Haji Amino
Hatun 1992).
Sheikh Nanm has two sons and two daughters. One of his daughters is married to
Sheikh Hisham, a Lebanese Arab who is the halife of the SheJith in the USA26

24 As they considertheSheikh's wifeto betheifznothef, themrids also consider the

Sheikh as their father, by calling him Sheikh Baba (Father Sheikh). During my
fie1dwork mated several thlesbywhichthemr1ds communicatewith or talk about
the Sheikh. These e succesveiy Sheikh Baba (repeat); Sultaum (My Sultan; by
the mCirids of Turkish origin), Efendim (Sir; by the Turks); Hazr (&cellency
mostly by the Turks); Ustim (My Maer by the Turks Sheikh Efendi (by the
Turks); Meviana (mostly by the mrlds of Mddle-Eastern South Asian and South
East Asian ongins); King (by some English); Sheikh Dede (Grandad Sheilth, by
children). The Sheilth calls his wife 'Haci Hamn', while his wife calls the Shkh
'ieikhFtendi'.
25 A TuxIdth-Cypriotmhid sates that rumours ei about othermarnages of the
Sheilth though they know only Haci Anne as his wife.
26Jh an opportunityto meShdkh Hitharn's son mer, vtho cane fromthe USA
with his mother, to &company his father in London when his grandfather, Sheikh
53
However, Sheikh Hisham's older broth Shefith Adnan, has higher station iakam)
in the taikat than his brother. A mhi d stared that once the Shelkh said In a prominent
TuMsh-Cypriotmhid's housein Londontha themostimportantpersonin thetarika
after himself was Sheikh Adnan, who lives in Lebanon. After Sheikh Adnan, the
succession goes to Sheikh Hishm27
The Sheikh's other daughter is married to a Turkish man who is the younger
brother of a prominent Turldshrnrid known by the nicicname Efendi Baha. They are
living in Lefia, Cyprus.
The Sheikhs older son is married and living in Istanbul. Heis ajewellez His
younger son is married and living in Magosa, Cyprus. He is working as an
independent trader.

2.L4. Comiiig to London

The Shekh has been coming to London regularly every year since 1972. In 1972 the
Grand Sheikh Daghestani was alive, but Sheikh Nim was dng as a sheikh in his
own nght. Shkh Daghestani had forty deputies (halifes). After he thed, these
deputies spread into various Islamic countries. H owevei atcording to a leading
Turkish Cypriot mUrid the one who rehed the Great Secret of the taika (Sirr-i
Azam) was Sheikh Nixn, and when the Grand Sheilth died the silsile of the tik&
flowed to him. The two other prominent .iccessors of Sheikh Daghestani are Sheikh
Flussain in Aleppo, who atcepts Sheikh Na2lm as his superior ccrdingto the latiefs
murids, and Sheikh Abbas in Mecca, who is said to consider himself an equal of
Sheikh Nam.

Nim was in London in 1992. He sad he was attending a Community College and
was considering to go to unlversiiy, His older brother is a doitor and writing his PhD
thesis at the moment He said they come to London every yea when the Shelkh was
there.
27 Supporting this point, the Shdkh, in an interview answered the question regarding
his succession as follows: 'Thereis Sheikh Adnan from Lebanon and SheikhHisha
my son-m-1 the brother of Sheikh Adnan Kthbani. They are the successors.
ater me hkh Adnan and after Sheikh Adnan Shdkh Hisham' (ieikh Nazmnd-2:
1).
54
 How the Sheikh's travel to the West began, is an important question. Some mihids
say tha Sheikh Daglestani encouraged him to go to Europe and spread the tarik
there. When! askedtheSheikhhowhedecidedto turntowardstheWest, particularly
Britain, and make it a centre for his iivities, he replied this was solely 'God's
decision'. However, there are other issues which may also be relevant First of all,
when he was born, Cyprus was a British colony, an Jministrion that the Sheikh
even today talks about appreciatively. He says all problems in Cyprus started after the
British had left the Island. Under the British rule, the Sheikh learnt English. For
instance, I was informed on one occasion by Shelkh Hisham that, in Damascus
whenever a European came into the presence of Sheikh Dag1testanl, it was Sheikh
Nazirn who managed the cornmunicon by translating from English. On the other
hand, since the 1960s, Cypriot Turks, many of whom were of the Sheikh's generation,
have come to Britain and settled particularly in London. It was this London Turkish
Cypriot community tha gahered around the Sheikh in those early days and helped
him to establish a arde, albelt a small one in the beginning.
Apart from his regular annual visits to Britain, Sheikh Nazim also travels to
several other countries to meet his disdples. At various stages of my fieldwork, I was
intcmedbythemxids abouttheSheikh'svisitsto France, Germany, Swiizerland, the
USA, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Sn Lanka, Brunel and Pakistat Compared
with those to Britain, his visits to these countries started recently and the duration of
his stay is short. Britain is the counily given most importance by the Sheikh In his
mission of 'spreading the message of Islam in the West'. Since his first arrival at
London, the Sheikh has never lost his commitment to come to Britain and rnake this
irnglish nation Muslim'. In theearly years, the Sheikh stayedinthe house of a Turkish
lady in London. One day, this woman went to Turkey and met Mahmud Ho ca,
another Naqthbandi sheikh from a different branth, who is based in Istanbul (see
(lapter9, pp. 255-256). Shewas told in this drdetha worship by men aid women
in a mixed gahering (together) was not .ceptable in Islam Thus, her lov&
(muhabbet) for Sheikh Nazim started to diminish. As soon as he noticed this, the

55
Sheikhleftherhouse and cameto liveintheTurkish-IslamicCenire, known simply

as '16 Green Lanes' and settled there. This place had been bought by the Cypriot
Turks in 1976 and was used by the Sheikh as his residence when he was in London
unifi the early 1980& During this period, the shelith led the z[kr there every Sunday.
In those days, there were not so many people around him, and some times he would
even get borecL a middle-aged mthid of Cypriot origin recalled how someone had
once asied him viny he did not go to the Sheikh since the latter felt lonely. The
Sheikh did not go to people's houses since there were few invitations at that time.
Indeed, he was even cooking food and offering it to those who visited him at 16
Green Lanes. Only when the Sheikh becne more widely known in London, did
people start to compete with each other to invite him to their houses. According to
one mihid,, this was due to peopl&s self-interest, since they considered the Sheikh's
visit to their houses a privilege. After that, in 1978, a synagogue in Dalston was
bought and tranormed into a mosque aid called 'Sheikh Nazim Mosque'.
Meanwhile, apersonal dispute occurred between the Sheikh and the Director of the
Centre at 16 Green Lanes. The latter was angry with the Sheikh and, in his absence,
offered the imam of the new Mosque a part of 16 Green Lanes as his house. After
this the Sheikh could not stay there when he was in London, and so he went
to the house of a senior Turkish-Cypriot mtirid in Pecitharn, South London. Sheikh
Naim sta-tedtoleadthecommunal krgatheringsinthishouse. Atthesametime, a
church In Pecitham was bought in 1980 and converted into a mosque which is called
'the Peckhan Mosqu&. The Naqshbandi actFvines were tranerred there. The SheJith
continued to stay in the house of that senior Turkish Cypriot mrid which was near
the mosque. This same mhid also had been the one who found the church aid who
had made the greatest efforts to buy it Finally, In 1992, a huge priory in St. Ann's
Road in North London was opened and the Sheikh moved there to live. This priory
was bought by the Sultan of Brund, who is said to be the Sheilth's murid, at the cost
of 2 million pounds. It has been recently cAled 'Zheilth Narn El-H akkani Dergu
(The lodge of Sbekh Nim).

56
7..L5. The Shkh In the Eyes of the Maria,

What are the mrids' perceptions of their Shelkh? To one, a Turkish Cypriot the
Sheikh Is everything'. To anothex a leading middleaged British mUrid of Scottish
descent, heis 'a respe.aed elder whose words have a great and divinely-inspired
wisdom'. The main characteristics asciibed to the Sheikh by most of his mxids ae
tolerance, flexibility and openness to evaybody. He himself emphasises that his
snategy to spread his talkat is based on (gentleness/softness). Further, he
attributes this quality to the Prophet Muhammad
'Theprophet saidwiioeverbehaves with gentleness )towards otherpeople, he
succeeds in the world. Whoever behaves with h&shness (husunet), he fails and
also makes others fail. Gentleness enables one to reach his aim hashness
prevents one from reaching his aims. This is the word of the Prophet. We &e
obliged to keep the word of the Prophet. The Prophet further stated in another
saying that lwas sent and ordered by Allah to humour people (Insanlann suyuna
Jtmekle anrolundumY'. This is the only way to stat atiracthig people. Peoples
selves () ae made up with harshness; man's nature is obstinate. Therefore
people only accept you if you flatter them; otherwise they run away. Most of the
Islamic centres in the West today &ehash in their attitude [particularly towards
the new MuslimsJ and do not follow a strategy based on gentleness. In these
places, the ones who have no wisdom (hikmet) at all makepeople run away from
lslan instead of attracting peopleinto Islam. Thanks to their foolishness, Western
people hate Islam This matter is avery sensltive one. Not everybody cai take on
the task of introducing Islam to newpeople' (4 March 1992 - theDerah personal
interview

In general terms, the Sheikh is a charming person. Heis nearly always cheerful,
he likes jokini he has sweets in his pocket to giveto children (see Plate6) and., above
all, he has a sense of humour. His deineaiour itself constitutes a challenge to Western
aidiences who are accustomed to perceive Islam through the stern features of Iman
Khomeini. ThemCirids justify the appearance of their SheIkh onthebasis of ahk
that srnthngis alms' (Giilery(zsadak1ir (seePlatel). TheSheikhhimself asserted
oncethat 'whoever has asulkyface, hewill only beaguardin Hell'.
In1inevAththesevirUie the ieilth rejects any conulsionin Islam. A Twkish
mhid quotes him as saying that no one has the right to force anyone to behave
according to the requirements of Islam, since no right is given to anybody in this
resp. Everyone should make his/her own decision to become Muslim.' Moreovei

57
he never hesitates to talk with every sort of person, including tramps, drug-1dicts

and punks. He refuses no one who comes into his presence to talk to him or ask him

something, 'This is because', explains Selim (see pp. 269-271), 'the Sheikh Is not for
Muslims as such but for all humanity'. Iwas even informed by the mrids that on one

occasion he had talked to an eminent member of the Communist Party of Turkey

(TKP), despite his belief that communism is the greatest evil in the world.
For the mirids, the Sheikh is the spiritual heir of the Prophet. As Sheikh Hisham

says: 'He [the Sheikh] has the behaviour of the Prophet and the manners of the

Prophet The Prophet is dressing him with his power; the power of the Prophet is
app earing on him (the Sheikh] in this century'. These words imply nothing but the
Sheikh's charisma. Web er's concept of charisma or 'charismatic authority' perfectly

applies to the Sheikh's personality which is endowed with certain qualities that

separate him from ordinary human beings and take him up to the domain of
superhuman and supernatural (Morris 1990: 72.). Connected with this is the mirids'

believes in the Sheikh's spiritual power. The mrids justify their Sheikh's aithoritative

position in Islam by stressing that he is a man of divine grare (bereket) and divine
blessing (keramet). The instances of keramet attributed to the neikh by his followers
arenumerous: his appearance in their dreams, giving them advice about a particular

problem; his knowledge of the events which have occurred during his absence from

London; ddentai events and coinddences. My impression from fieldwork is that

the m(hids, rather than the Sheikh play an activerolein creing and sustaining the

situations attribuid to the Sheikh's spiritual power and later in the dissemination and

repro ducti on of these 'constructed' events of keramet and b ereket. In other words the

mxidsmaketheSheikh aholyflgurewho has gotbereket andkeramet. Havingsaid

thai, they are careful not to make extreme daims. Somepoint out that aperfect sheikh

is the one who avoids showing keramet. The She.ikh himself also often draws

attention to the limits of spiritual power to help those who seek it; instead he stresses

the necessily to watch one's actions to keep edeb (proper manner and behaviour) and

58
to overcome nefs (see Chapter 5), if one wishes to be aloof from problems and
diffiolties.
The Sheikh's flexible and tolerant behaviour in his dealing with the people around
him canbeattributedto theparticularities oftheWestein setting. Atthevyleasi,
the Sheikh aims to stp ecple to Islam, to bring them inside the mosque a any
cost B eyond this primary aim, he does not seem much concerned whether or not the
newcomers are able to meet the basic requirements of Islaim Not surprisingly, this
laxity is resented by Sharia-minded Muslims, induding Hseyin Hoc the prearther
of the Peckharn Mosque (see Chapter 10, pp. 284-286):

Once Hseyin Hoca asked the Greek Brothers 28 who God is and who the Prophet
is. They answered, both are the Sheikh. Appalled with this answer, the imam
decided to bring the issue before the Sheikh as soon as he arrived in London.
Thereupon, vlithJca, a Cypriotmihid andpreartherwho has ahighposition
in thetarika (see ppj) said to him: 'I can say what the Sheikh will tell you if you
open this mater to Mm He will say, I brought them [the Greek brothers] inside
the mosque This was my task. Now, it is your turn as a man of Sharia to teach
them Allah and theProphet, and correcttheirmistake?.'29

28 The Greek brothers (Rum kardeler', as the mrids of Turkish origins call them)
are the mo popular murids of the Sheikh in London. The brothers (sax out of eleven
siblings, seven brothers and four sisters) are origin1y Greek Cypriots but live in
Britain. They are all British citizens and came to the Shdkhs circle three or four
years ago through the agency of a prominent Turkish Cypriot mirid, who was the
host of the Sheikh in Peckham Attracxed by the Sheikh, one by one they converid to
Islam and then became mthids of the Shelich. When I started my fieldwork, they were
living inthe Peckhan Mosque, but ter the opening of theDerah, with the Sheikh's
consent, they moved thereto become responsable for its upkeep and security.
29 For Haseyin Hocs reartion to the idea of bringing non-Muslims to Islam without
being conc&nedwhethertheirbehaviouris correri andproperinlslamicterms, see
page 286.
59
 22. THE MITRIDS

There are many people living in Britain who associate themselves with Sheikh Nazim

and c:onsider themselves his disciples. As I mentioned in the previous section, Sheikh

Nim comes to Britain every year for the holy month Ramadan and stays for two to

three months. NeeJless to say, the period which the Sheikh spends in Britain brings
the communal activities and gatherings of the tarika to their peak. While the Sheikh

is away from London, his mhids maintain activities such as ritual ccngegations

special day meetings, private invitadons and regular conversations. These activities,

during the rest of the year, are carried on by sub-groups of the mi"irids in separate
locations, either in places such as mosques or in private houses around London, and

in other cities of Britain such as Birmingjiazn, Sheffleid and Manthester which are
beyond my focus of study.
The main factors determining sub-group membership among the mhids are

ethnic-national affiliation, language, location in London, age, gender and friendship:

A group of 15-20 young Turkish mi"irids (aged between 20-35) gather in the Sheikh
Nun Mosque every Monday evening. A predominantly Turkish congregation of 20-

30 people meets in the Peckham Mosque on Thursday evenings; another 15-20

people, themajority of whom are British and European nationals, gather regularlyin a

h1 in Central London on Friday evenings. A smaller group of mrids living in East

London, who find it difficult to travel far at night, come together in a private house
every Friday night underthe leadership of aprominent Engiishmrid; themirids of

South Asian origin v/nose congregations number (according to the size of the place)

SO-lOOpeoplepreferto organisetheirmeetings attheweekends, andmeet eithermn

the private houses or in mosques or community ceitres in the home counties (such as

Woking, Slough, Reading, Redhill). Son of the prominent woman members of the

Nshbandi community, who are of TUrkiSh, South Asian or British origins, arrange

clusive afternoon meetings in their houses. However, some women also attend the

ceremonies with the men (who are mostly their husbands or relatives) in some of the

60
above-mentioned evening gatherings. Once the Sheikh arrives a London, all these
meetings and activities stop, and mirids from all the different sub-groups join the
drde of fivities led by the Sheikh.

What attracted me most to the Naqshbaidi community of Sheikh Nazim in

Londonin thefirst Instance was its heterogeneity in ethnic and national terms. During

my fieldwork, I counted fifty-six nationalities among the Sheikh's devotees.

Particularly during the month of Ramarian. when the mi"iiids from all over the world

(e.g. from America and Canada in the far west, to Indonesia and Malaysia in thefar

east) flock to London to bewith the Sheikh, this ethno-national heterogeneity of the
London Naqshband.t community is remarkable and distinctive from many other Sufi

orgaisations.

The heterogeneous structure of the community is visible from the variety of the
colours of the turbans the m(hid.s wear. The Sheikh has determined a specific turban

colour for some (butnot all) national and ethnic groups of his mrids and asked them

to comply. Thus his British mhids are suppo sed to wear blue turbans, the Germans

purple, the Arabs green, the Turks whiteand theblacks as arace group (i.e., nornatter
whether they are African or American) red (see Plate 10). However, this regulion
does not appear obligatory and many mrIds wear turbans in other colours;

nevertheless it points to the recogifion and maintenance of different ethnic, national

and racial identities within this Islarric community.30

Notwithstanding this multipli city of origins within the community, one can

distinguish three major groups to which the bulk of the rnCirids belong. These are
respectively the Turks, the South Asians and the Western (mostly the British)

converts to Islam.

30A leading British mrid points to the difference bween the Geimans and the
English in responding to this order of the Sheikh, relatingtheissueinterestingly to the
particular cultural characteristics of the two nionalit1es. The Germans are literallst
about everything, he says. When the Sheikh says them, 'you must wear purple
dothes', they wear purple dothes even, as I have sei, to the terit of wearing purple
underpants. To the English, this means wearing something only as a gesture. So, they
wear a blue turban or have a bluepocket handkerthief. The British seem to seek for
the meaning behind it, whereas the Germans take it at face value".

61
2.2.1. The Thrkith Miirids.

Sheikh Nanm is a Turkish Cypiiot, and Turks are prominent in his entourage in
London, just as Turks were the first people the Sheikh contatexl wiien he came to
London. As mentioned in the previous section, the Sheikh moved through a
succession of Turkish houses as his London residence until the Dergah was opened in
1992.

With their privilege of auommodaing the Shelkh In London, the Turkish mrids
have always appeared a the forefront of the community. No doubt, language has
strengthened this close link between the Sheikh and his fellow Turkish mhids;
though he can speak English and communicates with the non-Turkish miiids
generally in English (except some rae occasions when he speaks Arabic with
prominent Arab mrids the Sheikh is not as articulate in English as In Turkish. In
difficult situ1ons, he expresses himself in Turkish, so he always needs his Turkish
mirids to be with him. It is they who take him to his destinalon by car, and the
Sheikh goes more frequently for meals to their houses than to the houses of non-
Turkish mirids.
In sodo-economic term; most Turkish mirids can be described as belonging to
the working andlower-middle classes. Some work in textilefxories run by Turks in
North London and are paid low wages. Others are jobless and either depend on
government benefits or take shelter on the premises of the community. Only a small
proportion of the m(hids are professionals, small business owners (such as fast food
restairants) or established businessmen.31

3l Among the wealthy members of the Turkish sub-group of the community, one
should mention Ranadan Guney, the bunessman of Turkish Cypriot origjn whose
name hit the headlines in connection with the Asil Nadir affar in Bntan. Being a
dose business friend of Nadir, Giney hal put up a substantial amount of money as
bail for Nadifs releasefrom prison and, as aresult of the later's escape from Britaln,
had fallen into a very difficult situation, aid is fa.ed with the danger of losing
ec'eiything tha he had owned for many years in Britaln. Gney is perhaps the
wealthiest person around the Sheikh in London. He owns the Shdkh Nann Mosque
and i; on paper, the head of the trust which runs the mosque. Although many mrids
aevery aitical of him and .uisehim of assodating withthe Shdkh justforhis own
interests, itis deatha Gneyls oneofthepersons dosestto theSheikhin London.
62
 The level of educalon among the Turkish mrids is also low. Among the older
generation, I know of only two people with university degrees. In the younger
generion, some mhids say that they started university but left after a couple of
years. Others have an extremely low level of (primary) education. Some younger
mhids, however, are. preparing for university aid keen on going.
Itis noticeableth when the Shdkh is not in London, the mrids who are well-
off and have better jobs do not usually partidpate in the meetings or other
activities as frequently as those who have unskilled jobs aid a lower standard of
living. This supports the point Habibis made about Sheikh Nazim's community in
Trip oh, Lebanon, th i 'the higher the sod al group the more limited their
involvement is likely to b& (Habibis 1985: 133).
In London, the Turkish community is highly visiblepartiailariyin certain areas of
North London such as Islington, Stoke Newington, Haduiey and Tottenharn and also
in the Peckhan and Lewisham areas in South London. Turkish immigr&ion was
initially connected with the stus of Cyprus as a British colony. This provided both
Turkish and Greek Cypriots with easy access to Britain from the 1950's onwards. The
immigr&ion of Turks from Cyprus accderaed in the detexioring political situion
following Independence (1960) and the mutual rodties by the two communities in
the Island,, which led to the 1974 invasion of Northern Cyprus by the Turkish army.
The arrival of Turkish Cypriots has continued until tod, making them the majority
of Turkish immigrants in Britain. The arrival of the mainland Turks as dther
immigrant workers or refugees the later particularly after the 1980 military coup in

TheSheikh's behaviour towards him also indicates his prestigious positionin the eyes
oftheSheikh..
Therelation between the Sheikh and Asil Nadir is also worth mentioning briefly. k is
evident that they both know each other very well and have in frequent cont. When
the Shelkh was in London in 1992, hewentto see Nadir, who was onbail tha time,
a number of times for different reasons. One was to sort out the problem of a Turkish
Cypriot who was in heavy debt to Nadir. The Sheikh asked Nadir to erase this
person's debt 'for God's sake' (Allah nzasi icin) and, moreover, to donate a van for
himto usein his local business. According to theperson concerned, Nadir agreed aid
did what the Shelkh had requestezl Fuithez some mii ds informed me that early one
morning, Nadir made a sudden visit to the Der g th and talked with the SheLkh about
his predicament and future
63
Turkey, is a reliveiy recent phenomenon. And th& numbers in London are small
compared to those other Western European countries such as Germany, Holland,

Belgium and Switzerland. They followed fellow Turks from Cyprus in their
settlement pattern in London concenirating in North London particularly In the

Tottenham area
Only a very small prop ortion of the Turkish immigrants in London, howev are
mthids of Sheikh Nim. With respect to religion, most of the Turkish immigrants

seem to bein accord with the majority of Turks in both Turkey and C!ypru that is to
say, they wear thd.r religion lightly. Besides, the bulk of the religious Turks in

London, particularly those from mainland Turkey, prefer to attach themselves to the

Aziziyedrde, whichis therivai oftheSheikh's community (seeChapter9, pp. 255-

260).
Within the Sheikh's community, the Turks control the communal p1 aces. With the

two mosques, this is understandable, since they areboth administered by trusts whose
members are. exclusively senior Turkish Cypriot mihids, Howevex althougii the trust

of the D&gah is, with the exception of one Turkish Cypriol, composed of English

mrids, there, too, Turkish mhids dominate activities. In all three centres, zikr

c&emonies are led by prominent Turkish mrids.

Becaise of this dominant position of the Turks within the community and also my
easy access to thdr gatherings, my study was biased towards the Turkish segnents of

the community. I spent more time during the fieldwork with Turks than with mhids

of other ethnicand national origins.

With some exceptions, theTurkishmi"uids comefrom families which arenotvy

religious, but are heavily inclined towards 'modern Western life-style'. These mCirids

aegeneral1yatoddswiththdrpaznts orsiblings, whomtheyportray as thethfldren

of the Republic' (Cumhuriyet coculdan). They contend that, because they were
brouglitup intheheyday of Kemthst ideology, by which Islam was disparaged both

in Cyprus and Turkey, thelr parents have no real understanding of Islam, which

concerns them only on rare occasions like the Muslim holy month Ranada religious

64
festivals (bayram) aid funerals. Many times during the fieldworl I heard these

mhids conlain about theirparents' inappropriate approath to Islam and the Sheikh.

As a resuli, many of the Turkish mrids, particularly the younger ones (from both
Cyprus and Turkey), consider that they owe their realisation of Islan to the Sheikh

and blame relatives' negligence of Islam on the Turkish regime aid leers such as

Atatrk, inn aids in the Cyprus case, Dr. Fil Kffl, all of whom, in the mihids'
opinions, represent theregimes irreligious stance (see Chapter 8).
Many of the Turkishmihids aremarried, others aresingleandlookingfor suitable
parniers to marry. The attitudes of the mcxi ds' wives towards the taikat do not always

math their husbands'. There are cases for sure where wives match or even exceed

their husbands in devotion to the Sheikh and will to partidpate in the activities. Some
m(hids, however, are not happy and often quarrel with their wives over the

importance given to Islam and the tarikat. These wives do not take Islam, the tarikat
and even the Sheilth as seriously as their husbands. Some of them are against

covering their heals at the price of annoying their husbands. Discord frequently
occurs between these mrids aid their wives due to thelattefs crnnplaints that their

husbands put thetarikat first Many times during my fieldwork, I head thesemirids

complaining that their wives resented their being with the Shdkh all the time and

involved constantly in the tarikz these wives were worried that they would get so
involved in the tarikat that they nil gut force their wives to cover their heads and

behave acording to the strkx Islamic regulations regarding women.

Among the married mi"irids, I met only one mrid whose wife working, while
most of the others are housewives. This mihid's wife is a hairdresser and the mrid

asked the Sheikh's consent regarding his wif&s working. The Sheikh allowed his wife

to work on condition that she would receive her (no doubt, exdusively female)

customers at home.

65
222. Mrith of South Alan Origni
Thernajority of the mrids in eikh Na2nn's Naqshbandi communityin London and
in the larger context of Britain are Muslims of South Asian (SA) origins, I.e.,
immigrants from Pakistan, India, Bangjadesh and Kashmir-and also from Mauritius.
This is not at all surprising, sincethelagemajority of Muslims In Britain originate
from the Indian Subcontinent.
As a result of the dispersed settlement of the South Asian immigrant population
all over London, one can find SA mhids In various parts of London. Throughout my
fieldwork, I visited the houses of these mirids for several reasons, but mostly for2flcr
meetings. Unlike the other two major sub-groups of m(rids (the Turks and the
Western mhids) the SA mxids do not gather regularly in any of the communal
p1aes of the community in London, but rather meet in private houses m perform the
attivities, particularly the zikr. However, attendance at these home meetings alws
outnumbers those of gatherings in the large communal places conoUed by the
Turkish and British mrids. These meetings are also more enthusiastic and lively than
the others. To the SA mihids, the zikr ceremony is rather like a festive occasion.
Without exception, evy ceremony in their circle is followed by a grand dinner,
whereas after the kr performances among the Turkish and British rnrids, only
refreshments are served.
Besides being the major part of the community in London, SA mrids are also
found In other parts of Britain, from the home counties to other big cities such as
Birmingiam, Manchester and Sheffield. Regular and weli-organised jg nights in the
mosques or public hails of towns in the home counties such as Woking., Slough,
Re.dhill and Reading, with the attendance of great number of South Asian people, are
the most spertatular performances to be observed in this Naqshbatdi-Sufi serting.32

321 was told by a Turkith Cypriot mrid how the She[kh had succesully brought a
huge Muslim youth of Woking from the edge of crime to the iranquil amio sphere of
tarikat: 'Theyoung generation of the mihids of South Asian origins had been a real
troublem2kers in the town before the Sheikh stated to deal with them. They had been
using drugs, some of them were even dealers. Theseweremostly the children of the
people who emigrated from Mairitius. After the Sheikh had made contaci with the
Woldng Muslim community, these youngsters turned into good people, leaving their
66
 The numerical dominance of the Indo-Pakistanis within the community is said to
be a recent phenomenon. As has been pointed out above, the first people to gaher

&ound the Sheikh on his e&ly visits to Britain were the Turkish Cypriots, who knew

him from Cyprus. They seem to have been followed by some British converts to the

order The enormous inaeasein numbers of people of Subcontinent origins within the

order from the ea-ly 1980s onwards, is probably due to the efforts of two prominent

Arab mi)rids, whose influence on the South Asian Muslims is outstanding. One of

them, Shekh Yusuf, who is from Egypt and a seyyid, 33 seems to be &corded by SA
m(hids as much respect as the Sheikh. Indee4 he recruited most of the SA mrids,

p&ticularly the younger generions. They and many other SA mtrids first recognise
this Egyptian mrid as 'sheikh' in his own tight then comes their devotion to Sheikh
Nazim, who they consider the 'Grand Sheikh' of the order. As a result of the

improvement made by the mi"irids, comments an old Pakistani mr!d, the Sheikh can
upgrade their positions or 'ranks' in the tarik&, So, the Sheikh had ranked Sheikh
Yusuf as 'sheikh' and given him the duty of dealing with the people (particularly the

South Asians) as a sheikh. In practice, the Egyptian sevyid functions, for this
pdcul group of followers, as if heis the Sheikh's deputy thfe). Although neither
he nor the Sheikh has formally declared this, nevertheless the Sheikh's attitude

tow&ds him de&lyindicaes his distinguished position among the other members of

the London Naqshbanth community. 34 However, this does not protect him from
aitidsm by son. other (non-SA)mirids who do not recognisehis position.
Another f&xor which seems to havepled acruaal rolem the influx of South

Asiansto SheilthNanm'sNjshbandi community, paticulaiyintheearlieryears,is

bad habits behind and experiendng the essentials of religion () and morality
ahlak). Even the police had come and sought an explanation for how these
troublesome kids became good'.
33A man who is the descendant of Prophet Muhanmad through the later's grandson,
Hussain.
34 Forinstaice, this mrid (and also his fellow Arab) lnities people to thetika
with a special ceremony called bey'at which should be done only by the Shdkh.
SomemCirids assertthat theSheikh himself gavethese two Arab mxids permission to
do tha
67
the strong Sufi iritionin the Subcontinent which thesepeople brought with them to
Britain. Long before migrating to Britain, many of the older SA mrids were

quainted with Sufi Islan and had devoted themselves to a sheilth In their naive

countries. When they came to Britain, they either lost all their connection with their

sheikh in the Subcontinent, or were able to sustain only a slight contarL When they

(fortunately) met Sheikh N&im in Britain, they found an opportunity to revitalise

their Sufl backgrouncL Transfxing their affiliations from their previous sheikhs to
Sheikh Nazim, they started to experience Sufisin in the West as his mrids. Some of

them, feeling it difficult to shift their affinity, wrote to their original sheikhs to ask
permission to become Sheikh Nazim's novices, and only after they received

permission did they make devotion to him.

The. size of the sub-group of the South Asian mrids, makes it difficult to draw a

general picture of them in sodo-economic terms. Loosely speaking, one can say that
the majority, particularly those who partidp ate enthusiastically in the activities ) are
from thelower strata of the South Asian immigrant communities. Having said that, It

is also my observation that there are more educated, professional and well-off SA

mrids than there are among the Turks. One should not forg however, that the

former outnumber the latt which makes any comparison between them highly

problematic.

22.3. The Wesrnn Miiridi

The Western mihids, Muslim converts, constitute the third major grouping in the
Naqshbandi community of Sheikh Nazim in London. The majority are British, the

rest being from other European countries and America who live in London. The
number of Westerners in the community further increases with the Sheikh's auival

arrival in London, when mrids of Western origins from Europe (path,ilaily from

Germany and Holland), the United States and Canada flock to London to meet him.

Many of them stay in London as long as the Sheikh remains there.

68
 Many British mGrids are distinctive in thai; unlikemost Turkish and South Asian
m&ids, they are well-educated people with &adeznic, professional and even
aristocrk backgrounds They include two peers. hi general, British mi"ixids represent
a kind of 'high culture' within the community, contrasting with the peasant origins of
mostofthemhids of otherethnicandnaional origins.
The British mrids organise their g meetings either in private houses or in a
hail in Central London on particular days of the week Apart from maintaining
contact and interaction between the British members of the Naqshbandi community,
these meetings also aim probably more than anything else, to present Sufi xsfidn
to the larger British and Western atdience and to recruit new members. Connected
with this aim the leling British mi"irids wish to make these meetings dusive to
mUrids of Western and British origins. They show reluctance both to join any
communal gatherings other than their own,, and to welcomenon-Britishmrids into
their own gatherings. Exceptions include some non-Western mOrids who are. familiar
with Western particularly British,, 'etiquette' and observe its rules in their dialogues
and interactions in the meetings of the British. This tendency towards exclusion,,
which is not found in any other communal gatherings, (whether Turkish or South
Asian or mixed), creates a tension withinthe community as a whole..
The prominent British mrids emphasise the difference in 'culture' between the
British and other nationals as abasis for exclusivity, since they say, the manners and
behaviour of thenon-British mrids, most of whom areimmigrant South Asians, are
incompatible with those of the British people. A middle-aged Scot, a retired army
officer who was the Sheikh's first British iniirid, pointed out that every society or
nation hari different [social-cultural] characxisiics; therefore a nev, Muslin could
feel comfortable only if he or she was with Muslims from the same national aid
cultural background and dose to hi s/her own nature He gavre as an exaiiple a story
from the life of the Prophet; how the Prophet Muhammad h1 given some of
(lristiai converts the task of dealing with the new converts from Christianity. He
also mentioned that the Sheikh had noticed the importance of this point on his early

69
visits to Britain (1976) and ordered some of the older and more experienced mhids
among the British to take responsibility for their fellow newcomers to the tarika. He
added that the Turkish mi"irids were mostly from Cyprus aid of peasant otigin,
whereas most English mhids here were either professionals or i yiddle orupper-dass
people.. It was very difficult for both to understand each other. Equally, he ccntinued
the Pakistanis were harsh and stubborn people, and the English could not make
friendship with them either. On another occasion this same mirid said that he
himself, when people of other nationalities came to ask about the Sheikh and his
taikat, sent them to leading figures in the community from their own nationality.
Another leading British mCirid told me that Westerners had attempted to imitate
the oriental Muslims in thebelief that only by doing so could theybeproper Muslims.
This, however, did not work, since they came from a differenthistorical and cultural
background and hal a different kind of 'etiquett&. Thereupon the British had stated
to try to develop their own Islamic culture and identity. The mthid also stated that the
Sheikh himself had, from the very beginning, asked the Western mCirlds to develop
their own Islamicversion relevant to their cultural backgrounds. In order to create.this
distinctive 'British' Islam, they need a certain extent of eparalion from mainstream
activities. This, at least is the logic theyuseto explain their wish to arrange meetings
exclusive to the British..
Despite all their efforts, eminent Btitishmrids regret that sofartheyhavefailed
to achieve their objective of separating the British/Western mhids from the rest of the
community. Especially when the Sheikh comes to London contas inevitably occur
between m(hids of different origins and it is impossible to prevent unpleasant
encounters and irritations. As a result, British representation in the community Is still
farfromwhatit should be. Many potential reauits, attraiied by the eikh's wisdom,
werelater put off by thebehaviour of othermhids, particulalythe South Asians. The
Scottish mrid explaine&
'When thesepeeplehavenot yetbecome Muslim and whentheybringfr[ends aid
relatives to see Sheikh Nazim becaise he presents a different picture of Islam
from the Islam they see on the television saeen or in the various mosques, then

70
 they wait to seethat the picture presented by themr!ds is the sane. Jnstead the
picturepresented by the mirids is the same they see on thetelevision set Rioting
erowds in Karachi or Isfahan or Tehran or Cairo, or wherever. And it is so
difficult when you bring your relatives, friends who would lacer say, 1 like the
Sheikh and he is a nice man, but forget jtuI.

The effect of the Sheikh and his tarika on Western mCirids' conversion into Islam Is
not easy to measure. Of course, some Western mhids were converted because the
Sheflth was attractive to these pecple in the first place. 35 However, a sigificait
number of British and Western mrids were already Muslim when they met the
Sheikh.
On the other hand, it can be confidently stated that the Shelkh and the Islam he
represents (that is, Sufism) is crucial in maintaining these conver& contenunent with
Islam They come to Islam with the conviction that C1ristianity has lost all its
dynamism as a religion. However, soon after their conversion to Islam, they realise
that Islam as another version of Abrahamic czeed, is not so different in terms of
doctrine and world view B esides, they are often exhausted by the extreme rigidity of
the Muslims they encounter who insist on the strict observance of rules of outward
ace..
Muslim behai,iour andntolerant of the slightest deviatloit While they seek, more
thai anything else, the spiritual satisf&iion which they find lacking in Christianity,
these converts often meet with the arro gaice of native Muslims v/no are concerned
with the nonnacive aspects of Islam rather thai its spiritual riches. Disappointment
and disillusionment with Islam change after they come in contatx with the Sheikh.
His fldble approach particularly towards new Muslims and his tolerance, which is
not seen even in the attitude of the other Sufi she1kh let alone the ulema, restores
their initial expectations.
Thus, the priority given in Sufism to peoples spiritual needs instead of strict
control and regulation of outward bthviour based on Islamic law, attracted these
peopletojointhetaik&ofSheikh Niim When I askedwhyhehad chosentheSufi
way, a Britith mrid from Sheffield commented that apart from the Sufi tradition,

35 These people generally came across the Shekh while they were searching for the
mystic traditions of the East a phenomenon well-known in the West for decades.
71
Iam is not so different from Christlathy in doctrinal and prattical terms. In that
case, conversion only meant passing from one 'well-established religion'

(Chris1iity) to another (Islam). Yei, tasavvuf was the vy aspect of Islam which

made it different from Christianity and providedit with what was most expected from

a religion in that Christianity was lking Similaiy, a Canadian mihid argued that

what these Western people who were with the Sheikh had come for was tasavvuf
raherthanlslam, sinceitwastasavvuf per sethat providedthem spiriwal st&iion

amid the Western matialism.

As a result, the Western mthids differ from the other groups of mCirids in theii

f1dbility In observance of the duties of Islam. In their gatherings, men and women

mix and converse without complying with the traditional Islamic rules of gender
separafioa Body control, a central concern to Mus1ims ptiailar1y for women, is

also taken less seriously by the Western m(hids than by, say, the Turkish mihids.

From the perspective of a male Turkish mihid, for Instance, a woman who does not
cover her head is a jog' (ktQk) in Hell. He does not hesitate to w this to a girl
whom he considers marrying but who does not cover her head. Aithougil there are a

few wives of Turkish mrids who do not cover their heads, their husbands are very

unhappy about this, and the issue of head covaing is certainly a crucial concern for
them.. For the Western mrids this is not so, and they will ever criticise native

Muslims for their strictness over woman's vd1inghicab). The leading Scottish mhid

talks as follows:

'One sees among many Muslims an obsession with women's hicab, as if the hicab
is one of the pillars of faith (erkan ili-iman). Yet frequently you can see in Oxford
Stigexor Bayswacer, Arab women wearing hicab going aoundwiththernenfoll
but the man with her is with a T-shirt and his head uncovered, even his face
shaved. So the men who do not have any rules of veiling insist that woman must
do it Andthisis asifthemajorprincipleof Islamiswomai's dress Butof course
itis not. Itis not one of thepifias of falth( kaniil-iman; nor is one of thepillars
of Islam (erkanli-IsIam). Itis something thatmay berequired by people, but you
have people coming to you who do not even pray. Which Is more important?
Getting them to pray or getting them wearing bicab? You have people coming
with de moral problems, rezA moral problems; like Muslims with girl friends or
Muslims living with a non-Muslim ma What do you do? They may have come
to IsIam but they leave it again. If the woman is not praying ., fasting, doing
anything to do with Islam why make her wear women's bicab, Of course thereis

72
 a wisdom (hikmet) behind this act It gives digrity to wom But, this may not be
an experience for so many people. To them it Is an obstale. All right if It is an
obstacle, do not rnakeit a bigger obst&ie! Say to the womai Look, forget this
[veiling] for the time being. What you must do is pray. When you pray put it on.
When you stop praying,, leave it with your praying mat (seccadeY. Eventually, by
her own intellecZ she may stat to wear hicab all the time. She will invent it a her
heart then'.

The three sub-groups are also distinguished from each other in their expectations of
the eilth's addresses. The content of the Sheikh's talks varies according to the ethnic
or national identity of the majority of the listeners. In the Turkish mi:hids' houses and
in his spedal talks to the Turks, the Sheikh generally talks about issues related to
Turkish history and politics: Exaltation of the Ottoman Empir condemnation of the
seculaisation attempts ofthefoundingfigures oftheRepubliq andparticular Islanic
prescripTions for the current political problems of Turkey. In meetings dominated by
Western mrids, his lectures are generally aimed to create spiritual stimuli in the
adlence, with the most common topic being the notion of nefs. The m(hids of South
Asian origins are primarily concerned with matters of spiritual power, such as the
Sheilth's grace or miraculous power (keranet), his soothsayings (kehanet) and his
divine blessing (bereket), so that the Sheikh tries to satisfy their needs in his dealing
with them, as well as stressing the notion of the Mandi, to cater for their
preoccupation with mill enariai motives. One common theme in his addresses is
Wahhabism' (see Qiapter 9) and its desiructive effect on the Muslims all over the
world.
Ap at from these three main groups of mrids, there are numerous mt"rids in
London from other ethnic, national and religious b ackground most of them from
other Muslim countries. There are Arabs from the Middle East aid North Afnc
Iranians and Africans and Musiims from South-East Man coi.mthes such as Malaysia
and Indonesia However, none of these seem indined to organise separate gatherings
like the above three groups. Instead they prer to attend the activities in the main

73
p1 &e of gathing, formedy the Pedtham Mosque and now the Dergah. These m(rids
eimtnigrants living in Britain or refugees frompersecution by the regimes of their
n&ive countries. The most interesting cases of this sort are the Iranian mrids who ae
devout Muim but not happy with the present Islamic regime in Iran. They are still
loyal to the Shah's regime and favour the restorion of the Crown, while they rejeci
Khomeini's leg&y andpray for the downfall of Shi'itheocracy.

2.2A. Sdfldeniification

Since the principal focus of this study is the discourse of She!kh Nazim's community
in London, the issue of self-identification Is, in one sense, dealt with throughout the
text However, in order to providethe reader with an easier &cess to the rest of the
thesis I outline here the N&shbandis' particular way of understanding Islam, Sufism,

the t&ik and other related themes. My aim is to link the schoiariy account of
Sufism, sketched in the first thapt to tha of its Naqshb and! prcthioners.

The Heart of Islam Tarikat

Tanka is the heart of Islam. If there is no tarik then there is no Islam, either!' says
one ardent mhid, to opposethe caegorisation of Sufism as just particular form or
understanding of Islam among others. Forhim, Su.fismis wha Islam reafiyL!, that is
to say, Islam equals Sufism. From this point of departure, academic questions such as
when, how and why Sufisin and the Sufi orders such as the Naqshbandiya emerged
within the Islamic tradition (see Chapter 1, pp. 20-22), carry no slgniflcance. From
the mxids' perspective, whenever Islam emerged inthe world, thatwas the beginning
of tasavvuf and tika. Additionally, they view the Prophet Muhammad as theperson
who initiated the enduring tradition of Sufi Islam, their Shdkh being the Prophet's
only living spiritual successor in the Nshbandi line, and an exemplar of the
Prophet's conduct On these premises are also constructed the supremy of the
Naqshbandi Order and their Sheikh over other Sufi orders and shdkhs, Induding
other branches of the Nshbandiya They deplore the wdl-known attempts of

74
scholars from nearly all disciplines (induding anthropology) to differentiae between
Sufi Isiarn andthe Sharla-minded Islam. Themrids sayththe tarikais nothing but
theperfeci app1icion of theShaia Its aim inthewords of Haci tsmall (seebelow,

pp. 89-91), is 'to enableustoknowtheProphet'. Perhaps, theplaceof Sufisminlslan

is best characterised by Mithad Hoc aleading Twkish Cypriot mtrid aid aprearher
(see pp. 286-289), as follows 'Islam is like a very productive tree which bears lots of
fruit, The fruit is of course beautiful and delicious. However, the real essence
(treasure) is in the roots under the earth. So, the fruit on the branches is the Sharia,
while the roots under the earth ac tasav'vuf.'
As mentioned before, the Sheikh's followers consider him heir of the Prophet',
and he is the living example of the Prophet's conduct. It is he who unfolds the
meaning of Islam to them, not the written sources of Islam. Ordinary peoplelike them
cannot grasp the Divine message simply by reading the Koran. Rernzi (seepp.88-89)
commented once:
When you want to lean physics, you do not buy a book on physics and try to
lean it by simply reading the book. Instead, you find a teacher who will help you
to understand the book, explain to you the points you are. not ableto grasp with
your own effort aid, thus, guide you in learning physics. So it is with leaning the
Koran and Islam.. You need a tearher to help you understand aid experience it
prop exly'.

Even theidea of learning islan by realing as such is discredited. Theproper way of

leaning in Islam, the mCirids aver, is orally, I.e., by listening to theperson aithorised
(by Divine sanciion)to talk. Here are Selim's (see pp. 269-71)wor:
'Islam can only be leaned by sitting fac-to-far.e with someone who is capthleto
teach Islam, and by listening carefully to whahe says. Onceamai caneto the
Prophet and sa down very close to him and face-to-face with him. Then the
Prophet spoke and the man ilatened without talking. After a long time, the man
stood up, thanked the Prophet and silently left The Prophet turned to his
companions present in the event and saL d: Have you seen wha is the ri ght way of
learning? Tha man was the Archangel Gthriel (Cebrail Aleyhisselan). So, we
need to follow this example. I must sit down in front of you and listen carefully to
wha you say; this is the way of learning in Islam The evliy a do this in the world
today as the Prophet did in Mr-i Saade (the Golden Age),'

75
In this way, the vezy idea of leaning and knowing Islam individually, an idea which
is supported by many contemp oray Muslims, espedally in intellectual circles, is
rejected. Renounced accordingly is the notion that evy human being can construct
hi s/her direct rel ation ship with God. The Naqshb andis p1 a.e the Sheikh, the
ctraordinay' human being, as the (holy) agent between God and (ordinay) human
beings. Even the Sheikh himself, in one of his talks, mentions how important it is for
one to attach oneself to a saint (yell), for 'without having a veli, one cannot enter
P&adise.'
In sum, the interpretation of Isiam by Sheikh Nim's Naqshbandi community
deviates significantly from the current mainstream argument that everyone can
establish his/her own contact with God and learn Islam through individual effort.
These ideas are distortions created deliberately bythefoes of Islam, pardculaily the
Jews, to distrt the Muslims from the real Islan that is, taikat Sheikh All (seethe
next sub-section) argued: 'The enemies of Islan, particularly the Jews, emptied the
core elements of Islam, which are tasav'cuf and tarikat, and made it an empty shell.
Islam today is just like a nutshefl without a nut inside it Does such a nut have any
value ortaste? No! So is Islai mday.

The AIIm and the Shejich

A tension between aiim (Islamic scholar) and sheikh is maintained in the discourse of
Sheikh Nanm's Naqshbandi community. In theoxy, they take the knosc1edge of the
ulema,, that is, knowledge of the Shaia, to be a necessary but not adequate step to
know about and experience Islam In my int&view with him, the Sheikh male the
following remarks:
Ehl-i Setht (people of the iaxia, meariing1 theulema looks athesurfae(zahir)
and are only concerned with it. Ehl-i Tarikat (people of the tarikat) enters the
inside of the Palae and talk from inside the Paiae. Ehl-i Seria si, JJ
just the srfae of the buildin here are the columns, here the windows, here the
doors. We do not accept anything apart from thi?. The others [people of the
taikat] say, we do not deny what you talk about but we have entered the
building you see from outside and we are talking about what is insideN. Eli-i
Smat, who ac stubborn, say, NflO, thereis nothing like that. We say Y es, there
are many things, beautiful, pr&ious things inside the Palae. We saw theim You
do not enter inside, nor do you want to entex that is why you cannot see.. You

76
 look the surface of the sea! Nothing can be seen on the surfe of the sea Dive
and see many sorts of things there You look the surf are of the Koran and tell
the meaning you grasp from it Will you come out empty ter diving into the
depths of the sea of the Koran? TM ... Therore, Ehl-1 eri& observe the surf of
religion, do not dare to dive into it and 1 therefore, do not cept the news that the
ones who dare it gives from inside. The building is the same 1-lowever, when you
come into it the picture is different and more beaitiful. There is no onefrom
I Tarikattharejects theSharia Hebath cepts the surf&e ofthepalzof Islam
andtellswhisinsideit'(5 March1992 -theDerah),

The differencebetween the Shaiia-ninded scholar and the Sufi mysicls also amater
of using their knowledge. Sheikh Nazim says: The sheikhs' knowledge carries them,
whereas the scholars are loaded with knowledge on their shoulders; they carry their
knowledge. Rifas (see pp. 83-37) words on another occasion were complementary
'A learned man () who possess the knowledge of plenty of books looks like a
donkey loaded with sarks'.
Themhids also believe tha the eal' is their Sheikh. Thais to say, anaj
should first andforeinostbe aman of taika. 'Qthezwise, asseted Selim (see pp. 269-
271), heis aparrot-fashion scholar'.
The mrids distinguish between Islamic scholar and sheikh by vanous other
methors. Sheikh All, a leading Palestinian mOrid (see next section) likens a sheikh
to a helicopter and an aiim m a Concorde
'Helicopters can land anywhere and take off from anywhere; and v/nile they are
flying they may see anybody struggling to surviv and they can land and save
him. But Concordes cannot do that, They only have special airports for take-off
and landing. They cannot land anywhere to save people But helicopters can. We
are trying to be helicopters, [i.e.] just to be simple and humble people' (22
February 1992 - private house).

Mithad Hoc a lea1ing Turkish Cypriot mrid who is himself a grarlu&e of the
faculty of Islamic theology and hence an (see pp. 286-289) renders the
distinction from another perspective 'Though focusing on religion, ij is in the

end still tied to this world (dny a), whereas, a sheikh iranscends this world, and lives
for Hereter and Heaven'.
Thus, according to the mirids, the essential knowledge of Islam can only be
arquired within the discipline of a Sufi order and ihrougii a process of learning based

77
on themater-disciplere1onip. Islam in this sense can only betaight by a holy
person such as , mrid or sheikh. A sheikh may not be a graduate of a medrese
(Islanic college). but heis a veil (salnt). th is to say, The friend of God' who thherits
real knowledge, haldk through spiritual succession Of course, a Sufi adt is
required to know about the Tharia. However, wha he needs more Importantly is to
give attention to the teaching and practices of his master. A devotee must
unquestioningly accept the authority of his/her maer. The mirids demonstrate an
extremely reverent titude towards their Sheikh such as continuously rushing to kiss
his hands and fe (see Plaes 4 and 5). This kind of titudeis viewed with suspicion
by the ulema. From their perspective, giving a divine significance to a person,
veneraing him through such extreme acts and living Islan through his mediaion, ac
all open to quesdon
The mrids often discussed how one can know or understand taik paticulaly
in their dialogues with me, as someone who wanted to lean about taika without
making his allegiance to it and its leier the Shdkh. This, to them, is a vain hope.
Nurjehan (seepp. 91-94) once commented:
'La's supposetha this room is a class, me ateacher and Reid [a young Turkish
mrid who accompanied mein my visit to this lady's house] a student. I can give
him an exam, since he is In the class. You, however, ac outside the class aid
looking inside from the window in order to lean and understand what is going on
here [in the dassj I cannot give you an exan unless you comeinto class.'

LikewiseRifat (seepp. 33-87) did not hesitale to tauntmewith thefollowing words:

'You ac reading useless books on tasavvuf, the books whose authors ac not from
within this glorious world, but looking from outside. Th cannot grasp the taika
and tasavvuf in this way.' But he did recommend me to read the books of Irnan
Ghali (see pe23).

22.5. Oath and Reauitment

As a sign of the greness of their Sufi Order, the mUrids point to the constantly
ma easing number of newcomers. Indeed, Sheikh Nanm's Naqshbandi community in

78
Londonhas gro wn conderably sincethe early years of his visits to Britaln. Although
some mr1ds regretfully mItted tha in 1992, the rn.imber of people Joining the
tarika was not as high as in previous yeas, nevertheless, the flow of new recruits
continued as the regular bey'at ceremonies demonstraed..
Through the bey'at ceremonies, on&s membership to the Nshbandi community
is formally recognised. The person who wants to swear all egiance to the tarika Is
taken to the Sheikh or, in his absence, to others hehas athorlsed to give bey'at (see
below). Either the candidae himself expresses his wish to take bey 'at, or someone
else from the tika who knows him says this to the Sheikh. The Sheikh holds the
candidae's right hand with his right hand, while those next to both of them also put
their hands all together (see Plate 13). Others who are not dose enough, put their right
hands ontheright shoulders of the ones who puttheir hands tagetherwith the Sheikh
(see Plate 14). So, everybody present on the occasion is linked to the cene of the
ceremony and supposed to receivethe blessing assodaed with the ceremony. If the
candidateis not Muslim, the Sheikh firstmakes him utterthe declaration of faith (the
Sehadet). However, in most of the bey'at ceremonies I wilnessed, even if the person
was already Muslim, he was still asked to say the Sthadei first, Implying the
Naqshbandi reckoning that other Muslims not really Muslim a all (see p. 262. The
candidate repeats the Sehadet phrase by phrase after the Sheikh three times, while
other people join him in chanting. Then the Sheikh (or whoever is giving bey'at)
recites some further sures from the Koran and prases the Proph his companions,
the famous Sufi saints and the Naqshband.t sheikhs of the past, and invites the
candidate-disciple to chant with him, the formula, 'Allah Hu Allah Hu, Allah Hu,

jj ' three times. This is thekey phrase of bey 'at ceremony. Needless to say, others
also join in the chant. Thus, every bey 'at ceremony b eeomes an occasion far
communal self-renewal. After this recitation, the Sheikh once again says a special
prayer aid concludes the ceremony by inviting ecerybody to say Fatiha for the
Prophet, his companions, the celebrated Sufis and Naqshbandi shelkhs of the past and
the Graidsheikh Dagliestani.

79
 I have used the male pronoun in the above pagraph becaise all the br'at
ceremonies I witnessed were conducted for men. Unfortuneiy I did not have a
chance to see a bey at ceremony for a woinai Howeve women joined men the
bey 'at ceremonies described above. This happens in the following way. The two
genders aeprohibited from touching each other, unless they aremarned. So, the wife
of a malemihid puts her hand on her husband's thouldex when hehas already put his
hand on the shoulder of someone in front Another woman puts her hand on the wif&s
shoulder and, in this way, all women present are spiritually connected with the centre
of the ceremony, the Sheikh.
The person who takes be'at is considered a member of the community and,
loosely speaking, can be called a mhlcL 36 Loosely speaking, because the mrids
often say that it is not so easy to become amrid in the real sense of the word. Infari,
cording to a Turkish mirid, taking bey'at from the Sheikh does not make oae a
mnd, but brings one under the Sheikh's protection. One becomamrld only after
passing several 'tests' over a long time; it is a matter of pience and endurance. I
came oss many mrids who refused to call themselves as suth This atilLide might
be related to the Sufl doctrine of self-degradation. Sometimes, if the Initiate asks what
to do next the Sheikh gives him a leaflet of y4 litanies consisting of spedal
Koranic chapters and Islamic phrases to be repeated a certain number of times as a
kind of preliminary guide to advancement within the tankat

361n her study of Sheikh Nazim's community in Trip all, Habibis categorises the
Shdkh's following as either mrids, who are committed to the tarikat with the ulmost
devotion to the. Sheikh, or muhibs who love the Sheikh but whose commimient to the
tarikat is not so deep as the mtihids (Habibis 1935: 12C-144; 1992: 58-61). She
considers few followers of the Shelkh as m(hlds and most of them as rnuhibs.
Although some members of the Sheikh's community in London are aviare of the word
muhib andthedifferencebetweenmi"irid aid muhibin Sufi temnology, thelatteris
not commonly used In the community as a different category to Indicate a lower
dejee of devotion to the Shelkh, whereas most of the community members use the
word mihid to define themselves, without taking into account the dejee of devotion.
Many of them mentioned that there was no 'real' mCrid of the Sheikh, yet none of
them made the distinction between mCiri d aid muhib. Therefore, I prefer not to apply
this categorisatlon but use the word mirid in the loosest sense to refer people who
atth or assodate themselves with Shelith Nun.
80
 In the initiation of new members into the taik the Shelkh's presence is an
essential condition. However, so far as initial recruitment to the tarika is concerned,
the Sheikh's presence is not the key to the process. After all, he is not available in
London throughout the year but only for a few months. Instead,, there are certain
prominent disciples through whose efforts new members are recruited. In general
people make their first contact with these m(rids, who give them their initial
information about thetaikat aid, in some cases, Islan, aid finally help them to join.
Therefore It Is they, rather than the Sheikh, who play the crucial role in recruitment to
the taikat and are responsible for the expansion of the community in Britain.
Among these prominent disciples, one should mention first and foremo St Shdkh

Yusuf, the Egyptian seyyid without whose existence the size of the community in
Britain might have been much smaller than as it is now. As mentioned before, a great
many people of South Asian origins came into contact with the community through
Sheikh Vusuf and, being atrraetedby him, joined thetarikat. In nearly all meetings of
mirids of South Asian origins that I attended, therewere bey'at ceremonies conducted
by Sheikh Yusuf or his associate Sheikh All, who is a Palestinian Arab. The ones who
take bey'at from Shkh Yusuf or Sheikh All do it once again with Sheikh Nanm
when he comes to London.
Sheikh Yusuf and Sheikh Au are both said to be aithorised by Sheikh NzQim to
conduct the bey'at cemony. This both indicates their privileged position in the eyes
of the Sheikh and proves their ability to recruit and command people, for otherwise
the Sheikh would never have given them such permission. The Sheikh realises their
ability to attract people to the taika aid, therefore, lets them behave more
independently than other miids. Even when the Sheikh is in London, Sheikh Yusuf
behacres in a semi-aitonomous way: he continues his separate meedngs, and his
lherents continue to gather around him as well as to attend the meetings and
cemonies led by Sheikh Nanm.
It is quite probable that, after Shdkh Nim's death, SheIkh Yusufs did e will
emerge as a new branch of the Order led by him. The visible strain inthe relationship

81
bexweenShdkh Hishan, the Sheikh's designated successor, and Sheilth Yusuf andhis
followers strengthens this suspicion and there are 1ndicions that Sheikh Yusuf and
his followers reject the airhorlty of Sheikh Hisham. Many of the mr1ds who are
closely assadated with Sheikh Yusuf refrned from listening to Sheikh Hisham (or
did so quite reluctantly) instead of Sheikh Naxn in the regular late- terno on lectures
in the Peckham Mosque, even though Sheikh Nm had appointed Sheikh Hisham to
lecturein his absence.37
In other sub-groups of the community too, there are leading disdples with a
similar mission of recruiting new members 1 though their attraction is not as great as
that of Shelkh Yusuf. One of the prominent British mihids, a former Jew, plays a
principal role in the rea-ulimerit of new (Western) members to the tarika. Many
people who attend theg ceremonies led by this mihid in London come initially to
lean and may later decide to join the community then they are first taken to a
conversion cemony by this person who insliucts them brithy about Islam and the
Sufi Naqshbandi path. I was informed by some inihids that the Sheikh had appointed
this mrid as his deputy in the circle of the British and other Western mi"irids in
London Just as he had appointed Sheikh Yusuf to deal with the South Asian mhids.
As forthe Turkish inihids, theretoo one can find a similartrend in that some pre-
eminent Turid sh mi"iri ds function as agents of recruliment to the tarik One of them,
Selim leads the 2lkr in the Sheikh Nim Mosque (see pp. 269-271). Although the
extent of his authority is not so great as the above-mentioned two figures Thr
instance, he never conducts a bey 'at ceremony, nor do his assodates consider him a
Sheikh in his own), he too plays a significant role in bringing new people to the
taikat in London. Throughout my fieldwork, Turkish people who were interested in

370n one occasion, a serious complalnt by the followers of Sheikh Yusuf was
brought to the attention of the Sheikh th in one of his lectures, Sheilth Hishan
annoyed them by calling his listeners 'dogs'. The following day, before starting his
lecture, Sheikh Hisharn apologised for his words which he feared had offended some
who had been present on the previous d What he had wanted to say was that
bore their master Sheikh Nanm, they all had to consider themselves, as a sign of
sdf-degradaion, as dogs and, before evayone else, he had directed these words to
himself (i.e., his ns), and counted himself as the ieikh's dog.
82
the ceremonies and atended the meetings in this setting continued their
atendance until the Sheikh came to London, when he gave them bey 'at Some others
however, stopped coming and preferred to join the other, rivai Turkish-Muslim
community in North London, the Azizi ye drde (pp. 254-259). In all cases, however,
it was clear tha Selim followed a strategy caretuily designed to a these people
and recruit them to the tarik I believe tha I too was seen by him, a least in very
early stages of my involvemeni, as a potenti recruit, though in the end I think he
considered me avan hope (see next chapter).
As a result, in London many new people come and join the tarika before meeting
the Sheflth himself, through the agency of certain prominent rnrids who Iaer bring
them before the Sheikh every year when he anves in London. The recruitment
process also operaes in the same way In the drdes attached to the Sheikh in other
parts of Britain, such as Kent, Sheffield and Birmingham. The instrumental position
that these mCirids hold with respect to recruitment provide them with power and
atthority in the tarika. This, in turn, creaes tensions, for some of the other mr!ds
rej ecz challenge and compete with their aithothy (see chapter 10).

22.6. Biogaphiez

In order to elaborate the general characteristics of the community, I will present a

number of biographies of mhids of the Turkish, South Asian and Western origins,
selected from the many I coil ecxed during fi cldwork38

RI FAT
Rifais from Western Turkey. He comes from a lower-middle class family. He says
tha his family was modern (he uses the term sowetik). His parents were not
rdigiou nor was he himself. Before becoming a committed Muslim, he was drinking
a lot, though not smoking and gambling. He used to go to the mosque only in the

381 have changed the names of subjects in order to respect their privy. Further
biographies can befound in chapter 10. There, too, I haveused psidonyms instead
of real names.
83
religiousfestivals(Le., twlceayear). However, an acddentattheageof 18 changed
the course of his life. He and two friends had put out to sea in a boat for fishing. The
we&her seemed good, yet when they were far from the coasl, ran douds suddenly
appeared and a storm broke. The bo was struggiing with the gigantic waves. They
tried to anchor but failed. Face-to-face with death, they lay down in the bottDm of the
boat and dung to each other, waiting in despair. None of them knew m say any prayer
(d), only Rifat being able to repeat some phrases he luckily remembered from
somewhere. After awhile, he lifted his head and saw that the storm had passed and
the sea was settling. They returned to the shore to find everybody, induding their
families, waiting hop elessly. The moment that Rifat's parents saw him was very
dramatic. He and his parents wereall intears.
Afterwards, Rifat's family slalghtereLl a sheep as a sacrifice and gave a feast
'May Allah forgive us', he said, 'We brought from Tekirda (a town famous for
the good taste of its raki) and gave a feast for neighbours, Mends and relatives'. After
that somepeople advisedhim to go to themosqueforthefirst Friday prayer afterthe
accident. He recalled:
When Iwait to Friday Prayer, I didnot knowhowto pray. They told me, as they
tell anybody who does not know how to perform the prayers, to imitate someone.
I did so. Thenthey distrlbutedrosaiesCtesbih)to everybody. Ididnotknowwhat
to do with rosary, either. I felt very ashamed. At that vemy moment, I derided to
lean this Thing' () perfectly. When I went on military service, I read lots and
lots of books about Islam. After I came back home, I felt restless. My parents
constantly asked what was wrong with me. They said to me, you're neither
hungry nor homeless(Ac de*.ilsin acik deilsin), and asked what I wantecL They
did not understand that Ihad alonngfor something spiritual. They were giving
me everything in material terms. They were also ssfying me spiritually with
their love, but what Ineeded was the spirituality of Islam (Islam maneviya), aid
in this respeci they were doing nothing.

Not getting along well with his parents and having no job in Turkey, Rifac came to
London in 1986, to his maternal uncle who had been in London for years. The real
turning point in his life cane there. Rifa found himself within the Aziziye drde, a
rival Turkish Muslim community to Sheikh Nanmn's in London (see pp. 254 -59). He
took a rigid and radical Islamic stance. He wrote many letters to his parents,

84
explaning why he had not been peace with them and aitidsing them also for their
Impiety.
While rigorously &tending the meetings and arxwitie.s In this cirde, Rifat met
somefollowers of SheikhNanm. Heengagedinmany &gumentswiththezm Hewas
impressed. howeve with their pience despite his own offenve style in arguing
against them. Hewas asking tough questions in order to push them into a corner, with
a maimer, he sam which he had aquired in the setting of Azziye 'At that time,
while atending the Azizl y e, I was not in favour of tarik. They [the members of
Aziziyel were brainwashing us. Yet the more I attacked them [the rnrids], themilder
their responses were, and this impressed me very much.' L&er, when he met the
Sheikh, he observed the same fe&urein him: 'He was so mild-mannered th& it was
impossible not to be impressed,' Saisfied in his mind with the answers he got for all
the questions, he decided to move from the radical political setting of Az[ziyeto the
iranquil drcie of Sheikh Nanm's community. He particularly emphasises that his
move caised a grea sensaion In the North London setting of the Turkish-Muslim
community.
Today, Rifa makes a definite division beiween the Sharia aid the taik He
staes that some actions forbidden by the Sharia can be permitted in the taik
whereas some things of which the Shala only disapproves (mekruh), without making
any definite prohibition, are completely forbidden in the tarika. He also mentions
th beforebecoming a Naqshbaidi miirid, he rejected the idea that thereis also an

asp ect of Isi am which concentrates more on 'meaning' (rnana) than outward
bthavioux that is the tarika He acepts It now. As regards the Sheikh, he makes the
following remak
'He knows all our innermost feelings. I camot know what is in the depth of your
heart you camot knowmlne, either. However, he knows everything In our heats
but does not explain. This is forbiddento them (the Evli y a). If the Shdkh persists
In actIng somthody whom you, forinstance, consider abal person, theremust
be areason which you camot know, but he deflnitdy does.'

85
Rifa's sister cane to London bore him. She is married to her coun. She aid her
husb aid (i.e., Rifat's MBS) are both members of the taikat. His sister has the
Sheikh's permison to organise aid lead 2'ikr in her house Her husband has been In
London since childhood. He runs a car-park and Is relatively prosperous. He attends
the meetings of Turkish mihids based on the North London mosque, thougii not as
eagerly as Rif who takes activepart in all the events organised by the group.
In the early stages of my fieldwork, Rifat was working as a salesperson in a
Turkish food storein North London. Later he left this job since, he c1aimed, hehal
not got on with his boss and the other two young Turldsh men working there. 39 He
started to look for ajob which would not prevent him from joining taikat activities.
Although he found a job in a factory, he did not take it up. Instead, he started working
as a carpet deaner. With his cousin's help, hebought avan end a cleaning machine,
and started servicing houses and shops.
While the Sheikh was in London in 1992, Rifat fell in love with a girl from
Turkey, who had come to London to improve her English. According to Rifat, the
feelings were mutual and the girl was also in love with him. However, there were
difficulties in progressing towards a more serious relationship such as marriage
The girl was a graduate of an Economics faculty in Turkey. She was planning to
take a master's degree aid then find a respectable job in Turkey. This was the
major point of dissension between her and Rif Her parents also laid down a
condition that she had to marry someone who was wealthy aidlor well-educated (i.e.,
with a univerty degree) or in a respectable job. Rifat commented: 'For sure she will
study and get a diplomafrom the Jews' (illa okuyup birYahudi diplomasi alacak).
Rifa said that the girl started to cover her head in London:

39 These two persons, though seennngly religious, were not in favour of She.ikh
Nnm One day Iwimessed one of them teasingRifat about his taikat affiliation. He
asked Rifat whether he would enter a dangerous path even if he knew that there was
something detrimental there, If the Sheikh askedhim to do so. Rifa rlied that if the
Shelich asked him to do th he would do it becaise there would be surely some
power to save him from danger.
86
 'She did not cover her head in Turkey, aithough, in f& she had felt an intention
to cover her head there. But, you know Turkey, how they consider a girl who
covers her head. Her family is the same. They oppose her covering her heaxi, as if
she is doing abal thing. What she Is doing is the order of God. Her mother is not
covering her head, Even sheis wearing sicirt on herknees so that when she sits her
legs are open. The mother is aprimaiy school teaxther. Her brother is going to
mosque only on Fridays.'

With respect to the girl's with to study aid worl Rifat made the following remarks:
'They do not know Isian. Theplace of woman is dearmnlsiam. thatis, thehomei
If you really want to work aid teach somhing, do it not for yourself but for
Isian! Do it for Allah. Here arethe children. Go aid givelectures to them. Teach
them Islam!.. But, what will the teach, instead? Ikiisa! (Economics). It is the
sdence of the Jews.'

Despite all these difficulties, Rifat kept hoping for progress towards marl age until the
girl's mother cane to London for a week. This, however, put an end to his hopes,
sinceherinother did not gex on with him and the girl, in the end, would not go against
her parents' wishes choosing to do what they asled instead of following Rifa. Rifat
reckoned that herriefs had overpowered her love of Islan (for , see Chapter 5).
Themost important factor vhith led Rifa to consider marriage with this girl was
her ability to discuss religion aid Islam in intellectual terms, an ability lacking in
many other girls in the community who know only the traditional duties of
womathoo d such as child care and housework. In other words, Rifat was looking for
a girl with a certain intellectual' capadty (with reference to Islam) aid this girl fell
into this category. What Rifat did not seem to realise, howe'er, was that it was
probably just this intellectual cap &:lty which made her keen on continuing her studies
aid working in the university, which he opposed. Girls who fitted his definition of
woman's place and position in Islam werethosewho had nothing to say about ideas.
Rifa was askingthelmpossible thatis, a girl sophisticated enougito discuss sodal,
cultural and religious matters with him, but also compliant with his expectations of
Islamic 'irax]itionalism, which would take her out of professional life and place her in
thehome.

87
REMZI
Rexnzl is a Turkish Cypriot in his mid-20s. Hels at educated and ardculate person.

who studied Physics In arespeczexl Turkith university. After heh1 spent two years In

this university, Reni1 dissatisfied with a sodal environment in 'which 'communist

ahelsm' was current, and tr erred his registration to another university in the

Turkish pat of Cyprus. After studying here for two more yeas, he1tuniverty, this
time, without finishing the course and getting his degree. 'I hal hal enough

knowledge of physics', saIdR, 'and was fed up with it (do ydum ruk. But, I felt
a spiritual hwiger That is why I started to follow te1kh EfendI, after having met

him.'
Rem met the Sheikh in Cyprus when he was 18, and was much Impressed with
his 'wisdorn. Yet he was not able to follow the Shelkh regularly at that time since he

was living far aww from his lodge As thne went on, however, he vlted the Shdkh

more often and devoted himself cor,l etelyto him.

Five yeas ter first meeting him, with the SMith's permission, Rei1 cane to

London. That is to s, it was the Shelkh himself who sent Reznzl to London becaise
of his particula difficulties In Cyprus. Rexnzt explalnsthesitualonvAilth catsed him

to leave Cyprus for London as follows:

'I hal nothing to do in Cyprus, since I had not finithed university. I hal also
military service obligations. There was no Job for someone In my position. Many
years would pass before I could settle down onomica11y. It seemed Impossible
for meto many before the age of 3D. Whatwould I have doneuntil then? I could
nothave atyrdalonship with agjitunlesslwasmaiiedwithher. Others amy
age were doing every filthy thlng they were. in bed with a diit woman evy
night, but I could not have done that. I should have been manled. I was Jobless
and penniless. I was not the sort of person who would take money from his
paents. Thatis why Shelkh endi sent meto London whereItwas eacierthan in
Cyprus to find ajob. However, he does not permit every nnrid who Is in the sane
tuadon as me. To some, he ss, go aid do your military service". Others who
are in Bn1t he asks to come bark to Cyprus. Many others who wish to come to
London, hetells not to go'.

Soon ter his arrival in London, Remzi manled a girl of Turkish Cypriot origin

whosefanlly hal settled in Brltthi rn2ny yeas ago. They havertfiy had abthy

88
daigitei Remzi'sfher-in-lawls a]so aweil-known mihid of the Sheikhln London
who runs a lsh aid Qips restairait In Central London.
When I stated my fleidworic Reinzl had been working in his faher-ln-lac/s
restaurant but he was not happy sinct he had to work long hours and 5-6 d 7s of the
week, which prevented him from attending t&ikt axivines as much as he wished.
Hence, heleft working for his father-In-law and started to work In akebab house only
threedays aweek. Lerhelththis job, too, andheaid afriend of more orlessthe
same age started their own business together. They bought a van and started to sell
sandwiches outside the pubs late night. After working this w' for a time, the two
ftends openedthelr ownfastfoodrestauranl which hasbeen doing well.
Reznzi considers the tarika 'the heat of Islan' (Tarikat Islan'in caithr). He
asserts tha there Is no Islam for anybody unless he or she opens the window of their
heatto experience Islam, It is through tasavvuf that on&s heat can be opened.
Otherwise, he says, one cannot achieve it despite all good faith. One also needs a
guide in one.s attempt to open the heart for the light (ag) of Allah. This guide is no
one other thai the Sheikh,.

HACI ISMAIL
Haa Inail is 55-60 years old and from northern Turkey. He has been living in
London for 30 years. After working as a heal waiter In a hotel, he started his own
business by opening a restauait In the Qty, which he ran from 1976 to 1983, At first
he made money, but later things went wrong and he lost everything he had, even his
house, since he was unable to pi his mortgagebills.
Hi Inai1 reckons all these happenings first of all as Allah's decision. He says
Allah did not wait him to be busy with worldly matters. Above all, he had to sell
alcoholic drinks in his restairait He also mentions, however, as the main reason for
his failure, his attemptto dobusinessinGermanywiththemoneyhewas eaningin
London. He trusted some Turkish 'Muslims' ('so-called Muslims', he ss) in

89
Ginany, most of whom were Miii Grcs.4 They cheaed him (npt1ed the till'
he says) and ran away with a great deal of his money. On the oth hand, he also lost
the restairant in London becaise of the reconsirucilon of the area in which it was
located. The compensation he received from the govenunt was not enough to stat a
new business.
While thinking about going bk to Turkey ter such a long time, H tsml
was orded by the Shdkh m stay in the Der g ah and t2ke responsibility for Its upkeep.
He now has a private room there, and on a formal paper sigyed by the Sheilth, H
I snail's namels mentioned as thepermanent resident responsible for the premises.
Haci Isml sad that 30-40 yeas ago in Turkey, the Grand She.ikh Daghestaii
appeared to him In his sieep. Heparticularly underlined thatv he had seen was not
a dream (ry but a (ea1) appearance (zuhurat). In London in 1976, he met one of
the Shdkh's earliest mCrlds In London and became a good friend. This mhld took
him to the Sheikh who was living at that time in '16 Green Lanes'. His friend showed
him the picture of Grand Sheikh Daghestani. Hai Ismail exdaimed, 'I have been
looking for him for ages!' His friend told him that the Sheikh in the picture had passed
away, but left Sheflth Nazim as his successor. After that, Haci Ismail realised the

Shdkh's importance aid became his devotee

Haci Ismail was one of the most sincere m(hlds I met in London. He spent his
time redting the Koran and Delail-i Hayra 41, if not busy in the kitchen with
preparing vast meals for the community members or washing the dishes, Apart from
these avides, he aiso eagerly engaged in the conversations and disa.issions taking
plae in the communal p1 es.
However gentle he was as a person, when it cane to Turkish politics, Haci tnai1
suddenly changed and showed an angry side. He dthned the seailar regime in

40M1111 Grcs are the supporters of the only party in Turkey with an identifiable
Islamic stance, the Welfare Party. The party has a great many supporters among
immigrant Turks in various European countries.
41Delail-i Hayrat. explans Lings (1977: 113), is 'amanuai of invocations of blessings
on the Prophet compiled by a Shac]huli Shaykh in the fifteenth ry [aid) p ediap
ter the Koran itself, the most widely diributed book inlsiam'.
90
Twkey as theregime of unbelief Othr den). He often displayed his hred for the
Republican regime and Its prindpal figures such as Atrk aid In6n, by using very
strong words about them He was, on the other hand, In favour of the le president
Ozal, who had maintained a moderate Islanic position until his death In 1993.
Another figure whom he frequently praised was Adnai Menderes, who governed the
country as prlmemlnlster between 1950 and 1960. Hi Ismall portrayed Mendezes as
theperson who stopped the country moving fwtherto the anti-Janlsm and changed
Its of Allah.

Although he did not mentlonli, Itis clear thar Haca tsmatl Is a divorced man. He
has two son one of whom I met, In his late 20s. My Impression was th& H&i IsmJ
had not been regularly In touch with his sons until one day his son cane to the newly

restored Dergthto visfthlrn. To my surprise, when Ifirst met him, Hai Ismall's
son appeared ndther religious nor an 'Islanic' person. At th& thne, he did not know
how to perform the prayers, aid Haci !nall put him nt to me on the row for prayer
aid told him to follow me. However, he gradually Increased his vits to theDer.ah
aid finally started to live there with his fher, Improving, as time went on, In praying
aid other &tlons.

NURJEHAN
Nurjehai is in her lae 40s, aid originally from India, where she graduaed from
Faulty of Medicine.. She lost her husband in a car crash some years ago aid lives
with her 11-12 year-old son.
NurJehai met the Shelkh In 1986. Although she stressed th the did not find him
but th he thoseherto behis m)rId, the echoed In her narrativehow shewanted to
meethim

'A friend of mine told me about the Shelkh aid sad I would bevexy pleased If I
met him. Although she prorTised to Introduce me to him, l&er however, she did
not lnformmethattheShelkhwaslnLondon, aid Ilearntthatfromanother
source. When IaskedhervAiy thehainottoldmeabouttheidkh's arrival, the
said the had thougiitth I hal not been really interee4 In meeting him. Anyway,
we. went together to see the Sh1th in the mosque. When we arived, I looked
around for somnenelook1ng like a shelkh. While I was looking, an ordinay old
man without arobe(c.1bbe) orturban (sank) who was standing by thelimer door

91
 of the mosque, kindly held the door open for meto enter the mosque. Inside the
mosqu nobody seemed to me like a sheikh.. Later however, I sv the same man
who opened the door for me in different clothes. He was the Sheikhl I was
looking f or the ie1kh, without knowing that I had ready come fe-to-facewith
him.

After thekr I went to him and kissed his hand. He looked at me caefully. I
asked him to pray forme Hereplied, NoI Youprayforme!I* Iwas shocked. The
man to whom everybody appeals for his blessing was asking me to pray for him. I
told him that another time I would come to see him with my son and husband. I
did so, and I brought my son and husband. The Sheikh was receiving his
followers. We waited for quite along dine. Then it got so latethat one of his close
followers said to us that we could not see the Sheikh now since he was very fired.
Disappointed, wewereprep&lng to leave, but suddenly the door was opened and
the Shelkh said No, do not go! I am going to seeyou.'
For NurJehan the Sheikh Is always spiritually present, even if he is hundreds of

kilomres away. He watches her conduct, controls her destiny and provides what she
needs paticulaxly at moments of urgency. Therefore she always feels tranquil even at

the most desperate times, becaise she is certain that at the last moment the Sheikh's

help will re&h hez If this Is considered as a sort of replacement for God, Nurjehan

answers:

'When people call me to pray for them for a number of reasons, I suggest they go
and see the Shelkh and ask him to pray for them. They refuse and say 'Oh, no!
God is enough for us. We do not need the Sheikh'. On the other hand when they
g sid they go to the doctor, or come to see inc as a doctor, and appeal, 'Oh
Doctor. Please giveme somemedicineto make mewell!' They are never satisfied
to ask God for good health. So Is the need for making a spiritual bond with a
Sheikh. God could have given His message and been known by humanity without
using any human agent if he had wanted. V He preferred to be known through
humans like the prophets. So God's peace aid grace comes us through the theikhs
today. Therefore the Sheikh has spiritual and divine power'.

Nurjehan is a sinc&e aid open-ninded lady. On anumber of occasions, she invited

meto her housefor somemeings for zikr or Koran redtatlons. Iwentto herhouse
for the first time with a young Turkish mi"iild to talk about the ie1kh and the taika

In London. Her son opened the door and took us into the sitting room. Theroom was

tidy and modestly luxurious, decorae4 It seemed, in antidpation of the jg and

prayer of the guests. While we waited for her, Nuijehan's son served us cold fruit

92
 Then Nuxjehan cane. She was y elled, and ung a stick becase her legs were
broken. She welcomed us (without thaldng hands, In the manner of women members
of the community In London) and sat dowtt Then she started to tell what had
happened a couple of days before. Some p eople hal attempted to attack her house.
They damaged the front door. She and her son were upstars and did nothing but wat
In under terror. Howevez somehow the attakers were unable to get into the house,
which Nurjehan attributes to the spiritual power (keranri) of the Sheikh. She
certainly believed that the Sheikh had saved them by not allowing the assailants to
comein. 42 When I asked why they hal tried to enterthehouse, shereplied, 'Becaise
we areMuslims; they do notlikeus'. Welearnt laterfroxnher sontharthe attackers
werewhlte and Engi
Then we moved to the table for dinner. At the table we continued our
conversation. She asked me whether I had read anything on Sufisxn. When I
mentioned theworks of distinguished scholars such as Schimmel, Trimingiian and
Nicholson) she said shehal only realM. Lings' book, but found itvery complicated
indeed, and added that Theikh Baba [as she calls the Sheikh] p1ains everything in
his books on Sufism and the talkat so sirrly that everybody can easily grasp them'.
Nurjehan is also convinced of the eikh's supernatural power such as his heaing
words which cannot be heard by ordinary people. She narrates the following inddent
Inthis respecx
'One day a lot of people were waiting in a long queue on the stairs to the Sheikh's
room to see him. I had something to give the Shelith who had asked for it
Therefore, I directly passed aside the people waiting, entered the room and gave
the things to bim While I was stping down, a man from the queue shouted at
me, czltidthng me for igiorIng the people on the queue. I did not say anything but
just went downstairs with sadness. Suddenly the door opened and the Shelkh

42Another event which is attributed by Nuijehan to the Sheikh's kerat was the
following: Once, she had been asked to give a talk on Sufism in Iam in a meeting
but, until the last day she had bei unable to produce anythingwritten However, she
did not worry and waited for the Sheikhs help. She said, 'I knew that he would help
me aid not allow me to be embarrassed there. That happened e.x&xly so. I
wrote something the very night before the day of the meeting and introduced it there.
Evyone enjoyed It They thanked me. for a very instructive speeth However, It was
the She[kh who provided Its content, not me. In fact, it was he who was talking
through my tongue and voice.'
93
 pe&ed the pointing to that man vho hzI thouted at m and said with anger,
You thouted awoman. How can you daeto do th. Afterwds, all night he
tked thout Nrespf; how one should re.sp&x another and how it Is important in
Iaim.. I llened to him with teas swelng from my eyes. No one could have
heard tha mai's voice from tha room. his only the Shelkh who can do this',

NurJehan nphased that Itwould be difflciiltto grasp her pezlmces in one's mind.
Instead one should listen to thevolce of one's heart to undstand thn Your Mego
() controls yourmind. Satan dominates yourmind. Whereas the soul is located In
yourheart Only by giving attenlion to the voice of your heat can you understand and
cqt what I told you. Otherwisethese things will remain unxtable to you'.

HACI AXBAR
Hi Akbaris of Pakistani origin and In his late SO's. Heis one of the most popular of
the ieIkh's mrlds in London, and attends the meetings of different sub-groups, from
the Turkish-led jg In the Peckham Mosque to the British-led gathering in the
Central London hail to the huge meetings of South Asian mhlds led by Shd.kh
Vusuf.
Hi Akba used to run a Pakistani restaurant but on the Shdkh's suggestion, he
sold it, About ten years ago, hewas not aprt1sing Muslim, and was satisfied with
just tendlngthef1dayprayer. Thenhe met theShelkh, andhe changed. Hetells his
story as follows:
'I had had a long desire to meet a saint since my childhood but It did not
ma1allse. 12-15 years ago I had a dream In which I saw my Grand Shdkh
[meaning Shdkh Nim. as Haa AIcba cails him]. I was utterly surprised nceI
hI no Idea who this saintly person was. In those days I was not praying. I was
just a Muslim by nate My friends sad maybe It was the Prophet This happened
while I was In Birmingham Then Icaneto London, since Ih1 anewbuness
there. Therewas amrid of the Sheiich who used to pass bymy shop every day,
staring at me severely. One day he entered my shop and showed me the
photographofShelkhNa2lm, caillnghlmbls theikh InthosedsIwasnotin
favour of thelkhs, so I said to him there was no such thing as a shdkh. If you
rnber Ailth and pray every day, that Is enough. But he and aiso my wife said,
no, you must have a Shelkh who Is ateather, who can teath you the depth of
Ian. lthought athatmomern thatlmightbewrong, slncethq both werein
agreent against me. This person gave me the book of Grandshdkh Nam and
Abdullah Daghestani which I real lair. In themearnimehe said the Shelkh was
going to come soon, so I must see. him. I said, okay M . Then the holy month,

94
 Ranadan, came. One Sunday afternoon, my wife persuaded me to go to the
Sheikh Nim Mosque where the Shdkh was giving talks in those days. The
Sheikh was residing in Green Lanes and there werevery few people around him.
It was not like today. You could speak to him twenty times more than you can
now. Like any spoilt Musllm, Ihal avery different [sinful] lifein Engiand athat
time. Therefore I asked him to pray for me so that Allah would forgiveme. He
said NyesN aid prayed for me. After two more meetings with him, my wife aid
myself took his bey 'at. After that I got another book from someone else. There
was a photograph of the Shelith in this book. When I saw this photo, my eyes
were. fixed onit with dtement since this was the sane man I had seen in my
dream. The person in my dream had appeared to me and I had taken bey 'at from
him'.
As amrid, Haci Akbar is not attachedto anyparticular sub-group of the community,
although heis naturally closer to the South Asian mrids and their congregations. Nor
does he have a leading position in any communal place or gathing. HowecTex he
talks so oplyto1essermOrids andis so sincereinhislnteractionwiththemthatheis
more higiily regarded by members of the community than the other prominent miids
who assert themselves largely through the zikr leadership in the communal
gatherings. One English and another Black American mirid both mentioned Haa
Akbar as the very person who attracted them in their initial contas with the
community arid had an influence in their dedsionto join it. I also noticed the Sheikh
directing newer South Asian members to Haci Akba for first instruiion about the
taika.
One day Haci Akba asked me to join him in a visit to the house of a Pa1dani
Musiim who was not ameniber of Sheikh N&ims Sufi community. This person had
invited H Akbarto teach him and his family about Sufi Islam aid the of which
they were ignorant. He would also lead a jg there to demonstrate what It was. I
joined him and found no one from the community there but Haci Akbar aid, of
course, myself.
Before the Harm Akba talked at length about 11, and the tarika and the
Naqshbandl order, mentioning the names of celebrated Nashbandi thdkhs,
particularly those from the Subcontinent such as Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi aid Sheikh
Wall Allah Dihi awl with whom the aidlence appeared to be familiar. Hatm Akb a thus

95
&xed as a Naqthbandi ission&y, introducing his fellow South Asians to the correct
WT of Islam, i.e Sufism.
Before staung the, H&i Akbar asked meto sit nt to him, and accompany
him in the performance, for there was nobody else there who knew how to do it. The
was followed by the evening pr 7er, and then the dinner was served. During
dinner, Haa Akba continued to talk about thetarika, which he defined as the true
Islan. Heexplaned.
'Following the Shana can only help someone to enter Heaven. There are one
hundred levels of Heaven. Some can climb up to the higher levels, while some
only stw & the first levels In accordance with their position. A strict following of
the Sharia can get someone to these first levels, but is not enough to reach the
higher levels. One can only do so by experiencing the true Islam, the taika'.

Finally1 he talked about how the Christians and the Sews had done their best to
destroythebacs of Islam, suchasperfonningthej wearingtheturbai aid so on.
They did so by creaing so-called Muslims such as the Wahhabis who were against
these essentials of Islam and labelled then (polytheism) or a (illicit
(f 't fl 4. p. 253)
innovation). He mentioned Mawdudijas one of the notorious representaives of
Wahhabin in the Subcontinent His listeners showed agreement by their manner.

HIMMET
Himmei, aged 65, is from Bangladesh. He acquired aurnversity degreein commerce
and acountaicy before ernigraing to Britain. Now, he lives in London as a
pensionel rniredfromtheMthlstry of Trade and Agriculture
Hlmm has been a Nshbaidl mxid since his early school yeas in Banglalesh
where he had devoted himself to a sheikh. This Sheikh started his life in Caloitta
under Britith colonial rule aid, following the palitlon of India in 1947, came to
Dhak Baighalesh (then East Pakistan). Hh'nmet remained loyal to this Sheikh until
the later's deah in 1974, when Himmet was in Britain. This was also the time tha
Sheikh Nanmhad just started his regularvisits to Britain as aNashbandi sheikh. So,
as soon as his Sheikh died, Himmet devoted himself to Shelkh Nazim

96
 Himmet is one of the quietest and most mure mrids I have come ross In
Shkh Naz.m's ccxixminIty. He states that since he was very young when he had his
first t&1k rxp1ence in Bang1adesh in those days he was unthie to undezstand
many gnlflcait and precious things concerning Sufisxn and talk. Now, he rez1ses
these things and argues Importance of bdngln the taik& for along tine. In order to
me progress and get ihereal 'tait' of it. When I asked him the differences bween
those earlIer days of his taika experience and the present he simply sad 'I cannot
tell; they cannot be put Into words. If I s' to you, "sugar Is swe&, these words make
no sense unless you taste it'.
In con with many other South Asian rnihids Himmet Is alo of from the circle
of Slidkh Yusuf, the Egyptian se yyld and in dose conta with the two leling
British mtulds both of whom organlse and lead ceremonies In privae houses.
Himmet attends these prlvae zikr gherIngs as well as at least one of the mn zlkr
ceremonies In the commun1 ples.

MARYAM
Maryamls from Sweden and In her ealy4O's. Shewas already s1imwhensheme
theShelkhln 1933 and becanehis mr1d Hermnitial conraciwith Is1amhpenedmn
Egypt years earlier. She was there with a boy friend who had epilepsy and
unfortunately died there due to the hot weather. While the was sobbing bitterly, an
Egyptian woman proathed her and said, 'Had you been Muslim, you would never
have felt suth great sorrow, because you would have thougit that the deceased went
to Allah, which is a good thing, and, hence, you would have been hpy'. After an
Initial moment of angex Maryam felt a sense of shock: For her and the society of
which thewas apart;, deathwastheworstaidmosthorxifylngthlngwhlchcould
hpenlnthewoxld, whiletheMuims seemed to herto overcome this fear of death.
In those ds, Myam was a member of the Green movement and was Involved in
the attempts to save the world and stop the tlncdon of humanity. The. Idea of
welcoming 'death' staggered her so much that she decided to lean about Iait.

97
 At the time of these events, Mayam was living In Germany. She cane across a
different taikat there aid Joined theim However, the did not like vthat went on within
this taikat. Its leafing menibers asked her to give up her un-Islanic habits once aid
for all. B esides, thezikr in this taikat lasted 4-5 hours to perform. They also did not
care enough about the cleanliness of the place where they performed the 7ikr aid the
prayers. All these things relled her, creating confused feelings about Islam
One day, Mayam was given a cassette of Sheikh Nim from a mrid in
Germany. On this cassettetheieilthwas advising newMuslims just to say YaAllah
(0 Allah) six times before going to sleep as a beginning to their Muslim lives. This
easy-going approath impressed Mayan and she thought that this man should be her
Shdkh. Time passed. One day a prominent mrid from Shdkh Nim's community
(probably the onewho gaveherthe cassette) cameto her house and said that hewas
going to London to see the Sheikh and that she could join him if she wanted to meet
the Sheikh. At that time Maxyam was with her sisterwho hI .ist arrived in Germany
just two days before Therefore, she asked the man wthether he could wt at least a
couple of days more since her sister ha just arived and It would be so rude to ask
her to leave The rnrid said he could not wail; the holy month Ramadan had Just
started, so he must go immediately. Thereupon, Maryam apologised to her sister and
left f or London to meet the Sheikh. After anon-stop, twenty-four hour journey, they
arrived in London and towards mldnigiit went to the Peckham Mosque where the
community hl just completed the ritual prayer aid people were chanting salavat
(praising words for the Prophet) around the Shelkh When Mayan saw the Shdkh
there for the first time, he was wearing a purple dress. 'Purple is my favorite colour',
she sad. 'aid the Sheikh was wearing purple That was the moment that everything
was fixed'. Two weeks ter this meeting, shebecane his disdple.
Mazyam eiplanedthashedidnot devoteheiselftotheSheikhas soonas shesaw
him, because she felt it to be dangerous to change allegiance from one taikat to
another. Once, a respecxed sheikh acting as master of a number of different Sufi
orders h died in atezrlble car crash and this had been atiributed to his involvement

98
in more than one taika at a tIme Mayan told this to Sheikh Nanm, saying that

becaise of such a danger she could not give allegiance to him. The SMith cplalned

that the Naqshbaidl order begins where all the other Sufi orders ended and, therefore,
her attendance to the N&!shbandl order would not have any negative or dangerous
effeas on heL Althoug1 she continued to lnst on what she thought for some thne In
the end, Mayan gave In and joined Sheikh Nazim A few yeas later, she had a ca
acldent very similarto the onein which that shelith had died. However, she came out
of it without even a minor Injury, She commaited 'This was the SheIkh's kera
that he showed me that his ta1ks berek (blessing) was much bigger than the
others, so thatlwasreswedfromdeathinthls acldent'.
Before becoming Muslim Maryan had many bad hthits. She was a heavy
srmker, drank alcohol and used drugs. Shewas also an atheisi be aise,'atheism was
considered within Europea sodexy normal for lntelleauals.' She mentions that while
her paent who were devout Catholics, had never complalned or fit any discomfort
about her being an atheisi a(ter shebecarneMusiuxn, they reated strongly and were
very up s.
'For thai, Itseened [went to the de of theenem. Many yeas they struggled
against me. When I arrived home, my stepfather used to be at the door waling
with a glass of gin to offer me. They also served me ban to eat. k was really a
depressing time, However, one day when I cane home, my mother gave me a
Muslim prayer book. I was irpzised, since I had never been expecting this from
her. When I aged her WhyN, she rlIed that slnce I had become MuIm, I was
not fightlngwithher anymore. Itwas truethatinthepastl had always beenat
odds with her. After I became a Muslim I have changed my attitude towards my
mother. Ihthleantthatacord1ngtoIan "Paalisdies athemothers'fe .I

One day Maryam's mother met the Sheikh When Mayam Introduced them, the
SMith turned to Maryan and sud, 'Howhappy you should bethatyou still haveyour
mother. host mine many yeas ago and I still miss her very much. I think I will never
forge my grief at looslng here. Mayan's mother had lost her own mother five yea
before and was ii1 mounting her, aid so she was Impressed by the Sheikh's words
aid, terwards, she sad to Marya, 'Look, this man is good. He said very nice

99
words about his mother'. Mayan comments tha the Shdkh had read her mother's
thoughts and touched her on a very sensitive spot
Before becoming Muslim, Mayan was not married but hal boy friends, Aftez
becoming Muslim, she had some proposais from within the Naqshbandt community.
The Sheikh asked her whher she was considering any of these proposais seriously
and stated to press her to marry someonefrom the community, sincemarnage was an
important and necessay a in Islam Mayan was not willing to marry. ie dedded
to disaissthematterwlththeSheikh and one day she said to him: '0 SheikhNazim. I
learnt that it takes seven years for all cells of the body to be renewed. I must be
completely clean for an Islamic marriage. I had many affairs before becoming
Muim. So, l me wait for seven years to g deaned from the filth of these affars.
Then, I can consider marriage'. Maryam continues her story as foil ows
'After I said these words the Shdkh laughed and laughed and laughed, and from
then on, did not ask inethis issue any more. However, after these seven years had
passed, I thought it was time to consider marriage seriously, since I was
approaching my forties, i.e., the limit of female procxeatton. I went to the Sheikh
aid said I wanted to g married. However, to my surprise, he said no, and wait
until the Great War".'

What the eilth had meant was theexpected Third World War, inthemidst of which
the Mandi would appear (see chapter7, pp. 210-211), and which was Just around the
comer 'Therefore', says Maryam, 'I am awaiting this war eagerly, while everybody
elseis scared of lt.
For the last five years, Maryam has travelled everywhere with the S1ielkh Her
permanent residence was the Sheikh's tekke In Cyprus, where she taught Engjish and
German in school, as well as sewing privately. However, the never felt herself a
home in Cyprus, and last year the Sheikh told her to go to London after the Derah
was restored aid live there forever This made her very happy and, she came to
London months before the Sheikh with a letter of aithorisatlon from him. However,
theheal trustee, who is aBridshmthd, rejected her and theletter, so the cled the
Shdkh, who was in Pakistan at that time, aid told him about it. He asked her to wait
until he arrived in London in Ramalan. After his arnval, many dlsa.issions took place

100
on who would bein charge of the Dergah andwho would reside therepermaiently. In
the end, Maryam, together with a number of others, got her room in the Dergah and
started to live in London.
As mentioned before, Maryam had been a heavy smoker when she met the
Sheikh. The Sheikh did not ask her to give up immediaely, but simply asked her to
smoke less. After five years, Maryam was still smoking, though much less than
before. This timethe Sheikh asked her dedsivelyto giveup smoking. She camehome
and said to herself, 'Tha is it. I am not smoking any more', and threw all dgarettes
into the dustbin, One day, however, while she was wching the TV serial 'Dynasty,
she saw Alexis (Joan Collins) smoking and felt an enormous desire to smoke. She
went out to buy dgarettes. After having smoked, shefelt as if shehad done something
very bad and dirty and was afraid. Laer, her car broke down on theroarl and she took
this as a punishment 'coming from the Sheikh' for her wrongdoing. She gave up
smoking again, but one day she. broke her promise once more and smoked, and once
again her car broke down. Finally, she swore never to smoke again: 'Otherwise', she
contends, The punishments related to the Sheikh's spiritual presence thaniyet)
would have continued'.
Maiyam be1ieve eternal love is impossible becaise of peopl&s (see Chapter
5). She argues th one's feelings of love towards someone, however committed they
may seem first, eventually change and disappear. She mentioned in this respect a
memory from her past when she was not Muslim, She was sitting with herb oyfriend,
whom she loved very much and whom shefelt tha she could not live without, and a
friend of his, in arestairant (or a pub?). She suddenly realised tha all her desire for
her boyfriend had been transferred to his friend and she had wanted to be with the
later. She says tha putting an end to these selfish (nefsani) desires is onlypossiblein
Islam since this matter (being with someone) is left to the control of Allah. She
therefore feels very comfortablein this regard to be in the drcle of Islam,

101
YUNUS
Yunus is an English mrid in his early 30s, who devoted himself to the Sheikh in
1985. Before becoming a mhid,, he had already been a Muslim for two yeas, when
he was a married person. However, his wife could not bear his new state and
estrangement bween theni ended in divorce. Later, in 1987, Yunus was rn&rie4 to
a girl who had recently caine to the Sheikh and devoted herself to him. Yunus cells
the Sheikh 'King'.
When he b ecame Muslim, Yunus was attending the Central Mosque. However,
the Islam presented there did not satiy him. Apart from the insistence on strict
observance of the normative rules, there was nothing to give him the spiritual
satisfiion which he needed. He felt nothing had changed by becoming Muslim.
Only after he in the Sheilch through a friend did he realise the spiritual taste of
I slam.
Yunus described two types of Wesi,m Muslims. The first consists of those vtho
come to Islam gradually by learning it vy thoroughly. The second includes tho se
who, he argued, ter becoming Muslim, behave like a child who wants to run before
knowing howto walk At first, he was like the latt and was obsessed with imitating
the ative-orientel Muslim, dressing in 'Islamic costumes' which, he acknowledges
now, was asl]lyidea. Besides, heculfivatedhisfriendship withasmall group of three
Turkish m(hids, who are well-known to stick together wherever they were with the
Sheikh. Yunus joined their drde. H ebeiieved that since most Muslims were 'oriental'
people, the only way to be a 'proper' Muslim was to be with such people. Instead of
learning how to behave properly as a Muslim, Yunus learnt a lot of vulgar Turkish
words from them In due course, reason prevailed and he stopped associating with
th improving instead his relonsHp with prominent British mirids. He argued
that, despite his being a Muslim for yeas, Yusuf Islam (formerly Cat Stevens) was
sill! in this category. 43 He also pointed out that Yusuf Islam is liable to lose his

43yusuf Islam, formerly Cat Stevens, was the well-known British pop star untii he
converted to Islam In 1977 and stopped making music. Heis one of themost popular
converts who aczivdy works to spread the message of I slam in the West He rims a
102
 redibility as a preeminent Western Muslim, because of his identification with the
&de of the Central Mosque which represents a rigid and ra1ical Islam. About Yusuf
Islam, Yunus commented: 'He wants to reject his past totally. He was to sing beautiful
songs; what is wrong with still singing them? Islam is not against that'.
Yunus's parents were. divorced many yeas before he decided to become Muslim.
His mother died, while his father has remarried and lives in France. He has a
grandmother living in South London, but he has not seen her since becoming Muslim.
In fact, since he converted. no one in his family has really been interested in him. He
said, 'even when someone starts at a new school, his or her family shows an interest in
it andasks atleast Nhowistheschool?N. No oneaskedmequesdon such as whatis
itlike being a Muslim? or uwhat does the mosquelook like?, etc.'
Yunus explains that his decision to become Muslim was the result of his religious
quest which had stemmed from his feeling that things were wrong in British
(Western) society. He prayed to God (in the Christian way) and asked Him to show
him a way out. First, he studied Christianity and then Judain, yet neither religion
satisfied him. Then he studied Islam and, being satisfied with the knowledge that he
learnt, decided to become Muslim. As regards the Western society in which he lives,
he says that everything which should be perceived as good and acceptable, is
perceived as bad, whilemany bad things in moral terms are accepted as good or right
This predicament was what drew him to Islam..
The flexibility of Western mir!ds as compared with others was apparent in
Yunus's approach to social events rejected bymihids of nve Muslim origins. I was
invited with my family to Yunus's house for his daughter's birthday. There were some
guests who were friends and not Muslims. From the Nshb andi community, there
were two British couples. We were told by Yunus that we need not to take our shoes
off as normally expecied on a traditional Muslim home visit With one exception, all
the women, induding Y unus's wife were unvdled:

Muslim primary school and a girls' secondary school in London. For his
autobiography inciuding his pre-Islanic past and his reasons for becoming Muslim,
see Stevens (1980).
103
 Yunus woiks as a scaffol der and also is taking an adult education course on
design and printing. He has some Interesting business ideas and plans to print some
Koran verses () and sayings of the Prophet (hadis) on T-shirts and sell them Once
he even asked the Sheikh whether or not he could print his words on the T-shirts. The
Sheiich said'No', but permitted him to usethe andhadis for this purpose.
On one of their visits to our home, Yunus and his wife both mentioned the
problems they faced and the prejudices they encountezed in their social environment
as a result of their conversion.. His wife said that they were worded that the state
schools would refuse to enrol their dighter If they mentioned that they were
Muslims. She also emphasised upon the sodal isolation they felt as a family; there
was no one who would caefor them or help them in case of neecL Yunus's wife also
mentioned that she could not b elieve that a man could do housework, She said her
husband was hd a work all day, so it was her duty to manage the home. However,
she added that her husband did help her in the cae of their baby son.

104
 CHJAPTER3

HIGHLIGHTS FROM A PERSONAL STORY

105
31. Prelude

My first contt with the Sheikh and the NaqshbandL community in London was in
1990 when some Turkish friends doing postgrthue studies in Britain, took me m the
Peckhan Mosque during Raznadan. At tha time, I was doing the MA SOAS and
planning to do research on Sufi, asubject which interested memore than anything
else within the anthropology of Islam. However, my iniial thought was to do this
research in Turkey and y to make sense of the role of the Sufi Orders, particularly
the Nshbandis, In connection with therecent Islamic sodo-political mobllisionin
'seculaf Turkey. When Imentioned this idea of studying Sufismto one of thefriends,
he informed me about the activities of a Naqshbandl Sufi Order in London, led by a
Sheikh of Turkish Cypriot origin, which he and his friends had atended on several
occasions. This was the first time th I hI heard of Sheikh Nazim and his
Naqshbandi community in London. Afterwetalked abitmore about it, my friend
suggested th& I join them in their next visit to the Peckham Mosque, where the
Sheikh and his followers ghered to perform the ceremony every Thursday
night. I enthusiastically accepted this invitaion, which led to my first encounter with
the Sheilth and his community.
The first thing which struck me in the mosque was the obvious heterogeneity of
people from different national and ethnic origins, and particulaly the visibility of the
Western people who had converted into Islam. When we entered the mosque,
everyone was waiting f or the Sheikh to come and stat the ceremony. At the
corners of the mosque, there were. people selling religious materials such as the
Shdkh's books, cassette- and video-tapes of his recorded talks aid his pictures and
posters (see Plate 9). For a person like me, who cane from a Muslim country and had
an image of disciplined mosque mosphere, these were quite extrardinay scenes.
What was really eye-opening for me, however was to see men and women tharing
the sane sp ac.e. Although the upper drcle of the mosque was reserved for thez many
women were on the ground floor, sltting, standing and even talking with m

106
 Then the Sheikh came, with a lot of people around him. His appearance was
striking. 44 The crowd In the mosque rushed towards him, josding earh other In their
attempt to reach the Sheikh and kiss his hands and feet. Moving through then with
difficulty, the Sheikh finally came to the front of the mosque, to the milTab, and
immediately slBrted to perform the night prayer, Yasi. (Ar. Isha), to be followed by
the zi.kr. Eveiyb o dy in the mosque joined him and performed their prayers.
These first visions of Sheikh Nim's community filled me with exdternent and
confusion. Ab ove all, I found myself unable to bthacre properly in this religious
atmosphere. At that time, I was a person who, though nominally a cradle Muslim,
were his faith lightly, I was not a priising Muslim and knew next to nothing of the
Muslim practices of worship. Thus, I was able to do my ablutions (abdest) by
following the direciions given by a friend, aid to perform the prayer by simply
imitating the person next to me, which I later realised could never pass unnoticed by
experienced worshippers.
During the zikr, I watched the others who seemed to me transfixed within the
spiritual aira of the ritual. After the ceremony, people started to chant some religious
phrases which were unfamiliar to me and which Ilearnt properly only later during my
fieldwork Meanwhile, people weremoving slowly towards the SheikK In order to
see the Sheikh and observe what was happening there, I joined them As I gradually
came doser, Inoticed that when people rehed the ie1kh, they showed their respect
or praised him by kissing his hands and feet (see Plates 4 and 5). Suddenly, I realised

with alarm that if I continued to moveforward, very soon I too would be in front of
thehdkh aidwouldhaveto performthesame 't': thais, Iwouldhaveto kisshis
hand, though not necessarily his foot! To me, this was unacceptable and even

44k is difficult to surpass Habibis detailed aid eloquent description of the Sheikh's
physical appearance and fadal expressions: Theikh Nm wears traditional Muslim
clothes, something which few urban dwellers do. This marks him out as a religious
leader. These include a green or snow white turban, baggy green trousers, green
jarket long green coat. He has along white beard, large striking, deep-set grey eyes,
high cheek-bones aid a doomed forehead. ... His farial expression is reserved, wise
and sympathetic but a hint of steel. These features give him an immediately arresting
appearance (Habibis 1992: 55 - see also Plate 1).
107
unimaginable, so Iturned back and came out of the aowd, though with diffi1ty, aid
trying not to draw attention to my bad manners towards the Sheilch. Afterwards, a
young Turkish Cypriot man who was one of the mrids and a friend of my friends
asked me whether or not I had kissed the Sheikh's hand I can rememb er now how
fuiiousmy 'No' aiswerto himwa since Ifelt offendedby his question. Ironically, It
was this same mihid who played the most crucial role in giving me access to the
community and Iniroduced me to one of its mostprominent members ayear later.
Nothing that I saw in the mosque, however, upset me more than a 'green flag'
waved by someone behind the Sheikh while the people were greeting him and
chanting religious phrases. Anyone acquainted with Islamic culture will know that
green is the colour of Islam. At thatmoment., however the green flag that I sawbeing
waved brought to my mind an event from Turkish history, the Kubilay incident of
1930.
That year, Menemen, a small town in Western Turk, witnessed a terrifying
event with nion-wide consequences. A number of people, sad to have come from
outslde the town, attempted to start a religious revolt against the secular regime
established by Atatrk in 1923. The instigators had millenarian motives their leader
claiming to be the expected Mandi (see Chapter 7). A young army officer, Kubilay,
who was on duty in the town, stood up against them but was knocked down, and his
head was hacked off bythe rebel leader. The authorities soonregained control of the
town, punished the rebels and afterwards throughout the country arrested many senior
religious figures alleged to be lthked with the perpelrators. 45 Today, the incident is
kept alive in people's minds, and secular Turks particularly consider it the most
ferocious example of Islamic religious fanaridn directed against the foundations of
the modern, secular Republic 4 The Kubilay incident is described as such in the
schools aid officially commemorated every yesr.

451n faci the incident was ascribed by government to a Naqshbandi sheikh, Shdkh
Esad of Erbil, who waslivinginlstanbul atthethneoftheinddent(Kisakirek1992.
131-77).
46Islamic circles in the country today claim that the incident was a conspiracy by the
state authorities to curb Islamic mobfflson against the regime. For this thesls, see
108
 When they were indting people to join their reb eilion, the insurrecti oni sts used a
green flag which they took from a mosque in the town and on which was written
Kelime-i Tevhid. 47 In theminds of most of Turkish seulaiists, the green flag recalls
this fero dous act as a symbol of nothing but 'bloc d-thirsty delinquents' who ae ready
to kill anybody in the name of religion! The green flag waved In that South London
mosque behind a Naqshbandi sheikh reminded me of the Kubilay incident and gave
inc afeeling of deep insw,irity within this 'green' world of Islam.
These were my feelings and impressions on my first encounter with Sheikh
Nim's community. By and lage they exemplify my perspective on Islam before I
engaged in the fieldwork on the same community. The same feelings were still at
work during my initial attempts to get access to the community and also during the
ealy stages of fieldwork.
What was it that constituted these feelings in myself? Why did I refrain from
moving further towads the She.ikh and reject the act of kissing the eikh's hand?
Why did I find the question whether or not I had kissed the Sheikh's hand so offensive
to my integrity? Why was I so tightened by the greenflag? What was at work here.,?
I did not ask these questions at the time. Once I realised, half-way through
fieldwork, that my feelings about actions like kissing the Sheikh's hand and symbols
like the Muslim 'green' had chaige4 then these questions stated to bother me.. The
act of kissing the Sheikh's hand had become a pat of my daily routine whenever I
met him. I was also weaing a green cap, not only in community meetings and aikr
gatherings and prayers, but also while walking on the eets of London, Besides the
more I engaged in the life of the community, the more I was embedded in the
practical requirements of an Islamidlife. Having at first not known how to perform
thedailyprayers, oreven saytheFatiha48, Ihadnowreached apoint atwhithlwas

Kisakrek (1992) who dams that the main taget was the Naqshbandi order and its
prominent sheilths in the country at that time.
47 Kelime-i Tevhid is the phrase which states There is no god but Allah and
Muhammadis His messenger' (Lailaheillailah, Muiiammedinresulullah).
48Fatihais theflrst chapter of the Koran, and the only onetherecitation of which is
obligatory in the prayers.
109
reciting the call for prayer (an) or guiding new people in the 2ikr ceremony.
Perhaps nothing indicaes the changes more dearly than thefollowing.
One difficulty I had early in fieldwork was in ung the Muslim greeting phrases
Selanunaleykm (Peace be with you) or n reply to it) Aleykmselam. Whenever I
had to use them, I felt very strange. In due course I got used to saying them, and even
did so spontaneousl I had adapted to the discourse of the community. One day I
witnessed mywifes difficultyin replying to such agreetirigbyawoman disdple, and
I asked her what the mater was. In other words, I now found my wife.s attitude

mange and was ai.iicising her for doing just what I had once been doing.
Clearly, my feelings of estrangement had shifted. It seemed asif I had left one
world and entered another, setup onacompletely different bads, particularly In terms
of knowledge. It was through this transformation that I realised the strength and the
compulsion of a particular discourse and how difficult it can be to consider the world
of 'others' on equal terms with on&s own.

Changng Objtivc The scene I had witnessed in the Pedtham Mosque, though

frustrating in somerespects, struck me very forcefully. I was dted by the diversity

of the Sheikh's followers in ethnie, national and cultural terms. On the one hand, I
asked myself howthe Sheikh could satisfy what must be the very diversepections
he.
of all these people. How couldj5ttract them all to himself? On the other hand, he was
quite a cheerful person (see Plate 1). I remembered the stereotyped image of Islam in
the Western media best reflected in the stern fate of Ayatollth Khomeini. 49 But here
was a Muslim leader with a sense of humour, malting jokes and easily atcessible to
everyone, women as well as men.
With these thoughts in my mind, I started to wonder about whether I might
charge my plans for research in Turkey to study this Sufi community in London.

49 'There is no fun In Islam' ac Khomeini's words and big1 light his Islariic
perspective (Simpson 1994). By contrast the Shelith, as mentioned before, dedaed
Whoever has a sulky face, he will be only a guard in H1'.
110
From the anthropologjcal p&sp ective, there were so many Interesting things here to
study
Despite this new indination early in my first year in the PhD programme, I
continued to think of fleidworkin Turkey. When Iwent to Turkey & Christmas 1990,
however, things changed completely. During this one-month-trip, I plamedto make
some preliminary enquiries regarding an appropriate setting for my proposed study,
but the political mood of the country was not promising. Following recent tempts on
the lives of prominent secular figures, and alleg&ions against Islamic drdes in this
respect, tension in the country was higher than e'vTer. There seemed no chance of easy
cess to the world of at&ikt such as the Naqshbandiya which was theforefront
of Islamic mobilisatlon and the target of many cusafions by secularists. My main
focus was to have been the relation between politics and religion, but under these
circumstances, it seemed vain to hope to make an adequaeinvestig&ion.
After returning to London, I very shortly reoriented myself to the Idea of studying
the Naqshbandl community of Sheikh Nim in London. The community was
colourful and attractive, and I had greater hopes of being able to enter it and join the
acividesthanl could havehad in the stony ground of Turkey amidst the sharpening
polarisarion between the secular and Islamic. Above all, time was an important ftor

for me, since I had a three-year-scholarship, the first year of which was already
passing Ihad actually two yearsbothto conduct aleast oneyear of fieldwork and
write up the thesis. There was no guarantee of an extension of the grant, althougii
other students had managed to get extension previously. So I made up my mind to
take the London option.

3.7.. The Fieldwork

The Initial &ep During the rest of the first yea (1990-91), while writing my
research report and fieldwork proposal, I made conts with friends who, I had
known could help meto get in touthwith theSheilth's followers in London.

111
 One of then was the Turkish Cypriot mrid who had asked me v/nether I had
kissed the Sheikh's hand on my first visit to the 211cr night in the Peckham Mosque
My first attempt to enter In the field was in July1991 when I first broached the idea
of doing a study on the Nashbandi community of Shdlch Nanin with this friend.50
He welcomed my idea and a week later1 took me for dinner to the house of a
prominent disdple of the Sheikh, a Turkish Cypriot in his early 3Os. I plained my
position and am to him, and received a positive response.. After a friendly
conversation on Sufisrn, tarika, the Naqshbendi Order and Shelkh Nanm, he invited
me to the 211cr ceremony performed by a number of Turkish mirids under his
leadership in the Sheikh Nanm Mosque every Monday night. My field work was thus
properly Inaigurated on 2nd Augusl when I attended the zlkr cemony there for the
first time From than on, I regularly attended the Monday congregations of this sub-
group.
Soon after, I discovered other 211cr gatherings formed by different combinations of
rrrihids in dlifferentlocations. There was aregularmeetinginthe Peckham Mosque on
Thursday nights. This place had the greatest significance for the community members
since the Sheikh, when he was in London, led the 211cr there every Thursday night
Paddpants thereincludedmi"zids of various .hnic and national origins. Thein
Pedcharn was led by amiddle-aged Turkish Cypriot mirid who was, at the sametime,
an imam graduated from the Fatulty of Theology in Ankara This mosque was the

second plethat I started to visit regularly.

Thirdly, I was informed about another 211cr meeting organised by British mrids in
an ar.tivity cene in Central London, where the congregation was led by a prominent

British miid who was an ex-Jew converted into Islam This 211cr was held on Fridr
nights.

50Thls mihl4 who was working as at aiditor, was not regularly involved in the
tivities that the other mrids organised or attended Only when the SMith was in
London did he attend the meedngs frequently. His accuse for his low profile at other
times was his job, which made him tired and, therefore, he was unable to join the
tivlties regularly. A couple of months later; ter ght yeas In London he left for
Istanbul where he lives now permanently.
112
 In the early stages of my fieldwork I visited these three p1es regularly. Every
timel attended aceremony, Imetnewpeople and developed mycontarxswiththosel
had mex on previous occaons. Meanwhile, my relations with some m(rids improved
so much that they voluntarily took me to the other circles of their community in
London and introduced me to some prominent members of the community. These
friends were young Tuxkish m(hids who were more or lessj ,the same age as me
As time went on,, I stated to get invitations from mCri ds (women as well as men)
to meetings in their houses or special nigits arranged for mevlid (see footnote
66) or Koran recitations. In adclitio I regularly attended Friday prayers in the Sheikh
Nim Mosque, to meet many of the community memb ers there. After the
performance of prayers I spent time talking with the mirids, and went to their homes
or work places.
Thus in a couple of months I was able to estimate how large the network of the
community was in and around London. Soon after, my fieldwork schedule expanded
withtheinclusion oftheacfivities of themrids of South Asiaioriginsledby Sheikh
Yusuf and Sheikh All. Usually evely Saturday nigit, and often on Friday and Sunday
nigits, one or both of them led z[kr meetings either in the large communal ples,
such as the spectular Woking mosque, or in the private houses of Indo-Pakistani
Muslims in London.
Thus, activities centred around .kr gatherings started to fill my weeks in the
fieldwork. It should be recalled at this point that meetings are more than just
ritual perfonnances. They are the settings in which the members of the community
communicate with each other and sustzin their social relations. Therefore, it was
through following these meetings that I could best learn about the life of the
community.

E&Iy Diffiailnes and Worri At this stage, the basic difficilty for me was a
pr&c one, which, in f&t, continued until the very end, was that the pulse of the
community beat at night Since the kr meetings lasted neamly until midnight and I
did not have a car, travelling in aid around London became a major problem for me
113
Sometimes I cane back hometowards early morning. Meaiwhilel had started m go
to the morning prayers Csabah nama x. which a number of Turkish mtrids
performed o gether once a week in a young Turkish mihid's house in Manor House
(North London). To get there, I had to leave home at 3.30 am. to Join thair prayers
and the ensuing breakfast and lively discussion. At this early stage, I was less busy
during the day, although I gradually started to inaease my day-time activities by
meeting mihi ds, arranging family visits (with my wife and dai ghier) to the houses of
married mth1ds, and making surprise visits at the inihids' work-places. Otherwise, I
was occupied during the day with writing down my observations about and
impressions of the long and tiring previous nights.
The first part of my fieldwork lasted from the beginning until the Sheikh's arrival
in London in March 1992. This was a period of adjustment to the life of the
Naqshbandis in London. Forme to become apaticipant observer within thisbasically
religious community, I needed some exp en ence in Islamic religious practice.
Knowing neariy nothing before, I spent several weeks reading some guidebooks to
Islamic practices of worship and training myself in thebasicrules such as how to do
ablutions, how to perform prayers and how to conducx myself in a religious
atmospher Besides, I memorised the particular Koran verses which were chanted
during the prayers and the ceremonies. I had to reorganise my life and that of my
family according to the requirements of this new 'world' which I intended to
investigate.
This period was not an easy one. Feelings of frustration pervaded it. Nothing,
howevex was more frustrating for me than thefoliowing inddmt
One riight I was invited to a meeting of my Monday group (the young Turkish
mrids whose kr gatherings I had attended first in Sheikh Nim Mosque) a the
house of th& leader. The reason for meeting was that two Turkish Muims from
Macedonia had come to ask help for the dreadful situation of Muslims in Albania
(one of them was an Albanian origin). They specified that what they needed was food
and books on Islam rather than money, since there was much Christian missionary

114
activity (both Catholic and Orthodox) ter the collapse of the communist regime in
this country in v/nith the majority of people (seventy-eigiit per cent) were Muslim.
After along discussion about what should be done, a Turkish mCirid suggested calling
the London correspondent of Trkl y e (a moderate Islamic newspaper published daily
in Turkey and available in London) to come and interview thetwo guests. In this way,
thevoiceand desperatesituationof Albanian Muslimswouldre&thawider idience.
Though it was very late, the correspondent came and interviewed them, recording
what the guests said about Albania After theinterview the correspondent posed for a
picture with the two Macedonians intending to use it in the paper, and then suggested
taking a photograph of eveiybody present therewith the guests as a souvenir. While
everybody posed for the picture, I chose to stay aside, but, when one of themhids
asked me to join them, I had to comply. A couple of weeks later, this picture appeared
on the second page of Trkiye (see Plate 16). My first rexion was regyet I worried
that if the picture was seen by people who knew me in Turkey, my family, relations,
friends, they mightthink that Ihad gone religious ('converted') and become a member
of an Islamic organisation. Iwas certain that none of themwould realise itwaspart of
myresearth 51 Next day, Irushed to my supervisorto tell himwhathadhappened
and ask his advice on what to do. When he saw the picture in the papex far from
showing any sign of uneasiness, he reacted cheerfully and sad, "Well, it seems the
fieldwork is going very well.' Thesewordswereenougito remind methatl was in a
completely different setting, where worries stemming train my cultural background
and the particular social and historical drcuinstances of my country would not make
any sense. I felt reassured, but also a little embarrassed, since my aixiety had been

SlJ Turkey, secular-minded people have not been pticularly understanding of

someonelike myself who has approached a study of Islam sympathetically rather than
rejecting Islam a priori as a symbol of backwardness, aid they are often treated with
suspidon or turned into alaiging stock. A (leftish) Twkish journalist who produced
a significant account of Islamic movements in contemporary Turkey, mentions how
his dose, secular/leftist friends treated him as apotential convezt into Islam becaise
of his increasing dialoguewith Isiamists during his study (akir 1990: 10). When I
went to Turkey for one month after I had completed my fieldwork I, too, was treated
in the same way by some 'old friends'.
115
pexhaps unreasonable. I left to worry about it. No one I knew in Turkey ever did
notice the picture.

The Shdkh The Sheikh came to London in early March 1992, just before the
beginning of Ram1an. I was with the large party of mrids at Heathrow Airport to
welcome him. After a long and impatient wait, we saw the Shdkh and his wife
emerge from the Customs Hall. Cheering with lovefor their Theikh the mCitids (both
men and women) rushed towards hin trying to kiss his hands and welcome him and
his wife. This emotional reunion of the master and his disciples caused some
confusion in the terminal, Then the Sheikh directed the crowd around him towards a
particular corner of the terminai hail to perform the late aftemoon prayer (ikindi
nam; Ar. asr) without further delay. There, with around fifty p eople (including me)
behind him, the Sheikh perfonned his first daily prayer in London.
Infari Iwas not a all unfarniliarwith such apicxure sinceithad recentlybeen
quite common in Turkey (as in many other Muslim countries) to see the people
performing their prayers (particularly the Friday prayers) in public places outside the
mosques. I noticed, however, that there was a fundamental difference between the
two cases. In Turkey, such a situation would create tension due to feelings of
animosity between the performers, who were usually in threatening mood, and the
passers-by who would glare a them with dislike. The performance at Heathrow,
howevex seemed to me sincere and inoffensive, while the people around, though
surprised a what theys watched the prayers of thesemulti-coloured people with
interest rather than hostility.
The three months of the Sheikh's stay in London constituted the most intensive
and diffiailtpartofmyfieldwork Throughoutthispthod, IiriedtofollowtheSheikh
everywhere day and nigit I was able to conduct one extended Interview with him.
More importantly, at his request I had the privilege of joining him, together with a
number of others, on his journey to Scotland through many major cities of Britain
such as Leicester, Sheffield, Newcastle, Manchester, Birmingham.

116
The Sheikh and I: My first personal contact with the Shelkh was at the airport
terminal when I found him just in front of me while I was trying to take some picxures
of his reunion with his followers. Like the others, I kissed his hand and sad
'Welcome!' (Hoe eldiniz, getting the response, 'Thanks' (Hos bulduk). This was
followed by the attempts of some of mtr!ds to introduce me to him hurriedly a
student from Turkey who was doing arese&ch on Suflsm, to which he s a d, 'Okay, let
him do it'.
Our first proper encounter, however, came a his residence and a a very
inconvenient time, after the performance of a long morning prayer a wound 6 am. It
gave me the worst and most painful, experience not only of my fieldwork but1
without exaggeration, of my life. It also left inc for a time uncertain as to whether
I should continue fieldwork or leave it, nce my feelings of humiliation and fe
seemed unbearable. It was, in a way, a harsh realisation for me (as a
rese&cher/outsider) of the power over me of the community and the Sheikh and of
myweak andinferiorpodonbeforethem.
After the prayers were over, the Sheikh stted to that with the mrids most of
whom were Turkish. Then he recognised me, and asked what kind of study I was
doing on Sufisim 52 I replied that I Intended to write a doctoral thesis. Thereupon the
She.ikh asked whether I could find enough written sources on the subject in the
librariesherein London. Ipointed outthatheibraryofmyschool (SOAS)wasvery
richinsources onIslam Thenheaskedmewhether IknewArabicorOld (Ottoman)
TwIdsK As soon as Ianswered'No, heburst out. 'Shameonyou(YanklarolsunY, he
said, 'He does not know Arabic or Ottoman, he does not know Englith, either, 53 but

52The original question In Turkish was " N ey&iyorsun?" , literally, "What are you
writing?".
53 The Shdith himself added this phrasewithout asking me v/nether I knew Engish or
not I assumehethought so becaisethemhids who had introduced us, all said that I
had recently met them. From this, the Sheikh must have thoug1t that I had just arrived
from Turkey. This was evident from his surprise later in this conversation when he
learnt that I had been in London for three yeas.
117
he wishes to study tasavvuf!' I was struck dumb. He continued by attacking the
present Turkish regime of which Ipersonallyrepresented at that terriblemoment

'This shameless, corrupt Turkey have done what no country of unbelievers did to
Islam! They are sending him [me!] here (to the West] to study Islam. He knows
nether Old Turkish [Ottoman -Eski Yi] nor Arabic, but he studies tasavvuf. He
will learn some distorted things from the Yahudi, 54 then, write some nonsense
(abuksahuks7ler), andhewillbe"Dr. Tifun. Itis ailtohamlslam'.

A Turkish mCiri4, came in at this point and made everything worse for me, something
which I had never expected from hum He told the Sheikh, You are right. I met
someone like him in Manchester. 55 I was quarrelling with him every dr'. I was
devastated. There was no hope of support from the mirids whom I knew and with
whom I was on good terms. The Sheikh continued his bitter words, making me the
scapegoat for the Turkish regImes and-Islanic polides. Staiing at me and frowning,
he asled 'Is this [Britain] an Islamic country? How can you study and lean about
Islam here? Instead, you should have gone to Islamic places, like Damascus'. Every
time I attempted to produce an explanation for these angry and hostile questions, I
made the things worse. I lost all my self-confidence. All I wanted was just not to be
there
The Sheikh's questions and scaing comments continued unbearably until he
asked me how long Ihad been in London. When I told him, nearly three yeas, he was
surprised. He said that he had thought I had recently arrived He congxaul ared me on
finding them a last after three yeas (!). At that moment another young Turkish
m(hid probably worried about hac'ing accepted me into their gathering after the.
Shdkh's disapproval of me, said that I had m than recently, too. He also mentioned
thenane of the rni"ixld who had introduced us, whose father was one of the Shelkh's
distinguished mrids in Cyprus. Then the Sheikh turned to me and looked a me his

54What the eilth waited to sq here was that I was going to betaight about Islam
by Jewish scholars. It was generallyheidbyShelkhNim's Najsbbandi community
that the Jews were teiiing Islam in distinguished universlties such as Oxford,
Cambridge, not to mention London Unuverslty (seebelow).
55 What he meant was another Turkish postgraduate who cane to England like me
with a grant from the Turkish governnnt
118
eyes asking how I had met him. This was my chance to talk after those terrible
moments of denigration
Itold the Sheikhthai:Ihad met thatmrid two yeas ago when Iflrst attended a
2ikr ceremony led by him in Peckham. I emphased how I had b ecome fasdnated
with what I saw there and decided to learn more about him as a Naqshbandi sheikh
and his community in London. This was why I was here., in a Western country, to
study a subject related to Islam Indeed it was a fact I went on to say, that througiout
history, Islam had spread mostly by means of the Sufi orders and the Sufi sheikhs.
This seemed to me still the casetoday, sinceitwas Sufism that brougiit most Western
converts to Islam. What I saw in Peckham two yeas ago had demonstrated this to me
and stimulated my Interest in Islam in the West, in gene.ra] and in his position and the
activities of his community in London in particular. I also pointed out that I
appreciated his point that I was handicapped by not knowing Arabic and Ottoman
Turkish, However, this was also one of my reasons for studying a contemporary
Muslim community such as his, rather than making an historically oriented study. In
any caselhadbeen very sorryto botherhim and others. With thesewords, Ifinished.
TheSheikh seemedto belmpressedwith whatl had told him.. Firsthe said that he
was ready to help meif I prepared my questions. He added that he liked the way I
looked at the Issue of tasavvuf and the tarikat in Islam, pointing out that these ide
were not held even by the principal religious anhorides in Turkey such as the
Directorate of Religious Affrs. 56 He congratulated me on thinking in this way and,
as a response, I thanked andkissed his hand. That was the end of this long and nerve-
raldng conversation. Soon the Sheikh asked everybody who had come for the prayer
to leave and have some rest. I left with the others.
When I came home I was feeling mentally and emotionally destroyed. The
dominant imagein my mind was my speechless, helpless and pitiful po sition in front
of the Sheikh and the mirids. There was no way, I thought that I could continue
fieldwork

56ffis words in Turkith wer; Bizim Di yanet'debile yok bu fildrl&.

119
 It took time for me to control these feelings and realise the most Imp ortait result
of this distressing experience, which was thaI had irvlved! No matter how ashamed
I was, the Sheikh, in the end, bad welcomed me and promised to help. It could have
been much worse after those offensive remarks, he could have sent me away and
asked me not to appear again. This had not happened. In the end, I had made my
point So, I buried my injuries Inside me and prepared for the adventure of the next
day inthefleld.

BcxominFrlmds: Theimp of the incident made me, howev keep alowprnflle

within the community for a couple of weeks. The rnir1ds who were my friends
explained that the Sheikh's outburst was not really targeted at me personally, but a
the ixreiigious Turkish state which had been responsible for my ignorance in choosing
to learn about Isiam and tasavvuf in the West They also emphasised that the Shelkh
had wanted to draw my attention to the Jewish traps (Yahudi fitn) in the university.
Pafa, one of the dosest to me, assessed the ieikh's words as fol1ow
'If he said those bitter words to you, that Is because he knew that you can stand
them. He told you very hard but also imp ortant things. But, he never says such
things to them [the mrids], because heknows that they cannot stand those words.
Therefore, because he talked to you, no matter whether his words were harsh or
not, you should be happy'.
Gradually, I rebuilt my self-confidence and started to follow the Sheikh dosely
everywhere hewent, This was the period of Rarnadan and everything was scheduled
according to the requirements of this holy month, such as fasting, some extra prayers
and alifein low tempo. One thing, however, was certain the Sheilth now knew me
very well At one of the fast-breaking (iftar) lnvitaions where Iwas present, he called
me for the first time bymy nane arid asked howl was. A middle aged Turkish mrid
said to me: 'The Sheikh called you by your name. This means you have been
urecordedil in his book. From now on, youhaveno womes in the world'.
Anew step inmy re1onwiththeSheikh wastakmwlthmy interview of him
after the Feast of Raniadan, which Is celebrated at the end of Rariadari. One day after
he had completed his address (sobbet) following the noon prayer in the Dergah, the

120
Sheikh was answering mCiiids' questions. He suddenly turned towards me, his face
expressing how things were going. I told him that I had prepared my questions (as he
had asked) and was ready to asi iheni at an appropriate time. He welcomed the idea
grad ously and said his talk with me would be a kind of sohbet in Turkish and,
therefore his Turkish mOrids should be thereto listen to the talk. He called a Turkish
mhid from the audience and asked him to make the necessary arrangements for the
talk at his residencein St Aims Road (theDergah) the same night It was so quick,
butl had for along time been ready and was prepared, withmy questions ordered and
onpaper.
I had designed my questions to the Sheikh with certain objective& First of all, I
aimed to get thformation about his family, educational and religious background and,
therefore, asked how he had become involved in Sufism; whexher there had been any
influence from his parents; what were the main aspects of his life and training as a
Sufi adept in Damascus howhe had started to travel around thewor1d what had been
his initial objectives. Secondly, I wanted to darify his Islamic and Sufi position, by
asking about his method of teaching Islam the basic concepts of Suflsrn such as
mrid, mrd; the difference between aIIm (Islamic scholar) and sheikh the place
and importance of the Naqshbandi order vis--vis the other orders. Thirdly, I
introduced questions that the mrids requested me to ask, such as when and how the
Mandl would appear. Above all, however, I wanted to demonstrate, both to the
Sheikh and the community members, that I was a sincere and haimless person who
had no other aim than learning about tasavf and the tarikat. By this, I hoped to
erariicate any suspicions about my presence among them.
The interview was completed with apparent success. The Sheikh seemed to be
satisfied ctth the content and length of the questions and the style I used to present
then The mirids later expressed their appredaion For the first dmein my fieldwork
period, Ifeltrelieved andfully confident

JournwiththeShdk1x ThethirdaidflnalstepinmyrdationshipwiththeShdkh
was hisinvitationto joinhiminhistrip to other dties of BritairL Most ofthemi"irids

121
compete to join the Sheikh in this trip, which he makes every year to please the
mrids living in other parts of Britain, but only some of them succeed in gaining his
permission. This year was no exception. As a reaction to the mrlds' pressing to go
with him, the SheJkh asked them not to follow him, since the ples where he was
going to were not adequate to accommodate so many people. Despite this warning,
maiymirids sdll insisted on asking him whether ornot they could Join him. Itwas a
frustrating periodfor the eflth
Seeing all these disiurbances related to the Sheikh's journey, I did not think to ask
myself whether or not I could join it let alone making any such request After the
distressing experiences of the past I did not consider myself in a position to do so.
After all, my fieldwork was mainly covering London. Hence, I prepared myself for a
week's break, which I desperately needed after such ahardpthod of reseaciL
But thewiexpected happenezL After having led the late afternoon prayer and some
minutes before leaving, the Sheikh suddenly called my name, looked around and,
after finding me, said, 'You, comewith us! Get in his (pointing to a Turkish Cypriot
mhid) car. You should come. for your study'. I was shocked again, but with
completely different feelings from my first unfortunate dialogue with him. I only had
a short time to telephonemy wife and tell her what had hpened Ipoppedin the car
and started my journey with the Sheilth and the other lucky ini"ixids to the northern
parts of Britain. However, due to my wife's illness, I had to cut my Journey in the
middle and, with the Shdkh's permission, returned to London. As a result, I was able
to join the group in threeplaces and for four days.
We first went to Leiccster. The Shelich stayed in the house of a Pakistani
businessman, who was apparently his mrld. The others thher slept in a Muslim
ccmmunityhafl orthemosqueor, aswe did, spent all night thathigintheca parked
in front of the house where the ielkh was staying, and joining him for morning
pr ayer in this house
Throughout the journey, I had a very good opportunity to improve my friendship
with the mrids, partiailarly those in the same car as me. These were a Turkish

122
Cypriot in his 40s and a German couple, of which the husband being a prominent
mhid who was with the Sheikh for quite a long time and living in his tekke in
Cyprus.
Our second stop was Sheffield, where there were a substantial number of the
Shdkh's followers.57 I spent the night in the house of avery friendiy English miirid
whom I had known from London. Again I was with my travelling companions and
someother miids, sincethehouseof ourhost who livedwithhis wifeandbls two
sons, was large enough to accommodate all of us.
Next morning. theplan was to move to Newcastle after the noon prayer. However,
there was an unexpected development and, instead, we. went to a prehistoric site in the
countrysid Arbor Low, near Bakewell, Derbyshire. Thereweperformed aled
by the Sh eikh to frighten the devil-worshippers who used the place regularly for their
ceremonies (see Plate 11 and also Chapter 4, page 142). It was evening before we
were on our way to Newcasde.
In Newcastle, we stayed at the same house as the Sheikh, that of a wealthy Indo-
Pakistani family. Next day, after lunch, I explained to the Sheikh that I had to go
back He said that he had brought me on this journey because I was studying his
commun.tly and, therefore, he had wanted me to see it on a wider basis. I expressed
my thanks to him and mentioned that my wife was ill and in a difficult situatEon
without any money. In the end, he agreed and gave me permison to go, but
wondered how Iwas going to get back I said that I could g a train from Newcastle.
He did not say anything. However, just before leaving Newcastle for Scotland, he
called someone from a group of South Aat mi"irids who had come from Woking to
visit him aid were now going back, aid told him sonrzbing, pointing at ire. Then, he
calledmeto his sideaid saidthattheyweiegoingto talemehome.. Iwas extraTiely

57The size of the community in Sheffield induded two major sub-groups. One was
formed by devotees of South-Asian origins whose first allegiance to Sheikh Yusuf
whom they considered as Sheilth in his own right. The other group was varied of
origins induding several Englishrnrids, and waslocalised in amosque controlled by
than, called H&jqani House, Sufi Centre. Luckily, I was able to seethe first group's
meeiing place, before going back to London (seepage 124).
123
astonied at the Sheikh's courtesy. I expressed my gratefulness to him and kissed his
hand.
After the Sheikli left, my fellow-passengers had a comfortthle lunch in the host's
house. Later, we left Newcastle. However, the plan turned out different from what I
expected. We were. first going back to Sheffield to join the sub-group of Indo-
Pakistani mxids led by Sheilch Yusuf (the Egyptian seyvid) in their place of
gathering which was a big house. This was a surprise for me but, because they sad
that it would take just a couple of hours aid, then, we would leave for London, I
thought it would be a good opporninity to leani more about this sub-group. It was so
indeed, but the plan for going to London did not work. Sheikh Yusuf was very busy,
we. had to wait to see him. In the end, we passed all nlgit at this house with &ound
fifty otherm(rids. We chatted on severaltopics and, it was nearly morning beforewe
leftfor London. Thus Ihad an extranightwhichwas really exceptional inthat! had
been within the relatively Isolated world of a faction of Sheikh Nazim's Naqshbandi
community in Sheffield.
In these cities, the Shdkh gage many talks to the audiences in private houses,
mosques and communal halls, led the prayers and,, at the proper times, the kr
ceronies Heiaenedto numerous people and gave thi advice according to their
needs. We stopped along the motorway, a petrol stations, to perform the daily
prayers. The opportunity was fascinating in that it was quite a different picture of
Islamic pratice from the one we. &e accstomed to seeing, i.e., the threatening face
of radical political Islam Herewas alively and h&mless Muslim community with its
nional and ethnic multiplicity led byadieerful old man, enjoying their lives in the
green British countryslde.
My relations with the Sheikh reached a peak in the days following his return to
London. I was no longer struggjing to aeae opportunities to go to the places 'where
the Sheikh was, as I hail done ealy in this period of the fieldwork Instead, the Sheikh
himself stated to take me to the houses which he was invited for dinner. On these
occasions hetalked thouttopics relaedto myinteresis orthosehewaited to make

124
me hear. I was able to be present in some meetings where even those mrids with the

skill and zeal to attend every occasion were absent This continued until the Sheikh
left London a the end of his third month there. He was given an emotional send-off
by the mrids In Dover andleftfor France.

Mrn the idkh: The Sheikh's departure from London In early June 1992 marked
the end of the second main phase of my fieldwork. During the third and last phase of

my fieldwork I sought to fill the gaps In the previous lnformauon I had collected on

several topics. I reduced my contacts with the groups and individuals with whom I

felt I had dealt adequately, and turned my attention to the other groups such as the

Indo-Pakistani and English mCuids, and, particularly, some key figures I had met

while the Sheikh was in London. I went to these mCthds' houses and had useful
conversations with them regarding the history of the community in London, their
difficulties a personal and inter-group levels and their understandings of Islam,

Sufism and theposition of the Sheikh.

However, the most significant axiivity that took place in this period was my

working with a Turkish mirid for two weeks. Extra expenses I had incurred during

fieldwork meant that my finanda.l situon was difficult I happened to talk about

this problem in a gathering of the Turkish mrids. Although some of them suggested

giving me a loan, I refused. Then one of them, who was a builder and decorator,

offered me a job with him, since he needed someone to help him with his new work

redecoring a house in Central London. 58 I accepted his offer partly for financial
reasons, but more Importantly, thinking I would hace an opportunity to observe a

mrid in his out-of-tarikalife aid g to know him better. Iwould be able to lean

how a mihid's affiliation with the order relates to his professional life. Every d7

(weekends Induded) for two weeks weworked In very hard conditlon wehad our

58Throughout my fieldwork, I saw the mCrids' help in many respects. One of them,
for instance, provided his van free to help us moving from Central London to
Finchley (North London). The sane mrid also cane on another occaon to cleat the
carp (he was working as carpet cleaner) which was given to us by the mrid who
offered me the job.

125
lunch togethei we. performed prayers and discussed many interesting matters about
the relations within the community. These were matters which in different
d.rcuirnstances would never hai,ebeen revealed easily. I was able to seethe degree of
his comminnit to the Sheikh and how his membership in the taik& reied to his
private and professional life. lalso witnessed howhefelt being caught In themlddle
between his work and his tarikat ariivitie&

3.3. The Press

From the beginning, I made my position dear to the members of the tarikat: I was a
student researcher who had chosen Sufism, and particularly their Sufi order, as a
research topic and came into their gatherings for the purpose of learning about their
activities, At first, the devotees seemed to be satisfied with this explanion for my
presence among then though sometimes they revealed worries about my position as
an outsider to their community. However, as time went on, they started to question
the validity of what I was doing on the grounds that a person who did not commit
himself wholeheartedlyto the tarikat, could not grasp what itreally was. They argued
that one could not uncover the essence of Sufism by simply observing what the
members of a Sufi group were doing or how they were living. Inste they went on
to say, one should try to p erience It To put it simply, they were suggesting that It
was a vain hope that I could understand the world of taikat without tasting' It
Briefly, they were implidtly trying to persue me to become a mirid! Here are the
words ofRifatwhenreactingto my idea of learning about Suflsm and the Sufi orders
by doing aresearch on their communi
You cannot understand anything about tarikat unless you feel It from your heart.
[Therefore] you should be a mirid to understand what tarika Is. You can see or
watch us; you can talk with us; but this only gives you the 'swfe' (thy]. You
cannot understand its essence [J . Yours [my way of learning about tasavwf] is
similar learning howto drive a car without holdingthe steering wheel. You cat
real alot of books on how to drive. Butyou still cannot know howto drive unless
you doit You have to drivethe car to learn how a car goes and what driving is'.

126
Particularly in the eaxly phases of my fieldwork, I quite often came arross similar
words which implied more than they said, Mithad Hoca (see pp. 287-289), for
instance, me the following interesting metaphorical speech in one of our early
conversations and as aresponseto my saying that I hbeenrea3ing somebooks on
Sufismin order to make better sense of it in mymlnd
'Youcannotknowwhasortof thing erdek [thenuptial night]isunless youmeet
the bride in her bedroom rG&dee irmeden gerdek nedir bilemezsin]. This
[knowing about tasavvuf] is the same thing. You can also read. a lot of stuff on
what thenight of gerdek is; but you cannot know it really if you do not experience
that nigit'.

In the beginning, when such pressure to become a mi"thd was directed to me, I kept
silent with a smile which implied, I assume, helplessness. Later, howei,ez I started to
answer by stating that I was not yet ready, since discipleship was not at all an easy
task which could be achieved by everyone but only by some courageous and
experienced persons. Finally, inthep1&es where even these statements did not work,
I said, tet's wait until the Sheikh comes to London', Some mrids responded to thelr
fellows' attempts to force me to be a mthid, by pointing out that only the Sheilth
himself could pull me into the circle of the tarikat, since I was 'naturally' more
stubborn than an ordinary man due to my position as an academic ntellectual)
person. Meanwhile, I managed to develop a tactical response to the question as to
whether I was a mri4, by articulating the special terminology of Sufism and saying 'I
an a muhib 59 rather than amirid'.
Only in one particular situation could I not escape the pressures put upon me to
become amirid, but h to comply with the communal wishes. It was just before the
Sheilth arrived, when I h gone to a kr gathering of the Indo-Pakistail mthids in
Slough. Thekr was led by Sheikh All, one of those two prominent Arab mrids. As
ealways did, ieilth All first marie a general speech and explained to the atdlence
whythejgwasimportantinIsiam, touchingalso ontheissueof Sufi understanding

59 Theonewho has acertanaffinityforaSufi ordexi though not necessarily affliated

to it
127
of Islam and the hostility of the Wahhabis to afin. 60 He also pointed out that after
the zikr there would be a bey 'at ceremony. He specified that anyone within the
aidlencewho wanted to become amihid would then a to take bev'atfram him.
Aftertheperfonnance Sheikh All talkedmoreonthevirtues of Sufi Islam and the
zikr. Then he stood up and, looking around him, asked,, 'Who wants to take bey'a?'.
At that moment like everybody else, I was moving towards him. Suddenly, he turned
his f&etowads meand said,, om& Do youwantto takebey'at. I was struck bythis
unexpected call. Everything moved so fast that I was unable to say anything. In one

second, he held my hand,, and everybody stated to put their hands on ours. Sheikh
Yusuf initiated the ceremony by chanting Sehad (the prodamation of faith) phrase
by phrase repeated by the audi enc, and continued with the other phrases used in the
b ey'at ceremony.
Thus, I was given b'&, that is, initiated Into the Nashbandl community of
Sheikh N&am as amihid! In fact, Ihad been compelled to bthavein apaticularway
coherent with what the others in the setting had expected. In a sense, the setting

exerted its power on me.

ForSheikhYusuf, my compliancprovidedhimwith agreat assto use onlater
occasions. In subsequent meetings, he inoduced me as followw.
'This brother came from London University. He is doing a PhD in Islamic Studies
[his label, though Ihad explained my ibject as sodology] there. He has avery
good heat. After he Joined one or two of our meings, he put out his hand first to
take bey'ai.

Anothertimeheexpressedhisviews aboutrneinhis dialoguewith ayoung Turkish

mhid who was one of the closest to me in thetarikat. I was also present while they
were talking. His words also reveal the extent of hidden iranscripts developed
regarding me among the members of the community. He said that when I had first
informed him about my position as a Turk studying for a PhD InIsialTic Studies (sic!)

6OSjmilar talks are repeated on every occon of gathering and am to inform those
present at the meeting who are not members of the taikat about the Naqshbandi-Sufl
way of Islam.
128
in London University, heh mistrusted me and thought I might be a 'spy' who come
to London to get lnforrnaiion about the activities of She.ikh Nim.. Later however,
when he saw my face, he was convinced that I was a person of good heart. His
confidence in me grew when I first put up n hand on his to takebey 'at He asserted,
from thenon,, I harm forgotten my PhD. When I needed to intervene at this point and
said that I was continuing my PhD study, he laughed and said, 'Now, it is just
secondary, secondary'.

3.4. Bngan Alien

Some of the most difficult times I had in the field were when there were strong
&guments against university education inthe West for degrees such as MA and PhD.
Particularly, teaching in Western educational Institutions on subjects related to Isiam
and Iarnic sdences were subjectto constant Naqshbandi critidsim This NaqshbaidI
mistrust and suspicion of Western universities stemmed from the well-established
convicl:ion that 'the Jews were teaching Islam!' Generally spe2ldng, members of the
Naqshb and! community in London assert that universities such as Oxford and
Cambridge, which are under the control of the Jews, distribute degrees in Islamic
studies tatght by scholars of Jewish (and also Christian) origns. These scholars were
deliberately teaching and intro dudng Islam to the students in wrong, distorted and
limited ways. The Sheikh's words to mciii our first dialogue was also related to this
matter On another occasion, the Shefith said the following bitter words to Turkish
students of Theology who were doing a PhD In Britain: 'What Doctorate are you
talking about here? You are getting a PhD ciftificate from the Jews. Their knowledge
of Islam is limited. What they vAil give you is only like straw'.
Arguments of this sort were brought to the agenda quite often in the talks aid
discussions. 6 ' Ontheseoccaons, Ibecane, explidtlyorimplidtly, thetargetof the

61 hi Woking, for instance, an Indo-Paidstani mthid introduced me to one of his

friends, who asked me whether the tutors with whom I was studying in the university
were Muslims. When I sad that they were not, he asked again whether or not this was
rigt thatis, hownon-Muslims could assess astudy on Sufism. Irespondedthatthey
denunciations and felt vulnerable, since I cane from such an Institution. Besides, the
infamy of SOAS as the stronghold of orientalism, Its presumed connections with
government departments and, finally, the.nature of anthropology, particularly in terms
of its original objectives, were Issues not missed bymeinbers of the tarika (especially
the British) and created considerable amdety for me in my interaction with them
during the fieldwork.
Further, the mthlds often questioned thevalidity of what I was doing on the basis
of my position, i.e., someone who wanted to know about tarikat life without being
affiliated with it What was also atworkherewheretheirtireless critidns ofwhatl
was doing was, probably, their worries about my plan to vfflte something (a thesis)
about them.. I assume that at first they welcomed me with an expectation tha: I would
soon discover the 'beaity' of their world and be a mihid, since such events had
happened many times before. Some people who hl cometo their circle as I did, out
of curiosity, dedded to stay p ezmanentiy by becoming mrids When they started to
realise that my case was different (that is, I was insisting on treating it as a research
topic, rather than experiencing it), their attitude inwards me turned somewhat more
suspidous.
One ight, after a quarrel and a fight between some mr1ds in the Peckhan
Mosque, I was discussing it with some of the Turkish mCrids. One of them, Thfat
suddenly and unpeaed1y asked me whether or not I had been keeping notes on
these events, since it was difficult to keep all of them in mind. Taken by surprise, I
responded, Yes, I do. How could it be otherwise', Thereupon, Rifat said, 'Bracro!
[Hel ai Olsuni You are writing without living it'. While I felt cornered, another young

hI made many studies in differeiit parts of the Muslim world, besides, therewas no
Muslim tutor who taight In my ibject (which I mentioned as sociology), in the
school. I also pointed out that MusLims ha], until now, neglected to study their own
sod ety. Not all the mrids were the sane in their reaction to my 'controversial'
position. A young Englith mihid, after learning about my position as a student from.
London University who cane to learn about the Sheikh and his tarika, ggested that
I arrangeameeting in my school and invitethe Seikhto give'atalk, sincelisti'iiing
to the Sheikh was a splendid opportunity for the students of my school to learn about
Sufisrn aid thus Islam

130
Turkish mhid. Muhlis, rescued me by asking Rifat: Who [among us] do you think
lives it?, meaning; none of us as mCr1ds comply the necessities of behaving like
mhids]'. Rifat responded that it was id1th Efendi who really lived it (the life of
taikat). Ther,, I intervened, 'So, I will write about him [the Shdkh] not particularly
theseannoying Incidents [whichis In facxnot true].'
Finally, from the early stages of my fieldwork until the end, the mrids continued
tolook uponrnewith suspicion. It seemed that attheback of theirrnlnds therewas
always a question mark about me and my presence within thelr community. Briefly, I
was suspected as a'spy'. Onemirid let s11p oncethahewasthinldnglhadbeenfrom
MtT (the Turkish Seaet Police). Even the Sheikh once implied it indirectly in one of
his speeches. They were all anxious about the terrible possibility that maybe the
'government' (of Turk) had sent me here to collect information about them! All
these issues made the process of fieldwork difficult, painful and sometimes
unbearable for me As a result, I must arimit that the relationship between the
community member's and myself never did become fully one of ust I felt this even,
from time to time, with the friendliest and closest mrlds.

3.5. Being A Muhn!

Forthefirstt[meinrrrlife, IfeltwhaitwastobeaMuslimlntheeyesoftheso-
called modern-secular Turks, In otherwords, Iwas ableto watch thewell-knownfilm
of a Turkish case about 'lalcism (Le., secularism) vs. Islam from the opposite position

to my previous one In faci there were times when I found myself talking as if I was
an Islailst or a defender of Islamic ideology. Therewas a parallel aid ntilar change
In my language expressions towards an Islamic lingua franca used by the community
members. Whenever It happened, ft happened almost spontanecusly, and it was after
going deep into conversations of this kind that I realised a sense of double-dealing in
my act
There was a Ce near to the Peckhan Mo sque which was run by some Turks
who were apparently from modern and Western-inclined segments of the Turkish
131
sodeiy, The placewas regularly used by many of the mrids p&tiailaxly after
(breaking one's fast) during Ramadan, when Iwent to this cafe with themiids nearly
every night NaturaLly, I met the Turks who ran l and tasked with some of then but I

found their expressions, wortis and manners were peculiar. After they had learnt a
little about me (I mentioned that I was doing a PhD in London University, without
sp edfying, however, that my topic was these people around me their interest in me
increased. Here was a Turkish student doing PhD in sociology witb however a green
Muslim cap onbis head and aheavybeard onhis face. How shameful!
In one of our ccnvers&i ons, the man in charge of the cafe asked me, with a
familiar expression on his face, whether or not I had been able to learn English yet
(Nasil, tngjlizcey! 8renebildinlz mi)? Rightly or wrongly, the question implied that
he did not consider me someone who would be able to learn English properly since I
was living out of touch with Engsh society and within the Isolation of the mosque.
Feeling humiliated, I responded by saying 'No one can study a PhD here without
speaking English'. Then a young Turldsh lady who was serving in the cafe aske4
Wh [thehell] areyou studying?' She asked this questionin apatronising,, arrogant
and condescending manner. I responded by repeating her question, imitating her tone
of voice and trying to showthat Iwas offended by it. And th, for thefirst time in
my Uf I realised what someone with an Islamic identity might fed in such a
situation. In the faces of these fellow, no den' Turks, I read disregard aid dislike
they felt towards the 'Islamists'. This experience also help ed me to understand the
seening1yoffensivemanners of my Turkish Muslimfriaids towards me, which Ihad
often come across In my early years a SOAS; they knew vezy well how they were
perceived by the majority of Turkish secularists like me (or so they assumed), and

they were giving an assertive response. These fri ends were In London while I was
conducting my fieldwork, and we met afewtlmes when they visited the She.ikh. We
did not talk a any lengths but It was de from their manner and their words that they
were happy with what they considered a change inme In the right direction!

132
3.6. My Family in the norm at FIddwark

My wife and my daighter shared with me the whole fieldwork period in London.
Theywere theinnocent sufferers at this diffiath and palnful period. Theyhadto share
all theworries aid crises that I experienced. My wfewas extremely exhaisted by the
situation in vkiith she found herself all the responbfflties for my daughter; long,
lonely, anxious and sleepless nights due to my being away fromhome, somewhere In
the field; worries aid uncertalnties about my goings-on.
The more often I was involved in the daily routine of the community the more my
wif&s worries about me increased. She stressed that I did not realise how my speerh
was thanging that is, I was talking like a religious Muslim. She even worried about
my becoming a member of thetarikat. Sheneeded to mention that weboth camefrom
a 'different' culture. 'Otherwise' ,she sought my agreement, 'you would not get upset
when they swear a AtatQxk and tnn, would you?' (see aiapter 8, pp. 227-22.9). She
also mentioned how desperately she wanted us to go to Turkey for the Easter holiday,
since, if we could do this, we would be able to come away from the situation where
we had found ourselves in London and able to come back to the environment to
whith we really belonged. Briefly, my wife became really distressed with my
involvement in the world of tarikat, and had serious difficulties in ad.isting herself to
the circumstances wefaced as afarnily as aresuk of my fieldwork
One day, lintroduced my wife and daighterto the eilth. He gave a sweet to my
daigliter who was then rvo and ahalf years old, and asledhername. When we said
'Meltem Can', he seemed not to understand, so we repeated her name a couple of
times. Fmally, he sa 'Oh, Melike!'. Both my wife and I agreed later that he had
deliberately (but, without embarrassing us, as some narow-nnded people had done
bore, for not giving her a proper Mudim name) changed the name Meltan Can,
which hadno Islamicorigin,, to Meilke, which definitely did. Later, terweleftthe
Derth mywife sad howattrivetheShelkh's pearance was.
There were times when my wife and my daighter helped me in my fieldwork
Thanks to their presence In London, I was able to dee1op workable relations with
133
somemarriedmrids, aidwemademanyfarnilyvlslts to theirhouses, and invited
them to our house In turn. These occasions helped inc to understand some aspects of
these rnir!ds' private and family life, outside the communal tarikat act[vfties. It was
also througi these family gathings that I was able to see how far these mrids and
rpartners behaved differently whilethey werewithus frornv*ien they wein the
presence of thdrfeflows from thetarik

3.7. Ciinc)isi Bdng Both Ind d OutsIdrx

In anthropological fieldwork, two contrasting perspectives, those of the 'outsider' and

'insider', are often distinguished. 62 The outsider perspective is that of the
anthropologist who comes from another culture and to an alien setting in which s/he
conducts fieldwork. The insider perspective, on the other hand, is that of an
anthropologist who studies a culture of which s/he is, or feels, apart 63 Each of these
perspectives has its own advantages and disadvantages. For an outsider
anthropologist, everything is new and nothing is taken for granted. The insider
anthropologisl, on the other hand, vilil have no difficulty at language comprthenslon
and will have different and perhaps better ways of comprehending various fets of
the culture. As far as anthropology of religion Is concerned, there is a continuing
though tendentlous, argument that insists that someone who is not religious can never
understand what It is like to be a religious person.
On thebasis of my own fieldwork cperience, Iwould argue thawe should add a
'third' category, that an anthropologist can be both an insider and an outsider. Being a
member of Turkish culture and a nominal Musiim, I shared much withthe Shefith and
themir1ds of Turkish origins. Comingfrom asecularbackgroundand devoidof any
religious peiience, howevex I was an outsider. This was a controversial position,

62TN g paragraph is based on a talk given by M. Nyc on 'Methodology and

Anthropology of Religion', Study of Religions Seminar, Dq3artment of the Study of
Religions, SOAS, 8 February 1994,
63Hthibis's thesis onSheikh Nim's communityin Tripoli, Lebanon, can betaken to
be an example of .nsider perspective' (Habibis 1985).
134
which, as mentioned above, created a p articular set of difficulties and pressures. On
occaons when the members of the community might have understood the ignorance
of a researcher from a Western (i.e., 'Christian') setting, I was questioned and
embarrassed by my ignorance. The questions I aske4 h&I they been asked by a
devout Muslim researcher, might have been easily and sitoffly answered, but I
was treated with suspidon and misied.
On the other hand, the experience which took me from a world which is
antagonistic to aid irritated by the Muslim 'green, to the 'green' world of Islam and,
rl{Ic.f
in the end, left me atthe margins of both, I.e., in a sort ofnowhereland,niakes eLthat
identities and, more importantly, feelings are not natural atqulsitions but they are
created within discourses:
discourse unfolds In every society' within the context of external restraints
which appear as 'rules of exdusion, rules which determine what can be said and
not said, who has the right to speak on a given subjea, what will 'constitute
reasonable and what !oolish' actions, what will count as 'true' and what as !als&.
These rules limit the conditions of discourse's existence In different wrs in
different times and p1 aces. Whence the distinction, arbitrary but taken for granted
in all societies, between 'proper', reasonable, responsible, sane, and truthful
discourse, on the one side, and improper', unreasonable, irresponsible, insane, and
erroneous discourse, on the other (White 1990: 89).

135
 CHAPTER FOUR

RITUAL

THE ZIKR CEREMONY

136
At the centre of Sufi prdce Is the the xixual remembrance of Allth by redting
His names and attributes in apartkular manner. The zikrls, in one word, essential for
the Sufi orders. On many occasions themilds in London differentiate their own way
of living Islam from the other IsIic traditions by specifying theperformance of the
kr ceremony. The ways of performing its nil es and regulations, ae different in
and particularto every Sufi ordex
In London the Nshbandi jg ceremonies are led or directed by the Sheikh or,
in his absence by some prominent tarikat members to whom he. has given permission
ruhsat) to do so. The 211cr gatherings are more than merely occasions for ritual
performance. They are also settings of sodal communicion and lnteraion between
the members of a Sufi order, As Gilsenan (1973: 176) puts it, 'the members are
brought together sod ally...[in] these ritual gatherings that are so important in the
social cohesion of the group'. The members of Sheikh Nazim's Naqshbandi
community In London, too, maintain their so dal relations through these gatherings,
particularly in the absence of the Sheikh from London.
There are different types of zikr, and classifications in this respect are. various.
The zikr can be done as vocally (cehri) or sllentlyThidden It can be done by
'mngue', without the contribution of 'heart' (zikr-i lisani) or by heat (zCkr-i kalbi); or
by both tongue and heart; which is the most difficult; and can be performed only by
thosewho areatthemost advanced states ofSfism(Gindiz1984b: 272-3). Theilcr
is either performed Individually by every single mrid In his/her own privateIif or
communally with the congregations of mihids in places such as private houses,
mosques orpublichalls. It is the communal 211cr gathezings which I describe here as
the ritual ceremonies of the Sufi orders. With some minor exceptions, the communal
is performed vocally in the drdes of Sheikh Nazim's London Nathbaridi
community. This rresents acertaindeviationfromthemain Naqshbandi tradition. I
will touch on this issue e1sevhere. The privatefindividual vfnich is called
will be also touched upon briefly later.

137
 The talks on the occupy an Important place In Naqshbandl discourse. Above
all, the zikr Is depicted as an t or attempt to achieve the supremacy of 'soul' (ruh)
over nefs (lower self). The notion of consthutcs one of the major themes of Sufi
Islam and will be elaborated in thenext chapter. Here Iwifi give a synopsis of the
lssuein connection with the zikr ritual. The rnt'rlds bellevethathuman nature is based
on the continuous struggle between one's nefs (I. e., physical existence and worldly
Intentions) and ruh (l.e., spiritual existence). The essential ta of taikat activity is to
work for the triumph of, which represents Allah In man and is located in the heart
(), over, whlchis Identified with Satan and focuses onmind (4) . Thezikr,
therefore, is, a means' for separating the physical from the spiritual existence and
achieving the free movement of the latter towards the Divine Reality (). The
experience of was explained by another Turkish mrid with the following phrase
'we defeated our and pleased our ' nefsimiz1 altetiik ruhumuzu sevindirdik).
Sheikh All emphasised the antagonism between and and pointed out that the
zikr aimed to dean the hea mhIslocaed The heasserte4 was the
'brush' of the heart 'It sweeps evaything from the heart and makes it ci can.
Otherwise Satan will dominate on and control the heart which is the most terrible
thing. Satan continuously struggles to capture control of the heait. The only way to
help someone to protect his/her heart from Satan's attacks Is theg.' The Shdlth in
this respect pointed out that,
'When your hearts are occupied by the holy names of Allah and His dstence,
there Is no place for Satan, As mentioned In the Hadis, the Prophet said 'if a
person is going to be di stracxed [gafil] from zikrull al S atai having a trunk of b ad
things, puts them Into his heart or begins to send him bad things'. Therefore, the
most Important means we. are using against Satan is the
ego? By saying Lailaheilallth'.64
k How do wekifi our

64A more elaborate version of this was given in one of the Shelkh's speethes in i
Lanka in 1988: 'The biggest war that we. are doing [is] for our heats. Shaithan (is]
rushing to conr and sit through your hearts Shathan [is] coming and putting his flag
through your hearts. Then you should be under his command. And angels [are]
coming to defeat Shaitha to rnke your hearts for Allah Almighty. If you are hdping
the Malaika-angels then you may control your hearts and you may leave it for Allah
Almighty. If no you will help shathan and shaithan will come and sit there. How
can we ... help Malaika? Yes, only with Zikx When you are putting into your hearts
138
Besides, the zikr is themodus operandi of taik Islaim It is throughthe ritual th& the
Sufi-mystical idea of making contarl with Divine Reality is said to be realised.
Therefore, the essential point in the .kris to forget everything, even to suppose
everything non-edstent, and to think only about Allah (Kara 1990: 200), Scum (see

pp. 269-271) considered the zikr as the only thing which was done by a person
exclusively for Allah: 'Apart from this half-an-hour zikr here once aweek everything
we do througiiout the week is for this world. We do nothing for Allah except this .kr
which is done completely for Him.'
oIk
The rnihids give someexplanmions of the objective of the cemony, which
are psychological and functional in orientation. According to a young Turkish-
Cypriot mrid comlngtogetherforthe zllcr atleast once aweekhelps themembers of
the community overcome the depression and sess they feth a foreign country in
which they feel lonely and insecure Sheikh All said that there was so much
corruption in the West and that they were doing in order to cope with this corrupt
world. 'When somebody does this [ one nigit every week', argued Sellin, 'that
would bethe most effective solution or remedy for hisilirs difficulties and troubles'.
Written elsewher the kr Is suggested as the only effective ement for peopi&s
sodal and psychological sufferings eveiywherein themodern world, particularly in
the West, such as 'unhappiness, depression injustice, the lack of love, the break-up of
relationships, the destruction of our environment ',65

4.L ThcSatings

There ac a number of localities where the dlsdples gather on specific days of the
week to perform the These ples can either be the large houses of some
prominent mCnlds or communal places such as mosques and halls. From the
beginning of my researcb I regularly attended kr nigiits in a number of places in

Zikr ..., then shalthan gs out escaping. When you are leaving Zikr thaithai comes
aid asks to control your heat and everything' (SMith Nim 1989: 35).
65 5ce "Editor's notes" in Sheikh Nazim (nd., 34-6)
139
and around London, indee4 as mentioned in the previous chapter, my fieldwork
stated with azikr nig;htin the Sheikh Nanrn Mosque In North London. There,
10-15 people gher evy Monday evening to do zlkr. The 2'lkr here is led by Selim,
a young Turkish Cypriot who is one of the first mihids of the Shelkh in London (see
chapter 10 pp. 269-271).
Another well known place for the zikr performance is the Peckhan Mosque in
South London, the main gathering place of the community f or the zikrunffl last year
(March 1992) when theDergah in Tottenhaii started to be used extensively by the
community. Prominent middle-aged and elderly mrids attended the ceremony
which was, and still is, performed there on Thursday evenings, together with mhids
of different ethnic and nional origins, although the majority are Turkish Cypriots.
With the increasing Importance of the Derah, the significance of the Pecichan
mosque seenis to have diminished. However, when he is in London, the Shelkh still
1es the there regul any evy Thursday evening. The mosque has some annexes
used as accommodalon for disciples coming from other countries to accompany or
meet the Sheikh on his visits to London, and at other times for poor and homeless
disciples. The Sheilch also uses the Peckham Mosque for giving talks (sohbet). The
Perkham Mosquels thus still In regular use, especially while the Sheikh is in London,
as itis large enough (induding its hostels) to welcome the crowds wishing to see the

Shdkh and join his ikr ir1ngs.

Another place where the kr me1ngs are held is the East-Wed Centre in Old
Street, an ativity centre which spedallses in Far East healthihealing methods and
organises courses on them open to the public. One hall within this Centre is rented by
a group of British disciples of the Shelkh aid reseived for them for the g cemony.
Her theis performed evy Friday eveningby predominantly Western disciples
of the Sheikh. This place is intended espedally for congregation of Western,
particularly British, mnids, though participants include disciples originating from
various Muslim countries such as Pakistan, Sudan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt

140
Palestine, Said! Arabia, Ir& aid Iran. Thein this locality is led by a prominent
British mCirld who appears to be the Sheikh's deputy among the British mi"irids.
Apart fromthesethree pl&es, someprominent disdples arrangezikr meetings in
their homes some of which I attended. On one occasion, I was Invited to a cemony
at thehouse of aprominent woman disdplefrom India (Thirjehai'; see Chapter2, pp.
91-94). Apart from her and her son, there was nobody but me and my companion, a
young Turkish disciple of the Sheikh. Moreovei nobody present had the Sheikh's
permission to lead the She sald that a prominent mthid (who hosts the Sheikh
during his stay In London) used to come to lead the but because of low
attendance heno longer came. Under these drcumstances, we performed thej by
using a cassette-tape of a kr performance led by the Sheikh himself.
Mrids can arrange a zikrnight at home on occasions such as thanksgiving for a
new-born child, death anniversary of arelaive, etc I was often invited to such nights1
particularly those organised by m(rids of South Asian origins for death anniversaries.
In this contexi jg ceremonies function like inevlid ceremonies in Turkey. 66 Having
said that, mevlid ceremonies are also very often arranged by the Turkish community,
especially when the Sheikh is in London, for similar occasions such as a death
anniversary or birth of anew child. 67 My impression is that the use of in life-
cycle ceremonies is more common among South Asians mrids than any other sub-
groups in the community.

66 Mevlid is panegyrical poems of a very legendary character, which start with the
birth of MuhammaiJ and prase his life and virtues In the most laidatory fashion
(Fuchs quoted in Tapper and Tapper 1987: 73). The word also denotes the ceremonies
to celebrate the anniversary of the Prophet's birthday, which are very popular among
thepeople, despitethe existence of opponents who consideritun-Isiaic(Knappert
1991: 896). Today Mevlid ceremonies are arranged not only for the anniversaries of
the Prophet's birthday, but also as part of the ceremonial of the rites of passage such
as birth of a child, death of a relative, circumcision aid marriage (Ld.). Some Sufi
orders such as the Kai1iriy redtemevlid as apart of the emony db4).
67 Tapper aid Tapper (1987) point out that in Turkey the mevild is performed on
occasions related to death (particularly In the women's exclusive nievlids), to the life-
change ceremonies such as circumcision and marriage, aid for the major Isiamic
festivals Gaidils). They did not cone aaoss the organisation of a mevlid for birth of
a new child. In London, the Turkish members of Sheikh Nim's Naqshbaidi
community arrange mevild for thejoyful event of a new-born child.
141
 Zlkr ceremonies are sometimes pformed on extranrdinary occaslons. Once,
together with a group of disdples (both men and women), I attended onein a Church,
as p art of an lrneifaith meeting organised by the Unific1on Churth 68 Nurjehai was
the Muslim representive at this meeting and made a speech to a predominantly
Christian aidience. Later, the Naqshbandl group gacre a demonstration of their
religious practice, Including one of the dallyxitu prayers (4) aid a short 2ikr, led
by Haci Akbar (see Qiapter2, pp. 94-96).
Another Interesting occasion I witnessed was when the Sheikh was on his way to
Scotland, as mentioned In the previous chapter. In Sheffield, he was informed that
there was a place neaby where the devil-worshippers pray to Horned God'. The
place was Arbor Low, the site of a prehistoricmonument consisting large stones once
standing now fallen, near Bakewell, Derbyshire Before continuing his journey to
Newcastle, the !eikh dedded to go to this place and to perform aj there 'In order
to disturb the association of Satan and his devotees and frighten them with the
utterance of the name, Allah'. A group of almost fifty peoplefollowed their SheIkh on
this journey to perform a zikr led by the Sheikh (see Plate 11). After the zikr, a
stranger appeared at the top of a small bill nearby and made a sign toward the
Nashbandl oup wlthther1vofingers ofhisrighthand (seePlael2). When tasked
a British mirid later whether he knew the meaning of the sign, he said he did not
know, but that another mCirld had approathedstranger and asked him the meaning of
the sign, and had been told that he was greeting the Homed GoiL The Sheikh hal
Interpreted them as meetings between djinns and humans, and hence decided to go
therein order to confront these Satanic activities by reciting the holy names of Allah.
Intwo of thethree commwia jg places Ivislied regularly, the Peckhan Mosque
aid the East-West Centre, women were present, though much fewer in the former

68TheUnification aiurthor, as it Is formallyknown, 'the Holy Spirit Association for

the Un1ficon of World Christianity' was founded by Sun Myung Moon, leader of
themovementpopulalyknown as 'Moonies'. Intheirbookiet 'OneWorid', theaimof
the (lurch is esplained as promoting 'the unity of all people as one fanny under our
common parents, God' (One World, No. 409, nd.). As a part of this objective, the
Church invites the people of other faths to speak In 'Iriterfth Series' about their
beliefs and traditions.
142
than the latter. A small number of women, generally wives of male participants, use
the bark portion of the Peckham Mosque, which is far from the circle of men. They
join the performance of prayers and the there. Their position appears quite
marginal. In the East-West Centre, women are more numerous and sit close to men,
indeed just behind them Wives of male participants, young girls and even some
women guests, come to participate or watch the ceremony. Gatherings here are more
flexible in terms of gender segregation. After the performance of the zikr and
sub sequent prayers, male and female partldpants chat and discuss easily together. As
mentioned before this attitude is somewhat characteristic to the circle of Western
mhi ds and differentiates them from the other sub-groups of the community.
Women also organise z[kr meetings for themselves, held in private houses,
preferably in the afternoons. These seem to be arranged by prominent woman
disciples and/or by the wives of prominent male disciples. For instance, the wives of
the mrids who head the zikr in Pedtham and Sheikh Nim Mosques, both organise
gatherings for woman disciples in their houses once a week.
Apart from these organised gatherings, the m&ids point out it is p ossible to do
zikranywhere, such asinabankacar, etc. Thiskind of zikrisprivaelyperformed
by every individual mrid and called vird (p1. evrad) - seebeiow.

4.2. The Cnony

42..L Btforethelikr
Loosely speaking, communal 2kr performances start in London at around nine
o'clock. Nearly always, th follow or are followed by one of the daily ritual prayer
narn). In the early days of my study in Sheikh Nim Mosque, the sunset prayer
Calsarn naman Ar. marth) was pemformed before the ikt As time went on, the
time for this prayer cane earlier thai themrids were gathered in themosque, so, the
night prayer (Vasi nani; Ar. ) took Its place beforethe .WhenI attended
kr in houses and other places, one of the five daily prayems was pformned before the

143
zikr. In the East-West Cenire, the stats without a prayer preceding it, but it is
followed by the night praya
The prayer before the is generally led by the mosque preather (imam) if he is
present If not, then the mCuld who leads the zikr undertakes the position of a
prethier. If he, too, is thsenl, the next senior mCrid or any mrld chosen by the
others, canlead the prayer.
Preahers appear to havevarying &titudes towards the communal z.kr cemonies
performed in the mosques where they are in charge. The Imam of Sheakh N&im
Mosquerarely atends the jg whereas in the Peckham Mosque, the imarnis nearly
always present during the and reals the prayer (dua) which makes the end of the
cerenny. However, they both prefer to keep aloof from tarika arilvides, neither of
them bdng a devotee of the heilth, albeit appointed with his approval. The imam of
Wokini who is from Pakista,is amrid of theSheikh and takes amuch more aczive
pat In the zilcr gaherings.
It is generally the case tha before the prayer or, if there is no prayer, before the
them(rids find a chance to talk and exchangeideas with each other as a group or
in more prive conversions. Discusons range over topics such as rehgio-ethical
themes, historical events and stories, current political developments, news and,
finally, peop1e.s own daly problems. If there is a ritual prayer beforetheg, then,
teritls finished people do not break to chbutpass stralght onto the g.

422_ The Perfcrmarnx

In this secdon I will desaThe how thezikr is performed from the vaybeghiiing until
the end. 69 Although the basic suctwe of the ziial Is the same in evy locality, there
are, nonetheless, variions In certain aspes of the pformance, which are relaed to

69A similar description of the Naqshbandi 2ikr ritual is given by Van Bruinessen
(1992: 240-4), though much more condsely than I tempt to do here. There. is also a
manual published by the Naqshbandi community of Sheikh Nim, which plains
the performance of the zikr and from which I benefitted in this chapter (Sheikh
Nanm, nd3).
144
the place, the nature aid size of the groups, and time. I will mention these variations
withinthe flow of my descxiption
To perform the the partidpaits gather close to the milab. 7O In the
ceremonies not led by the Shelkh himself, the partidpants sit down either side of the
m&id who leads thezikr aid form a drcle, or make rows by sitting side by side and
faring towards the leading mhhi When the Sheikh leads the ceremony, he situates
himself in front of the milTab aid the miirids face towards him In not parallel but
curved lines succeeding each other until the rear of the mosque.l However, no strict
rules or regulations are applied In Naqshbandi performances In terms of what
Gilsenan calls 'spa1 arrangement of thek', which is a case in the communal
ceremonies of the orders he deals with (1973: 159-64).
In the gatherings of Turkish m(hids in Shefith Nim Mosque, a teapot ofwateris
put at the centre of the cirde, together with some cups, for those who get thirsty
during the redtation. In Peckham such a facility is provided only for the leading
mthid aid the ones who sit next to him. The 2'ikr drclemadein this location is much
wider and looser than that one in the Sheilth Nazm Mosque, so that it Is difficult far
the participants in the former location to reach thewater from their sitting places In
the East-West Centre, the leading mhid puts an open bottle of water in front of
himself, but neither he nor anybody else drinks from it during the performance After
theikrends, thechiefmihldpours soniewatermnto acup anddrinks asip; thenhe

7OThe milab is the most important point of a mosque which indicates the kible (the
direction of Kabe - sacred enclosure in the holy city of Mecca) and where the
preher stands to lead the prefer.
71 1n his attempt to contrast the zikr with the ritual prayer (sala) in terms of 'spatial
representation, Gilsenan (1973:184) states thatthemembers ofHarnldiyaShadhiliya
order,whflefadngthemihrab inthe face n towards the Shdkh, notthemilrah'
In thej, aid seems, thaore, to indicate that the milth Is not given importance
in the z[kr ceremonies of this ardex From the information given by Gilsenai It seems
that the Sheikh stands at the centre of themosque, atiid themrids who sit in parallel
raks at his both sides (ibid., 159-64). As I mentioned above, the Naqthb aidiya
situation Is quite opposite. The muith Is significant aid points to the place of
gathering In the Nshb aid! ceremonies pformed with or without the Shelkit
On the other hand, sincetheShelkh situates himself In front of the milrth inthekr
ceremony, themihids areableto faceboththemilab andtheSheikh.

IL
&cules the same aip aid all the (male) palidpaits drink a sip. Here the am is
different from ssfying thirst aid I shall return to this ritual valantin the following
sec.tion.
In the predominaitly Turkish ghering in Sheikh Nazim Mosque, thelittle Sons
of themrIds very often jointhezikr drde. These childrenbtha'efreeiy dwingthe
recition., playing with each other aid making noises. Nobody tdes to dlsdpllne
them.. Some of theznlieon the ground and go to sleep while theredtafion continues.
For the kr1 a dakened mosphere is needed In the Sheikh Nazirn Mosque
sometimes all the lights are turned off and the chief mrid puts two big candles on
either sides of a rahle 72 in front of hhn on which he puts a manusaipt of the
entriisted to him by the Shelkh. hi the ceremonies in the Pedthan Mosque, whether
led by the Sheikh or, in his absence, a 1 ealing mCiri d, all theights ac turned off, with
the exception of the single light on top of the mthrab which Is just behind the mrid
who leads the eiki hi the East-West Centre, all the lights ac turned off and a
complete blaek-out Is maintained throughout the performance, as it is In all other
communal ples and priv&e houses, except where the kr is performed in the
afternoons by women. The mi"ixids Justify this by arguing thto worship in the dark is
sunna and also helps the concenir&lon.
The desaipdon of thez[kr performance can bemalein three consecutive phases,
nanely, the opening. themain pat andthe closure. Themain pat cai also bedivided
into two,
Opening When the darkness is creed and all partldpants gahered In the circle
ready for the performance, silence fails; the usually stats with the leading
mxid's uttering the 'dedaradon of faith' C$ehalet). 73 This Is repeaed three times by
all partldpants. Then the word Estaru]lah ('0 Allah forgive me') Is chanted in
unlson2U-25 times, sometimes more. At thelast one, the chief miirld raises his voice

72Rahle is a low realing desk used in the mosque and medrese particulaly to real
aid recite the Koran.
73 The only exception to this arc the lndo-Paidstani gatherings where the kr slarts
withinvocalions of salava (blessings onthe Prophet aidhis family).
146
and sys Estairuflthel am e1li la ilaheillahuvel hayyul kayyum ye etubu ileyh
(I repent and ask forgiveness of Allah who Is the Greatest, the only God, the
Everliving, the Self-Substent) He then appeals to Allah with some of His ninety
nine names, Esma-i Hsna (the beautiful named ter whlth he Invites everybody to
make a spiritual bond. rthit with the Sheikh.
Rabita can be best described as the 'passage' to the world of zikr and signifies the
starting point of the ritual proper. The Arabic word. rabita has se'eral literal
meanings such as 'rope', 'tL&, 'connection', 'unity, elationthip' and 'assodon', In
Sufi discourse, v/aa is meant by rthita is tying your heart to a Sheikh or mrd,
keeping the image of his face before you and seeldng heip from his nthaniyet
(spiritual presence). 74 In ft, rabita is 'the expression of [amtrid's] love for [his]
mrsld in the lattefs absence as it is expressed In his presence' (Gndz 1984b: 276).
As stated In a classical Naqshbandl source of the 16th century, by doing rabita with
his Shellth, a mhid loses himself completely in his eikh and thus reaches the level
of annihilionin the Sheikh anafi'l-shavkh), which will ultim&elyle1 him to
annihilafion in God (fana flulahY (Harawi, quoted in Ter Ha 1992: 320). In this
respect, Van Bruinessen (1992:244) gues tha rabita makes the theological assertion
of the sheikh as intermediy between hurnanldnd and God areality experienced.
According to Kar among the Sufi orders, the one which gives the utmost
importance to rabita is the Narshbandiya (1990: 240). 75 The celebrated Nshb and!
Sheikh of the 17th century, Muhanmad Msum, who was the son aid successor of
Sheikh AhmI Sirhincli, once st&ed thai; \vbile 2flr without rahita Is fruitless, rabita
aloneis very fident' (Shah Abu Said, quoted inTer Ha 1992:321). On the other
hand. for Sheikh Abdtllhakim Arias!, rabita 'Is a condition th should be met in every

74There is an elab orate count of rabita by Ab dlhaldm Arvasi, the distinguithed

Turkith Naqshb and! theikh in the first half of this century (Arva 1990). See also
GndCz 1984: 274-82; aid Kaa 1990: 233-40.
75 lndeed, descriptions of zikr ceremonies of two other orders, the Hamidiya
Shadhiliya in Egypt and the Cerrahis in Turkey, do not mention rabita (Gilsenai
1973: 164-7; Atan 1990). Van Bruinessen (1992: 244 aid 263 n.45) also suggests
th rabitais apracxice unique to the Nshbanthya
147
tarika. The ones who do not cept this condition are among those who elther do not
knowwha rahita is or not understand the meaning of the tarik&s' (1990: 15).
Van Brulnessen (1992: 241-4) conders rabita as a rneditation technlque and
describes two different types of rabita which are performed In the 2'ikr. Firsi, the
'rabita al-gahr, connection with the grave, in which the mrid imagjnes bim,herself
as dead and buried in the grave, thus without all worldiy aixachmrnts; second, 'rahita
bi'sh-shdkh. connection with the sheikh'.
The London Njshbandi community of Sheilth Nazim practlses only the second
type, i.e.., rabita with the Sheikh. In the zkr practice, the leading mir!ds invite the
participants to make rabita by saying aloud such words as; 'Rabita-1 erife: connect
your hearts to Sultan iU- Evliya with 1 ove!', or 'keep your hearts with our Sheikh,
Muhammad Nanm A1-liaqqani'. In some gahings, however, the participants are
asked, instead of Sheilth Nirn, to mike connection with Grand Sheikh D ajiestanl.
This difference caises coniroversy among the members of thetarika, some of whom
ac.aise the others of refraining from mentioning the name of SheIlth Nanm in rabita
The. She.ikh himself, when he leads the says: 'K eep your hearts with our Sheikh,
Sultan l-Evliya [Sheikh Dagestani.
After a short period of silence, in which rahita is established, the mhids are
supposed to be ready for mystical perience. When I asked Renzi (see pp. 88-89)
wha they do when asked to establish rabita with the Sheikh, i.e., whether they pray or
say a special phrase, he answered tha littleis pronounced apart from saying, 'Destur
[withyour permission] (or) Med [help]Ya Sev yidina'. In his view, the aim of rabita
a this very moment of the zikr is to 'open' the window of the heart to Allah. Hi
Ismail (see pp. 89-91), on the other hand, points out that at the time of rthit
eexythIng which bdongs to this world is removed from the mind aid the heat and
the miirId should attemptm consua abridgeto pass from this world into theworid
of spirituality in which Allah is rembered. Apart from this bac poinl, it is up to
each person to decide whether s/he will say a dua 1ently or imagine the Shelkh's
face. The best articulation of rahita, however, was by Scum, (see pp. 269-271) who

148
states that at the time of rabita the mrids should try to imagine the eikh's face and
to seelt becaise,
'We arenot doing really. Because, although our tongue says Allah or Lailahe
fflallah, ourheartis engaged with otherthings. Therefore the angels can come and
airseus, saying to us ou are liars!' The only chanceforus to escape from being
cursed in this respect is to make connection with the real zakirs [the ones who
pform Who are they? They are the evll y a of Allah. Wemust do the kr by
thinking about them. For us such a person is our Sheikh. Therefore we try to
imagine him by making rabita with him in the so that our hearts get busy
with him and, hence, our kr can be also acceptable' (2 March 1992 - Sheikh
Nam Mosque).

The Main Rentathii This phase of the c&emony falls in two successive parts. The
firstis simplyformedby theredtationin unison of three chapters of the Koran (sures)
and Salavat (Blessings forthe Prophet) in apartlailar way. The sures are Fatiha (the

Opening oftheKorai Ihlas (SIncerity, 116) and1nrah(Comfort, 94). Theorderof

reciting these sures and salava is the sane in both Sheikh Nim Mosque and the

Peckham Mosques, and is as in theperformaices led by the Sheikhhimsel This is as

follows: Fatiha seven times; salava ten times; tnirah seven tImes Ihias eleven times;
Faiha oncemore seven times and finally, salavat once again ten times. Therecitation
starts with the leading mrid's stng the name of the first (Fatiha) and the
number it should be repeated. At evy interval, he reminds the others what to recite
nt and how many times, This redton is done vocally; on rare occasions, only in
the drcle of the Sheilth Nanm Mosque, his done silently. This part of recitation is
called by the disciples Hatm-i Haceai, the original Naqshbaidi zikr.
After therecitation of the sures aid salavatis completed, the chief mrid reads a
prayer In which he mentions the Prophet of Lslarn, his ccmpaiions, other prophets and
the past theikhs of the Nshbaidi order, Inviting all participants, at the very end, to
say Fhaforthem Thus, the first part of the main redton finishes.
This first part is performed differently by the predominantly Western
congregations in the East-West Centre Here, they shorten the performance by
reciting only one set of Fatiha G.e., seven times) and one set of salava (ten times),
aid then move straight to the second pat of the recitadon.. This change or shortcut

149
was explained to rneby othermirlds as dueto theposition of therecent converts who
mlg;ht find ft diffiilt or boring' to recite these sures so often. Macring said that, one
Western mihid of US origin from this locion told me that he was well aware of the
proper length of this part of redtation and keen to perform it so, and he critidsed the
mrId who leads the zikrfor making It too short
The second part of the recitation is the most significant part of the whole
ceremony. After all the participants have sad Fatiha at the end of the first part the
leading mirid opens the second part by saying1 fa'alem ennehu (then know that He
is), immediately pasng on to chant Lallahe illallah (Thereis no god but Allah) with
the other mCirlds. All participants continue to chant this phrase for a tim with Its
tempo changing, sometimes very fast and sometimes slow. There is no fixed number
of repetitions; it seems to depend on both the mood of the leading m(rid and the
enthusiasm of the participants. After a while, the leading mrid raises his voice,
which signifies the coming of a break, and, after three times saying LaIlaheillallth1
they all say Muhammad Resulallah (Muhammad Is the messenger of Allah) once.
After a very short silence, they start three sets of Interconnected chants each of which
is repeated three thnes:

(Lailahelllallah-Muhammad Resuluilth-Aleyhl Salatullah)x3

Lailaheillallah-Muhammad Nebiullah-Aleyhi Salatu11ahx3
Lailaheillallah-MuhammazI Hthibullah-Ale yhi Salatullah)x3

Somethnes after the last s of phrases Is chanted, theflrst one can be repeated. There
are also cases which deviate from this pactern.
The Nshbandi 2ikr is performed in a sitting position and no ecstatic or highly
emotional behaviour vecd) takes plarz. Most of themtrids prer to sit cross-legged
There are also viations In head and body movements during the. However, the
ideal way of chanting Lafithe illalith seems to betomovethehead down to thetigt
while saying secondly to the middle by bowing towards the chest and sring
ilth and finally down to the left by pointing to the heart and saying illallth. As the
tempo of the chant accelerates, these movements becomes quicker and harder. At a

150
certain point the head goes directly from the righ; a the beginning of the phrase.,
down to the left towards the heart a the end of it. However, this is not what all the
participants do. Some do different movements while some prefer just to stay
motionless. Once I saw amrid who covered his eyes with a blk doth and kept It
on his eyes during the ceremony. In general, the miirids keep their heads down and
their eyes dosed during the performance, though exceptions edst.
After this triple set of chants, the leading mirid says another prayer and invites
the others to say Faiha Following this, chanting of the name, Allah, starts and
continues for about five minutes, slowly a first then quicker. Themihids shake their
heads from right to left or up and down with every utterance of Allah. In this part,
they also chant the following phrase at intervals:
Hasbi rabbi celle Allah (Enough my Lord, glorified for me is Allah)
Mafi kalbi illa Allah (Nothing in myhe2it except Allah)

After that, they pass onto chanting the threenames of Allah, respectively, Eu (He),
Halc (Truth) and Hayv (Ever-living for a relatively short perio4, before moving into
three inter-connected phrases, in which the names, LHaw and Ka'yum are
chanted, togetherwiththename of Allah; thepassagefrom oneto theother occurs
without stopping:
AllahHu, Allah Hak..
Allah Eu, Allah l-layy...
Allah Hr, Ya Kyum (Self-existing)...

Afterthelatter phraseis chanted enough, the chief znhid raises his voic makingthe
end of this redtaion, arid says, Hasbinallohu ye niemel vekil vela havle vela kuvvete
illa billahil aleyhilim (Suffident for us is Allah and how excellent a guardian, and
[there is] no power and no rength except by Allah, the Highest, the Greatest). After
th ashortsllencefalls. Thenhe starts anewphasebythantingthephraseYaHu, ya

Hu, yaDaim four times, thelast one of which is done as Allah, ya Hut, ya Daim. Then
redtons of the other names of Allah stat. Each is chanted three times in succession

151
and completed vth Ya Allah. I call this 'quadruple chant' a set. Each set is repeated

twice A small fragment from thebeginning of this particular chant goes

(YaDaim, yaDaim, yaDaim yaAllah)xZ

(Ya Halim, yaHalim1 ya Halim yaAllah)xZ...

Thenames which are chanted in this w are Da'im (The Enduring One), Halim (The

Forbeanng One), Hafiz (The Preserver), Lif (The Subtle One), Gaffar (The

Forgiver), Settar (The Veiler), Fettah (The Opener), Mudb (The Accepter), Mui d

(The Restorer), Mu'i (The Exalter) Vedud (The Loving One), Rahman (The

Compassionate).
This phase Is particularly an appeal to God, seeking His divine aid. This appears

contrary to what Gil senan (1973: 167-8) argues in the case of the Hamidiya

Shadhili y a order in Egypt In their zikr ritual, only the names, Hu, Haw, and

Kayyum are chanted; Gilsenan argues that, since these names solely 'focus on the
transcendence and power of Allah ... no plea is addressed to the Almig1ity' and o
action by God [such as Mercy and Compassion] is requested or expected in, the Zikr'

(1973: 167-8). He adds that such requests for blessings and grace from God are 'not

the proper purpose of the zikr' and reJected as being an inferior form of the zikr'

(4). From the Naqshbandi perspective, however, thekceremony is instrumental

in character and serves well as an occasion to seek Go d's mercy and help. In this
respect, Sheikh All likens their calling to Allah in the 2i.krto a son's compliments to

his father When a child says to his father "you are very good, meiriful, my protector,

etc.", his father gives him whatever he wants. This what we aim by doing zikr. We
approach to Allah with the same feelings In order to get His mercy and blessings.'

It should bepointed outth many more of thenanes of Allah are chanted in the

Naqshbandi cerony than in the Hamidiya Shadhiliy arid they include both the

names Gilsenan mentions and many others.

After the last name, Rabman, is chanted in the above phase, then come the

following three sets, in each of which two names are chanted together. For lnstanee

Ya Hennan, ya Mennari, ya Herman, ya Allah. .. In this way, five more names of Allah

152
are thanted Hennan (The Merciful One), Mennan (The Bestower), Deyyan (The

Most Just One), Subhan (The Transcendent One) and Sultan (The Ruler). The last

one, Sultan, is also chanted as a separate set tw drr.s. Then comes the chanting of
the name, Eman (the Trusted One) as a set twice, and finally the name, Allah, two

times or more.. This type of chanting ends with Ya Selam which is chanted as a set
twice or, rarely, more. This main recitation p art of the ceremony is, thus, completed

by saying salava ten times, In the Sheikh Nazim Mosque alone, the mirids, after
finishing the chanting of Allah's names, chant a partia2lar phrase, Muhammad el-

Mandl, Hallfetullah, 8-10 times. This phraseis related to thesemrids' strong belief in

and expectations of the. appearance of the Mandi, the.millenarian figure of Islam (see

chapter 7). This is followed by the chief mihid's asking the Sheikh's help with the

words, 'Medet FHe1PR va Sev yidina, ya Sultan l-Ev1iya, ya Sheikh Muhammad

Nanm al-Haggani'. After that, they say the salaca
This order of recitation is the ideal. Deviations occur; sometimes words are
forgotten or out of order sometimes changes are made out of considerations such as

lack of time or the nature of the participion. The Sheikh himself even changes the

place of names and sometimes shortens thezikr.

CIoin: After the sala,at, which marks the end of the redton, the 1ealing mhid
first reads some sures and then invites the others to say salava for the Prophet three

times. After th he prays and calls the paticip ants to say Fatiha in the encL Later, he
asks them to say Faiha for, respectiveiy, the Prophei, his relations and his

companions Sahabe), other Prophets, theSheikhs of the Naqshbanth ordex especially

Bahaal-Thn Njshband, Grand ThelkhDagJiestani, Sheikh Nam aid Abd al-Khaliq

Ghujdawani, the later being referred to as 'the master of masters'. Finally, the

ceremony ends with adua for the participants of the read by the imam of the
mosque if he is present, otherwise by the lellng rnrid or anotherrespeczed member

of the tarik or, finally, a prominent guest who might not necessarily be a mhkL

This dua is read in Arabic, or sommes in Turkish if the reader does not know

Arabic. After theprayer, everybody says Faiha

153
 The zikr ceremony, performed in this conventional way, lasts about 30-35
minutes.

42.3. Mtr Thelikr

The first thing to be done after theperformance is to turn on the lights. In different
loc&ions, there esimilarities and differences In theperiod following the rzkr.
In the Sheilth Nazim Mosque, the leading mxid generally gves a short address,
usually about such Issues as a Muslim's need for a sheikh, the meaning and benefit of
the the importance of the tik, or the proper conduci of the Muslims in thelr
life At the end of this sermon, he once moreinvites the participants to say Fiha
Afterth, sornerefreshments, such as biscuits, cakes and special Turkish pastries are
generally served, generailywith tea. At the sametime, thepartidpants conversewith
each others about topics, such as daily politics, thelr business and other problems.
Sometimes a common topic Is Introduced by theleading mthld, On these occasions,
people bring books and newspaper articles to each other's atention. Such written
maaials arechosenfromthetreaises ofsomecelebratedfigures in Islamichistory,
the most common of whom are Imam-i Azam (meaning, the Greaest scholax the title
of Ebu Hanife, the founder of the Hanefi School of Law In Islam) and Imam Rabbani
(Sheikh Ahmnad Sirhindi). The leading mrid also welcomes questions from the
participants and tries to give saisfariory answers to therm The attendants in the
Sheikh Nazirn Mosque disperse towards mithigJtt.
In the East-West Centre too, a very lively amosphere also o ccurs after the zikr.
Here, the leading miirid always gives a short address after the kr on such themes a.s
'death, 'true love' muhabbet), 'wisdom of a saint'. Meanwhile, a glass of wamer is
circulamed and everybody is exp&xed to drink a slp. This waer is from the bottle
which is held open during the ceremony In front of the leading mhid, so th it is
believed, it must bemixed with the divine words whispered by the paiicipants during
the recitamion. Whoever drinks it will take in the blessing (berek) of the i.kr On one
occaslon, one of the mirids advised another who was sen ously ill to bring a bottle of
water to the ceemony and put it openly in the centre of the cirde. During the
154
zikr, this mtiid asserted, the words from the prayers would get into the wer and nix
with it If the pient then drank the wer, itmigt have apositive effect on his
health. When the neikh led the kr ceremonies in. London, many bottles of waez
wereputbythem(hlds infront of himin orderto absorb his bereket (See PleOa).
After the chief mhid has finished his talk he asks one of the partidpants to give
the rzan (call for prayer). Aftertheprayei the palidpanis shake hands and enbrace
each othei saying Sdamnaleykim (Pee be upon yoif) or Tekabbel Allah ('May
God cept your prayer'). This is called msafeha (hand dasp). Shortly afterwards, a
doth is spre1 out on the floor for refreshments: cookies, bisa.iits a mixture of
peanuts, sultanas, aisps, sliced cheese and cheddax and waer or soft drinks. People
are seated in along rectangle and enter conversalon with those who are near them.
Unlike the gathering in the Sheikh Nanm Mosque, no common discussion on any
pard cul ar topic emerges. The women, on the other hand, make a cirde separate from
the men and take their own refreshments.
At the Peckham Mosque, the post-i.kr period is comparatively short and
uneventful. Theparticipants stand up and make msafeha with each other thereisno
tradition of having refreshments in an organised cirde of gathering. instel a mhid
distributes tea and biscuits to the participants scattered in several corners of the
mosque. The same mirid also goes to the women's side and gives then tea and
biscuits. This period takes less than half an hour and then around half past ten people
start to leave the mosque.
The zflcr meeting, together with the events preceding and following it, lasts
between two m three hours, depending upon the location..

4.3. Furth Points an the Zikr

Hann-i Harean The original, communal 2kr of the Naqshbandi order, as

mentioned before, is called Ham-i Haceat or shortly Hairne. Ham-i Hacegan is

performed silently (j). A short but 'first-hand' descxiption of the Hacegan kr by
the celebrated Halidi-Naqthbandi Sheikh, Zyaeddin Gmhanevi, is given by a
155
Tuikish scholar in his ex1nded study of this Sheikh (Gndz 1984b). According to
this, Ham-i Hacegan starts with chants of Estaruflth, vaying from five to fifteen,
depending on the with of the miXrd who leads thekr firtha the eyes are closed
and rabita is mal then the seven participants on therigt [side of the mrsid1 read
Faiha [most probably one by one mdng a sum of seven recited Fatiha] later 100
salav 79 Inrth and 1001 Ihlas ac successively recited; this is followed by the
recitation of Faiha aid 100 Salava by seven other participants, this time on the left
[side of the mrd1j in the end, ai A g-i Seiif is real, and, with the Sheikh's dua and,
following this, everybody's saying amin,thezikr comes to an end(4, 274).
Observations of the Naqshbandi zikr performance in London suggest both
deviations from aid continuities with the oxigjnal form depicted ha Above all, this
account of Ham-i Hacegan is similar to the first part of themain recitation int.hezikr
performed by the Naqshbandis In London. The sures recited, their order and the
salavat are the samein theboth cases. The Sheikh and many mrids in London indeed
called this first part of the recitaion Hatm-i Hacegan or the 'real' Nshbaidi ,
whilst the second part of the main recitation, they say, was added lacer from the
ceremonies of other SufI orders, in order to get their blessing.
There are differences in the numbers of repetitions of the sures aid salavar. A
more significant deviation, howevei is that Sheikh N&im's community performs the
wholezikr, Induding the so-called Harrne, 'vocally'. A minor exception is the Tuikish
mxids' gathering in the Sheilth Nim Mosque where the leading miid (Selim)
rarely asics for the first part of the man recitation to be performed silently. 76 Some
mi"uids informed inc that won, in their exciusive2ikr gatherings, perform this pat
silently, using stones, as In the original Haceg an zikr, to count the number of sures
aid salava recited. Yei oncehavingflnishedthis silent (Hacegan) pat; they, too, go

on to a vocal performance in the second part of the redtion. I observed, on the other

761n one occasion, Selim, p1alned that if sangers (guests) or children e in the
zikr arde, he hal it performed aloud; his mood, he continued, would also affect his
decision whether to do it silently or vocally.
156
hand that the Sheikh, while leading the 2ikr in the women's gatherings, me it
altogether vocal.
It is also observable that the second part of the redtaion, which consists of
Kelime-i Tevhid (Lailaheillallah aid Esma-1 Hsna(thenanes of Allah) exerdses
much greater attraction for the mrids than the first part (the original Ham-i
Hean) in the communal performance. It would be appropriate, here, to mention
once again that in the East-West Centre, where Western converts predominate, the
first part of the recitation is given minor importance, whereas the second part
constitutes the essential body of the ikr.
Why these innovations came about in the Nshbaidi zikr ceremony is an
intriguing question. Explanations aid rI onalisations by the disciples focus on the
point that the setting in which the arxlvities of the order arep erformed is not Islamic,
so that it is impossible to realise a genuinely Naqshbandi ritual. To do silent zikr, one
mirid asserts1 needs a real Sufi atmosphere, which one cannot find in present
condition p aticularly in a Western setting.
SeIIm srs that the Sheikh started to do Haim-i Hacegan vocally in London in the
late 1970s. Two of his early mhids, who were middle-aged Cypriots, had been
members of the Shadhiliya Sufi order before and used to do zikr vocally. Therefore,
the Sheikh initiated the vocal 211cr in his taikat, since these two prominent men were
acaistomed to it In those times, there were very few people around him, and he
probably did not want to lose any one of them
Another reason offered is that the mhids tend to do vocal recitation since it is
easier aid more enjoyable, espedally for recently converted mrids of Western
origins. The following points made by a leading British mhid are striking in this
regard:
'Peoplecan conc tratemuthbetteriftheyredtevocally and aloud. Inthevocal
jg, 'feeling' is also much rongerforthenew aid immature disdples. While the
mature disciples ac doing silent this becomes a very heavy task for a
recently initiated miirid. Once I attended the silent and while I was still
wailing for a proper stat, they said it had just been flnished I was surprised
because I was not used to it'.

157
Deviions from the silent zikr is not a new event in the Naqshbaidi tradition. Van
Brulnessen (1992: 240-4) observes th in Kurdistan in the mid-1970s, once the
Naqshbaidl H&rne hail been performed silently, it was then followed by a loud
Kadirl zikr. In some pats of the world such as China Mgiianistai, Egypt aid the
Ba]kan Nathbandi ikr rnonies ac performed vocally (Habib 1969; Alga 1974
and 1975; Fletcher 1977). The introduction of vocal zikr into the Naqshbandi
cerenonies in Mgaiistan aid the Balkans has been re1g ed to the imp of two
other Influential orders on the Naqshbandiya in these &eas the Vasawi In
Mghanista and the Kadiri in the Balkans (particularly Bosnia) (Alga 1975). In
Qiinese Turkistan, on the other hand, Naqshbandis who performed the 7ikr vocally
were called ujabriyyas as if they werethementhers of a different order, aid there were
bloody dashes with the 1voces of the silent kr in the 18th century (Fletcher
1977: 113). Here, again, the Yasawi influence and its characieristic vocal 2ikr (zikr-i
erre) seems to havehail an impact on the Nashbandi tradition.

Vird: As an excuse for this Introduction of vocal redtion in the ceremonies, some
m(rids explain that they perform silent zikr individually in their private lives. The
Shdlch gives aprivatelitany (4)to each mUxid In accord viththd.r particular
drcumstances. It consists of the Koran verses (as), the words of the Prophet
(Hadis) and other litanies (tesbih) (Kara, 1990: 202-9). The 4 which is also called
ders (study) by the Turkith mrIds, Is, above all, the instruction given to the devotee
by his/her master to improve himself on the 'ph' and reach higher stages (makan) in
the order. The Shdkh, vthen giving his mirIds such a duty of daily private
considers every mCirid differently and takes into account their problems, their
illnesses, their spiritual strength, their time schedules (whether they work or have
moresparetime) aid their need to be away from dangers. Thesefactors determinethe
numbers of times thelitaiy must be repeaed in the day, which range, Iwas told, from
a hundred to a thousand. Despite themihids' daim that the Sheikh gves a different
virdprogrammeto every single mrld, there is, nevertheless, afixed and standardised
programme about how to do y, which is prinied in alelex and in drculion both
158
in English and Arabic (for the English on see Appendix 3). On one occasion, I
witnessed the Sheikh's adviceto some newly-initied mirids to obtain this leaflet and
work on it The vird is taken even more seriously by some mrids than the communal
zikr ceremonies. They only keep doing vird and do not regularly tend the communal
ikr ghaings in the Sheikh's absence.

4A. Oppoiiontothelikr

The 2J.kr, as the central Sufi praethz causes much controversy between the Sufis and
the representatives of mainstream, Sharia-minded Islam. The latter consider the
prtice of zikr an unauthorised innovation (bid'a) and reject it The Sufis, on the
other hand, produce a counter discoursewhich depicts the zlkr as the essence of Islam
and denounce its opponents. The Naqshbandis generally label thosewho oppose the
zikr 'Wabhabi', and consider them the arch-enemy of Sufism within Islam (see chapter
9).
Those who reject thezilcr do so on the basis of theholy texts, the Koran and the
Halis literure (Galpinarh 1985: 28-36). They consider all the Hadis referred to by
the Sufis to inthcatethelegith'nate place of the 2ikr in Islam as nothing but fabricion
(j). his commonly argued th the word z[kr in the Koran relates to the prayers:
'the prayer (namaz) is mentioned as zikr in many sires of the Koran',
while, there is no mention in the Koran of zikr as the continuous recitalon of Allah's
names either In sitting or standing positions bid . 323.
A stress on zflcr as nam is also made by Muslims who do not cept Sheikh
Nanm aid keep aloof from his Naqshbandi community in Londoit Thus, they
rxitidse the Sufis for iealing and misinterpreting the K oran in terms of and
regard their communal gatherings to recite the names of Allah as ostentaioit One
Turkish Muslim in London, who disapproves of Sufi Islam, aid particulaiy Sheikh
Nim, told inc tha he prefers to do g at home with his wife and children, rather
than in public as 'an eyewash'!

159
 Narjshbandi responses appear at various levels. Above all, Selim ardently argues,

'whoever opposes the does not love Allah, since means reciting and

remembering Allah'. Opponents of ar-c associated with Satan and the Jews.

Sheikh All, after stating that some people do not want the Muslims to gather to say

'Allah, Allah...' and try m prevent this, asserts that such people are complying Satan's

wilL

'Thernoreyou do theless you talk nonsense.. Nobody says anything to those

who gather for thinking and gambling. Yet, when we. gather for the, they ask
us why we. are. togexher. They say, no need to come together for praying to Allah,
because we can do it individually. Whereas the communal jg brings the
Muslims together and gives them the feeling of the strength of togetherness. Such
people are working for Satan and doing what Satan asks them to do, Thesepeople
are mostly the Jews. The Jews and Satan are the same. The Jews are Satan' (14
February 1992 - Personal interview).
The Naqshbandis, too, focus on saiptural references to the Koran and the Halls in

their confrontation with other Muslims on the issue of zikr. The best illustration of

this can be found in a booklet by Sheikh Hisham, in which he counters arguments

against the zikr and the related aca.isations of bid'a by listing a number of Koran

verses and many Halls which refer to the well-grounded plae of the aikr in Islam

(Kabbanl 1991). TheSheikhhimse1fbrouglttheissuein atalk and gave an extended

and elaborate account of why the zikris the salient aspe of Islam on the basis of a

sure from the Koran (see Appendix 4):

'Here, the sure Mcadele,, 19, saying 'Satan has made them lose the
remembrance of Allah'. Why do these rascals refuse the zil'.r? [B ecanse] ignorant,
they all areJ Allah says 'do rabita' and 'unite with each other'. Thekr is the first
order in Islam. Allah gives the task of prophecy to Muhammad and the latter first
said to his people, '0 people, say Lailaheillallah. Before na (prayer), before
fasting, beforepilgrimage, before everything, theorderto peopleis to say Lailahe
illallah. Religion stated with zikt his the basis of religion. If the aikris wrong,
all the religion is wrong. The. Prophet said the is the gloss of the heat The
zikr is to remember Allah and to be tied with Hum What is wrong with saying 'La
ilahe lllallah'? What is wrong with reciting the name of Allah? What is wrong
with praising theProphet [by saymgsalava]? Isthereno placeinlslamto say 'k
ilahe illallah'? One cannot be Muslim without saying 'La ilahe illallah'. What's
wrong if we. repeat it continuously? We continuously rananher Allah and remind
ourselves of Him. We remind ournefs of His existence. 'Oh my Nets: Do not get
angry, there is Allah. Allah is greater than you! Be with Allah'. What Is bid'a?
Their opposition to our 2J.kr gatherings Is the result of their ignorance. Satan took
them under his control, as the points out. He got than to forget jg.
Whoever is against the zikr, he is the slave and prisoner of Satan. There is an

160
 illness all over the Imc world. Wherever we go, they e against the kr. If
you refuse thezlkr, that means you refuse Islam If the zikr is removed, Islam is
removed. Islam started with the , 'Lailaheillallah. They are mindless, filthy
people and have no faith! All the s in the Koran indicate the . But, they
&e bking from a faL I camot catch them If I catch th I vffl show th but
they cannot come doser to me [A lady says, at this moment, They ague that
instead of doingg the Komnmust beread'} That is the Koran gathering (Koran
Medisi). The Koran gathering is different from the 2ikr gathering. The Prophet
called it thejg gathering. Every book on isian talks about the virtue aiiet) of
the zikr gatherings. However, they ae the ignorant Wahhabls' (4 April 1992-
Private House).
In his other talks, the Sheikh continues to confront opposifion to the jg and
emphasizes thebenefits the people. can get byperformingit
When thebeliever does Satan is not happy and says him 'do not do that
Is , bld'. To say that ziltr Is bida Is the declaration of Satan. If a person Is
doing, that makes him always bewith his Lord. You as aperson following
the Prtphez and his companions (sahabe): keep up the that gives you afresh,
new life do every Friday night half an hour. Allah gives you endless blessings
and rewards you here and hereafter even your anctstors up to Adam. Do not
listen to Satan. listen to Allah, His beloved servants and His evliya
Whoever denlestheikr, should goto Hell. Who makes you remember Allah, that
one is the holy one. When .kr increases, then blessing also increases. Only the
zlkr can collect people and their heats. Who says zikr is should go to Hell.
The more you do the more pleasure it will bring you. It makes your heart
transparent. Therefore whoever does more zikr becomes much ii ghter. The
heaviness of material things leaves him; the kr makes him leave this heavy
atmosphere for the annosphere of Heaven. We aemuch morein need of th Our
spiritual being is in struggle with our material being. Our spiritual being asks to
take us up to Heaven, while our material being drags us down. The only way is
the way ofzikr of holynames of Allah. Weae always using thesirength of our
material struczure, and not taking enough c&e for our spiritual structure As long
as we run after material things endless problems and sufferings cont1nu When
people neglect their spiritual beings, then cursing comes, bringing misery, wa,
earthquake, drought, .ifferings. This is a sign that people do not cae for their
spiritual beings. When people forget their Lord by not doing then cursing
comes and people disturb and ham eath other' (23 April 1992 - Sheffield; 4 May
1992 - the Derah 13 May1992 - the Derah).

The agument that the word zikr 'remembrance' In the Koran mostly refers to the
ritual prayer and not what the Sufis practise was bitterly disputed by the Sheikh in
answer to a question:
'They aefoollshpeopl and rubbish peopi They do not understand the Xorai
and the Hadis.
Allah says ...'Aqlnti's salah. Inna's-salata tanha an1'l-fthsni wa'l munk wa
likru-AllahI akbar'. Allah says to make sala becaise keeps man from all
badness, and He aids after salah 'wa 11kru-All thi akba'. 'You must know that

161
 the zikr of Allah Almighty is greatest. ,77 Heis particularly saying this Salzit [is
to] bring you to the exai remembrance to your Lord, not like your Salat that you
are saying only 'All ahu akbar' aid [then] reading like a parrot, but there is no
remembrance in your heart You are doing your Salat with only this body, without
your heart And why is remembrance of Allah greatest? It is becaise you are
doing that with your heart.,.' (Sheikh Nim nd. 49).

45.. Intrlude

The above description of kr ceremony performed by the Nshbaith community of

Sheikh Nazim in London differs from the traditional Naqshbandi 2'ikr ceremony,
Hem-i Haceai. It also differs from descriptions of ceremonies in places such as

Kurdistan, the Balkans and Qilna Furthermore, the sub-groups of Sheikh Nazim's

community diverge from each other in their ways of performing the These

complexities of the zikr ritual suggest that the sodal context gives shape and content
to theritual. However, themain characteristics ofthetraiiitional Naqthbaridi zikr are

maintained, for example, the utmost importance given to theperformance of rabita

The performance of thezikr is the yardstick used by the Sheikh and the mthlds to
distinguishtheirSufl Islamfrom other Is1anicformons. Henceitis atthecentreof

controversies between members of the community and th.r opponents over which
model of Islamis superiorto the other
The cardinal importance of the zikr for the community comes from the farx that

throug1i itthe vy objective of Sufi Islamis realised, thatis, the conquest of nefs. As

the Sheilth aid the mhids said on several occions, the zikr is the 'way' (indeed, the

onlypractical one) for aperson to getrid of the destructive andill-effecls of nefs. The

next chapter exanines the notion of nefs at greaer length

77Michonpoints outthat 'withthesewords theQuran (XXIX, 45) statestheprimacy

of the dhikr both in terms of relative value in relation to other ritual prescriptions,
such as the canonical prayer mentioned in the preceding verse, and in terms of
absolutevalue, the invocation being affirmed thepath of salvation par excellence'
(1987: 275).

162
 CHAPTER FIVE

ET H ICO-RELI GlO US DISCO URSE

THE NOTION OF NEFS

163
5.1. Nth

In my interview with him, Sheikh Nam specified that 'the first objective of the
tarik is to break the power of nefs in man' (T&ikatin birind hedefl nef sin insandaki

kibrini kirmaknr). As this suggests, nefs is central notion in SufI Islam. As a topic it

appears more frequently than anything else In the discussions of the Naqshbandis in

London, and is amajor theme of the Sheikh's speeches.

The mhids use the concept of nefs to refer to issues connected with moral-
beha,ioura1 patterns. They distinguish 'rigit' from 'wrong' in a person through the
idea of nefs. It explains what creates evil feeling and conduct in a person. One of the

most popular definitions of Sufisin is that it is a system of morals (ahlak sistemi), or

just simply tnorals' (ahlak); 78 that is to say, the aim of Sufism ortarika is to provide
people with good moral values in their lives. To hieve this aim, the Sufi masters
follow a continuous process of trealment to their disciples within the drdes of their

Sufi arxivity. The core of this process seems to be the a1monition of ones
In the Koran, nefs is used to refer to five different conceptions: the human self or

person; Allah; gods; the company of man and djinns; the human soul (Calverley
1993: 880). Nefs as the human soul has three successive chartthstics which are,

from bottom up; (Ar.) ammara; physical appite - commanding to evil), lawwama;

upbrading soul) and muima'thna (tranquil soul) (bd.).

In the discourse of Sheikh Nim's Naqshbandi community and that of Sufismin

general, theuse of the ord! corresponds theflrst category of this fif+h Koranic

use, thatis, nefs-i emmare. In this sense, nefs denotes thenatural inner condition of

humankind that caises all bad intentions and deeds. However, the Sheikh and the

mihids use the words 'seif and 'ego', rather than 'soul' as the Englith transiaiions of

nefs. 79 They assezt that people are forced by their to followit and, in most cases,

78 As an example, see Kara's main dnition of tasavvuf as '... a system of ethics and
thought ' (1990: 18). For some famous figures of early Suflam who defined Sufismin
terms of ethics, see ibid., 33-6.
79Theimnsiation of nefs as 'self may caise confusion, since the latter term denotes
person' which, in turn, efers to cultural concepts which lend the individual social
164
carmot escape from the trap it sets to distract them from good and direct them towads
evil. Nefs Is the cause of all evil In the world. Usually people listen to the voice of
their nefs and behave cording to its bad intentions. Such human cha&xenstics as
envy, pride, enmity, anger, diespecz impatience and liness are all considered to
derive from the control of on&s nefs. The roots of comp etition confflci fig1idng and
war in human relations are found in peopl&s behaving according to the desires of
their nefs. These all imply an embodiment of nefs; themtrids finally assert that
is the'mother' of all evil things (nefs btQn ktiUkleiin anasidir).
The Shdkh depicts ! as 'a dangerous dragoiz the most dangerous and difficult
enemy of mankind'. He mentions the Prophet Muhammad as saying 'the biggest fight
(jihad) people make is the fight against He asserts that all prophets came to
teachpeoplehowto protecithemselves from thehannful attaks of.

Nth andPo'wer
As a religious metaphor1 nefs is chaarlensed by its rejection of the power of Allah
and its refusal to serve Him. Beyond these religious/metaphorical statements lies a
hidden discourse related to the notion of powex At this juncture seems to refer
to 'a human being's will to power'. The dominant voice of nefs signifies a personal
desire for power over everything and a dedsive rejection of any external power or
authority. This temptation is btheved to beintrinsicto human nature and as old as
creation. Thefollowing anecdotefrom one of the Sheikh's addresses to an audience of
predominanfly Western mCrids (in En&ish) makes thepoirit cleaiy

'Allah created ego fnefsl aid asked }Jj 8O to come to His presenc but ego went
bk. When Allah askedhimto gobacl hecarneneareL Whatever Allah ordered

significance' (Eickelmai 1989: 180), whereas the emphasis in the concept of !

seems to be on the 'bio-psychological' domain of human reality, not on the
'sodocultural' one.. The terms 'passion' and 'appetite' are preferable translations:
TNefsJ is composed of all thepassions aid lusts; unthecked, it can lead man to bad
and shameful conduct (ibid., 205; see. also ckelmai 1985: 138) The term 'ego, on
the other hand, brings to the mind one of the constituent concepts of Freud's model of
psychoanalysis. Howev what is meant by intheNaqshbaidi discourse appears
to me doser to the Freudian concept of id rather than g.
80The Sheikh uses the pronoun lie' to refer to nefs as he does for Allah and Satan. It
is an ethnographic maker of the masaalinebias in thelanguage of the community.
165
 ego did the opposite. Allah asked him, "Who am I and who &e you?", ordering
him to dedare that he is servant to Him. But ego said "I am myself, you are
yourself!" Allah ordered to put ego Into the prison of Hell's fires for 1000 years.
After 1000 yeas, He called him bak and asked the same question. Ego gave the
samereply. Thereipon, Allah ordered to put ego into the prison [of coldhefls] for
1000 yeas. After 1000 years, He called ego again and asked the same question;
ego again gavethe samereply; 1 an myself, you are yourself", and not said 1 am
your servant". Then Allah sentenced ego to hunger for 1000 years. When It was
complete, Allah called him again aid asked "who an I and who are you?"
Trnbhng, ego said, "I an your jg sexvant you are my Lord" [meaning, "though
being a servant to You, I am at least still superior to all Your other servants]' (8
March 1992 - the Peckhain Mosque

Thus nefs desires power which refuses to recognise the supremacy of Divine
Authority. It is to the unnost benefit of p eople to repress this chararieristic of their
nature in order to find fulfilment aid happiness in life. In this resp the Sheikh
dravis our attention to theideatha people are powerless before God. Powerlessness is
the original state of humanity. The heart of the matter is the realization by a person of
the fundamental point that any p ower that s/he possesses can only be acquired
through the adn,i sal on of poweriessnes sb efore God:
If a servant declares his powerlessness in front of his Lord, itis anhonourfortha
servant and as a result of his humility, his Lord will grant him power and support
in every situation. The Propher, Peace be Up on Him is the first to dedare his
powerIesessintheDivinepresence; therefore, Allah Almighity has granted him
morepower than He ever gaveto anyone. This is avery good lessonfor mankind:
ifweaeseekingmoreDivine Support and spiritual powe we should first almit
our own powerlessness (Sheikh Nim 1988: 24).

Ntfs, Sati, Ruh d the Heart

In the Naqalhandis' view, nefs represents Satan; who controls it Through Satan
makes people deviate from (in the Sheikh's words) the direction of heavenly stations',
meaning the way of God. This is Satan's man goal. Therefore, Satan and nefs are
alws considered together in the discourse of Sheikh Nazirn's Naqshbandi
community. 81 The Sheilth points out in one of his addresses that 'ego i) is the
pariner of Satan': They both are a company, our ego working inside us and Satan

81 Ayatadesaibes a seemingly different undeistaiiding of and Satan in another

Naqshbandi discourse which considers them by aid large distinct categories (1991:
2.26-31).
166
working outside. When Satan wants to come inside us, he asks our ego to open the
door; our ego opens the door to Satan'.
As against this connection between nefs and Satan, It Is through thd.r soul (nih)
that people can make a connection with God. The soul represents Allah In people. A
Pakistani mrld asserts that nih is from the light () of Allah. while (like
Satan) originates from fire. When nefs dominates a person's life, this causes the
imprisonment of nih in the cage of his/her (physical) body and the loss of contact
with Divine Reality. never wants people to accept the edstence of Allah.
From this perspective, the Sufi-Naqshbaid.t perception of human life is based on the
nefs-ruh dichotomy: The basic fact of the nature of man is that within him are two
kinds of personality, the soul arid the ego, representing within him two different
worlds, or M realities' (Editor's notes in Shelith Nim nd., 29).82
Firmly connected with the - nih dichotomy in Naqshbandi thought is a
dichotomy between ind' and heart'. Nurjehan depicts mind as the domain of Satan,
who dominates and conirols it through nefs. From this perspective, minds or reason, is
not considered the most essential human faculty, but looked at with suspidon. People
go in the wrong direction when they according to thdr reason, whereas there is
something precious and most valuable in a person that will direct him/her towards
good things and Allah: this is the he&t, the domain of soul and the abode of Allah.
Theheart is the abode of Divine Ught Divine Knowledge cart beatainedthrougii
its activity. In the mortal human body, it is the only organ that is the locus of the
energies one receives from the spiritual realm. It opens up ways for spiritual
development God has called it His own abode. The Prophet has said that heart is
thehouseofGod(Ajmal 1987: 296).

The Sheilth aid the mds emphasise the dose conneclion of theheat with Allah In
the heart is thenur (light) of Allah. Therefore itis evyone's basic duty to tty to

82M exposition of this point can be also found in Gnd 'A human has a
personality that accommodates the opposites in it aid tends both towards goodness
and beauty due to his , and towards badness aid ugilness due to his nefs. ... Evexy
human life is based on the two different components which are as opposite eah other
as 'day ' and night'; one of than, nih, makes itself felt with the holiness breathed into
it by Allah, while the other one, nefs, with the insidious athitosity that can ap even
the prophets' (1984: 171-2).
167
perfect the condition of his/her heart In this context, the Sheikh frequently mentions
the following halls of the Prophet: There is a piece of flesh In a man which, if it is
sound, makes him sound, but if It is sick, makes him sick. (That piece of flesh is the
heart)' (Sheikh Nim nd,, 5; see also Shelkh Nim 1992: 9). The following story,
originally told by the Sheikh, and quoted by theleallng Palestinian Arab, Sheikh All,
illustrates this sublime position of the heat as the lodge of Allah in the human,
indicating also the utmost significance attached to it In Naqshbandi (Sufi) thougit
'Once the children of Israel wanted to see Allah. Their prophet, Moses, went to
Him and said his people's wish. Allahresponded that He would come.. Thereupon,
the Jews started to organise a eat night for theirmeeting with Allah. However,
this was anigJit of richness, luxury andworldly honour, sincethese all v-evy
important for the Jews who were very materialistic. The Prophet Mo ses was in
front of the door to welcome the guests, who were very rich, wealthy and noble
ones. Suddenly, a very poor, old man with. his donkey appeared at the door.
Moses stopped him and asked 'Where are you going'1 ? The man said, "0 Moses, I
came. to see Allah; so, let me come in". Moses refused the old man by saying,
N
There are many peopleinsidewho are very rich and important It is impossible
for a poor man like you to join this meeting". Theman insisted by saying, N3t 0
Moses! I love God. Please let me come in aid see Him!" Moses refused him
again, and the man left the ple sadly and crying. So, the Jews started to wait for
Allah to visit them. Bui, He did not come. The Jews asked Moses with anger, NO
Moses! You said that Allah promised to come. Where Is He?" Moses went to
Allah and asked Him why He h not come despite His pmrnise. Allah replied,
"0 Moses! Do you not know that I always keep my promise! I came, but you did
not allow me to come in. " Moses, v/no was puzzled, asked when and how Hehal
come. Allah said, "I was sitting in the. heat of that poor j old man. When you
refused him, you refused me, too!' (22 February 1992 - A private house,
Leyton).83

83This narrative also demonstrates the existence of an ethnic prejudice in the

Nshbaidi discourse On many occasions during fieldwork I witnessed v/nat can be
desaibed as radst remarks against the Jewish people. Several examples of hostility
towards Jews cai also be found here (see pages 76 86, 118, 120, 129, 160, 183, 239).
This ethnic antagonism is fundanental in shaping the mrids perctions of the sodal
aid political realities of the world. It is a common belief within the community that
the greatest enemies of Islam are the Jews. They ac held responsible for the
predicamentofhwnanityintheworldtoday. They arethe aeators of all evilin every
corner of the world. From this perspective, the Jews are identified with Satan It is
said that the Jews played a primary role in the aeation of the Wahhthite polity at the
heart of Islam aid distorted the minds of the majority of Musiims, thereby caising
their deviation from theirue Islam, that is, Sufism. Thus, the Jews areblamed for the
downfall of Islam all over the world. Generally speaking, the Nshbanths believe
that themaking of the so-called modern world is thework of the Jews; world systems
such as citalism aid communism and the freemasonry assodations aetheproduct
of Jewish mentality aid woridview.
168
5.2. St vinthood, Wcrthip and thezikr

Throughout their lives, people continually strive to achieve the supremary of their
souls over their nefs. Itis impossibleto annihilate or kill the1r since this would
also mean the end of their life. On one occasion after akr performance, a group of
mCirids of Turkish orign argued about the question as to v/nether one can kill nefs.
One mihid argued it is notp o ssibl e, while another one, Se1im insisted that the Sheikh
can do so. The dispute had readied a deadlock, when two other mCirids intervened and
calmed the disputants by saying. 'what is meant by killing nefs is to kill the desires
and wishes of nefs. Of course, one cannot kill nefs hself. The death of nefs means the
death of us'. 84
Instead of killing their people can keep a tight rein on it and control its
Satanic desires. This is only possible by a firm acceptance of svanthood to Allah
and keeping this always in mind. Only servanthood to Allah can save people from
being servant to their nefs and doing bad and harmful things to themselves and their
communities. The most effectiveweaponto keep Satan aviay and suppress thenefs is
to remind oneself continuously that oneis the servant of Allah. This is only possible
through worship. Worship (ibailet) is the only way to weaken nefs and force it to
surrender. People also need the tailkat and a sheikhto help treat their nefs.
In Naiishbandl Sufi practice, the most effective way to break the power of nefs
end give ruh satisfaction is the i.kr1 particularly when the phrase, La ilehe illallah
(Tevhid) is recited. The Sheikh essezts that continuous repetition of the Tevhid in the
zikrislikeasword for nefs:
'Allah says, "Kill your egos!" How shall we. kill it? With a sword? No. With the
Tevhid! Theswordis theTevhid. Ms to makeour ego dedarethatheis not our
boss or our master or our Lord. Our Lord [is] the Creator, the Lord of
Heavens...When our ego surrenders, no need to say [any more] Lailaheillallah.
We are improving and saying Allah, Allah'...

84Theliterature on Sufism agrees. For exanple, Gndz states that1 Nets is not killed
but restrained. Its control is given to the hands of' (1984: 208).
169
In many of his talks the Sheikh emphasises that although people's first concn
should bethdr sezvanthood to Allah, the vast majoiity of peopletadayiiorethis, act
and behave in quite opposite ws. He agues that nowIrs people, esped ally the
Muslims, have forgotten that they are Allah's servants. Instead, they ae savant to
their nefs and Dny a (the World). Indeed, the people of the 20th century ae obsessed
with this world and indifferent to the Hereafter (ahir). 85 They iioreworship and
spend all their time busy with this world. The phrase, 'I am working', often
pronounced, particularly by Muslims, as an excuse for neglect of ibad is nothing
but an indication of people's servanthood for the world. That is to say, people ac
listening to, following and obeying their nefs, instead of Allah. They &eworkingfor
derils not for their Lord'. Thus, the Sheikh explains all the troubles and sufferings
peopleface today by this predicament of mankind at present

5.3. Nth in Soual Pracncr

The concept of nefs is used extensively in the daily life aid conduct of the
Nshbandi comnmity in London, particularly in matters related to sodal behaviour.
The mirids usethe word nefs to explain and ailidse, in a wide-range of situations
attitudes and quarrels. For instance, if someoneis trying to impress others with his
good looks by shaciinghis beard, this actis motivated bynefs. All sports &xivities are
denounced as feeding the , satisfying it and, thereby, making it much stronger. An
Iranian mihj4, with an MA degree in Electronics, explains why he did not continue
withaPhD despitehisintentionto do so, by aguingthatthesestudiesforcepeopleto
be proud, which is the thaisdc of nefs:
'Even if you do not want to be proud, they will push you to be so, since your
thesis will be judged by a number of professors. They wait you to answer many
difficult questions. If you becomehumble [in this encounter], they will attackyou
more. You must be proud that you can succeed in front of their attks. So, these
studies make you inevitably listen to the voice of your ego'.

85Gilsenai quotes a similar phrase used by mhids of the Hanidiya Shabiliya order
in Egypt 'The closer one is to thisworld, thefarther oneis from thenext' (1973: 130).
170
Another mater conneried with this argument of 'study for nefs' is peoples pride In the
use of !titles', such as Dr.', 'Prof.', 'MA', 'PhD' and even 'Sheikh', The Sheikh and the
miir1ds stronglyrejecttheuseofsuchtitles, since, they argue, ego, cauthig
a person to claim proudly 'I an something'! The dichotomous concepts of prid& aid
'humbleness' (used by the Sheikh In English in the sense of humility') are employed
by the Sheikhin one of his talks in English:
'Everyone [is] asking for honour througinonsenseth1es. They are asking degrees
f or nonsense. As long as they are taking a degree [for] themselves, In divinely
presence their degrees [will be] coming down. The companions of the Prophet
reached the highest levels through their servaithood, through their humbleness,
Every problem comes to mankind from pride. Pride is a divine attribute not for
slaves, but for Sultan. For Heis great. We are weak. How can the weak ones be
proud? Wemusttryto behumble. Thepeoe of this century arethemostprideful
ones. They are against humbleness and, therefore, the prophets who tried to make
people humble' (16 Mach 1992 - the Peckham Mosque).

The community considers certain human characteristics in binary oppositions

accompanying the dichotomy between nefs (Satan) aid ruh (Allth) in human make-
up. 'Pride, is delineated as a failt to be avoided; it is categorised In the domain of
nefs. 'Humbleness', in conast to pride, is encouraged as a virtue that feeds one's
spiritual being (). Another such pair are the concepts of 'wildness' (used by the
Sheikh in English in the sense of 'savagery) and ldndness' (or iercy). The Sheikh
elaborates these connary characteristics by reing each one to Satan and Allah as
follows 'Satan is the wildest one. Do not bewild! Prophets [were] therepreseiitatives
ofthekindness [and] mercy of Allah Almighty. Sat nrepresentswildnes Twenileth
century peoplemu.st lee wildness; wildness [is] for Satan'.
Similar opposed pairs of concepts In the Naqshbandi discourseinclude'patience-
imp atience, 'anger-gentleness', 'War-peace', 'envy-resped', 'dirtiness-deanliness' aid
'freedom-hindrance', The last pair, 'freedom' aid 'hindrance' (used by the Sheikh in
English), is worth duddating, since In this case it is thffiailt to relate them to nefs
aid or Satan aid Allah.. Contray to conventional thinking of freedom as a most
fundamental right the Sheikh condders it as a harmful, damaging desire of ,
which takes its origin from the teachings of Satan. He emphasizes that what people

171
need more than anything else in their lives are nizam (order) and intizam

(orderliness). In a speech in English related to this issue, he employs the ward

'hindrance', in the sense of restraint, as the opposite of 'freedom':

'The first lesson the Lord taight the first man and woman, Adam and Eve: "Dont
eat!", [which means] hindrance... Hindrance for protecti on The holy command,
"don't eat", was the [symbolic] protection for Adam and Eve. Eveiy heavenly
message brings hindrance for protection of mankind not to fall in the hands of
Satan. Bui, our dragon [Jis saying, 1 don'tlike. any hindrance to my desires,"
ThatisvAiatouregos claim: "No! Don'tput aiyhindranceinfront of me. Iliketo
be free. I like freedom." This is Satan's teaching. Satan advised Adam not to
accept any hindrance "You must have absolute freedom through Paradise. Don't
accept any hindrance. Eat that apple! Don't listen to your Lord; Listen to me..,"
What happened, then? Adam and Eve were kicked out from Paradise. All
messages bring(s) hindrance f or mankind. If no hindrance that means haram
[prohibited] is halal [permitted]. Yet, mankind [wants] not any h&an That is
Satanic program for mankind. Satan says endless freedom without any hindrance.
[Whereas] hindrance means protection. Keep hindrance and be safe from Sataii
Satan is dirty on because he broke God's command. Whoever breaks God's
command as Satan is dirty, Satan tries to make everyone to break God's
commands and become dirty. Don't try to break hindrance down; that freedom
makes you dirty' (23 Mach 1992 - the Peckham Mosque).

The nefs is also a key concept in intra-communal dispute used by the mirids to

accuse each other and defend their own positions. Mrids often justify thenselves by

labelling others as 'having big nefs'. Scum states that all those who gather around the

Sheikh have 'gigantic' : 'No one but the Sheilth can deal with such people as u

whose nefs are huge; that is why we are with him. No sheikh other than him can
control and command us'. The same mthi4, on another occasion, applied theterrnnefs
to the position of another young Turkish mhid who decided to stop attending the 2ikr

gatherings as a gn of protest against the misbehaviour of some other partidpants:

'If you do not like what others are doing and, hence, do not come to the 7Jkr
because of your anger at thdr wrongdoing, this means you are not restraining
your nefs. That Is, your nefs glorifies itself against them., and does not want to
come to the. Whereas, howerwrong they are, you should cometo curb and
overcome your nefs'.

Finally, it would be appropriate to elaborate how a sheikh, or mird, tackles his

mihids' nefs whilst training them in the tarik As mentioned before, this is the

primary task for the shdkh in a tarikat. How does the treatment of by the Sheilth

work out in practice? In other words, what sort of interaction comes about when the

172
Sheikh focuses on his mthids nefs and attempts to break its power? Oneparticular
case known to mels Interesting and worth quoting here:
A young Turkish mthid was offered aplein apolytechnicin London to study
computing, after he had succeeded in some examinations. This was shortly after
he had met Sheikh Nazm aid become his rntrid. When hetold the Sheikh about
this event later, expecting, a the seme time, to be praised for his success, the
Sheikh did not say anything nor make any comments. Thereupon, the mthid asked
the Shelith whether he should take up the offeL The Sheikh gave a sharp answ.
'Don't go!' The mrid std 'At that moment, I was just shocked. While I was
expecting such words as TM Congiatula[ons, my son; Ihope you will enjoy it" and
"good luck" orhopinghim to pray formy success, he [the Sheikh] just sald to me,
"Don't go and firilshedit. 86 There it is that he cuts out nefs like aror [jilet ibi
biciyor]. Nefs was killedtherejustwith this word [Don't goj. This is thewaythat
nefs is tamed [nth boyle terbiye edillyor']." Before talking to the Sheikh, the
mirid had sent the good news to Turkey, to his family, who were delighted that
their son would study Computing. However, sincethe Sheikh was not affirmative,
and did notrespond to him as he (or, better to say, his nefs) expected and desired,
he did not start the course

5A. CondudingRtmarks

In Sufi though1, the human being is conceived as imbued with an inclination toward
evil. This is the natural state of human existence. The Sufis explain the mechanism
that directs someone to bad thoughts and actions by the concept of , which they
apply constantly to &tors, events and situations. On the pages above, I have iried to
examine the concept of nefs through the words and ideas of the Naqshbandis led by
Sheikh Nazim. Briefly, nefs is nothing but 'I'. This 'I' is conceived as a
physicallbiological creature, a hayvan (animal), 87 but distinguished from other

86A it will bementioned in the next chapter, the Sheikh is not in favour of modern
technology, nor is happy with one of its most brilliant outcomes; the computers.
Howeer there are m(rids who have computers and usethem effectively in their lives
and businesses.
87 regards with the conception of human beings as hayvai due to their , it
would be relevant to note the Sheikh's words in his answer to my question as to how
he considers (thinks about) his mihids: 'He [the mird] considers some of them as
fox; some others, as rabbit. In facZ if [the mrid1 looks with the eyes of hakikat
(reality), he sees v/na sort of appearance [his mrids] has and deals with [him]
according to that. Some of them are in the shape of a scorpion some, a iake; some, a
bear some, awolf some; a fox; some, a pig; some, a dog; some, ac some, a horse;
some, an ox; some, a camel; some, an elephaii some, a rhinoceros; some, a lion;
some, aiigex some, ahyene; some, abadger some, ara some, amonkey... [Allah]
created many sorts of animals; every human nefs is in relation with one of these
173
aeatures with a 'plus' in creion that makes him/her insan (human). Humans carry
this plus, the ruh (soul), as the mark of their real beings that connects them to their
aeator, Allah. Ruh is at ones heart and cannot realise itself until and unless one
struggles against one's 'self, i.e., nefs, and takes the desires of nefs under control in
order to achieve the free movement of ruh. One can achieve this only by worship, the
declaration of their svanthood to Allah, and the only help in this is the practice of
ikr. The way to good., salvation and God passes from the control of on&s nefs by
worship of Allah. This keeps one away from bad and harmful acts and provides one
with good deeds and morals.
This narrative discourse of in the particular case of Sheikh Nazim's
Naqshbandi community presents us a set of three interrelated idioms to explore
human reality within the framework of Sufi Islam. N refers to self-centred and
power-oriented instincts that embrace on&s character and bthaviour. On the other
hand, good human characteristics are potentially available in the human soul (ruh),
which is the'Holy' essencein 1'. Nevertheless, the nefs, thenaural and biological 'I',
represses the soul and preven1 it from expressing itself. Henc the good or positive
qualities cannot be active and constitute the general human character. It is only
through the process of worship badet), that people can overcome this handicap.
Worship teaches one how to break the power of in one's being and, then, to open
channels for the ruh to discharge itself. The key notion in the act of worship Is
'servanthood' through the recognition of which the desires of are eliminated.
Through the process of worship, a person continuously contemplates that s/he is the
servant of Allah, that is to say, s/he is nothing in front of His power. As soon as this
contemplation leaiLs one to perceive one as 'nothing', the control of personality is
transferred from nefs to the ruh. Then, sw. have a person who is sounder in attitude
aid bthaviour. The conlet[on of this process leans to the coming into existence of
what theSufis called tnsai-i Kamfi (thePerfect Human).

animals. [The mtrd1 treats [his mi"iiid's] nefs according to this and saves him from
this harmful state. He [the mird] should know this; otherwise he cannot treat [his
mirid]'(Myinterviev S March1992 -theDergah.
174
 The most s!gnificant aspect of this discuss! on of nefs seems to me that it
demonstrates how Sufi circles in at Islamic setting recognise and address, thougt
implicitly, an important dimension of social life and relations, that is 'the will to
power'. Nefs constitutes this will in people. Hawever I do not mean here that the
Naqshbanths attpt to enidicate this dimens!on of human nature but rather, to
change the focus in its press!on. They try to restrain people's ambitions, self-
centred inclinations towds the exercise or demonstration of p ower, and to make
them humb1e gentle and kind throug;h constant training for servanthood to Allah. By
doing this they ieae, pa1oxicafly, adisdncilveway of praciising power, v/nlchis
the power of 'powerlessness'; the power of saying 1 am nothing', the power of
humility. This is not to say that all thepeoplev4thin the community and around the
Sheikh do have the good qualities which aepart of Ideals of the Sufl-Naqshbandi
morality. In one cat find quite opposite cases in which people dispute and
compete with e&h othex and demonstrate such improper behaviours as anger,
prideand rudeness. Pezhapsthat is why Sheikh Hishamis saldto havestatedin oneof
his speeches: 'Thereis only onemrid of Sheikh Na2aIr Itis Sheikh Nimhimself'.
Nonetheless thehet of themarter seems the Shdkh's suggestion to withdraw from
power games by artia.ilaing the notion which makes sensefor the powerless
majority who feel almost lost bth,re the pvas!ve power rnechanins in the)yiorld
such as science, technology, state and media: 'Taste the power of saying "I am
nothing aid feel safe!' This device may explain howtheShelkh exercises such
influence, paiiciilaiy onpeopleivingin the'modemjungle of Western countries.

175
 CHAPTER SIX

VIEWING THE WORLD OUT THERE'

THE NAQSHBANDI PERSPECTIVE ONTHE MODERN WORLD

176
The current debate in the social sciences and philosophy tod Is over the
predicament of 'modernity'. By modernity, I refer to the very nature of the
contnporary epoch of human histaiy in which eason is rendered as thebe reliable
agent to grasp the world in both physical and social terms. While thebac credentials
of modernity, i.e., rationality, sdentific explaiion and seailarism are queioned by
'posnodernisxn, continuing ]herents of so-called modernity are atnpting to rebuff
the posimodernist offensive and investigate what went wrong with the modernist
project (see, for Instance, Habermas 1987; Giddens, 1990 and Gellner 1992). In a
time when we. have realised that sdence and tthmology cannot m2ke the heavenly
city matexialiseinthis world andwhen the cwnulation ofknowiedgehas made our
world more unctain and unpredictable thai ec'er, Instead of taking us closer to
'th', 88 then one should not be surprlsed at the increasing lack of confidence in
reason and scienceonbothintellectual andpopulalevels.
Whatis slrildng, however, isthematchbetween, ontheonehan4, thecrifidsmof
rationality and scientific knowiedge from postmodernists aid, on the other, the
assertive voice of the religious woridview against which scientific rationality once
established itself. 89 In the case of Turkey, Keyder (1989:123) points out how in this
country, which is caugit up between the Islamic tradition and Western-style
modernity, the postmodern criticism of the discourse of modernity might be

88From a talk given by A. Giddens on 'Globalization, Culture aid Identity', Seminar

on Identity, Modemity and Politics, Department of Political Studies, SQAS, 17
Novexnber 1993.
89Crt.zdely, postmodernist thinkers argue that the uncertainty, ambiguity and
complexity of the contemporay world signify thefailure of theproject of modernity
to materialise a more certain aid manageable world for humanity. Notwithstanding
this failure, the posunodeinist argument goes on, the key components of modernity -
science aid reason - are both given authoritative status to generate !rruthl in the world
and, in this, they replaced theprevious, Le., pre-modern' sources of the claim to iruth,
among which one should mention God, the Church aid the religious woridview.
From this point of departure, postmodernism rejecls the totalizing truth claims of
sdence aid reason and considers scientiflckriowledgeon equal terms with the other
'grand narratives', Le., wrs of knowing and organising social reality (see Saup 1993:
131-9). Geliner regards the p ostmodeinlst movement as 'a living and contemporary
specimen of relativism': 'Posimodernin would seem to be rather dearly in favour of
relativism, in as far as it is capable of darity, and ho stile to the idea of unique,
exclusive, objective, external aid traisceident truth' (1992:24).
177
detrimental to the still premature modemizion of the country and camot help to
encourage the demand to restore the 'pre-modern' sodal relaions and regulations
which take thdr origins from Isiam. More recently, GQlalp has drawn tenfion to
connection between current Islamic radicalism and postmodernist thought

'if 'post-modernism refers to the idea of abandoning the goals of the

Enlightenmmt within the context of capitalism ... then the atempt to come to
terms with modernizion throug1i a pre-modern political Ideology is reflective of
the post-modern character of Islamic radicalisim ... the current crisis of
modernism has created an opportune environment for the Islamic critique [of
modernity]' (Gllalp 1992: 16).

Writers who are inclined to establish thelr intellectual position on Isiarnicworldviesv

have not missed to see the potential hidden within the postmo dnist discoursefor the
rehabilition of the religious worldvi recogising, also, Its challenge to all grand
narrives induding religion (Ahmed 1992).
The following pages, while dwelling on the Nshbandi perspective on the
modem world, suggest parallels between thepostmodern aitidsm of modernity and
the Naqshbandi rejection of modernity. I will delinee the Sheikh's view, taken for
granted and reproduced by the mrids, th out modern life and his celthrion of
Islamic dvilisation as against so-called 'modern cavfflsaion'. Finally, I will contrast
the Naqshbandi standpoint with those of some other important historical figures of the
so-called 'moden,ist trend' in Islam

6.1. A Skrh of theModerriz'ti on of the Iarnic World

The age of modernity started in Western Europe and stemmed from the crudal
historical events which had taken place there, such as the discovery of the New
World, the Renal ssaice, the Refoniiation, the Indusirial Revolution and, as the
ai1ininaiion of all these, the Enlightenment As is well known, the discourse of
modernity situed itself against traditional forms of life, and denoted such concepts
as innovon, change, novelty and progress (Keliner 1989: 3). Althougi it came out
of the sodal, economic, cultural and technological dynamics of the Western world,

178
the effects of whais calledmodern dnotremalnrestricxedto the Western sating
but pezvaded the rest of the world, The process called 'modernlzion' was nothing
other than the tension, not to mention imposition. ofthelogjc of modernity Into the
rest of the world. As a result of this, the ws of living and ththking about the world
and social reality current in and partkula to the West have been universaliserL For
the first time in the history of humanity, a paticula understanding of sodal reality
gained a universal status, which is by and large still the case today. In the name of
'modernity', the West has taken a ceniral position on the world stage in economic
political aid ailtura]iideologcal terms. Therefore, many times we make an equation,
consdously or unconsdously, bween the terms 'Western dvilisaion' and 'modern
dvilision' or we link the concepts with each other when we aeate the phrase,
'modern Western dvilisation'.
Among the civilisations of the 'old' world, one of the most resistant to this 'new'
(modern) dvilisailon has been Islam (c Geilner 1992: 5-6). Historically, the relation
bween the world of Islam and the world of non-Muslims had never been an easy
one The Ottoman Empire, which was the greatest power of medival Islam and the
only Islamic Empire that came Into dose contact with Western Christendom, did not
show, at thezenith of Its powe any willingness to know and learn about Firenstan
(the world of the Fmnks, which was used In the Empire to refer to Western Europe). It
was only with the realization, starting in the 18th century, of the military,
tethnological and economic superiority of the West vis--vis themselves that the
Ottomans began looking towards the West. This was initially an hesitant attempt to
cure the ifis of the Empire which, since the early 16L)Cs (even, accorthng to the
Ottoman annalists, since the second half of the 16th century) hI been in decay
internally aid entered a general downward course (DavIson 1938:53-4). At first
however, the reasons for the decadence ve sought in the internal dynamics, more
spedflcally, in the inadequacies aid mistales of the ruling mhinery, rather than in
the impact of the European tedmologcal aid military advance over the Islamic
world. Thus, 18th-century attempts to remedy the problems focused on providing the

179
moral reconsiruction of Muslim sodety and restoring its Islnic political cene
(Rahman 1970: 644; Esposito 1987: 39). Yet the decline in the world of Islam
continued and, at the beginning of the 19th century, the suprene power of the West
manifested itself more sharply than before Many Muslim territories in this century
either cane under direct Europeai control and colonisation, or were sub jugaid to the
West as a result of the enormous expansion of the European states backed by their
mighty militay technology (y oU 1982.: 87). It was clearly realised that the Islamic
East was far behind the developmentthe Christian West had made. Thus a shift took
place in the major areas of Islamdom from trying to revitalise the glorious experience
of the past towards initiating some reforms in the social, political and intellectual
domans In accord with the necessities of the 'modern age' and In order to solve the
problem of decline and backwardness vis--vis the West
What charactenses the 19th century, therefor is the crystallisation of Western
domination over the rest of the world through either Western colonialism or the
attempts by theindigenous rulers of some Islamic countries to reform aid modernise
the sodal and political system. Although direct colonial experience ceased in some
pats of the Muslim world in the first half of the 2.0th century, and elsewhere In the
second half, following the end of the Second World War, most of the newly emerged
nation-states in the Islamic world put the vy ideal of 'modernization' at the top of
their agenda Modernization was taken as 'social change' in line, with the logic and
values of modernity. What modernization really meant in practice for the Islamic
world, as well as for other non-Western so defies and cultures of the world, was
actually nothing but 'Westernization'. Both terms are still commonly and
interchangeably in use tod. I can mention, for instance a duster of terms used in
the context of Turkey such as garpli1mak (Westernization in the old usage),
muasirlasmak (modernization in the old usage), batihlasrnak (Westernization in the
new usage), cada asmak (mo dernizanon in the new usage) all of which ac referred
to by the. Sheikh and the mrids in their aifical and rejectionist approaches to v/nat I
broally call modernity, as elaborated inthefollowing pages.

180
6.7.. TheModrinWorldm the Naqthbandl Dinursc

The Shdkh's talks p&ticularly addressed to the Western andience are full of themes
related to the problemns and difficulties of living in the modern world. The despalr
thesepeople feel towards modernity matches the Sheilth's condemnation of the values
of this world and his suggestion that they move to spiritual experience. It seems that
the initial reasons which gave rise to Sufi mystidsm In Islan, such as thefrusiradons
of the pious with the currency of 'worldliness' in the Musiim setting, still hacie some
validity today in attracting disillusioned people in the West. On the other hand,
aificism and rejection of the credentials of the modern world go hand in hand with
renundation of attempts in the Islamic setting to modernise or Westernise the sodal
system.

Knowledge, Sdence and Reason

Many secular p eople typically equate low levels of education and high religiosity.
Indeed, they often assume that there is no great distance between i viorance and
religiosity. What might be surprising, however is to hear an equation made between
'ignorance and 'unbeli thati whoever does notbelievein God ., s/he is ignorant'.
Indeed, one of the most difficult things for the Sheikh and his followers to grasp is
how a person can both be literate and educated ('okurr.is') and say, 'there is no God',
'Ignorance has covered all the world', says the Sheikh in one of his addresses to a
predominantly Western adi ence, 'and its peak is to deny the edstence of Go d'.
Rendered in this way, the assertion poses the question. what then is the basis or
source of knowledge' for the Njshbandis. For sure, itis not sdence. The value given
to science as the main generator of knowledge is unacceptable to the Njshbandis.
'Sdeniific knowledge is zahiri (outwardly)', asserts a young Turkish mrid, 'and
cannot provide satisfactory answers to all matters, The knowledge which is really
important comes through the heat j)'. The Sheikh rejects sdence's authoritative
dam to knowledge and truth He challenges, for instance, scientific theory of

181
evolution which brings an explanation to the creation of the universe, the world aid
humankind (see Appendix 1). Infaet, he makes a distinction between 'knowledge. and

'science' in one of histaiks in English.

'There and endiess knowledgeistheknowledgeof Heavens [meaning,, of God

it is not [what) you are reading and writing about [sr], ailmal; fores, oceans,
mind, etc. That is not knowledg itis science. Science is onething, knowledge is
something else. Knowledge comes from Heaven. Makind is so foolish aid proud
that It does not accept the Heavenly message and does not look at what the holy
books say. They are looking a science and technology as if they are the sources
of true knowledge. Whereas the sources of "true" knowledge arethe holy books.
The scholars appreciate science morethan the holy books. This is the main reason
for the ignorance which has covered the whole world' April 1992 - the
Peckhan Mosque).

Althougli what the Shelkh means by 'true knowledg& above covers both esoteric

knowledge maifet) and the scholarly knowledge (i or m, one gets the

impression that his reference comes much closer to the former than the latter. The
word is also often brougit up particularly in discussions and debates related to

the position of the ulem who are the cariers of scholarly knowledge dh!) in Iam
vis--vis the sheikhs who guide disciples in the acquisition of esoteric knowledge of

God (marifet). 9 Yet the Sheikh also uses the word ilm in the context of what the
term means in conventional (modern) usage and evaluates its relevance in Islam. He

argues that knowledge as such is not considered essential to provide one with virtue,

for knowledgewithout faith is a the service of and, accordingly, Satan. What

leads to the virtuous life is edeb (good manners) not jim (knowledge). Therefore,

what is important is for one to have before knowledge. In one of his talks to his

TUrkiSh mrids, the Sheikh elaborates the idea as follows:

The most valuable and precious thing in the world is Allah gives jim to
anyone who asks for it And tod no one is able to catch the Jews in ilm. Among
the Angels, Allah gave plenty of knowledge to Satan. Yet having such an
enormous aniount ofj, he could not knowhowto behave mwards Allah. Unless
knowledge teaches or forces man to behave towards God with proper manners
(edeb), that cannot beknowledge. , first aid forernost L is the power thatmakes
a person, who is the servant of God, knowhis/herplace. All troubles come when

90See Chapter 2, pp. 76-73 and chapter 10, pp. A discussion of the Isianic
dichotomization of the notion of 1now1edge as urn and maifet with reference to
Turkey is in Tapper aid Tapper (1991: 71-74).
182
 no one knows his/her place thaddini bilmnek). Despite having a lot of
knowledge, Satan did nothesitateto staid up in the presence of Allah. H ethougiit
th his knowledge cane from himsdf. In other words, as soon as he forgot Allah
hebecane edebsiz [insolent]. He exceeded hisplace.. Therefore, when knowledge
erilages on&s nefs, thls haniful knowledge It makes man fall down to the state
to which Satanfell. In fa Urn should beused to break thenefs of man. Becaise,
nefs dams, "I am God too". This is hidden indemaL Whacever feeds ns, itis
dangerous. Nefs always wants to say, "I am something". [Thus] knowledge as
such feeds ones , while edeb weskens it And edeb is necessary for us. The
real edeb also &acts thenecessayknowlexlge' (May 1992- A privehouse).
Concerning the Western univeriies which ac the institutions of thssninaing
knowledge, the Shelkh asserts th they are used by Jews and the Cristians to divert
people's minds from thereal sources of knowledge which lie in the holy books, and
also to misinform people about Islam. For Instance, teaehing posts in Islamic studies
in Oxford and Cambridge ac all controlled by Jews.
As for 'reason', for which the Sheikh uses the Turkish word akil, it is neither
rejected nor considered the key to knowledge A leaLling Turkish Cypriot mhid
agues that a person gets nowhere with the knowledge gained througii akil, since akil
has its own limits and cannot embrace the Infinite'. Reason as ith does not takeman
anywhere but thewrong path. It should be accompanied byiman (faith). In fact, akil
and iman are insepaable. The Shelith tells his Turkish mCirlds the connection between
reason aid faith as follows:
'Akil is God's greatest gift (lutf ihsan) to us. God sent three things to Adam
through Archangel Gabriel; akil (reason), iman (faith) and (modesty), and
said "choose one of then and get it". Adam those akil. Thereupon Archangel
Gabriel said, "Okay, iman aid ha you both go back". Iman aid said, Nii,
we. cannotTM . "Why", asked Archangel Gabriel. They said, N G O d ordered us to be
with akil forever" ... So the man who has akil has also imai and . A man
without akil has neitherimai nor a. Reason is the basis of faith and Islam.
There ac two types of akiL One is the akil which belongs to the Hereter (ahiret)
aid prepaes us for the other world (aid-i mean. This akil directs us to do things
related to thir The other is the ala! which belongs to this world aid forms our
worldly life (aid-i maa). Whoever has the for the other world, s/he makes a
profit Whoever has got the for this dny a, s/he is in defidt Becaise, the
fort given to this world is nil. When the world becomes nil, everything you give
to theworid will benil. The akil for ahiretis continuous aid always increasing. It
is yours forever. Therore, all the Prophets hace aid-i meat The one who has got
aid-i me rules the world. The akil for this world does not give you any honour.
The one who has got alul for this world knows every Satanic trick of this world.
S/he does not know about ahiret. S/lie does not know anything about goodness,
worship, Allah, the Prophet. The alul must be the one which is useiul for our
deeds related m thelifeof ahir (17 May 1992- Private house).

183
In regad to philosophy, the Shethh says that philosophy is a false view (Felsefe
dedii. yalan g rG) and that there is no philosophy in Islam. He denounces p eople
who use such phrases as rny philosophy of life' (' y aan felsef an').

Modan Wern Civilisation'

The Sheikh is, in theword of a half-British half-Pakistani mhid iti-modanist'. He

defines the 20th century as 'the century of (unbelief) aid atheism' (see below).
:Rather thai swing 'Western dvilisadon', he suggests Western "undvilision" [...]
which cares more for dogs than humans'. Herejecis the viewthat modem dvilisation
is the best one humankind has ever rehed in the woild 'Western people dam that
they haverearhed thepeak of "dvilision". They aewrong. They havereached the
peak of wildness [savagay]'. Regadingtechnology, theSheikh does not ccnsiderit a
sign of dvilisation. He asserts that 'technology feeds violence in people and makes
people wild animals. It is a shame for the Muslims that they wait to follow and
imitate this wildness generated by the kfr. They [the Muslims] forget that "non-
Muslims" have never been and will never be friendly with the Muslims'.
The Sheikh defines Western civilison also as 'an atheist dvilisation' which
fights against every faith but paticulaly Islam. The major credentials of this
dvilisation ae delineated by the Sheikh as 'atheism', 'secularism' and 'liberalism. He
feels disturbed that in the setting in v*iith this clvilisation is .irrent churches aid
mosques do not have any influence on the p eople
'The atheist education destroys every good thing which people ha! before. The
modern educon institutions teach children not to believe anything. They say,
"do not bell erie anything if you want to enjoy your life" (20 April 1992 - the
Derah).
'That is the sign of modernity: denying! They deny the existence of Allah and sy
everything was aeaed by "nature". That is the ultimate ignoraice Nature! The
very label of the 20th itury Atheism! The century of atheism; the century of
error (batil)'. The scientists mostly go towads atheism. They reject the esistence
of A1IaK Asking "where Allah is" is avery ignorant quesfion They ae sthclars
for Satan Everywhere In this world is against the Sharia of Allah' 8 M 7 1992 -
theDerah seealso Appendizl).

Liberalism, too, is castigated as the caise of the enormous increase in divorce rates.
'Even the Royal Family [of Britain]', asserts the Sheflth, 'cannot save their children
184
from getting divorced'. 'Human1sn is also not teptthle since it puts humans a the
centre of everything, whereas a human is but a servant to God. So, humanism feeds
the feeling in people tha they are supreme belngs. It brings the human to the same
level as Saan.
Slarism on the other hand, is depici:ed by the Sheikh as the 20th century's
great ignorance. He expresses a particular anger at the content of education
programmes which, he contends, are based on secular and anti-religious frameworks.
'All schools and universities are tha point; secular systems are everywhere out
to destroy faith, to destroy the beliefs of humanity in the eternal life through the
holy books. They [the secular people] are against holy books and caise people to
fall into misy and to iffer much more.. [On the other hand] people aremore like
sheep and do not tell the governments Nwha are you te&bing our children?; why
are you not preparing them for eternal life. No English people, no Christian
people, no Jewish people, no Turkish people, no Russians, no Arabs, Americans
are asking this. Thais the greaest problem for humanity. Tha is the source of
all miseries and troubles. Wrong systems, wrong educaionai systs, tha is, the
secular system which is against the holy books, against Heavenly knowledge...
And Churches do not say anything; bishops, patriarchs, popes, all religious
people, not asking anything [such as], NW}Y are you not preparing our children
for eternal life"? Do you think pubs can teach our children about eternal life?
Where is the government? So no more blessings are corning [to the world by
God]' (3 April 1992 - the Derah).

Thus, Sheikh Nirn and his followers believe tha all these advances of the so-called

modem civilisaion do indicaeto nothing other than the triumph of gnorance over
the 'Truth'. The Sheikh refers to an old Turkish saying: 'Ignorance has covered the
whole world// People do not know the faith' (Cehalet sarth cihani II Sorsalar bilmez
imani)..91
According to the Sheikh, the heart of this crud modern dvillsaion bears in the
big cities. Therefore, thefutureofthebig dfiesis not good. Thecountryside, onthe
other hand, gives people more chance to rest and feel in peace, since The "foolish"
competition current In city life does not edst there'. Qty life. has cut people off from
thdr roots, which liein ajiculture, for 'the first man was a farmer and a shepherd'.
Sometimes, the eikh's discourseisreminiscit ofthaofthe'Greens,:

9l Ayata finds the same perspecxive on the modern world in the journal of another
Naqshbandi drdein Turkey, which depicts the Western system as The contenporary
form of ignorance' (1991: 229).
185
 'Today, the countryside is also being destroyed thanks to foolith technology;
tractors poison the world and the men who use them. Whereas Allah created the
ox for ploughing. Man should try to make the world much more green, for
through 'green' one reaches the mercy of Allah. To plant atreein the countiyside
Is a sadaka (alms). Yet, people are rather destroyers not builders. Technology has
taken people away from nature. Nature is mother. Technology makes people sick
and depressed. The whole technology is the work of Satan' (7 AprIl 1992 - the
D erah).

In asmall booklet, the Shd.khraisestheissueof the destruction ofnaurebypeople

and elaborates itfroman Islamic perspective
'I saw a lady using ... half a bottle of detergent for washing just one cup [without
realising] that ... shewas poisoning the oceans and the seas. ... With which right
are we doing that? Why are we wasting? Only one drop could be enough for so
many plates and cups. But we think we have to use it like, that. Every drop is
killing so many things in the oceans. Allah is preventing you arid saying, "Don't
waste!" ... I am listening, hearing and even seeing ... through Europe that ... plants
and forests are dying. For what? For you to be able to waste! Becanse you ac
such dvilised people that you must use everything as you like and factories must
work twenty-four hours a day and poison the air non-stop. ... We are only hamed
by technology. ... It is only destroying mankind physically and spiritually. "Don't
waste!" is the Holy Command which is preventing mankind. And in our days
everything is wasted. In the end punishment will come to mankind' (Sheikh
Nim 1990: 3-8).
As for the question as to what then dvilisation really is, the Sheikh lays emphasis on
achieving the brotherhood' of people. That is the main obligation of mankind; to
achievebrotherhood among people and nations. This brotherhood can only be learnt
through Heavenly teachings [i.e., the teachings of God through the holy books]. The
best example for brotherhood can also be found in the time of the Prophet. It is only
when mankind is able to reach this example of the ?rophet's time that one can talk
about The peak of dvilisation', In other words, the real substance of what is called
'dvilisation' should be sought in moral elevation rather than mere scientific and
technological advances. Inthis sense, thefoundations of dvilisionlayinIslatm As a
young Turkish-Cypriot mrid put it
'They [the Westerners] are talldng about this age as "dvilisation". What is this
dvillsation? People are starving in some pats of thewoxld they are also suffering
from nudear bombs. There is an enormous pollution which threatens life in the
world. Areallthesetheproducts of civilisation? This cannotbedvilisation. This
is just 'technological advance, but nothing else. Islam is the dvilisaion'.

186
Mother key component of modem life is Indivi dual freedom' or autonomy, that is to
say, the exnandpation of the individual from hislher trlifional (primordial) bonds
such as family, kinship, dan and ethnic affiliations of other kinds, and from the
patterns of traditional thinking. The Sheikh condemns the idea of absolute freedom.
He insists that limits are necessary for mankind. As mentioned In the chapter on
the wish for freedom is a desire of nefs aid drags one to nowhere but the side of
Satan. So, bylayingtoo much nphasis onh man freedom, 20th-century dvillsation
has brought the people in the world to the edge of chaos, violence aid destruction.
Whatis desperateiyneeded, rath is abariertotheendlesswishes of people, sothat
it could bepossibleto livein the world in an orderly and peaceful way. However, this
modern world is not capable of realising this since it is on the side of Sataninstead of
Allah. It is a merely materialist world. He says, Islam is coming to save people from
matialisin
'Mankind is day by day getdngmuthmoremater1alist whichmeais asldngmuch
more p1 easure for their physical being. Materi all sts are never Interested in spiritual
things. They are denying another life beyond this life They are trying to deny
even their souls v/nich belong to Heaven. They are saying there is no heaven.
They are denying that which they cannot touch, see arid hear Therefore, they are
denying the heavens, prophets, holy books, etc. They never use their minds, Satan
makes theni say no heavens, no eternal life, no Creator, no life beyond this life;
life is only this material life; no spiritual life. They are drunken aid cheated
people' (6 Mach 1992 - the Peckhan Mosque).

The Sheikh critidses the people of today for being too obsessed vith outward
appearanceinstead of caring about inward ethics. For the Sheikh, the lifein this world
which is appreciated by humanity very much today, is actually the lowest aid dirdest
life. Alas, peoplepreferthis pointless, dirly, tastelesslifeto eternal andheaverily life.

Batil'm K uran (The Ordure of the Wet)92

The modernised or, better to say, Westernised people living in the Muthrn countries
consdmte another matter which the Sheikh very often addresses. Accarding to the

92AJthough the Turkish words Bi (the West) arid Bani (the erroneous) have very
similar sound, and the eJkh defines the Western way of life aid civifisarion asj,
I did not come arross his ddiberarepunnirigofthesewords.
187
Sheikh, what the Muslim people are fadng today is much worse than implied in the
term brainwashing'; itis brain-pollution. This is the result of the continuous trend of
the way of Westernization.
'Every Muslim country tries to be a copy of the Western world. People in the
Muslim countries are happy with and proud of looking like the Western people.
[As a result], the Muslim countries are always behind the non-Muslim countries.
The Muslim world is the tail, the Western world is the head. It is the rulers who
are responsible and shouldbe blamed for this' (24 May 1992 - theDergah).

As against the technological power of the Western, non-Muslim, world, the Sheikh
advises the m(hids (the Muslims in general) to ask support from God and not to be
scared of it. He asserts for instance that whoever fears nuclear bombs, s/he has no
faith iman).
On another occasion, the Sheikh's anger at the Westernization of the Muslim
countries, in particular, Turkey, turns into an outhurst
'In the name of adahk (modernity), the West exports all its dirt to the Islamic
world which, in turn, welcomes it. Cadashk is nothing but the ordure of b
(baulin kzura). Yet the Muslims welcome it! Even if they [the Muslim
countries] &eindiscordwith each other on someparticular matters, they all meet
in turning their faces towards bal. Batil will collapse all over the world. The
present world is the dirtiest world of all. Europe exports its dirt without any
measure. We accept it in the name of adahk (modernity). Themodernity of
Europe is its kzurat (ordure). They [the westernised rulers and elite in the
Muslim world, Turkey particularly in mind] cannot say Islamhk or Msh'miathk
Neither can they say, 'we will reach the sublimity of Islam. They say, 'we will
become adas. With whom will they be adas?; with batil and by eating their
ordure. Unfortunately, that is our predicament They look like the big rats living
in the sewers and feed themselves with dirt. Both the Muslim and non-Muslim
worlds are in the same situation, The batd exports its dirt, and the Muslims
welcome it in the name of arpklmak, batih1amak, cadaamak, aid so on.
They followed them in their thoughts, customs, morality, immorality and
irrdigiosities. They try to be like them from head to feet How this terrible
situation will change, I do not know! I wish no technology, no elerxricity, no
televisionhadcorneto thelands of Isla electridty did not enlightenpeople, but
darkened their world by bringing all the dirt even to the remotest places of the
Muslim world. All dirt is raining in the homes througii the movies on the TV.
People are eating than and not complaning. They are happy with the kanira of
Europe. You cannot control it. It is out of control. Even if the government use all
its power, it is impossible to control it We are swimming in a sea of kazurat
coming from the We There is no cadaik in Europe. Even [when] they [the
Europeans] do not daim any adalik ... ours [bizimkila-1 call it so. The Muslim
world should stop Imitating the West. They should not intend to change from
being oriental to occidental' (17 Nisan 1992 - Private house).

188
The Sheikh's last point is one of the mo common subjects taken up by the mihids,
particulariy the Western converts, in their discussions. That is to s, while Western
people are trying to make a return to their traditional 'pre-modern' heritage and life
styles, which are still available in the Iamic/eastein culture settings despite all
destructions, the Muslims try to get rid of them aid, inste to be Westerni secL An
Enshmhid. forinstance, strikes thepointby swing, 'wearebecoming easternised,
they [the people in the Muslim countries] are becoming Westemni sed'. Concerning the
difference between the older generations of Muslims, mast of whom have been
thoroughly open to the effects of Westernisation and have igiored their Muslim
heritage, and the younger generations who are more dedsive. and willing to assert
their Muim identities, Sheilth Yusuf expresses his hopes that these children would
not be quite so submissive to the West as their fathers and gandfathers were. He adds
that wherever aid whenever the Muslims try to follow the exact path of the Prophet
(sunna), the Westemers lthel them extremists, whereas they are very happy aid
fxiendlywiththeMuslimswho havelosttheirfaithinthdr own Is1amic)cultureand

life but imitate the Western people.

In regard to items or products of modern life, we have a number of interesting
metaphorical phrases from the Sheikh, which are also reproduced by the m(hids from
time to lime. For instance, the Sheikh states that he is happy to hea that 'computers
are sick' today. What he means is the virus progmes which damagethe files in the
computers. He relates this to the power of Allah. As a result of the arrival of
computers in our life, the Sheikh argues, the peoples minds are emptied no all the
knowledge they have is in the computers. The tedmology of the 20th century has
male the people 'robots'. They do not think or use their minds; they are doing just
v.1iat they aetold to do.
The rnCirids regard watching television as a harmful habit and call television
'Satan'. This, however, does not prevent them from watching television. A mihid
desaibes another's wherethouts by swing, he is just sitting in front of Satan aid
watching it. Once Selim (see pp. 269-271) exhorted the palidpants in his talk

189
following the zikr as follows: 'Television is the business of Satan (relevizyon Seytan
Isidir); through thefilms, it triesto makemanforger Allah. That does notmeanwe
never watch it Ye we. canwach, butwithoutforgerting Allah. and we should not be
bewitched by ii.
Electricity, on the other hand., is identified with djinns. A Tuikish Cypriot mhid
mentions the Koran in this respect 'In the Koran, there is an which says that
Allah created djinns from a fire which has no smoke. This definition fits electricity.
When the Mandi comes down, hewill turn off all the electrical and mechanical
equipment used so intensively by the people today.'
For the Sheikh, sportive activities, which are the most popular aspect of the
modem world, are only serving nefs and feeding peopl&s violent nature. He
particularly mentions football and boxing in this regard. Once, amijrid asked him
what sporthe couldrecommend, theSheilth answered, 'Make sportvAthyourwife!'

6.3. An Hiaorical Cornparin: Modernism and odernin in Iam

The 19th and ealy2Oth centuries wiinessed the domination of apiiailar current of
thought in the Muslim world, that is, the reformist-modernist trend. The leling
Muslim thinkers of this period acknowiedge.d the Importance of science, tethnology
and reason which were thrust upon the globe by Western modernity. 93 The main
objective of the Islamic modernists was to rormulate Islamic thought and reshape
Isiamic sodery by integrating modern (Western) science, thought and institutions
with Isiamic traditiort 94 For instance, Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1839-1897), a pie.-
eminent figure in this trend and arguably its leading ideological architect, supported
the adoption of the scientific, even philosophical, knovAedge of the West in Isiam
and, therore, met opposition from the (conservative) ulema of his time, vho

93Even in the ideas of the quasi-Sufi thinkers of this piod, such as BedWzzanan
Said Nursi, one can co ross therecognitton of the iirortaice of Weern science
and of its quisidon by the Muslims (Madin 1989: 2C3-204).
94Themodernist trend in Isln is one of the most popular topics in scholarly studies
of Isiam See, amg others Adams 1933, Houraii 1970 aid Voll 1982.
190
regarded philosophy as the enemy of Islam (Adams 1933: 13; Rabman 1970: 642 -
remember also Sheikh Nirn's view of philosophy as 'false view which has no place
in Islam). Afghani counteracted these accusations by arlvocating that Those who
forbid science and knowledge in the belief that they are safeguarding the Islamic
religion are really the enies of that religion' (quoted in Donohue aid Esposito
1982: 189). In the Indian Subcontinent, Sayyid Ahmed Khan (1817-1898), another
forerunner of Islamic modernism, supported the integration of modern scientific
thought with Islam to the extent of asserting that 'nature, which is the work of God, is
identical with the Koran, which is the word of God' (Voll 1982: 112-3). One should
also mention, among others, the contribution of Afghani's pupil Muhamm1 Abduh
(1849-1905) whose principal alm was to reconcile Islam with modern thought and

who suggested that thetraditional Islanic concepts of, xnaslahat and icma were
equivalent to the modern Western notions of 'parliamentary democracy',
'utilitarianism' and public opinion' (Hourani 1970: 144). Succeeding generations of
Muslim thinkers, though diverging from each other in their ideological orientons,
maintained, in one way or another, the legacy of this modernist irend in their
formulations. From the 1vocates of a genuine Islamic political system such as
RashidRid Hasan al-Bann SayyidQuth andM1anaMawdudi to liberalminded
Muslim intelleci:uals such as Muhanm&I and Al! Abd al-Riq, Taha Husain and
Muhammad Iqbal, one can find the traces of Islamic modernism in the ideas of
various influential figures of the Islamic world in the 20th century.
In sum, in the 19th aid early 20th centuries, the average view in the Muslim
world, taken not only by thinkers but also to a great extent by the official cirdes, was
that The values of Islam and those of Western science could be merged in a new
synthesis' (Mardin 1989: 204). One cannot avoid reflecting upon the concurrence of
the advance of this modernist trend in Islam and the heyday of the modernist
paradigm in the West, in which positivism, rationality and seaflari&n were so
predominant In the age of latemodernity or postmodernisrn, one cannot expecx the
arguments held by the Islamicmodernists to surviveunscathed. Indeed it is the case

191
that just as postrnodernist thought in the West is expressing disappointment with the
modernist project, so the apologetic Islamic modernism of the earlier periods is being
challenged by the assertive Islamic anti-modernism of which Sheikh Nazim and his
community nil ght be cons! dered an example. Rather than arguing the camp atibifity of
Islamictradifion with science, technology aid 'modern' thought the Sheikh rejects the
aithoritativedaim of science to knowledge and truths considers philosophy as a false
view', aid disregards tedmology which 1 he believes, harms humanity rather than
makingthe world easier to live in. In contrast to the search of the modernistreformers
such as Abduh to &commodate the idea of democracy into Islam, he condemns such
an attempt since he considers democry alien to Islam (see Chapter 8). In f& he
strongly rejects considering Western modernity as a dvilisation per se instead he
argues that the only 'dvflisation' is in Islam..
Indeed, what is current in Islamic intellectual cirdes today is not the idea of
accommodation between Western scientific knowledge and Islam but rather theidea
of The islamization of knowiedge through recapturing the ability to think Islarilcally
and reconstructing Muslim scholarship which has been dominated for centuries by
Western intellectual paradigns' (Davies 1938: 77 and 127). Not surprisingly, in their
attempt to islamize knowledge, Muslim thinkers of today draw on the. ideas of such
(Western') philosophers as Kuhn and Foucault who emphasised in. their major studies
the illusory nature of the idea of universal science and the relativity and discursive
construction of science and knowledge (see Dacries 1988: 11-26). On this basis,
Davies argues: What is missing from the debate about the nature of the dominant
orthodox science is not the fact that it is rooted in. society but that it is rooted in the
society of Western Europe' ibi4!., 18).
A parallel development has been observed in. the case of contemporay Muslim
intellectuals of Turkey who, unlike their predecessors, reject the idea of the
inteion of Islamictradition with Western sdenti& thought aid also draw on the
works of the Western critics of modern science and dvfflsation such as Kuhn,

192
Feyerabend and Foucailt 95 They consider the attempts of modernist Muslim
thinkers of the late 19th and ely 20th centurIes 'to Justify Islanic principles from the
standpoint of Western perspective' the basic mistake caused by their feeling of
inferiority before the power of the West (Meeker 1991: 190). All these seem to
lridicaethatthe change in the discourse of modernity in theWest, which renders it no
longer as a universalised project but one subject to constant reconsideration and
criticism, is acknowledged by Islamic intellectual circles, as once the Ivance of
modem science and thougit was acknowledged by the pre-eminent Muslim thinkers
of the 19th century. This development goes hand-in-hand with a decisive rejection of
Western modernity and with an attempt to reconstruct Islarniclnteflecuiai paradigms.
Given the analysis of the reflections of Shelkh Nams circle on the modern
world, it appears that this kind of rejectionist discourse of modernity is not at all
exclusive to Muslim intdlecivals but is also consiructed at popular levels by
trailitional Muslim leaders such as She,ikh Nm. Nonetheless, one should bear in
mind that while contemporary Muslim intellectuals are by-products of the process of
modernizationin Thrkey(, 189), Sufi organisations such as that of Shelkh Nm
are iraditional assodons surviving in the face of a modernization process which
threatened their very essence. All the same, what makes this rejectionist discourse
attractive seems the current predicament of ma derniiy, that is, the increasing disbelief
inthemodemistprojea within its ownhomelaid, the West.

6.4. Carniiigta Termswlth Modernity

Although the Sheikh and his followers conduct themselves in a way vbich a first
sig vves an impression of refusal to use the products of modem life, this appears to
be a matter of principle or Ideological stance. In practice,I3hey cannot escape the
reality of breathing within a modern Western sating. The fact that the values aid
outcomes of modem life encircle his community drives the Sheikh to follow a

95From anunpublishedpaperbyG. etinsya (1990: 13-4).

193
saegy of acommodation in his dealing with the mOrids. In other words, becaise of

his followers' unease at being caight between the values of the two different woiids'

(one Islamic, the other Western), the Sheilch has to compromise his hostility to

modernity. This is particularly so in situations where his disciples have difficulties

complyingwiththerules of their Sufi orderinthewidermodern society. Forinstanc

the Sheikh considers wearing a turban in nearly all public appearances one of the

essential conditions not only of being a Naqshbandi alept but also of being a Muslim
and, thus, aitidses other Muslims for not complying with this condition. However,

he concedes the choice of young Turkish Cypriot mihids who prefer not to wear their
turbans in order not to startle people, particularly at work. In f&Z many of the

Sheikh's disciples ac dressed conventionally at work and on occasions unrdated to

tarikat activity. A common cuse they give is that if they wear their turbans, robes

and baggy ousers at work, their workmaes, who are generally un-sympathetic if not

hostile to Islam, will tease them and makefun of their appearance.

Some interesting juxtaposidons of Islamic and modern symbols are also

obseivablein disciples' conduct, For example the use of misvalc a stick of wood

beateninto fibreaoneendto function as atoothbrush, isregaded as sunn thatis, a

conduct of the Prophet, and it is, therefore, a common practice among many Muslims.

The Sheikh generally uses his misvak on ritual occasions, such as before prayers,

before saying duas following the prayers, before a sermon or a talk. The mrids

imitate their Sheikh inthis respect, yet one can also observe theznusingtheir misvaks

on non-ritual occasions. Some of them argue that it is more healthy to use than a

toothbrush.
This frequent appearance of pieces of misvak inthehands of the mt'iids cai drive

an impatient observer to the conclusion that it represents a symbolicrejection of the

'modern' toothbrush. However, closer investigation reveals that the sltuation is more

complicated. During my visit to Sheffield together with the Sheikh and a group of

mt'rids, I stayed In an EngJith mCirid's housefor anight Apart from me, other guests
induded a German couple, another Engiishmat and a Turkish Cypriot all of whom

194
were mh1ds. The mhids of Western origins, including our host, were among those I
had observed using misvak on several occasions before. It was surprising to me,,
therefore, when, In the morning,, I saw toothbrushes, two for adults aid two for
children thehostmthidwasmarniedwithtwo sons) and sornehighqua]itytoothpaste
in the bathroorm Moreovei the German m(rid, one of themost prominent disciples of
the Sheikh, came out of the bathroom with his own toothbrush aid toothpaste in his
hand. He was so well-prepared in his journey that he had not forgotten to take his
toothbrush and toothpastewith him. The same mOn ds would take their ml sv aks out of
thrp o ck ets later during the prayers. Thus, the use of misvak, which had once been
functional, though with religious assodations 96 is now used in an explicitly
'symbolic: way, at leatby these mrids, ifnotby the Sheikh: I have no idea whether
the Shelkh uses a toothbrush or not.
Despite all the harsh words about the modern world and technology, there
appears to beno determination In the comrnunityto reject all thematerial products of
that world and technology. In particular, the mrids do not hesitate to use equipment
such asvideo andtapereccrdersto recordtheSheikh andhis speeches. Nordoesthe
Sheikh discourage them. Another point should be made dear at this point
Notwithstand.ing his opposition to theimpx of modernity onthelives of people, the
Sheikh does not turn down any invitation from people who do not live according to
the requirements of Islam and are attracted by modem Western life style. His
rejection of modernity does not as in the case of some other Islanic organisations,
reach the level of complete withdrawal from the wider society. All these and other
features of the Sheikh (see Chapter 9), such as his openness to every sort ofpeople,
non-Muslims as well as Muslims, his fldble attitude towards the observance of
Islamic precepts, aid his tolerance of women in the taik bring him nearer to the
'modern' rather than 'anti-modern', compared, p arti cal aly, to some other

96Notice, for instance, the benefits gained through using misvalc listed iii a dictionary
of Islamicfrellglous terms 'Mlsvak ... strengthens tooth gum, ... removes bad breath
aid mua.i ... cleans the mouth, ... upsetS Satan ... [and] brings much more reward
(sevth of God to someonevtho performs prayer aft rbrushing Ms/her teeth with it
(Trkiye Getesi Dm1 Terimler S7I1Yg1I II, ncL: 25).
195
representatives of the Njshbandi order, such as Mahmud Hoca in Turkey (see pp.
255-256) who organises his community like an Islamic 'ghetto' within modern
Turkish society (alur 1990: 61).
Of course, the members of the community juslify acxions which do not seem to
conform to the rules and expections of Islam. These jusdficaions are mostly me
by claiming the Shdkh's approval. One of the well-off Turkish Cypriot mhids
confessed tha he was doing business based on nterest' (g) which is slrictly
forbidden Charam) in Islam. He says, however, tha the Sheikh h1 allowed him to do
so. This means thathe Shelkhpermittedhimto do something forbidden intheKoran!
On another occasi on a young Turid sh Cypriot mri d justified taking interest from the
bank as follows: 'The Jew (Yahudi. meaning, the banking company!) takes my
money, does business and, in the end, makes profit by using my money. So, v/ny not
get my share of his profit me from my own money? This is not fair, this is the
money I deservedto get Iheardthis from theSheikh too.'
As compared to Mahmud Hoca, Sheikh Nim can arguably be considered
'modern, although he himself would deny the labeL Within the Turkish-Narjshbandi
irailition, however, another contemporary figure appears to ou1trip Sheikh Nanm in
this respect Esa Coan thepresent Sheikhof oneofthemostprominentNaqshbandi
drdes in Turkey, the Iskender Paa Cemnaat in Istanbul. A retired professor of Islamic
theology from Ankara University, Sheikh Coan has both titles of shelkh and
The halife and son-in-law of the c.elebmaed Naishbandi Sheikh of Turkey in the
second half of this century, Mthmed Zahid Kotku, Coan replar.ed the later as the
Sheikh of tskender Paa after Kotku's de&h in 1980. His succession, however, was
not without difficulty, since he was opposed by one of Sheikh Kotku's prominent
followers, Necmettin Erbakai.The leader of the only legal Islamic Parry in Turkey,
Erbakan had run the party orgaisation more or less under Kotku's supervision until
the latter's deah, but he seemed not to acknowledge Coan's aithority as the new

97For an extended &count of the Iskender Paa Nshbandi drde, Shelkh Kotku and
SheilchCoa, seecakir (1990: 17-55).
196
leader of the community, and distanced himself and his p&ty colleagues, most of
4,e.
whom were also senior menibers ofommunity, from Coan (akir 1990: 35-54). In
response, Coan withdrew his support fromthe Paty and, Instead, himself dedded to
increase his involvement in politics even to the extent of considering establishing
another party. Although this project has not yet been realised, it is a fact that
following the succession of Coan, the Iskender Paa circle's lnvo1vnent in the
political processes in Turkey has become more expressive and tive through regular
publication (books and a number of monthly journals) and the running of a trust

(k).
Although he also advocates an Islanic social and political systn as against the
Western style social organisation, Coan's approh to the conditions and
requirements of modern life are far from total rejection but rather a-c adaptive While
Sheikh Kotku had followed a delicate strategy to maintain the balance between
(Islamic) tradition arid modernization In Turkey, Coan, In the faze of changing
circumstances in the country, has changed this balance in favour of modernization
and adopted a strategy which can be desaibed as approving modernization against
[Western] modernity' (akir 1990: 44-7).
On one occasion during my fieldworl Sheikh Coan was in London and I had a
chance to listen to him at a meeting organised by a Turkish Muslim student
association in London known as TUrkyar. At first sight, Sheikh Coan seemed to me a
Muslim intellectual, even an academic, rather than a Sufi shelkh. In contrast to Sheikh
Nzim he was not wearing traditional dress such as along coat, a turban and baggy
trousers instead, he was dressed in a Western suit aid shirt (without a tie, though)
aid, more Inortantly his head was uncoverecL He put a cap only when he later led a
prayer performance.
Inbis tall Shcilth Coan focused on the issue of doing post-graduate study in the
West and, related to this, the importance of science. As against heikh Nanm's clear
rejection of the value of modern science, ieikh Coan displayed an apparent faith in
science. He regarded doing a PhD in the West as a great opportunity and advised

197
studeniB i realise howludythey are. aid, therefore, to studyhard in order to deserve
it. Shdkh Nin as has been mentioned, sees Western universities as run by the Jews
and Christians as aganst Islam, and opposes the idea of doing MA and PhD in the
West
Sheikh Coai's dearly positive approach to science In general and Western university
education in particular might be rdated to the fact that he tanght for yeas in a
university departmat and has a background far renoved from traditional medrese
educion. The two shJths differ in some other respects, too, such as Sheikh Coan's
approval of the idea ofg as the basis of Islamic political organisation, which is
strongly rejected by She.Ikh N?zlm as not Islamic a all (see chapters 8 and 9).

198
 CHAPTER SEVEN

WAITING FOR THE MAIIDI

MILLE NARIAN TRENDS IN T HE NAQSHBANDI WORLDVIEW

199
We are waiting for the pearance of the Mthdi. That is what differentiates us from
other Islnicgoups or dations'. Thesewords by a Turkish-Cypriot mhid both
point to a distinctive aspect of the world view of Sheikh Nim's Naqshbanclt
community and indicatethe centrality of themillenarian motif in ii discourse. Much
anthropological writing on miUenarianin has concentrated on movements connected
with or deriving from Christianity in a world-wide context, such as new religious
movements and cargo cults (e.g., Wilson 1975). The Islamic millenarian tradition,
which ca be called Mandism, has, on the other hand, remained outside the focus of
anthropological investigation. This is probably due to the fact that the well-known
inslBnces of Is amicmillenarianisrn were the movements of the past, particularly the
19th century (see below, pp.204-206). Contemporary Islamic millenaxianism which
could be subject to ethnographic enquiry has rarely caight attention of
anthropologists. Yet millenarianism is a feature of many local islams. As the
statement above indicates, the London Nshbanth community of Sheikh Nim is a
casein point
Througout my fieldwork, Iwas struckby theridmess and extent of the discourse
in this particular Nshbandi community concerning the Mandi, thernessianic figure
of Muslim millenarianism. In the following I describe aspects of the Naqshbandi
belief in the appearance of the Mandi

7.L An Tniroducnon to Milienarianin

Integral to many religious creeds, millenarianisin involves the expectation of certain

esthatological events which will caise large-scale tranormations in the world, end
suffering and bring peaz and salvation for humanity. It is a belief in 'the Heaily
city appearing on earth' (Talmon 1968: 351). In most eases, a divine personage or
messianicflgureis attheheart of arnillenanan conception. 98 Such apersonage, who

98 0f course, not all cases of millenarianism necessarily involve such a personage. As

Wilson points out 'Althougit millenarian movements ac frequently referred as
'messianic movements, there is no necessary coincidence between the two, in that
whilst a saviour usually iirlies some type of millennium, not all mfllnialist visions
200
appears as the saviourto the believers in aparticular religious creed, is considered by

them as ordained by Divinity and endowed with supernural power to achieve the
task of delivering them from the misenes of the world. From this perspective,

millenarianism is equaed with the belief in the appearance of a divinely

ordained Sac iour who, towards the end of this world, will re-establish peace and

justice (of God) in the world and lead believers to salvion In the case of Judaism,

the sa'qiour is called Messiah, whilst in C stianity, which is originally and 'by its

very name' a millenarian religion, the expectation is the return of Christ 99 The

Islamic millennial tradition derives from the belief In the appearance of the Mandl

(the divinely guided one). Despite showing someparallels with Jewish and Christian

miulenianism, Mandismis distinctivein creating its ownmessianic discourse, which

is antagonistic particularly to Jewish millenarianism (as the Naqshbandi

case below demonstrates).

An early argument mentions both Zoroastrianism and Judaism (or Judeo-Chrisdan

irarlition) as the religions from which the mil1enian tradition takes its origin and

roots (Talmon 1968: 349-50). However the existence of well-grounded millenarian

trJitions in communities far from the historical and geographical impact of these two

religions, makes this argument questionable. lOO The appearance of millenarian

assume the operation of a messiah' (1963: 100). There is, indeed., a messianiciradition
in Judaism which is not milienarian (Sharot 1980: 395).
99After emphasising that the term Christos, or thrist is a Greek translation of the
Hebrew term mashiah, Talmon points out that 'In Christianity ... (t)he image of the
Messiah as aking, warrior or judge does not disappear, but it is overshadowed by the
image of suffering Messiah who redeems humanity by his tribulations and cruel
death' (1968: 350). In some Chrisfianmillenthan movements theidea of thereturn of
Christ is not given a central place. Lundm&k (1985), for instance, demonstrates how
amillenarian movement called Laestadianlsm' flourished in Northern Sweden in the
early 193Cs on the basis of the newly declared prophecies of two preachers from a
particular Cuistian sect. It was only towards the very end stage of the movement
which was also a phase of decr and disintegration, that the figure of Christ was
incorp orated into its message by the leader, who declared himself Christ
100 Wilson (1963: 109) quotes MThlmaim who suggests that 'the expectation of the
ancient Mexicans of the return of Quzaccatl before the arrival of Columbus is
evidence that a parousia is not exdusively a Judeo-Chrisiian idea:. See also Kaiser
(1990) for millenariai elements in the belief systems of Hop! Indians in Arizona,
which are essentially indigenous but show parallels to Judeo-Christian and Islamic
rnilleniani sms.
201
expectation in human history is by and large a universal phenomenon, not restricted or
particular to this or that religions ethnic group or people (Brown 1970: 148). It is a
'universal' product of human consciousness which is piicula1y related to the virtue
of 'hope (Desroche 1979: 5; Kaiser 1990; 71). Yet it is particularly within the three
Semiticreilgions (Judain, arisfianity and Islam- thereligions of Abrahn) that
one finds a well-established and elaborate milleziaxian tradition and a long-lasting
history of mill enarian movements.
Talmon (1968: 354-6) argues that those most receptiveto miUenian appeals are
from disadvantaged cird es; the people of 1 ower strata and low status, the working
class or minority groups, who have no power (either political or economic) or
meaningful role in the social settings in which they live. Talmon (4.) also identifies
certain conditions in which millenarian tendencies and movements flourish:
deteriorating life conditions; lack of hope and prospects; the disruption of traditional
and cohesive primary social groupings based on family, kinship or local community
ties; and a severe experience of transition processes such as 'modernisation',
urbanisation, internal or external migration. No word can characterise the state of
people in such ciraimstances b etter than 'hopelessness'. It is in this sense that
millenarianforrnulations are thehope of the hopeless (see Desroche 1979).
This caisal explanation of rnillenarianism is questioned by Sharot (1980) in the
particular case of medi acvai Jewish mill en arm ani Sm. However, Sharot does not
altogether reject the relevance of factors such as oppression, disruption or despair for
analysing millenarian phenomena. Rather, he points out that these factors can
parti ally account for some mlllenaian outbursts, but cannot explain all instances.
Some other accounts pay attention to the significance of historical circumstances
in determining the occurrence and nature of millenaxian movements (Brown 1970:
167-8; Roscoe 1983: 525). The historical setting appears particularly relevant to the
understanding of divergencein the nature ofml1enanin in different regions of the
world.. The contrasting millenariai responses to the colonial experience in two
different regions in the world may ifiusirate the point In Zanbia, a mill enarian

202
movement of Christian origin developed with an 'anti-white' content and gave rise to

a radical protest movement against colonial rule (Marth 1980), while in Melanesla

(Papua New Guinea), another Christian rnillenarianism disseminated a 'pro-white

message and sought to appropriate Western influence, particularly in terms of

knowledge and maiiiai wealth (Roscoe 1988).

Milenarian movements have been observed in both traditional/non-Western and

modern/Western societies of the world (Talmon 1968: 350-1). However, Smith
(1982: 232-3) argues that millenaian expression differs between traditional and

modern societies, suggesting that in tr]itional societies millenarian activism is more

likely to appear as apolitical challengeto thereligious and political establishment and

has a sort of evolutionary' nature. In ma den/secular societies, on the other hand,

millenarian movements do not (or cannot) produce open political opposition to the

aithorities but, rahe focus on the task of converting people into the movement by
promulgating quietist strategies leaving the tualisation of millennial events to the

initiative of God, thefoilowers concentrate onpreparationforthetime of the expected

messianic figure As will be demonstraedbelow, Naqshbandi millenarianism dearly

fits this second category.

Some arcounts of millenari ani sin have argued that the failure or non aetualization
of millenarian expectations, if not resulting in complete disillusionment, can lead to a

shiftinthenaureofthemillenarian appeal from an aetiveandradical formularionto

a more attenuated and pacifist one (Talmon 1968: 352; Smith, 1982: 234). As

Lundmark's (1985) study demonstrates, however, the reverse is also possible an

unrealised millennium can canse the intensification of activities in such a movement

towards an increasing ecstasy and aggesslveness.

72. The Islamic Milimarian Traditiaii M andin

As mentioned above, the mifienarian motif in Islamic escharology is centred around

the figure of the Mandi. Briefly put, the Mandi is the divinely ordained saviour who is

expected to appear towards the end of the world to guide the believers to their

203
salvaton.. In this expectalon lies the hope for the believ&s to be delivered from the
evil and filth of this world.
The word Mandi as such does not appear in the Kori, but the Arabic root h-d-y
from which it derives is used in the holy book as divine guidance (Madelung 1986:
1231). The use of the word in the millenarian sense is related to the sayings of the
Prophet adis) in which he announced that as the day of Resurrection draws nea, a
savi our will come to save believers. Some argue tha there are morethan fifty h&lises
concerning the app e&ance of the Mandi (As- Si ddi q, 1985 :v). 101 The two best known
ones are as follows:
'The hour will not occur until the ground is filled with injustice and
transgressions. Then, aman from the family of my house will come and fill it with
fairness and justice as it has been filled with harm and oppression'...
'At the end of my nation Al Mandi will come for whom Allah sends rain and the
eth produces its plants. Hewillgivewealth equally; the cattlewill beinaeased,,
and thenation will be great' (As-Siddiq 1985: 1).

Thetwo major sects of Islam, the Sunni and the Shi' both include the Mandist idea
in thdr creeds. Howevez although similarities are. observable a ctain points, the
Shi'i and Sunni conceptions differ considerably. In Twelver Shflsm (sna Aeriye),
which constitutes the largest Shi'a community, the Mandi is the twelfth and last imam
who disappeared and went into concealment in the year 873. In a state of occultation
now, he is expected by the ShVis to return towards the end of the world to bring the
justice of God. The belief in the return of the Mandi occupies a central place in
Shilsm, particularly in the Twelver Sbi' and appears as an essential part of the Shi'i
doctrine (Smith 1982:239; see also M1elung 1986: 1235-7). There are parallels
between the idea of the return of the Mandi in Twelver Shi'ism and that of the return
of Christin C1hrisdaiity.
Sunni Islam does not consider the Mandi as a live person who disappeared and
will come b&k when his time has come. In Sunni belief the Mandi is the holy figure

101 As-Siddiq (1985) has compiled all the hadises about the Mandi aid provided
useful informal on on some other aspects of the issue.
204
v/no will appear once and for all from among living Muslims at a time near to the day
of Resurrection to bring the order of God to the world. He will guide believers on
their way to salvation and spread Islam all over the world just before .TudgementDay.
Although the notion of the Mandi is a popular expression in the Sunni domain it
does not constitute an essential aspect of Suimi doctrine as it certainly does in
Twelver Shisin Smith (1982: 239) points outtha in Sunni Islam, Itis the Sufi orders
whithpleparticularemphasis onbeliefintheMandI. Themajoxity of Sunni ulema
approach the idea of the Mandi with suspidon for itis not mentioned in the Koran or
in the reliable (sahih) his literature, but is based on the hadises whose reliability is
questionable (ibid.).

Mandi Moveniit A Ba&gound Disals2cln

Throughout the history of Islam, movements have appeared in both Sunni and Shi'i
quarters with millenarian expectations centred on themessianic figure of the Malidi.
Most were politically-oriented. The leaders claimed to be the expected Mandi and
organised armed strugg'es in the trimries where they lived, against either internal or
(particulaily after the Western intrusion) external rulers.
Of those which emerged in the Shii setting, the best-known is probably the Babi
Movement in mid-19th century Iran. Generally speaking, this was a political
movement that aimed to establish a theocratic state in Iran; failing to realise this,
howevei the movement later transformed into an apolitical, quietist xnillenarian faith
known as Bahaism, whichhas awodd-wideimparxtoday.102
A similar Sunm, millenarianmovementwas Mandismin the Sudan. The Sudanese

Mandiya which started as an Islamic messianic movement and resulted in the

creation of an antocratic state in the late 19th century, has caigt scholarly attention
perhaps morethan any other millenarian movement of Islamic origin.'03

lO2 For a sodologically relevant account of the movement and Bahaism, see
Smith 1982 aid 1987.
103 For a comprehensive historical actcunt of themovement, see Holt 1.958. For a
more sodologically oriented assessment of the movement based on traditional causal
explanations of millenarianism. see Brown (1970). Another sodologically relevant
205
 Another caseis theAhmadiyya Movementin Indiainthelatel9th centuiy, v/nose
leader, Mlrza Ghulam Ahma4 declared himself both the expected Messiah aric the
Mandi, pladngtheenhasis, however, onthesigniflcanceoftheformer. 104 Itwould
be too simplistic, however, to consider Ghularn Almiad and his movement just in
texms of Muslim mile iaism since, in addition to declaing himself Mandi and
Messiah, he was also darning to receive revelations from God as the Prophet did. By
doing so, Chulan Ahmad came near to claiming to be a prophet raising so much
coniroversy around his name and his movement that most Muslims regarded it as a
heresy, and still do.
Finally, one can mention the take-over of the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979 by
some 400 armed men whose religious leader was declared the expected Mandi. The
invaders' aim was to mobilise the people against the Saudi dynasty which was
considered as corrupt by them and to overthrow It. Although, the uprising was
suppressed bloodily by the aithotides, its impart was deep enough to damage the
prestige of the Kingdom (Hiro 1988: 128-34).

7.3 NaqshbandiBdiefinthcMandi

The Naqshbandi belief in the Mandi is based on the Sunni conception of this
eschatological idea The mhids in London are well aware of the difference between
Sunni and Shfl conceptions of the Mahcli, and they consider notions to be false,
even degenerate. I once heard Sheikh Yusuf saying th according to the Shiis, the
Mandi would befrom among the Persian people and, onceheappeare4. his first task
wouldbeto kill all theArabs.
The Sheikh and themhids believe that our time is the time of the Mandi. To
them, evay single event nowadays Is proof that the Mandi will soon appear. In his

study that analyses the case by applying Weber's analytical concept of tharismic
aithority is Dekmejian and Wyomirsld (1972). See also Voll (1979) as an attempt
to reassess the meaning aid nature of the movement in connection with the notion of
fundamentalism.
104 For Mlrza Ghulan Abmad and the AhmliyyaMovement seeLavai (1974).
206
speeches, the Sheikh very often refers to the imminent coming of the Mandi, and
urges the mhids to prepareforit The world has reached its last days and entered the
process leading to the Day ofResurrerxioit 105 The Sheilth claims that the small signs
of this are already visible In the world, such as 'Musiims showing no mercy for
another', whilst the big signs, one of which is the coming of the Mandl, may also
appear at any time.. 106 Briefly, the Sheikh warns that the worst days in the world
which will lead to Doomsday, are approaching. The community believes that the
devastation expected in the near future will be a temporary dark age, to be followed
by a golden age for the 'real' believers, a category which excludes alternve Islamic
formations such as the so-called Wahhabi trend (see Chapter 9). Considering the Gulf
War as the first devastating event to signify the imminence of the Mandi's
appearanz Sheikh Hisham asserts that 'worse [than this] is going to come ... [since]
this time is the dark age After this dark age will come the golden age, the age of the
Mandi leyhisselatm (Therefore] in the near future, many events are going to happen
around us; that is why the mtrids must be careful against Satan's cheng.'
The Nshbandi community of Sheilth Nim is well informed about the coming
of the Mandi, The audai questions in this respect are where the Mandi is at the
moment what arethe details of his identification; how and under what drcumstances
hewill declare his presence in theworld and howhewill act, wherehewili go and
what he will do. These are not mysteries for the Naqshbandis. Information on such
questions is available to th through their Sheikh whom they consider the only
person In the world privy to everything and anything about the MandI, for he is in
continuous (spiritual) cont&x with him. Sheikh Flisham said (in English) once:

1051n oneof his speeches, Sheikh Hisham stressedthat 'we areinthelast days, not
years, of this world.'
one of his speeches in Fng1ish. the Shkh stated that there areten big signs of
Doomsday (Kiyam): 1. the outhreak of a Great Wa 2. the appearance of the
Mandi; 3. the appearance of Deccal (Anti-Christ); 4. the appearance of Jesus Chri
5. three places on the Earth going down 6. a dark smoke covering all the world 7.
pervasive earthquakes; 8. fIre occurring everywhere, 9. Yecc- Mecc (Gog aid
Mago g: two harmful and destructive people mentioned in the Koran who are to
appear towards the Last Days and devastate theworid - see Wcnsick 1987: 1142));
10. the sun rising from theWest.
207
 'There is no one. saint between the East and the West that talks about the Mandi
and knows who is the Mandi, where is the Mand.i and who are his ministers, who
are his deputies who are his halifes - except Meviana Sheikh [Nim]! This
means that he is twenty four hours meeting with the Mandi; heis always present
with the Mandi Aleyhissdarn. He can be hae, [but] at the same time, he can be
there [with the Mandi]. Because, he [the Shellth] is "ligf now. He can bereflected
to anyone [and] anywhere, because he has freed his spirit from his cage. The
physical bodyis thecageof thespirit and [sincehis spiritis nowfree]hecanbe
in hundreds of places a the same time. But this is not open to us to see him in
different places. But1 he is a1ws in the presence of the Mandi Aleyhisselam. He
is sitting with you but [actually] he is sitting there [with the Mandi]' (14 Math
1992 -thePeckham Mosque).

Qeaily, the Sheikh's meeting with the Mandl andbeing in his presence are a spiritual
rather than aphysical matt&. On another occasion1 Sheikh Hisham also explained that
once in the past Grand Sheikh Daghestani physically met the Mandl, while Sheikh
Nim, though he has met him spiritually, has not yet met him physically. However,
in one of his books in Turkish, the Shefith tells of an occasion when his Shdkh,
Daghestani, was invited to the presence of the Mandi and took Sheikh Nazim with
him (Sheikh Nim 19 86: 176). It is understood from this narrative that this was not a
spiritual but a physical meeting, since Sheikh Nazim gives a physical description of
the Mandi (ibicL).

The Co'iung of the. Mandi

The Naqshbandis refer to the Mandi as Sahib s-Zaman (the Owner of Thne). They
believe that he is alive, but has not yet appeared. Heis waiting for the appropriate
time to app ear to all humanity. Such a time, as mentioned before, is not far away.
Indeed there aernany signs and events whichindicatetha theMandis appearanceis
really near.
As regards the identity of the Mandi, his presentlocation some details of his life,
and what he will do after his appearance, there are dusters of information cuxrently
used by the comriimity mnbers in their daily routine. The source of this informanon
is the Sheikh who, thanks to his spiritual power, relays it from God to his followers.
Beiov I will present a narrative related to the Mandi that I compiled from a number
of sources the Sheikh's speeches during my fleldwork two extensive and detailed

208
talks by Sheikh Hisham, my conversations with the mrids and some published
material (books and booldeis) on the Sheikh's previous talks regarding the Mandi.

Barkground The Mandl was born near Mecc in Wli al-Fatima outside the town
centre.107 When he was seven days old, he was brought by Khidr to the presence of
the Grand SheJ.kh to be named in the 'Undound Mosque' (Yeralti Camli) in
Istanbul. The spiritual presence ruhaniyet) of the Prophet was there.. At first, the
Grand Sheikh gave ezan (call for prayer) to his left ear. Then he was named by the
Prophet Muharnm1 al-Mandi. All the holy men evli y a) who were there maile their
allegiance to the Mandi, the Owner of Time. After that, he was taken back m Mecca
to his mother.
'When hewas eJghteen he was marriedto alady from the Prophet's house, who
was the descendant of All (Prophet's cousin and son-in-law; the last of the four rightly
guided Caliphs). Hehas three children from her two boys and a girl' (from Sheikh
Hisharn's talk). In 1985, the Sheikh stated that the MahCII was between 40 and 50
years old (Sheikh Nim 1987: 32).
At the age of 22 or 23, the Mandi was taken to the Rub al-Khali (Empty Quarter)
between Najd and Yemen. In this desert area there is no life but only sand seas cFk
seyy arkum denizieri). An ordinary person cannotreach that place, for the. djthns who
control it would set such a person on fire. Only the permitted ones from among the
saints (evilva) can have an access to this place. The Mandi is now living there in
Magiarat as-Suhala,, or Qubbat as-Suhaila (the Happiness Cave) which was built by
angels. There, he is with ninety-nine Grand Saints (forty of them are the Mandi's
halifes and fifty-nine of them his deputies) and his seven ministers (viziers). Finally,
and most importantly for the mihids, the Sheikh, with his spiritual presence

107 This parajaph is based on information given by ieilh Hishan in his sohbet
aid by the Sheikh in one of his books (Sheikh Nazm 1986a 175-81). See also
Habibis (1989: 225) who quotes the Sheikh claiming that the Mandi was born in
1941.
209
ruhai y et), is continuously there with the Mandi. 108 Shelich Hisham placed
paiala nphasis on this point with the following words:
'That master [whom] we are all his followers ... has one spirituality always in the
presence of the Mandl In that cave. He has another spirituality In the presence of
Prophetin Raiba-i Sherlf in Medlina Hehas athird spitiivaliiy In Mecca, In Kabe
under the Black Stone. Those three places Mawlana Sheikh Nazirn never
disappears. Three spirituality [of the Shkh], one with The Mandi, one with the
Prophe and one under the Black Ston&.

Appearance The Mandi will appear in themidst of a war, that is the grest war of
all times which the Sheikh predicts will happen before the year 2000 is reached. This
war will break out due toatrouble between Russia and Turkey, and a Russian invasion
of Turkey.
This prediction for the stat of the Great War, or Third World War, seems to have
undergone some modification since the mid-1980s with the drastic changes in world
politics. In 1986, the She.ikh was foretelling that communist Russia, having invaled
Afghanistan, would next invade Iran and then Turkey. The Russian invasion of
Tuxkeywould bethe outbreak of theGrea War (Sheikh Na2am, 1986b:3; an earlier
version dated to 1981 is in Hahibis 1989: 225). Today, in the 'nev, world order',
although the main line of theprediction (Russians invading Turkey) is maintained, the
scenario has been modifleLL First, the Gulf War, which is supposed to be over will
stat agaift 1O9 This time Saldam will use his real nudear weapons which he hid
before, and attack both Israel and Riyacth. Thereupon, the unbelievers led by America
will push Turkey to become involved in the war.110 When Turkey is involved,

108 From Sheikh Hishan's talk and Sheikh Nazun (1986a 175; 1986b: 2; 1987: 32).
iO9Maryam (see pp. 97-101) once stated that, when the Gulf War hal stated, they
thought that it was the first sign of the Great War, and even the Sheikh had the sane
conviction at first As the war advanced and the holy month Ratnadan arrived,
however, the holy men (evliya) did not allow war in Ramadan and the tmuble was
over just before.. In fact, she continued, the real war hal not yet stated, but it would
start soon in connection with Iraq aid therewould beterrible consequences.
!1O lnmytalk with hin the Sheikh also pointed outthathefirst event on theway to
the Mthdi's appearancewouldbe apolitical change aid an outay (velvele) In Turkey
aid this would be followed by the Third War Regarding the political disturbance
within Turkey, the Sheikh said the following: 'There are two groups of people in
Turkey. One of them wants to embrace religion, the other wants to get rid of it. For a
while, the latter will be permitted to dominate in Turkey. Just for three months. After
210
Russia will not be impartial any more and will attack Turkey and return to
communism. The Russian soldiers will attack Istanbul and occupy It. At this very
moment of the Greg War, the Mandl will appea111
This war, which will bethe last and mostterriblewar in theworid, will last three
months. nthiswai x out of every sevenpeoplewill bekillecL No oneintheworid
but the Mandi could stop this war (Sheikh Nanrn 1936b:3; 1937: 35; and talks with
some mrids).
The Mandl will appear from MedinainSaidi Arabia 112 hi an earlier source, the
Sheikh pointed out that after his appearance, the Mandi will say tekbir (the
dedaration of the Greamess of God)threetimes there and, with this act, the war will
stop (1986b :3). Recently, however, Sheikh Hisham, in his related talk about the
Mandi, presented a different narrative. According to him, after appearing in Medin
the Mandi will say, Lahavlevelakuvveteilabilahil aleyhilim(Thereisno power
and no strength except by Allah, the Higiest, the Greatest), and inmediately app ear
in D amascus where he will say tekbir three times. Who ever from among the believers

hears these tekbirs will find him/herself in Damascus. After th the Mandi will say
tekhir three more times, and then the war will stop. According to Sheikh Hisham, he
will do this as follows: 'The Mandl will stop the war by taking the N etN
out The
seeretis NenergyN. Everythingintheworid goesbackto energy. Energyis thesource
of everything. When the Mandi captures energy, everything will stop, the Third War
will stop'.

thesethreemonths are completed, everything will thange The Ottomans will come
back The Sultan will comeback... But before thdr return, something vAil change in
Turkey and turn the country upde down.. May Allah bemerdful to thepeople (Allah
milleteacism)' (5 April 1992- theDergah).
111 This information is based on the Sheikh's and mhids' ta'ks on several occasions.
112 According to the words of aleading Arab mhid, however, the Mahcli vAil appear
from Mecca and among the evliy a (salnts or shelkhs). A Turkish Cypriot mrid, on
the other hand, states that the Mandi will app ear at the age of forty by saying Tekbir.
Howev onthebas of what the eilchmenfionedin an ealier talkin 1985, which
I have also used above, this argument canot be maintaned, nce in that source the
SheikhspedflestheMandi's age asbetweenforty aid fifty. In this case, hemustbea
least fifty today.
211
 After thewar has stopped, the Mandi will go by seven stages (Damascus, Horns,
Tripoli, Aleppo, Konya, Bursa and Istanbul) to tstanbul and take therelics of Prophet;

his doak (cbbe), his sword and his banner (Sheikh Nim 1986a177-81; 1986b: 3-
4).113 There, he will declare that the Deccal (Anti-Christ) is appearing from

Khorasan, Iran, and who ever asks to be saved from his evils can go to Damascus,

Mecca and Medina, but not Jerusalem since the Jews will still be there, waiting for

the Deccal 4J . Coming bark to Damascus as his headquarters, together with his
followers, he will start the real jihad against Deccal and his armies. Here, Sheikh

Hisham adds something vy audal to theNaqshbandi discourse of the Mandi:

'Entering am [Damascus] and going directly to the Emevi [Umyyad] Mosque,

they [the Mandi and his followers] are going to push our master [Sheilth Nazimi
to lead the Friday prayer, to give the advice, becaise he [the Sheikh] has the
power of giving advice [whereas] the MandI has the power of the sword. The
Mandi Aleyhisselam is the General, he is the commander for war. The
commander for advice [I.e., the ideological leader] is that saint [the Sheildi]
[who] is between us, that God madeus knowhim. Heis going to be in the minber
a that time waiting for the order to give lecture [Friday sermonj 4 March 1992
- the Pedtham Mosque).

What is hidden in the content of these eschatological narratives is an attempt to

bolster 'self-esteem' in the community they are. addressed to. The Shdkh, the Grand
Sheikh, the Naqshbandi order, and, finally, all the followers are given higiily exalted

and privileged positions. 114 Sheikh Hisham, for instance, argues that

'His [the. Mandi's] appearance is the appearance of our Sheikh and theappearance
of our Sheikh is the appearance of all of us. B ecause we are his followers. The
appearance of our Sheilh is In the hands of the Proph When the Prophet gives
him the order, millions of people will come to follow him. At that time is the
Golden Age' (25 Math 1992 - the Peckhan Mosque).
For a considerable number of mihids, the notion of the Mandi concenates thelr

tuturehopesfor abetterworid. The constant articulation of thenotion of the Mandi

ll3 lnhistalk, Sheikh Hishamgavetheorderofthesetwo events inreverse. Hestates

that when the war stops, Mandi will say tekbirs again three times in Damascus and
declare there that Deccal is appeaxing. Afterthat, together with 12000 descendants of
All, he will go to Istanbul in three (not seven) steps to bring the relics of the Prophet
bark to Damascus.
114 Another good illustration of this point is the following phrase of SheJ.kh Hitham
from another ta1k 'Our group of Mevlana Sheikh Nanm [is] the best oup that [is]
waiting for Mahcl to appear.'
212
seems, particularly for the immigrant mhids of non-Western origins (Turks and
South Asians), to provide a hopeful piure of the future aid a reason for enduring
present hardships. One can often hear from the mhids sentences stating 'when the
Mandi comes ...' and completed with a positive antidpat[on or prospect. In other
words, 'even thougi everything Is desperate now, it will be all rigit in the future,
when the Mandi has come'. A prominent English mihid attributes the recent
dominance of Mandism in the Sheikh's talks in London to the increasing number of
immigrant Muslims of South Asian origins in the community in the last five or six
years. He also points out that this recent shift in content of the Sheikh's speeches
towards Mandism has caused disappointment among many of the English mi"uids and
afali intheirpartidparion in communal events. Hedaboratestheissue as follows:
'Increasingly over the last couple of years, I thinl responding to the needs of
thesepeoplewho are essentially peasant people, themajority of content of what
the Sheikh talks about.. is Mandism. To us [the English], that is, in a sense,
neither here nor there. It is not that we will take it [as a teaching] or leave it. We
believe it. We believe in the Mandi Alhisselam. We believe that he is going to
come, and after him will come Se' yidina Isa Aleyhissejam [Jesus]. And then it is
all over. So, we. know about this we accept it But, we do not feel a need to have
morale boasted by this Mandism, [that is] the Mandi will come and all these
problems will be solved. Firstly becaise it is not what we are seeking. We are
looking for something else, spiritually. Whereas, in a sense, this Mandismls not a
spiritual thing for people, but a morale-boosting thing for everyd life. [It is] a
physical, ratherthan metaphysical point; or rather a temporal one Whatweneed
is spiritual and metaphysicaL [As a result] this increasing Mandist content of [the
SheIkh's] teaching has been a distraction for many of us. Even a frustration!
Mrbe it is a solution to the problems of these people, these peasant people
seems rather arrogant to call them like that, though. But certainly it is not a
solution to our needs '(30 July 1992 - Personal interview).

Inmy observation, themes related to Mandiszn ac much more common in gatherings

dominated by mhids of Indo-Paldstani origin, many of whom fit the En glish mihid's
description of (culturally) peasant and (socio-economicaily) lower-class people
However; I think it would be wrong to argue that mCrids of Western origin (apart
fiom the English) ac never open or receptive to the MandLst addresses, Above all, the
place given to the Western mihids in themillenaian scenario (seebelow, page21)
seems to indicatethat some of them are concerned with this issue.

213
 Jesus Christ and the Dexxal: In connection with the appearance of the Mandi,
Nshbandi eschatology also indudes the appearance of two other millennial figures:
Jesus Christ and Anti-Christ (Deccal). In the Naqshbandis' view, Deccal corresponds
to the expected Messiah of the Jews and represents the devil. His appearance will
confuse H (Truth) with Bal (Error/False deity) and harm everyone who is apart
from God. Therefore, the translation of the word Mandi as the equivalent of the
'Messiah' inislan, is misleallng.'15
Messiah or, to use Islamic terminology, Mesih (Ar. Al-Masih), denotes Jesus in
the Koran, but not in the sense of a messianic one (Wensinck 1991: 726). In the
hailises, the word Is used to refer to the two different figure Jesus Christ as in the
Koran andtheDeccal (Anti-Christ) ( ibid.).
The Deccal in Islam denotes apersonagewho will appear towards the Doomsday
as an unbeliever and travel all over the world to spre thek(r. 116 The word does
not occir in the Koran but In the halises. The details in these halises about the
appearance of the Deccal and his main characteristics seem to derive from the
Christian apocalyptic texts, including Jesus's sermon to his disdples (Abel 1965: 76).
The Sheikh's statements on how the Deccal will appear, which are quoted below,
seernto bebased onthesehaiises (ibid.).
In the Naqshbandis' opinions, the Jews arewating for Deccal, althougiithey call
him Talsely' the Messiah.. Seeing a poster on a Jewish building in Stamford Hill,
'Messiah is on the way. Be ready ; the Sheikh commented sourly 'Who they [the

115 For a prominent young Turkish Cypriot mihid, however, the notion of MandI is
consideied a an equal level with messianic beliefs in the other religions. He says th
'all of us, the Naqshbandis, the Christians, the Jews and the Buddhists are all waiting
for someon&. Nevertheless, this does not come to mean that he considers Mandi as
the Muslim equivalent of Messiah, merely that while they are waiting for Mandi , the
Jews are waiting for Decc althougi they call him Messiah, and the Christians are
waiting for Jesus.
116A detailed account of Deccal In Islamic eschatology, induding Christian aid
Jewish eschatologies, is in Santoprak 1992. He considers Deccal a movient which
aims to spreadunbelief(), therthaiaparticularpersonage(d., 152).
214
Jews] are waiting for is Decth. The ones who will follow Deccal ae 1. Jews, 2.
bastards, 3. prostitutes.'117
In one of his earlier speeches, the Sheikh said:

Deccal will appear from Khorasan 118 and go directly to I1 with 70000 Jews.
I1 is waiting for him today. It was founded there [in Palestine] for this reason:
toletDeccal knowwherehe would go oncehehas appexed. In the Assembly of
the Jews, there is a big crown.. They do not allow anyone to sit there it is for
Deccal. When he comes, he will sit on that crown and say, NJ am the ruler of the
world; I an your God, too. Make secde [prosiration] to me". The Jews await him
[falsely] as the Prophet who would come in Akhir Zaman (the latter days of the
world). In ft the one they are waiting for was our Prophet [Muhammad]. But
they rejeaed him aid, now, they are waiting for Deccal' (Shelkh Nam 1986a
177-B).

Thelastpart ofthemillennial story is paticulady related to thesetwo otherfigures of

Malidisxn
After his appearancefromKhorasa, Iran, Deccal will go to Jerusalem and, from
there, hewill start his journey all around the world to spread kr (unbelief) for
forty days. After forty days are complete, Jesus will descend from the Heaven, kill
the Deccal and meet with Mandi in Damascus. Then the Golden Age will start in
theworld. Mandi will rule theworid seven yeas. After that hewill die and Jesus
will rule the world for forty yeas. During these forty-seven years, the world will
be clean o from all evils and devils andlikeaparadise. After forty-years-rule of
Jesus, the evils and devils will start to reappear little-by-little in the world and
growup intenyears. Afterthosetenyears, Jesuswill dieandbebuxiedbehindthe
Prophet Muhammad's tomb In Meclina Then, timewill comefor all believers to
die peacefully and only the evils and unbelievers will be on earth until the
Judgement Day will fail on therm Then, they will all die, too (Sheikh Nim
1986b and 1987).

In one of his speeches to a gathering of Turidshxnrids, theSheikh saidthaDeccalis

at the moment chained up on an island in the Indian Ocean. This island, he further
daims, is always covered with fog since Allah does not wait people to see him.
However, a leading Arab mihid once asserted that Deccal is in America at the
moment Making the issue of Deccal's whereabouts more complicated, an old mlrid

117 In the Hadis literature, the three groups who will befollowers of Deccal are Jews,
hypocrites (mnthks) and some women (Saimprak 1992: 85).
118 The Deccal's appearance from Khorasan (Qioras) was first stated in the
Apocalypse of St. Epharem and took placein a hadis (Abel 1965: 76). Yet there are
other hadises which mention three other pl.es from which the Deccal wifi appear
Damascus, Baghdad and a village between Damascus aid Baghdad (Saitoprak 1992:
149).
215
of Pakistani origin recently told me that he CDeccal) Is now in Tel Aviv. According m
the same Arab mrid, thirty-nine lesser Deccals hacre passed through the world &
different periods as therepresent&ives of San, 119 andtheDeccal whose appearance
is expected nowads wifi be the fortieth andlast. Every succeeding Deccal he goes
on to say, had the cuniularive power of the previous ones in addition to his own. The
last Deccal will have the grearest power of all. On another occasion the same Arab
mrid also asserted that the Sheikh Is thelast sheikh of the Naqshbaridi order, since
after him the MalIdi wifi come. When the Mandi and the Deccal both appear in the
world, six out of seven people will follow the Deccal, while only one out of seven
peoplewill follow the Mandi.

7.4. Oth& Points ontheIppearanceof theMandi

Sheikh Hisharn relal:es tha the first people to accept the Mandi's appearance will be
Westerners. Because their hearts are dean aid pure, the Mandi's soldiers will be
mostly from Europeans and Westerners but not from Arabs or people of the Middle
East. At this juncture, the Nalshbandi antagoninto the Wthhabis (see chapter 9) is
also revealed. Sheikh Hisham brings the issueforward as follows:
'Grand Sheikh said that ninety per cent of the Western (European) countries will
believe in the Mandi. Because their hearts are pure and dean. But many of the
Muslim countries, most of whom at Arabs, will deny hum Particularly Arabs, the
Wahhabis, because of jealousy in their hearts. When The Mandi comes, he will
cut the heads of 7000 Wahhabi scholars. When the Mahcli appears, all Wahhabis
are going to tremble: (24 March 1992 - the Peckham Mosque).

On another occasion, in a speech to a Turkish gathering of m(hids, the Sheikh

declared tha the Turks will come out with seventeen squafrons to escort the Mandi:
'Eah one of than will be formed by 12000 turbaned people on horses. They will go
withtheMandi, on his right andleft des and Infront andbehin Together with himn

119 On several occasions, I was told by the mihids tha the Sheikh ha! mentioned
Atatirk as the39th of these nal1er deccals (seethe next thapta page227).
216
they will go to Istanbul. Now, I am introducing all the youngsters who are with me

here [in this meeting], to the place of the Mandi'.

As these instances indicate, the nature of the aidience determines the content of
the information regarding the Mandi, and modifications occur depending on who are

themajoiityofthelisteners. In this respecz theleaders of the commumly, namely, the

Sheikh himself and Sheikh Hisharn, seem to follow a deliberate strategy to atact the

ones they are addressing.

Notwithstanding the dear depiction by the Sheikh himself of the Mandi's identity,

present position and whereabouts, some mhids consider their Sheikh to be the

Mandi. A young Turkish-Cypriot mrid asserted

'If a person whose age is above seventy is able to achieve such an extraerdinary
performance by complying with the entire obligations of Islamic practice, caring
for every single person, listening to their problems and giving necessary advice to
them without having any resr, then we have to think that either heis very dose to
the journey to God [to death] or that he is on the way of becoming the expected
MandL'

Apartfromthis, someoftheothermirids alsomakeaquiteexpliat damthat Sheikh

Efendli is their Mandi, and all of his followers should take him into account in this

way.
On oneoccasion, a Turkish Cypriot mtrid informed methat inthepastthe Sheikh

had mailepredictions that the Mandi would appear soon, but laterretrarxed by sting

that his appearancehad been postponed Thefact of the matter is that by constantly

touching on this issue, the Sheikh manages to bring his followers a dynamism of good

hope and to keep them in continuous readiness for the imminent millennium, even if

its realisafion will be in a remote time and after their deaths. To be in constant

readiness for the millennium (for the Mandi's appearance) requires the absolute

observance of the religious duties which the Naisbandi (Islamic) trailition requires

from themernbers of the. order.

Regarding the repeated postponements of the Mthdi's appearance, a Turkish

mirid from Istanbul makes an interesting comment He suggests that the point is not

whether the Mandi will appear soon or nol but something else

217
 'If you are hungry and someone says to you tha soon you will have delicious
food, you feel bettei freshene4 powful and finally in a good appetite. Tha is
the point. Otherwise, the words that the Mahci.t will appear [soon] does not mean
tha he will come out today or tomorrow. [The Sheikh] can always say this, even
he can say tha the Mandl will appear this year. But, the real aim is to keep his
followers in a continuous state of eager antidp&ion., energetic aid robust'.

75. CondudingRnarks

The Naqshb and! Mandism deviates from radical, action-oriented millenarianism, a

version tha is more common and well-known in the literaure. It seems to have more
in common with a caegory of mifienarianism marked by Wilson as 'governed by
revelion and prophecy they [the followers] expect something Which is beyond
man's capacity to realise. Men can only put themselves in the ng;ht moral, mental and
ritual condition to receive the new order' (1963: 99).
Neither can this millenarianism be considered as a movement' by itself. It can
raher be conceived as a constituent of thought and woridview operative in this
particular Naqshbandi setting. Although this Mandist-esthaological notion in the
Naqshbandi woridview boosts morale for some members of the community, for
others, particularly the English ones, its increasingpopularityin theSheikh's speeches
is areas on for frustraion.
In contrast to many Mandist movements in the past which gave rise to radical
protest movements against authority, Naqshbandi mill enari anism is mobilised by the
mthids sometimes to control the demands by other members for radicalisation and to
justify the non-radical and non-political Islamic position of the order The following
anecdote from the field (a conversation in English in the kitchen of the Derah
between anumber of mrids from different origins) illustraes thepoint
Angry with the desperae situation of Muslims in Yugoslavia and Azerbaijan
recently, aTurkish Cypriotmihid arguedtha thesewerehappeningbecaisethe
Muslims were quite passive and did not atempt any ation or counter-action
against these enemies of Islarm It was their fault that they were quite passive.
What they needed was a secret organisarion thar would carry out some
assassinations particularly against the internal enemies of Islam. A Sudanese
mrid responded to these words by saying thar they, the mQrids, could not do
anything on their own initiative without the Sheikh's order, since they were

218
 controlled by him. Besides, the appearance of the Malidi was imminent aid,
therefore, some action would stat anyway and the Sheilth would say what should
be done The Turkish Cypriot mihid carried on by pointing to thelack ofCI;ph as
thereason for thetriblesiivation of the Muslim world today. This argument was
answered by Mayam (see pp. 97-101) as follows: 'Until Mandl Aleyhisselan
comes out, our Sheikh is the Cl;pI and when the Mandi comes out, he [the
Shdkh] will becomethe Mandi's aI;ph, too. Wemust look aitin this way'.

It has been argued that the successful construction of a millenaxiai movement

depends especially on the leIers' concern not only with producing particularly
attractive descriptions of the expected nillennium, but also presenting themselves as
particularly privileged ideological sources' for it(Lindstror quoted byRoscoe 1988:
522). The Naqshbandi case of Mandism supports this argument. Whenever an
occasion arises, the Shdkh, to demonstrate of his privileged knowledge of the MandI
produces new or additional information on some aspect of the issue
Themillenarian message of Nshbandi Islan based on the notion of the Mandi
indudes the millenarian motifs of Judalsm and Christianity in particular ways. In the
Naqshbaidi discourse, the belief in the Mandi discredits Jewish millenaxianism by
depicting it as the expectation of And-Christ or Deccal who stands for the devil as
aganst the Mandi. In this context, the well-established Naqshbandi antagonism
towards Judaism finds another appropriate channel of expression. On the other hand,
the return of Chrlst, which is the essence of Christian millenariatism, constitutes a
substantial part of the Mandist formulation of millenarlanism. Jesus is placed in the
narrative as the one who will kill Decc2L Nonetheless the position of Jesus is dearly
inferiorto that of the Mandi. Thus theintegration of Jewish and Christian messiaiic
figures into the Islamic miflenalan message alms atthe Tumalon of the superiority
of Islamto thesereligions both of which sharewith Islam the sarnehistorical origins.
This also confirms Deodie's agumenttha,
'for [a] theology ... there is one messith, the true one, its own one, on the one
hand; aid on the other hand, there aefalsemessiths, the messiths of others. Its
own one is proper to its own church, aid those of others are sent to the sodatric
diniq cnn otherwords Into penitentiary sedusion, aidinthebe cfthecasesto
the museum of deviarn to the department of curiosities, or to the twilight of
truths that ha'Qe remalned or become mad' (1979: 44).

219
The salient asp ect of the naraives regarding the Mandl is that they ae used by the
Sheikh and others to manipulate the feelings of communal self-renewal amongst the
followers aid to jusilfy the Sheikh's power aid authority. The community is praised
and exalted as the only one tha eagerly expects the app eaance of the Mandi. The
Sheikh and Grand heikh take very respectful and pnvileged parts In the naiatives,
as the only actual figures, In addition to the historical or eschaological figures of
Islam such as the Prophet, the. Mandi and Jesus Christ The Shdkh's distinguished aid
quasi-divine position is also expressed througii the aticulalon of his all-exclusive
knowledge on the millennium Accepmnce of this point approves his mastay of the
fae of his followers (of all the people in the world, indeed), and reconstructs his
power and aithority.
Another important point is the ability of the Sheikh and the community members
to adapt the millennial prediction to the newly emerged drcumstances of the world
successfully and without destroying its man formula. For about twenty yeas, the
Sheikh seems to have achieved this difficult task. In fact, the discourse of Mandist
prophesy in Sheikh Nanm's branch of the Naqshb and! order goes as fa back as to the
time of Sheikh erafeddin Daghestani (Habibis 1985: 76). It is also evident tha ten
ye&s ago the events predicted by Shelith Nam to precede the app eaance of the
Mandi were not exactly same like the present ones (Habibis 1989: 225). As a result,
there is no evidence from the Naqshbandi case of millenalanism to support the
&gument tha unrealised. millaialan expectations will bring an end to the movement
Despitethe setbacks in some of theSheikh's previous predictions, ndtherthebeliin
the Mandi 's app e&aice nor the faith in the Sheikh's divinely gifted position as a man
of knowledge about the unsem (b) havebeen abandoned by most of the followers
of his taika. Instead, continuous cycles of re-interpretation, alws with some
modifications, seem to play a crud al role in the mantenance of the millenariai
formulalon.

220
 CHAPTER EIGHT

POLITICAL DISCOURSE:

THE POLITICAL VIEWPOINTS OF THE SHEIKH AND THE MITRIDS

221
One of the disfincilve tharieiistics of the Naqshbandi order is its particular and
carefully determined position towards politics. Unlike cases such as the present Shi'i
theocracy of fra which is based on the power of the Shi'i ulema orthe Mthdiya of
Sudan and Sanusiya of Libya, both of which were Sufi-indined movements which
held political power in those two countries for a long time, the Naqshb andis have
never been the advocates of political rule under their direct control. As long as
Muslim rulers maintained basic Islamic principles, or were a least thle to dothe
themselves with an Islamic ara, Nshbandis were content to be their sincere
supporters. It was only when the rulers of Muslim lands departed too blatantly from
the observance of Islanic precepts in their modus o p erandi that the Nshbandi
re&xed and protested against thezm From the celebrated complaint letters of eikh
Ahmad Sirhindi to the Mughal emperor Akbar, through Mevlana Halid's protest
movenientin thelare Ottoman period againstthelaxityoftherulers inkeepingthe
Islamic faith and morals intact, to the revolts against the secular and anti-Islamic
policies of the founders of the Turkish Republic, one can pursue the typical
N&ishbandi approarthto politics thatis, 'distanceyourselves frompowerbut keep an
eye on it'.
This chararleristic Njshbandi arthudetowards the domain of politics is visible in
Sheikh Nim's discourse. As a man of Turkish origin the Sheikh is not a all
indifferent to what has happened to Islam in the Turkish experience of secularisim He
makes a point of addressing political issues related to Turkey on every possible
occasioii In these addresses (to mostly Turkish aidiences)., severe criticism of the
secular Republican regime goes hand in hand with exaltion of the former Ottoman
Empire.
So politics as suchis one of the major themes in the Sheikh's speeches and in the
discussions of the mrids, particularly those of Tuikish origins. The main focus of
these political discussions is the present secular-Republican regime of Turkey whose
anti-Islamic policies in the past and at present have antagonised the Naqshbandis.
Sheilch Nim and his followers share their discontent with the other Turkish Islamic

222
groups. They divergefrornthelattez howevex in theways they ardcilae the matt
aid the answs they suggest for the question: What should be done to change the
direction of Turkey towads Islan? Thefore, Sheikh Naim's political agenda
pears in many respects quite distinct from that of the oth Islamic groups and
associations. The are also sigiflcant differences In political Ideas aid orientations
as between She.ikh Nim's community and other Naqshbaidl groups of Turkish
origins (see pp. 43-44). I shall foc.ts on the politics of Sheikh Nazm's Naqshbaidl
community with special referenceto Turkey, themajorp&t of the Sheikh's political
agenda As a beginning, it is necessary to recapitulate briefly what happened in
Turkey atthe turn of the century.

31. Ki,niIimvs. Iam

Most of the scholars who have specialised in Turkey will agree that attempts at
'modernization' In the Ottoman Empire in the 18th and the 19th centuries in,
successively, military, administrative and educational fields, were the precursors of
theraL3Ical social and political reforms of the Turkish Republicin the 1920s and 30s
(Berkes 1957). Alerted by the Empire's declining pothion in front of Western
technical and military supio&y, the Ottoman statesmen who preceded Atatrk had
already initiated a p cess to repi e the traditional-Islamic bases of the state
m&tiny by modern and secular ones (Berkes 1957; Mardin 1981: 212). From this
perspective, the reforms by Kemal AtatQrk and his associates constitute the final
'declsiv& step, or the conduding phase, of a nearly two-hundred-year process of
induced sodo-political change in Ottoman-Turkish history. However, this
bkground alone is not suffident to explain the plare and slgnificance of Kemalln
in Turkish history.
The Ottoman reformists had attempted only to change or inodernise the ruling
mechailsm of the Empire, i.e., the state, but Kemalism in Turkey aimed to change
society and give it a new shape. The attempt was much more radical than its

223
predecessors in that the emphasis was shifted from 'saving the state (the concern in
the Ottoman reform movnents) to 'creating a new nation':
What happened was that Mustafa Kemai took up a non-existeni hypothetical
entity, the Turkish nion and breathed life into it ... Neither the Turkish nation
as the fountainhead of a 'general will' nor the Turkish nation as a source of
national identity existed atthetimehe set out on this task. He was distinguished
fromhismorecaitious collaboramrsby such avision ofthefutureandthewillto
make it materlailse (M&d.tn 1981: 208-9).

To rexh this Atarrk introduced rlical changes in the sodal and political
spheres by means of a number of decrees. As the vicxorious commander of the
Turkish Independence War (1919-1922), he was the unchallenged ruler of the
country, ting througii a party insdtution the Republican People's Party. Having
abolished the Ottoman Sultanatein 1922 and prodmed the Republic of Turkey on
29 October 1923, Atatrk was able to eect a number of reforms: abolition of the
Caliphate ceptanceof the Swiss dvii code instead of Islamic lav, (Sharia) banning
of religious education and do sure of the medreses (colleges for tehing Islamic
sdences); change of the alphabet from Arabic to Latin; abolition of the Sufi orders;
and, most importantly, introduction of 'secularism' as abasicprindple of the Turkish
constitution and state. Although, these reforms met significant retions and revolts
led In most cases by Naqshbandis (see pp. 42-43) in some parts of society, they were
successfully msintained under the absolute control of AtatQrk during the 1920s and
30s.
The reforms in this progralune were mainly concerned with the sodal aid
cultural life of society and, in connection with this, their main target was the Islamic
prindples which had until that time shaped p eopies lives and conscience. Further, it
was an atemptby aWesternised eliteto imposetheirversion of moderniiy based on
secularism and positivism on a people rehictait to abandon their ci1tura1 and

ccgitive orientation whichhadbeen shapedby Islan(Toprak 1981: 58).

At the core of the Kenialist reforms was an uncompromising aid strict policy of
seculaism or, using the more common phrase In Turkey, laidsm (laiklik). Until now,
the Turkish experience of laicism has often erroneously been understood as an

224
 temptto separatethe domains ofsteandreligion ashpenedintheWest Inf

theterxnlaidsmhas ganed orbeen givenanewmeariingintheTurkishcase. Laidsm

in Turkey has become a legal guarantee against Islamist socio-political tendencies.

This was inevitable since as mentioned above, the old organision of society, which

the Keia1ists aimed to displae, was based on Islamic roots (Olson 1985: 163). As

Toprak puts It 'If we cept that Westernization was the ideology of the Kemalist
revolution ... [then] the secularisation program of the Kemalist regime aimed at
combating the only alternative ideological source for mass rnobilisation Islam' (1981:

39).
However, it would be mistaken to think that the Kemalist movement merely

aimed to terminate Islam In Turkey. In fact, the Kemalists attempted to control the
imparl of Islamon sodallifeand somthowtomodernise, rationaliseand urkids&it

(Turner 1974, 165; Smith 1957: 193).120 Besides, the political assertion of Islam was
also not missed by the Kemalists, who therefore could not allow Islamic religious

&iivitiestobeindependentfrom state controL After all, Islamwas 'apolitical religion

par excellence' and stood as the only alternative centre of power to that of the seailar

modernisers (Toprak 1981: 22). Thus, religious affairs were brought under the control

of the secular state. The Directorate of Religious Affairs CDivanet Ieri Bakanhi)

was established on the same day (3 March 1924) that the Caliphate (the institution
which represents theleariership of the Islamic world) was abolished.

It was not too difficult for the Kemalists to control the official Islam represented

by theulema since the official Islam had aIws be controlled and regulated by the

l2Oj this respecx, Smith notes the following words by one prominent Turkish
authority of the Atarrk era In a private conversation 'We want in construct a Turkish
Islam, which will be ours, relevant to and integrated with our (new) society, just as
Anglicanismls Chxistianityin thoroughly English fashion. Anghicanin Is not Italiai
not Russian. Yet no one cuses it of not being Christian. Why should we not have an
Islam of our own?' (1957: 193). This, I think,, dearly indicates the real mood of the
secular Republicanists in their poll cy and approh to Islam during the foundation
period of the Republic of Turkey. A Turkish political historian who looks at
Kemalism from a rather critical perspective, also points out that what was done, or
atempte4 by the Kemalists was an effort to change the religion (of Islam), not to
extinguish itfrom the social sphere (Tuncay 1981: 326, flu).

225
state througiout the Ottoman Empire. Ye there was another, alternative Islam
represented by the tarik. The taikats were quite thfiuenti al and had song and deep
roots in the sodal life of the masses. Moreover, they were the linkage points between
the Pa1e and the people, or between state and society in the Ottoman Empire (Lewis
1961: 401). For the Muslim masses all over the Empire, they provided the only
cenes for religious sodalison and, to a certain extent, educaion. They reinforced
local identities without conflict with the ruling elites. In certain periods, howevex
they also took on positions from which opposition against the offldai ideology of the
Ottoman state was launched (see Madin 1983: 67-77
The Sufi orders offered people a chance to feel and .t as members of a religious
community, the mmet, whereas the rulers of the Tuxkish Republic wanted to turn
people into dtizens of a 'national' community, the Turkish naion. Having conceived
the taikats as the real threat, the new seaila regime abolished them by deaee in
1925. They established new institutions such as Peopl&s H ouses (Halkevleri) which
were intended to substitute for the taikas and whose task was to build a new, not
reLigiousbut national, ideology andldentity among themasses (Kongar 1988: 40). 121
However, the primary aid most Important means for the K email sts to spre&l the new
ideology was the formal education institutions. So, the schools in Turkey took on an
important role in changing the cultural and cognitive systems of individuals (Madin
1981: 213-5). Theteathers, who were themost ardenr supporters of thenewregime,
and the best 'children of the Republic' (Cumhuxiy et cccuklai), were the agents of
Kema]lstmodernizationmovement atthepopula level. Most peopleperceivedthem,
however, as opponents of pre-Republica/Isiamic norms and values, and insisted on
maintaining thesevalues. As Magnareilafoundin the 1960's in a small town in north-
west Anaoli
As a result of this revolutionay program the residents of Susurluk are
expeiendng anxiety over the very ideological foundations of their society and

l21 Karpat agues that Peopl&s Houses ve iniroduced as agents of the regime,
whose man praxical purpose was to uproot the vestiges of the Sultanate aid its
ruling group and familiarise the masses with the ideas of the Republic (Kapat 1963:
55).
226
 cilture. The vast majority of townspeople are. devout Muslims who fear that their
belief systems is being threatened. They believe the primary Instruments of this
threat aec&tthitehers espedallythoseinthemiddlesthool aidlycee, andthe
immdiateobj&xs of the threat are their children (1974: 153).

In sum, Kemali in Turkey was a movement of rahcal tranorrnation whose effects

werefeitnot only atthelevel ofthestatebutby thea1lest social units such asthe
family and the individual. With its foci.is on society, It can be dlsiinguished from the
Ottoman reformist movements which were concerned more with the state aid hal a
limited effect on society (Toprak 1981: 62). As ccmpaed to the reforms of the
Ottoman period,1 which can be considered as 'a change of outlook', the Kemalist
reformist movement was an attempt 'to change lnde the society'. The mn im of
this attemptwas, broadly speaking, to shift the wlture of the society fromits Islamic
foundations towards the a.iltural modalities of contemporay Western societies.

82.. Th&Idol' ofthcTurks?

To the Naqshbandis, needless to s, Musta Kernalis not 'the Father of the Turks',
the meaning of the surname, Atatrk, he later adopted. They contend that he is the
most evil aeature, who came to the world to destroy Islam and make Satan happy.
The Sheikh calls him as 'the 39th of the small deccals (anti-Christ) after whom It
would be the turn of the real Deccz to appear in thewoxid'. For the Naqshbandis, he
is not 'the savi our of the. fatherland' from its enemies or 'the founder of the Republic'.
In fat they avoid pronouncing his very name, Atark. He is merely referred to as
the idol.
The Naqshbaidis severely criticise the reforms effected by Atati)xk. The rnrids
cursehim and his closest assodate and iccessor, Ismet tnn,, for selling the country
to the West. When such an atpt comes from ai enemy or a foreign POWer', says a
young Turkish rnrid1 'one can understand 1t but when It is from inside, that is the
most terrible thing to happen'. The Shelich also often touched on the issue in his

227
speethes. In one of them, he used the following metaphor to reflect his ideas on the
Kemalist reforms in Twkey.
'They cut the tree from its root. After you cut a tree from its root and put on it
another tree m.mk which is also cut, these two can never join with eh other and
live. There is a special way of gyng Casilamausul varthr). Wha did they do?
They cut us from our main culture and put on the European culture. It maintained
its greness for a while, then It dried up'.

Criticism of the nature of the Kemalist reforms is not always made with such
refinement An eminent Turkish Cypnot mhid, for instance, used the following
words for wha Atatrk did: 'The Greeks were raping something which belonged to us
[i.e., the motherland] and everybody was asking for someone who would save it
Then he [AtaQrk] app e&ed as somehow the savi our but laer, he himself raped h&.
A young Turkish Cypriot mrid relaes the following incident to fflustrae
Naqshbandi antagonism against Atarrk. During the W of Independence (1919-
1922), Atark went to Sevh erafedJ who was the SMith of Sheikh Dagliestani
(see diapter2), to get support for the struggle. Although Atark was keeping a pro-
Islamic profile, the mi"irid nraing the story says that S'h Serafeddlin, with his
spiritual powez caigit what was really in Atark's mind and, therefore, refused to
help him, saying 'we have nothing to offer you'.
Indeed, it is well known that during the Independence W&, AtaO.rk (Mustafa
Kemal then) gavetheimpressionthahewas conductingthestruggleforthesake of
lalam and the Ottoman Caliphate. In line with this, he asked support from influential
local religious leaders anong whom were the eminent Naqshbandi sheikhs in
different pats of the country. Thus a Mshbandi Sheikh, Fevzi Efendi of Erzincan,
was among the nine members of the Representative Committee of Erzurum Congress
(July 1919) which forged the naionahst movement led by Atanirk he was l&er
eleried as Ml' in the First N&ionai Assembly in 1920 (Misirolu 1990: 154-5).
Further, in two letters dated 1920 aid 1922, AtatClik wrote the following words of
praise to the Nshbanth aeikh Kufrevizale Abdulbaid in South-East Anatolia Both

228
letters start with phrases such as 'My Right Honourable Master' (Muhterem Efendim)
(Tevetolu 1973: 22-4):
'I never lose my belief that with the devoted resistance and help of our
coreligionists like your excellency, we will succeed in our righteous efforts to
liberate our land and our Caliphate. ... Your excellency has a significant share In
our ongoing efforts to liberate our nion from the oppreson of the enemies and
foreigners' (ibidj.

How and why Atatrk. who could write these words to a Naqshb and! sheikh as late as
1922, changed his position within two to three years to become a vehement opponent
of tarikats, is a vexing question. In Sheikh Nazim's interpretation of this shift in
Atatrk's attitude, Mustafa Kemal as the commander of the national forces in the
Independence War, Is welcome, while Mustafa Kemal as Atatrk who followed a
decisive Westernization and seculaisation policy and uprooted Islan is rejerxed. In
this respecx, the Sheikh declares; !We accept and appredate Mustafa Kemal who
worn the kalpak (fur cap worn by military officers in the late Ottoman period) and
called the people to struggle in the name of Islam, but we do not recognise the other
one who forbade the fez and the Arabic script.' In this second sense, Atatrk and his
followers are never forgiven for what they did to Islam and, particularly to thetarikats
in Turkey. The Sheikh expertly points out the role of the tarikats in Ottoman sodety
and attributes the problems of the country to their abolition
'For seven hundred years in the Ottoman period the people were hand in glove
with their sheikhs and tarikats. For seventy years, they (the secularrulers) dosed
the tarikats, hanged the sheikhs and mrids, forbade the zikrullah; now they pay
for it by having too much trouble They forbade dressing in the Islamic
way. They said, 'you will all wear the clothes of unbelievers [kafirl".
'Why have you forbidden the MPs to swear on the Koran in the National
Assembly? Even Greece gives the right to the Turkish MPs in their Assembly to
take their oaths on the Koran. The first National Assembly [during the War of
Independence] opened with the Koran redtation in 1920; there were many
aims, shdkhs in it They all swore on the Koran What happened then. Why is
Besmele122 forbiddenin the Assembly tod? What is wrong withthe Besmele?

l22 flesmeleis the Koranic formula Bismlllthirrahmanirrthim('In the name of God,,

the Beneficent the Merciful'), whose pronundation occupies quite a central place in
Muslim social practice. One cannot stat reading the Koran or chanting any due
without saying Besmde first It must be said before starting to eat to talk, to work,
etc.
229
 Why did Turkey forbid the taikats? Because they we the guadia'is of the
Tharia The tarikat is nothing but the application of Sharia. If the tarikats had
remane4 the Siawouldhai,elived So when they abolished the taikats, the
Sharla was aitomatically uprooted.
Theymadepeople get usedto reforms nkils), which hac'eno value a all. They
were not necessary eith&. They were Introduced to abandon our spirituality
(maieviyat). We got used to them. We see the reforms as normal' now. Turkey
has become a country which Is the imitator of the unbelievers (kafir mukallidi)
from head to toe. The way Turkey has opened for seventy yeas leads but to Hell.
Evything they established is against Islam.. Ninety-nine pcent of the people
are Muslim; but ninety-nine pa cent of the govanment are the imitators of
unbeliev&s' (Mr 1992 - Private house).

Many limes I hed the Sheilth and the mCirids referring Atatrk as theidol (p. The
Shdkh says that the state aithorities in Turkey have made Atatrk an idol by making
his tomb, Amt Kabir, a shrine, together with his busts aid statues throughout the
country. These symbolic arts of reverence are considered by the Naqshbandis as idol-
worshipping (puta tmak). Apart from bng a sin in Islamic terms, the Sheikh
asserts, It is also a sham; for all the world has abandoned the worship of idols, yet
the Turks ac still maintaining it He also asserts that all recent natural disasters in
Turkey, such as earthquakes and mining disasters, are punishments by Allah since the
Turks still worship the idol.
Affronted by ads of reverence towards thebusts and statues of Atalirk in Turkey,
a Turkish mhid makes the following ardent wish 'Of course, the day will come
when justlikewhat happened to Lenin's aid Stalin's statuesinRussla, wewill topple
Atark's statues in Turkey'. Ukewis; the connection is made between the dreadful
fate of communin in Russia and the future of the seala Kemalist regime in
Turkey. 123 Watching the people toppling the statue of Lenin on TV, one of the
mrids comments: Dai baimza! ('Mi our turn come nt!).
Acconlingto aprominent Turkish Cypriotmrid, Atairkwas afreemason In the
war in Tripoli (Trablusgarp), he encountered his friend s the British general Allerby,
who was from the samelodge, aid so deliberatdy with from the baiiiegowid,

l23 Cjmunism as can be pecxed, is cursed by the Nshbaidi community as the

most evil thing In the world The Shdkh makes it dear by saying, 'whoever holds
with communi he is an unbeliever [kafir]'.
230
ca.ising at the same time the deaths of seventy thousand soldiers. On another
occasion, the saumrid argued tha therewas ahidden agenda when Atathk called
the area where thepresidentlal palace was built Cankaya literally, 'Chuxthbell rock.
He implied tha Atatrk aid his followers aimed to turn the country's fae from Islan
to Christianity.
Some phrases are used to express opposition to the symbols aid values of secular
Turkey. Thus, the mri ds reckon Anka which was male the capital of the Republic
by Atatirk In 1923, as Atark's town. They say tha the Sheikh pronounces Ankara
as En-kara, meaning, !the darkest [pitth-b1&k] one'. A leading Turkish Cypriot mrid
informed me tha sometimes, when he has to pronounce the name of Atatiirk, he does
so by surreptitiously adding the consonant 'H' in front of the name, turning Atatrk
(the Faher of the Turks) into 'Haark' (the Error of the Turks).

8.3. Onamanin as against Turkithnezs

The Sheikh was born as an Ottoman in 1920, at a time when the Empire was a the
point of disappearing from the world stage. From the ashes of the Empire, Turkey
was born with an eagerness to put adethelegaey of the Ottomans. The secular rulers
in Turkey, a shrunken remnant of the vast lands once ruled and controlled by the
Empire, channelled the search for historical and cultural identity towards the Central
Asian steppes, thereby creng a rupture with the more recent, 600-year Ottoman
history. The people were no longer Ottomans, but Turks, aid told to be happy with it
(NemutluTr1dm diyene).
The Sheikh, however, has stayed decisively Ottoman, aid he still introduces
himself as Ottoman (Osmanh) raher than Turkish, In a controversial speech to a
radical Islamist audience In the Central Mosque (see Chapter 9) he made the
foil owing remarks: 'I an a Turkish MusUm Ottoman! Not one of the new Turks [of
the Republic of Turkey]. An Ottoman Musljiri, who [in the past] caned the Flag of
the Prophet (seethenext section) for six hundred years'. Accordingly, some Turkish

231
mrids, when aske4 avidly identify themselves as 'Ottoman' rather than Turkish or
Cypriot.
So, even today the Sheikh stands as an ardent defender of the Ottoman dynasty.
His political agenda for Turkey is based on the restoration of the Ottoman Crown. In
many of his speeches to Turkish audiences, he brings up this issue and prases the
Ottomans. Even the slightest aitidsm or objection that other Turkish-Islamic groups
may make against the Ottoman rule are not welcome. Generally speaking the
conventional approach of many Muslims to the Ottomans depicts them as rulers of an
Islamic empire which was at first a strict adherent of the Islamic faith, but later
deviated and therefore collapsed at the begning of this century. For the Sheikh and
the mir1ds, who reject this approach, the Ottoman dynasty from top to bottom was
above error. They all fimily believe that the Ottomans will rurnto power one day.
The Sheikh argues that the success of the Ottomans was the result of their keeping
the Islamic faith intact throughout their power. The Ottomans were the ardent
defenders of Islam, carried theKoran 'over their head and ruled the lands under their
conirol by observing Islamic prindples. 124 In this respect, what thefounders of the
Turkish Republic and their successors did was quite the opposite. The greatest
mistake made by the founders of the Turkish Republic was the abolition of the
Ottoman dynasty and Caliphate. For the Sheikh, the Turks' turning away from the
Ottoman legy is the main cause of the sodal and political problems that Turkey is
facing today. A case in point is Kurdish separsm, which is seen by the Sheilch as
the direct consequence of the regime's decisive emphasis on Turkish nationalism and
its denial of Ottomanismsincetheestthlishment oftheRepublic

124 The success of the Ottomans is also related by the mrids to a miracle (keramet)
coming from the Proph down to the Ottoman line. This keramet started after the
marriage of the daughter of Sultan Bayad I (Yildinm) (reigned 1389-1402) with
Emir Buhari (Emir Sultan), a celebrated Sufl of the 14th century, who is said to have
descended from the Proph and was, therefore, a seyyid. Emir Sultan's father, Mir
Kulal was also an important figure Inthe conixt of my study, forhewas one of the
spiritual mentors of Baha al-Din Nshband in the light of this linkage, some of the
mirids consider the coming of Emir Sultan to Bursa in late 14th century as the
beginning of the Naqshbaidi presence in the Ottoman 1and which is conventionally
dared to the second half of the 15th century (see pp. 39-4Z)).
232
 'For seventy yeas, Turkey has not gone forward. The building which was
constructed was not well planned. Its architect was inexperienced. The ones who
worked on it did not know what they were doing. They ha'e neither mastery nor
apprenticeship, nor any dear plan s nor adequate knowledge, nor good manners,
nor feelings (Ne ustaliklari var& ne Iscilikleri vadi, ne plailari vardi, ne ilileri
vadi., ne rgiilerl varth, ne duygulai vardi), The way the Osmanli followed was
n,metilik (the idea of community of believers In Islam). There was a Caliph
who ruled all the Islamic world with his spiritual attribute. The biggest mistake
we [the Turks] did was to withdraw ourselves from being the head of Islarridom.
Havre you ever seen anyone who takes away the a-own from his head and throws
it away'? What they didis suchacry thing. Theykicked away theattributeof
being thehead of Islam. So, today we do not hai,e any honour (itiba) either in the
Islanic world or in thenon-Islamicworld. Osmanlilik (Ottomanness) was avery
honourable titlerespected by everyone. There were various kinds of peoples from
different national and ethnic backgrounds who lived in the Ottoman lands. Yet
none of them expressed their own racial identity. They all said "I am Ottoman".
Osmanhuik was an umbrella covering each and every one of them. When these
bewildered and intoxicated ones [the secular rulers] came, they said "we are
nationalists". Oncethey had proposed this nationalism based on [Turkish] race,
the Kurd said "I am Kurdish"; the ssian "I am Circassian"; the Albanian, "I
am Albanian"; the Georgian, "I am Georgian"; the Chechen, "I am Cheehen"; the
Tatar, "I am Tatar"; the Turkoman, "I am Turkoman"; the Laz, "I am Laz"; the
Bo snian, U Bosnian"... Everyone appeared with his own nationality. The reason
why Turkey cannot cope with the situon is because of the seeds she planted
seventy years ago.
There is no honour (seref) in being Turkish or Kurdish, Circassian., Arab or
anything else. The honour is in the faith Allah does not say "0 Turks,
Kurds, Arabs..." [but] says "0 Believers, 0 my servants". Until yesterday, we
[meaning the Turks and Kurds] found honour in faith and lived as brothers. Allah
says, "no doubt the believers are brothers". For nearly seventy yeas, wep oi s oned
our youngsters by emphasising "nationality" (milli yet), and now they are at each
other's throat for that. They [the rulers of Turkey] did not say to them, you are
Muslims; you are brothers in Islan". For seventy yeas we. followed aroad which
has no place in the history of this nation. This nation comes along the road of
Islam until 1923. Then, the ones who came to power changed the road. Today,
they are paying the price. They think they cai settle the problem with'the army.
The army cannot solve the problem You [the authorities in power] brought these
children up in this way. You did not allow them to say Besmele, to read the
Koran, you imprisoned the ones who real It, or hang theni. You took away the
[Arabic] alphabet the Koran, the religious schools and colleges (mekteb and
medrese). Now, they not only eat each other but they also eat you! This is the
punithment by Allah... Will we continue on the road of mo deity/Westernization
(cadahk/gavurluk), or mm back to Islam? That is the question. Will 'they bring
the Koran back and show their respect for it or continue to follow Europe and
America? Allah says, "do not believe in the ones who do not believe in what you
believe". Some say the Arab world has turned its back on us. Don't say the Arab
world. Say the world of Islam. We ourselves have turned our back on the Islamic
worldby saying wewant theEuropean Community. 125 We want to be European.
We are not European! We are Asian. We originated from Central Asia Our

125 0n another occasion, however, the Sheikh accused the Arabs of standing up
against the Ottomans and advocating nionalism (kavmiye) and of beiraying the
Ottoman army airing the First World Wat
233
 ancestors were from Central Asia Now, we say, we are European". That is
nonsense You cannot be European by simply having land or living in Europe.
Where are we descended from? It Is Central Asi Turldstai. Why then do we s
we areWestern, despite the ft that we ac eastern. They (ihe Westerners) do not
&cept us. Why then should the lsla!ilc world support us? We turned our bks on
them. What do the Europeans want from us? To put the cross (istacrroz) on us'
May God save us from such terrible drs. What brought this nation together was
faith. We have to hold our Musliinness again. If you mind Allah, then Allah will
mind you' (31 Mach 1992 - Shelkh Nazim Mosque 4 April1992 - the Peckham
Mosque).

As he sees all the social and political ills of Turkey as the products of deviation from
the Ottoma/Islamicb&kg,round and running ter the Wesi, the Sheik.h reckons that
aremedyfortheseproblems can onlybefoundby revitalisingthis bakground
'All the instituti ons of the Turkish Republic are based on principles which are
against the Koran and Islam. Therefore they have broken, or are breaking down,
or are doomed to break down. Either we will change Turkey from top to bottom
and re-establish it on the basis of the principles of God (Hak), or if they insist on
saying, "we arelaic and will continue on this w, then it will collapse on their
heads. There is no possibility that it will not collapse, since it has already been
aked' (16 M 1992 - Private house).

Regarding the frustrating Kurdish problem caused by the dash between the Turkish
security forces and the Kurrlish separatist PKK guerrillas, the Sheikh suggests three
option; either of which, he asserts, will be enough to sort out the problem. Here
again, the return of the Ottomans to power, together with the proposition of a pro-
Islamic and anti-secular tranormion, constitutes the Sheikh's prescription for the
problem:
'The only way out is to revitalise the honour aid crown of the Ottomans. In other
word; to bring Osmanhhk b&k That is the first option. However, they will never
do this! Iwill suggest anotherwi out Itis the abolition of laidsim If you abolish
it, there will be religious freedom in the country. Then, the masters of religion
m manage to prevent the conflict among the believers. I will suggest a third
optionto solvetheprobleim ThePKKisontheleft lUs saidtobeMarxist. This
does not mean that all the Kurds are Marxists. Among them the religious ones
never arcept the victory of these Marxist Kurds. Therefore, the third option is to
give anonomy to the Kurdish region aid to support aid strengthen the religious
groups there. It is no one but the religious Kurds that can finish the PKK. That is
the easiest option for the government It will give aitonomy to Kurdistan yet this
aitonomy should be based on religion, so that the Muslim Kurds never give an
opening to the NReds. Otherwise, one can never manage to destroy the Marxist
PKK organisation. One nall drives out another ((vI dvi yi sker) and only the
Muslim Kuids can defeat the Kurds who are against Islam and want to establish a
Marxiststate. Thereisno wayout. Ifthey send all thearmiestheyhave, all of

234
 them will vanish in front of the uprising. If you do not make the Muslim Kurds
stand up, you cannot scae and prehend the Maxxist Kurds. Within forty days,
the Muim Kurds will hold the others as prisoners, That is the only solution. Let
themwanderfromthewestto theeast, and, if theyfind any other solution, Iwill
leavemy Shdkhly potion. [At this moment, one of theprorninent mihids says,
1 want the first option, that is, the revitaUsion of the Ottomans, The Sheilth
responds to him, NThey .cept none of them, my sonTM .]' (4 May 1992 - Private
house).

84. TheFlagoftheProph

Related to the suggestion that the Ottomans should return to powex the Sheikh quite
often mentions the Flag of the Prophet (Tic Sancak-i Serif), one of the symbols of the
Caliphate. 126 It was one of a number of saaed relics (TIc Mukaddes Emanetler)
which were brought by Sultan Selim I (Ya ciuz) from Cairo to Istanbul when he
conquered Egypt and took the title of Caliph from the last Abbasid Caliph there in
1517. In Ottomanthnes, the Flag was constantly used, particulalyinwar-timewhen
it was taken to the battlefields to boost morale in the soldiers (V afar 1935: 2.6, 50-1).
Today it is nothing more than an item of historical value, displayed in the Topkapi
PaIare (Istanbul) on certain occasions.
The Sheikh asserts that for the sake of thel anicwoild, the Flag of the Prophet
must be raised again. It is the only way to unite the Muslims all over the world. So he
proposes that Islamic groups and organisarions of vious kinds which appe& with
political demnds should try first and foremost to release the Flag from its 'prison' and
raise it. Unless this is done, he suggests, no other attempt can thangethe fate of the
Islamic world vls4vis the Western/Christian world. Concerning the dreadful
situation of the Muslims in Algeria despite their election victory, a Turkish mCLri CL.

observed: 'Although their intention and objectives are good aid for Islam, they cannot
succeed bese Sancak-i 5erif is still kept down. Unless it is unfurled, any success in
the struggles against theunbelieversis avain hope'.

l26 AlthougJi the word 'banner' would be more appropriate for Saicak-i Serif given its
primary fiincIon on the bade field, the Shelith uses the word !lag' in his speeches in
Engis
235
 The Sheikh emphasises the audal importance of raising the Flag of the Prophet
to prevent Muslims from figiting against each other and to unite thdr forces against
the unbelievers. In this resperz too, Turkey is blaned aid anathemaised for keeping
the Flag out of sight and hiding it from the atention of Muslims
'For seventy years we have kicked the Crown from the head of Islan [the
Ottoman Caliph]. He was both a Sultan and a Caliph. He was both a
temporal/political leader and the spiritual leader in the IslanilcworlcL We cut it
off We pulled down the Flag of the Prophet We broke the am which held it We
could not touch the pariach, however; who carried the c.ross (istavroz) and the
head of Orthodox Christianity. If you [meaning the authorities of the secular
regime] havre a stom&h, try to touch him [i.e., the Panarch]! Show us tha you
ac not afraid of anything and touch him! Your ancestor, Osmanli hanged the
part! arch in front of the church! Sultan Mabmud was not scared of the whole
world, the world of Christianity, the world of unbeilevers (kffar, and ordered
uHang him! Becaise he rebelled against the State (Devlet-i Ali yy e) and led to
disorder (fitne). Hang him a the door of the churcW. Immediately, they hanged
thepariach. The Osmanh had greatness (heybet). Now, candaeto touch or
say something against the Patriarch? No! Turkey is obliged to do what the
unbelievers order it! It does not hai,e its own power. Yet the Onanh had its own
power. Because they carried the Koran over their heads. Why does Turkey not
keep the Koran there? Why does it hide the Flag of the Proph? Whose is that
Flag?. Was it not entrusted to us? No one asks. Then they complain about the
natural disasters and ask why these terrible things happez They happen b ecaise
you pulled down the Flag of the Prophet and hid it from the people. Is it
dishonourable for the army to carry the Flag of the Prophet? Therefor our
punishment is so great. Unfurl it again and display it, then you will see all the
troubles gone. Under that Flag, the Turk the Kurd, the Circassla and others all
faught against the comnn enemy, the kCiffzr. That is the only lution to unfurl
that noble Flag. Tke it out from the Toiki aid display it if you can! Who ac
you afraid of? The unclean European? Why axe you scared of his weapons? Be
afraid of Allah! Just raise theflag! And say, come 0 believers; here Iraisethe
Flag of the Prophet. All Muslims will be obliged to come.. Then, let's see the
Armenian kafir; whether he will dare to attack the Azeris. The Armenians are
killing the Azeri Muslims. There are seven armies in Turkey. What are they
waiting for? Are they not f or such days? Are they only for parade? Why do you
feed such a big army? For staying in the barracks? (31 March 1992 - Sheikh
Nanm Mosque).

Inhis controversial speech inthe Central Mosque, the main focus of the Shelkh's talk
was also ontheFlag oftheProphet Heralsedtheissueinthemidst oftheverbal
attks onhimby a group of radical Islanists who opposehimandhis representation
of Islarn 127

l27 See the nit thapterfor the main Implications of this speech aid the opposltion to
the Sheikh fromtheselslamic groups.
236
 'The new Turks have imprisoned th Flag and our Arab brothers do not care
about It but occupy themselves by cusing the people, by swing msrik and
bid'a. Theflrstthingwhich shouldbe donebythoseacusingtheothers of doing
the prohibited (haram), assodation (rl and Illicit thnovaion (bicTa) is to bring
the Flag of the Prophet out. No other flag cai gather the immet once again;
neither the Saidi flag, nor the Turkish, nor the Iranian, nor the Egyptian flag can
ahieveit. Whereis that flag? Why do the Arabs not ask about ii? When that Flag
comes out, every Muslimmust fight No one can carry that flag exceptthe Caliph.
Why do they not ask where the Caliphl? No support from Allah comes until that
Flag comes out and the Caliph caries it Au the Muslim world, one and a half
billion Muslims are sinners becaise they do not ask where the Flag of the Prophet
is. Why do the Turks imprison that Flag in Istanbul? Why, 0 Muslims, are you
not asking for your rights? Therefore we aefigiiting against each other. From east
to wesl the Muslims are under the feet of the unbelievers. No rights for Muslims.
From Algeria to Boi; Turkey, all of us are sinners. Beca.ise, we aenot asking.
First the Arabs who are seyyids, thehe1s of Islam since 'the blessing of Islam'
nimet il-Islam) reached to the east and west through our Arab brothers. We are
thankful to them for this; and now we are waiting for them to move and ask where
the Flag of the Prophet is. Whereas they [the Arabs] are accusing everyone of
doing haram, j and bid'a They do not learn. They are all like these cassettes.
What right do those new, secular, Turks have to hide that Flag? It is for all
Muslims. It must be in Mecca If it is put in Mccc; then all the problems of the
Muslims will be solved'.
'No one asks where the Flag of the Prophet is. The enemies of Islam male the
immet forget it. Even most of the immet do not know if there is a Flag of the
Prophet It was carried up to 1924 when the Turks, the Deccal [Atark-?]
Imprisoned It in Istanbul. No one asks about it. Because they are happy. It is not
necessay for our creed (Lailaheilallah Muhammaclresulallah) to bewritten on
their flag. The faith must be in our heart The Saudis did write it on the flag. No!
First of all, the Saudis should ask where the Flag of the Prophet is. Yet the Saudis
are the enemy of the house of the Prophet. The Turks are, without any right,
making an exhibition of it in a museum to show it as if it is thing that belongs to
themuseum mtzelik). If thereisno sultan, thereis no naia; if thereisno flag,
there is no Shams. B ecaise the Sharia first orders the Muslims to have a sultan
and, then,, orders the sultan to carry the Hag of the Prophet' (11 April 1992 - the
Central Mosque).

8.5. DthndmgMonrthyagainaDemoaayin Iam

The Sheikh agrees with the other alvocates of an Islsmic sodo-political system on
the very point of no separation between the state and religion in Islam
'There cannot be Islam without the tate. There cannot be a state without Lslam if
there is, it is erroneous [batill Islam should be with power. Religion cannot be
without state. The task of the state is to execute the decree of AUth. It is not the
task of the stateto build factories or schools or establish business companies. That
isthebreal of thepeople, whichis nothingto do withtheaate. The.reaealot of
people who are without jobs. Why? B ccause the state has embraced everything
like a nighimac and sis everything is mine! You [the p eople] cannot run a
market, nor a business and nor a factory. I [the state] do evexything. [Whereas]

237
 the state should control whher the commands of Allah are followed or whher
the people are on the right path or not. Its task is to seuire the people's chastity
(irz), honour (narnus, religion faith (imai) life and properly, nothing else'
(29 Mach 1992 - Sheikh Nazim Mosque).

However, the idea of the unity of state and religion does not mean that the men of
religion. the ulem should take an nve pat in the ruling mathinery of Islam. The
Sheikh asserts that the ulernain Islam should not belocated at the centre of power but
on the side of the rulers, and should ax as akind of alvisory board to the state
'The state should protect Islaim What will the ulema do? All we will do is just
alvise [the state], nothing less, nothing more. However we cannot force [the
state] to do good. We do not have power. The ulema can only tell you [the state]
not to go to the wrong [evil] path, but they themselves cannot do anything. What
is the government frn? To direct the people mwards the right path aid to close the
wrong path. The man of religion () only gives advice Yet, he cannot change
what happens out there. Whereas the government orders (enireder); an
cannot order' (29 March 1992 - Shdkh Nanm Mosque).

Thus, an Islamic government similar to that of Iran today, which is based on the
political power of Shi ulem is not acceptable to the Sheilth. Instead the Sheikhis in
favour of monarchy as the perfect form of political rule. This is, in essence, contrary
to the views of modem Islamic radicals who opposethe idea of monarchy in Islam.
The Sheilth's sympathy for monarchical regimes also Indudes non-Muslims, such as
the British monarchy. The Shelkh argues that ruling dynasties are legitimate, chosen
by Godto ruletheir countries. These dynasties hasreblessings (bereket) given to them
by God and they, in turn. givethese blessings to thepeople oftheirlands.
All troubles, on the other hands comefrom the Toolish' idea of democracy, which
is, in the Sheikh's view, 'giving people the chance to rush to take power [that is
basically what demo cracy" means to the Sheikh]'. Whereas the Sharia gives power to
one person to rule, who is the Sultan. Therore, the idea of dernoay is alien to
Islam
'In Islam, weknowtha there is no partnerforpoweL Power in tslarnmube
through the sultan. When people stat to run after power, they quarrel and fight.
Democracy says, NQ people! Come and tale this power. Then, everyone says,
Nj

myself must havethat powe?. hi thelslamicrule, powermust bein theha'ids of

one person, the Caliph. The Caliph orders the peopl and he orders through the
Sharia. No democracy in Islam. That is What has democracy brought to

238
 humanity, other thai many more problems? We ac looking for the Sultan. The
Holy Koran says, you cannot get out of problems, troubles and wars until you
have a sultan. Only by ha'ing a sultan, you may stand up. Allah Alinigiity
dresses them [the sultans] with greatness (heyb) and with His own attributes,
aid gives them all power. It is all written In the Old Testament, New Testament
and theHoly Koran. No democryinthe Koran. Democr&y is for Satan'.
'Every ruler is responsiblefor the ded.ine of Islam in front of the world of unbelief
(k) becaise they do not hold theocray, but try to establish demnocracyin theh
countries. D emnocracy is a Jewish trap (fitne). Making feet he aid bringing he
down to the level of feet: that is democracy! Elections ac also not Islamic.
Democracy is mielty (zu]m, since it brings the Sharia down and the system of
Saranup' (15 Mach 1992 - the Deral 8 May 1992- the Dergah).

As a result the Sheikh alvocates monachical power (the Sultanate) as against the
idea of an Islamic republic based on a democratic government According to the
Sheikh an Manic stare without a legitimate sultan cannot be Manic. From the same
perspective, the idea of parliament is also alien to Islam. It too is a 'Jewish trap' to
confuse theminds of Muslims and put them down. Also rejected is the well-known
ideawbich is put forward by many &lvocates of the Islamicpolitical system as
the real parliamentay demo cray. Instead, the sultan appoints, without anybody else's
consent, one Grand Vizier functioning as a prime minister, and seven viziers to take
the main rmnistenal posts. He points to the French Revolution of 1789 as the architect
of all these harmful ideas such as democracy and parliament, and calls it The
beginning of disorder or corruption (esa1)'.
Democracy as a political system 128 is so repugnant to the Sheikh that even
colonial rule is much betterthan democracy in his opinion. He argues that in Cyprus
the lime of British colonialin was much better than the succeeding period of
indendence. He says,
'wewereapeacein spite of livingunder British colonialism. Afterindendence,
we (the Turks and the Greeks In the island) stated to eat each other. In India, the
people were getting on well with each other in colonial limes, but now they, too,
are earing each other. In the nane of democracy, people are eating each other'.

l28 Even the idea of democracy as a political system Is subject to a dispute in the
community. Rather than considering democracy as a system of government, Selim, a
leading Turkish Cypriot mCirid (see pp. 269-271) asserts that democracy is the
'religion' of our 'modern' limes. He dthnes democracy originally as 'the religion of
And ent Greece.
239
On the other hand, when it comes to the risk of being charged with dissidence by the
ithorities, the Sheikh does not hesitate to use democracy as a kind of shield which
guarantees his right to speak up as hewishes:
Some are afraid when I talk openly against what they [the Kemalists] did in
Turkey. I am talking about these matters In Turkey, too. Because, there is
democracy [my emphasis]. You [the rulers] decree that ev'yoneis free to think
and say whatever they think and believe. So, these are my thoughts. I am free to
saythemifthereis democracy. I am againstwhatyou did! Thatisit. Thatismy
opinion. If there is wrong, say it!' (4 April 1992 - Private house).

8.6. Rejethon of IamicRadica1ism

Hatred and hostility for secular Turkey, as well as the wishes for its downfall, does
not, however encourage the Naqthbandis to turn towards activism or stmggle against
the regime. InsteI, they 1opt a parifist policy and leave the matter of 'punishment'
to Allah. In fact, as with all world historical and political events, they explain what
happened in the Turkish case as Divine decree CAllah'in hikmexi). The collapse of the
Ottoman Empire and the emergence in its place of the secular Republic were both the
decisions of God, and one should not rebel againstthesetragicoccurrences. Although
the rulers of a Muslim country such as Turkey are not the a1herents of Islam,
nevertheless it is not right to launch an armed struggle against the regime in the name
of Islam.. The Sheikh disapproves of any action taken against the government by
force. He say; to stand against government hkmet) is to punch a sharp knife you
only harm yourself. Besides, as a Turkish Cypriotmrid puts, 5.n Islam it is essential
to obey the rulers' (Islam'dauhllemr'eitaa vardir). Thus, the Naqshbandis do not
appreciate the atks of members of the Muslim Brotherhood on the regimein Egypt.
The Sheikh criticises the whole Muslim world, in particular, the governments of
Muslim countries, for produdng 'terrorists' under the banner of Islam. However, he
also points out th while Islamic terrorists carry Kalashnikofs, the ones who cuse
them [i.e., the Western powers] have nudear bombs. On the issue of Islamic
'fundamentalism', he observes:

240
 'Fundamentalism is the foolishness to make people to run away from Islam They
[the so-called Islamic fundamentalists] are making Islam tasteless. We are trying
to make Islam as it is, i.e., tasteful, full of taste. Islam is against killing, against
terrorism, against everything which disturbs mankind. Islam guarantees all lives
that livewith us on this planet within nature. Islam cares for everything and every
ereatureinnalure. Islam carts for nature, too. This is the real Islam' (7 April 1992
- the Dergah).

Iran

The present Islamic Republic of Iran is undoubtedly a source of inspiration for many
groups and organisationswhich areadvocates of Islamicideologyintheworldtoday.
One can hardly imagine any group of this kind which would strongly disapprove of
the achievement of Iran in thename of Islam. Briefly, Iran plays theprindpal role in
the main currents of Islamic politico-ideological movements which are mostly
generalised under the title of 'Islamic fundamentalism'.
Exceptions indude Sheilth Nim's Nshbanth community. The Sheikh and his
followers are unsympathetic and hostile to the Iranian style of Islam on several
gxounds. First and foremost, Iran is not considered as the carrier of the 'correct'
Islamic model becauseit is the stronglio1d of the Shi sect. Secondly, emphasis is laid
upon the historical antagonism of Shii Iran to the Sunni Ottoman Empire.: Iran was
never endly with the Ottomans, but always an arch-enemy. Thus, one cannot expect
a change in its attitude to both Turkish and Arab Muslims. Given the staunch
Ottomanism of the Sheikh, his antipathy to Iran and its particular Islamic ideology
and political system are not surprising. Heputsit as follows:
'The Iranians FAcem] fought against us [the Ottomans]. They never drew their
swords againstthe.unbelievers. When theOttomans ran after the unbelievers, they
[the Iranians] struck them behind their back. However, there are still some
mindless Turks who call themselves Muslims andwantto followhim [Khomeini],
makehim their guide (rthber) and leader (imarn). Their aeed(itikad)is distorted.
As if we do not have any leader mam)' (3 April 1992 - Sheikh Nim Mosque).

Complementary to this is the Sheikh's support for monarchy as the ideal political
system for every sort of community, induding even non-Islamic countries. He
considers the late Pahiavi dynasty as the legitimate rulers of Iran, and rejects the
legacy of Khomeini.

241
 An Ir ianmrid of the Sheikh who lives in Holland and does not approve of the
Iran of Khomeini, mentioned that once the Sheikh talked about the Shah of Iran as a
man of sincere heart, while calling the present Islamic regime corruption (fesad). The
Sheikh also emphasised that the day would come for this regime to go and the aown
prince (the son of the Shah) to retake power in Iran. The mhid expressed his
agreement with these words. He argued that the Shah's time was much better than
today. At that time, evyone lived as s/he wished; some could drink, some could
worship God in his/her own way and, unless involved in politics, no one was asked
about his/her conduct. The Shah was avay soft person, so much so that despite
knowing evexything that Khomeini wanted do against him he did not kill him, but
sent him into exile.
The current inclination of the Muslims all over the world towards Iran as the best
available example of Islamic political power also annoys the mrids. A young
Turkish-Cypriot mrid aiticised a theology student from Tajikistan who, in a
television programme on the current Islamic mobilisation in Uzbekistan and
Tajikistan, argued that Iran's Islamic regime was relevant for his couniiy to follow.
Without &knowledging that Iran was a strategic carne of drug trafficking, the mxid
stated, the young Tajik asserted that there was no theft in Iran since they [the
anthorities] were cutting off the hands of anyone who did it. The mrid declared
furiously that the young Tajik deserved abeatingforhis ignorance. However, it was
Twkey, piiculIy AtaQrk, who should beblamed atfirst hand since Tudshpolicy
was based on avoiding doing anything in favour of Ehl-i Sinne(:anywhere in the
woiid.
Thus, Iran presents awrong and vely deviant picture of Islam to the world, whith,
for the m&ids, has nothing to do with Islam at all. In f the mhids assert that the
Iranian experience and Khomeini's Islam have done the greatest harm to Islam: The
Iranians just produced a picture of 'man with gun' in the name of Islam,
misrepresenting it to the rest of the world. They hanged, butchered and tortured
people in the name of Islaim A Turkish mihid argued that 'as a sign of Gods rejection

242
of what Khomeini did, his body was tipped out of its coffin by his mourners at his
funeral ceremony, though this seemed to be because of their love for bum

8.7. Critiuzm oftheatesintheIamicWor1d

Besides Iran, other Islamic countries and their states are also denounced by the

Sheikh, As a matter of f the Shelkh considers none of the Islamic states in the

world as genuinely Islamic. They are Islamic in name, he asserts, yetthey do not care

f or Islam and the Muslims in the real sense, but only for their own selfish interests.
He arcuses them of being indifferent to the dreadful situation of Muslims in fanner

Yugoslavia

'All Islamic countries are with Satan. Thousands of Muslims are being killed in
Yugoslavia. all innocent people Which Islamic country stands up and says
"Stop!" Pakistan? Turkey? The Saudis? Iran? Libya? Iraq? None of them! They
say they areMuslims, They areliars! Hypocrites [mOnafik]! They havemillions
of armies. What aretheywaitingfor? Whereis thehonourof Muslims? They are
shooting Muslims like dogs in the streets. When they come to speak, they are first
dass Muslims. They are. first class mnafiks. How can Allah give support to us?
Wearenotwith Him. Ifwewerewithbim howcould anIsrlbeattheheartof
Islam, like a sword? [Because] The Arabs are also not with Allah. Children are
fighting against the Israeli soldiers with stones. The armies of Egypt, Syria, Saudi
Arabia. Libya, Iraq, Tunisia. Algcxia, Morocco ... what are they doing? Making
parades only. It is easy to fight against Kuwait. But not against Israel. Perhaps,
they do not learn geography in. their schools and confuse the right direction for
tark We are with Satan notwith Allah The Azeris are Turkish. Turkey with its
60 million population cannot say anything. For 60,000 people in Cyprus, they are
keeping one hundred thousand soldiers. But they cannot save the Muslim people
of Turkish originsin Bosnia. Saudi soldiers are coming to the Ka'ba w!ththehai
of unbelievers on their heals. That is forbidden in Islam [haram]. The Angels are
shouting: Wake up, 0 Muslim world! Look, what is happening!' (12 May 1992 -
the Derah).

Afghanistan once had the strong support of the Sheikh in the struggle against the

Soviet invasion. Now, the Sheikh expresses his discontent with the orrent situation
inwhithrivalftions of Mujahedem areflgitingwith eaeh otherto get powermn the

country. As mentioned above, the Sheikh rejects any model of government other than

monarchy, and this also applies to Afghanistan.. He asserts that the only solution to
the problems of authority and government in Afghanistan is to bring bark the ex-King

from dle. Hefurtherpoints outtha mujaheeds, who ae essentially 'soldiers', cannot

243
lead the people. They can lead armies but not people Their aim to establish an
Islamic stae is wrongly oriented:
'They say, Wewill establish an Islamic ste". What an Islamic stae needs more
than anything dse is a sultan. There is no such thing as an Islamicrepublic. There
is sultanaein Islam but there is no republic. There would be a sultan bounded by
Shan all the. others should bevizters. All the mujahedeen leaders can be viziers
but none of them can be sultan. Therore, unless they bring the su1tan who ruled
their country for hundreds of years, back to p ower they will ea each othef (15
May 1992 - Priv&e house; 17 May 1992 - Privae house).

The Saidi regime, on the other hand, despite its monarthical foundaion, does not
represent the correct Islamic mod4 it is quite the contrary. In addition to his
denunciation of some practical wrongdoing of the Saidis, such as caising difficulties
for Muslims during the Pilimageperiod and, hence, damaging this one of the main
pillars of Islam and exploiting the Muslim holy lands, the She.ilth expresses strong
cli sapproval of the Saudi regime for much more fundamental reasons. Indeed,,
Naqshbandi antagonism towards Saudi Islam surpasses all other foci of opposition
such as Iran and Turkey. For the Naqshbandis, vha the Saidi system presents to the
world as Islai is not Islam a all, but abogus and evil idea which has no aim othez
than destroyingtheessenceof Islam ) thatis, SuflsmandtheSufi orders. Theenemyis
'Wabhabism'. For the Sheikh, all the so-called Islamic states in the world 1 with the
exception of Iran, are vieties of Wahhabi Islam. He depicts them as not really
Islamic a all, but auel (zalim) and going in the wrong direction The Sheilth argues
that the Wahhabis are responsible for every bad thing that the Islamic woxid is facing
today.
Thus, Wahhabism becomes another focus of investigation. In the woridview of
the Naqshbandi community of Sheilth Nm in London, Wahhabism constitutes the
main 'internal' enemy of Islam

244
 CHAPTER NINE

CONSTRUCTION OF SELF' THROUGH 'OTHER'

WAIIHABISM IN THE NAQSHBANDIDISCOURSE

245
Anthropological studies of Islamic societies and cultures have contributed much to
our understanding of the multiplicity of Islamic expression in various social and
cultural contexts, They have also helped to overcome well-established generalities on
Islam which depict It as a single totality. However, what is not enougi emphasised in
these studies are thepositions of different Islamic traditions vis--vis each other. In
other words, although we are well informed about the considerable diversity of
Islamic cultures in various locions, nevertheless, we have not learnt so much about
how these different 'islams' view or approach each other. The fact th every
particular Islamic group, associaion or community claims that it represents the
'correct model' of Islam as against the imperfection' of others makes it important to
investigate the ways in which the opposition of an Islamic cirde is constructed
against others. Here I argue th for the Naqshbandi community, facing intra-Islamic
opposition is a more crucial mater than challenging opposition loced in the non-
Islamic or un-Islamic world or, to use Islamic terminology, Daffi-Hab.
My approaeh to intra-Islamic discursive traditions is inspired by Asad's theoretical
perspective on religion in general and Islam in particilar. Asad emphasizes the need
for invesfigion of religious discourses in specific social seiiings and times, instead
of focusing on universal definitions and social meanings of religion. In his aitical
essay on Geeri's theory of religion, he suggests th the anthropology of religion
must primaxily seek to understand the historical conditions and social processes in
which particular religious discourses are made thinkable, acceptable and correct by
the societies, whilst others are exduded, forbidden and denounced (AsarI 1983). He
ler applied this perspective to the anthropological study of Islam and suggested tha
theprindpal task of an anthropology of Islammust beto focus on the questions how
specific discursive traditions in Islam 1 say, amystical Sufi tradition, asynaetist sect,
apolitical organisation, or a staeideology, are produced and maintained (ASad
1986). Asad's primary concern is with power or power relations (in the Foucldian

246
sense) which are operational in legitimising certain Islamic prtices or, following
Asad,, Islamic thsaarsive traditions' as 'correct at the expense of altemve forms.129
For the Nshbandi community of Sheikh Nim, no Islam, in the real sense of
the word, is considered to exist outside their own interpretation and practice, despite
the very farx that there are other, different Islamic assodations and communities side-
by-sidewiththem. They asserttha theirs is themanifeston of the single, true Islam
or'thecorreamode1, vis--vis theother'islams', whicharedepictedbythemas false
orimpeifectl3O
No doubt, such claims to perfection are not exclusive to this particular
Naqshbancli community but are also typical of other Islamic groups and
communities. 131 What concerns me here, however, is the investigation of the
mechanisms througl which the instituted practice of this community is legithnised
and sustained as the correct model of Islamicreality. In the analysis of a particular
Muslim discourse, particular attention must be paid to the idiomic concepts used
frequently by the members of the community to distinguish their 'perfect' way of
living Islam from the mperfection' unfortunately advocated by others under the
banner of Islam. In this respect, my focus in the. following discussion is on the
meanings of the term Wahhabi' or 'Wabhabism' in the Nshbandi discourse.

9.L The Naqshbandi Discourse of Wahhabi

Throughout my fieldwork, I constantly heard the word "Wa:hhabi" used by the

mrids. Wahhabi has anegative connotation referring to certain Islamic attitudes, acts
and viewpoints of which Naqshb and! Islam disapplDves. In fact, Wahhabism in the

129Mad defines 'Islamic discursivetradition' as 'atraLlltion of Muslim discoursetha

addresses itself to conception of Islamicpast aid futurewith referericeto aparticular
I ic practice in the present (Asad 1986: 14).
130 The term 'islams' was first used by kH. El-Zein in order to ernphasise the
diversity in Islamic experience as against the (implicit or explicit) essentialist
approaches of both anthropologists and theologians to depict a single-true Islam (-
Zen 1977).! owethe term 'the correct model m Asad (1986: 15).
11 Asad (1986: 2) points out that 'there are everywhere Muslims who say that what
other people take to be Islam is not really Islam a all'.
247
Naqshbandis' view is a bogus Islamic position which stands for everything and
anything hostileto Sufism within Islam; it aims to destroy Sufism, thai is to say, the
irue Islam It is presented as a disgrace to the Islamic world. Every illness in the
Muslim world, and its weak and submissive position in front of the West ac
aiributed by the Naqshbandis to Wahhabism. 'Thanks to the Wahhabis' says a
Pakistani mirid, 'Muslims deviaed from the right pah of the Prophet and stayed
behind the developments of the world'. The Wahhabis ac cursed for their &texnpts to
demolish the Sufi orders (seebelow) and, hence, for doing the g,reatesthann to Islam.
They are accused of reducing the Prophet to an ordinay person, vhereas, for the
Naqshbandis, heis an extraordinaxy person1 thebest representative of mankind. 'Their
Isi am' agues a Turkish mirid, 'is tasteless and dull ... whereas there is a taste in
worship, and tasavvuf gives tha'. The Jewish and Freemason conspiracies to destroy
Islam ae also given as areasonfor the emergence and development of Wahhabismin
the Muslim world. In one of his Ramalan addresses, Sheikh Hisham uses the
following words about the Wahhabis,
'They ac spreading their teaching., which is against the Prophet, against the four
mhebs [Sunni schools of law]. They [the Wahhahis) ae showing Islam in acniel
way to the world. They ae the ones who ac showing Islam as a cruel religion.
And tha is why In Europe and Amic you cannot say that you ac Muslims. If
you say tha you ae Muslim, [people] h&e you. Becarse those Wahhabi are
showing Islam in a cruel manner. They say the Jews are showing Islan in a cruel
manner. It is the opposite! They ac more harmful to Islam than the Jews. They
are worse [than the Jews) in disliking the Prophet They are dirty people who
sprel their teaching with money and fight with the love of Prophet. They are
hypocrites (munafik) ... Do notlistento them! Do not go to their mosques! Do not
priwith them! Do nottalk to them! Takeasthk andbethem!' (15 March1992
- the Pecitham Mosque).

Where does this hostile aititudetowards so-called Wahhabism come from? Above all,
what is Wahhabism really? And, what are the historical conditions which determine
the Naqshbancli denunciaiion of the Wthhthi version of Islam? To answer these
questions, we need some background about the history of the antagomsm between
Wahhabism and the Naqshbaidiya or, in a wider cont Sufisrn.

248
92. Wahhabism: The Hiorical Backound

Wahhabism, in conventional usage, is the name of an Islamic puritanist movement

which emerged in central Arabia in the second half of the 18th centuiy. In the course
of time, it became a p olity which, in the end, gave rise to the present Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. 132 The name of the movement comes from its founder, Muhamml
Ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1737), who, after his visits to the central lands of the
Ottoman Empire, was certain that most of the Muslims had deviated from the original
essence of Islam and that Ottoman rule must have been to blame (Tibi 1990: 20-1).
Inspired by the ideas of the famous sthol of late mediaeval Islam, Ibn Taymiyya,
Abd al-Wahhab advocated that only the Arabs could revitalise the original,
'puritanical' Islan and made apolitical alliancewithalocal tribal chief, Ibn Said. Ibn
Said and his successors used the former's ideological inspiration to expand their
power in the Arab lands at the expense of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, the movenent
from its inception, vehemently attacked. 'the accommodons and cultural richness of
the mediaeval' Ottoman Islam which had emerged over centuries as a result of
adaptation to corrlex cultural drcumstances (Smith 1957; Tibi 1990) The Wahhabis
tgeted Sufism and the Sufi orders scattered over the lands of the Ottoman Empire,
accused them of causing such cultural accommodations within the Islamic
framework. They sav, Sufism as mingling with superstitious cults and un-Islamic
accretions (Rahman 1979: 638). The main Wahhabi action, in line with this doctrinal
position, was the destruction of the shrines of Muslim holy men (Evliya) and/or the
Sheikhs sincethey were the places to which people attributed sanctity. Even thetomb
of the Prophet in Medina was said to have been destroyed by the Wabhabis, since
they considered any veneration of the dead (induding the Prophet) and prayer at their
shrines as polytheism (Al-Azmeh 1966:76-7). They inslsted that prayer should
beto God alone, and theProphetmustbe excluded fromliturgy. Evythingthat these

132 For detailed accounts of the nature of Wahhabism, see Rentz (1969) and Al-
Azmeh (1986). A shorter assessment of the movement cai be found in W.C. Smith
(1957: 41-4).
249
Wahhabis stood against was, however, a constituent part of wh the majority of
Muslims at that time practised as Islam. This, therefor was at &tenipt to aee a
'shift from the existent to the essential, from the actual to the ideal [Islam]' (Smith
1957: 44). Although the Ottoman government suppressed the movement and exiled
its leaders from the region in the ely 1800's, towads the beginning of the 20th
century the movement was xthorn with the re-establishment of the power of the Saidi
chiefs in the ea Finally, it has become an established doctrine after the foundalon
of the Saudi Kingdom, who app ears to be determined to spread this do chine
everywhere in the Muslim woxid.
Thebasic tenets of Wahhahi doctrine can be delineed as follows: insistence on
theLawbased solely ontheKoran andtheadis butnothing else; rejection of every
innovation developed after the generation of the Prophet rejection of both
mystical and intellectual trends in Islam, such as Sufism, philosophy and theology;
condemnation of devotional ts directed towards any figure other than God; and
emphasis on the ability of every individual Muslim to see or find the true Islam
without the help of another human agent (like a Sheikh) to guide himiher (Smith
1957: 44; Al-Azmeh 1986: 77).
The adherents of these ideas do not however call themselves as 'Wahhabi'; in fact
the name is attributed to them by their opponents and the Europeans, while they
themselves use the name Muwahhidun (the Unitarians) to identify themselves
(Magoliouth 1987: 1088). Ukewise, as against the efforts of their opponents, among
whom is Sheilth Nazim's Naqshbandi community, to dass them out of Sunm Islat',
they regard themselves as Sunni and the adherents of Hanbeli mheb. one of the four
best-recogisedSwmi schools of law (j4).

9.3. Naqhbandiyavis-&-vis Wabbabism

From the abovenaxraive of theWahhthi movement, one cat easily detect the reasons
for the well-established Sufl and, in paticula, Nshb andi dislike for the Wahhabi &
Wh& makes the Naqshbandis antagonistic to Wahhabism is, flrst thdr absolute
250
commiiment to the guidance of someone (the Sheikh) to experience the 'true Islam
and, secondly, their rejection of independent tempts by Muslims to gain Islamic
knowledge througj'i individual readings of Islamic holy texts. In practice, in order to

gasp the ess ceof Islam, the mi"irids consideritmoreirnportantto pay tentionto
the sunna (the conduct of the Prophex) than to the Koran. According to Selim (see pp.
269-271), not everybody can gain an understanding of Islam by ordinary readings of
such an extremely sophisticated text as the Koran. It would be much easier for
someone to find the essentials of Islam by focusing his/her tention on the personal
conduct of the Prophet, i.e. onbis way of being Muslim.
Besides, S&an is among the ones who know the Koran best [my phasis]. So,
knowing what it is written in the Koran does not help much in terms of being a
proper Muslim. Wh is much more important in Islam than knowledge [of
Koran] is edeb [proper manners or etiquette] which can only be acquired througi
the suima

Theresult of the Naqshbandis' insistence on the priority of sunna leads to the need for
the Sheikh who, as the spiritual heir of the Prophet, will guide ordinary Muslims to
understand the Prophet's personal conduct. Thus, to follow the Prophet's perfect
example and, thereby, to have a profound understanding of Islam, one must follow
the Sheikh. Thepoint is justified by another Turkish mirid with the following words:
'Allah did not send the Koran directly to the people, although He has thepower to
do so. For instance, hemight have made it known to mankind by using one of His
angels. But, Hepreferredto send a Prophet, ahumanlikeus, to profess the Koran
to us. This is becaise you cannot understand any subject by merely reading a
book on it; you need a 'teach& who will teach and explain it to you in a proper
way. Therefore, Allah sent us the Prophet who taight the Divine Message and
made it understandable for us. After the Prophet died, his spiritual heritage passed
on to some people, since he had said before he died that 'I have inheritors
(vis). This meais there is now his spiritual treasure possessed by his legal-
spiritual inheritors, who e the real sheikhs [meaning, indeed, the Sheikh]. To
follow such a person is to follow the sunna of the Prophet and, therefore, to live
the real Islam

The Naqshbandis give the utmost importance in their Islamic belief and practice to
expressing their love and respect for the Prophet through prayers and other

251
ceremonies, 133 They say that whatthey do is not worshippingthe Prophet, as argued
by the Wahhabis who consider it polytheism (rl, but just praising him. This, they
argue, cannot and must not be opposed, since the one who first praised the Prophet
Muhammad was none other than Allah. From this point, the Sheikh bombards the
Wahhabi Arabs:
'Allah is saying, '0 My servants, the best example for you among my seivants is
Muhammad, the praised one!; praised by his Lord. Some Arabs they are very
crazy, very jealous. When we are praising the Prophet, they are getting very
angry. They are saying, [this is] They are Saan! [For] Allah praised him [the
Prophet]. If all creation is praising SevyidinaMuhamma4 besides the Lord's
praising [him], that Is only very small spot. It is from Allah that endless praising is
coming to him ... And, those Arabs, [who] are Wahhabi, Cehennemi yvun [the
oneswho wouldgoto Hell], areveryangryfortherigts of Muhammad.. Theyare
4
saying we are doing . They are doing jj. Time is over for them. ... Those
foolish ones [the Wahhabi Arabs]; when someone says 'Essalatu vesselamu
aleyke, they say 'haram' (forbidden). They [themselves] are haami yyun [the ones
doing Islamically forbidden things]. No honour [for them], if they are not
honouring Muhammad ()' 3O Math 1992 - the Peckham Mosque).

Visits to the tomb of the Prophet in Medin to the shrines of past sheliths or evliya
and to the graves of dead relatives or ftiends and supplication for these people, are
among the other essential aspes of Naqshbandi Islam, which are not acceptable to
the Wahhabis and labelled by them as orja. TheNaqshbandis counteract these
accusations by using the same concept of bid'a for the Wahhabis. They consider the
Wahhabi movement as the 'true' bid'a (innovation) in Islam (see 'The Wahhabi Fitna'
1993: 2-3).
Ironically, just as the Wahhabi movement from its inception blamed Sufi Islam
for the decline of the Islamicworld,, so does the Naqshhandi community today blame
Wahhabism for the decay of Muslims l over the worlcL The Saudi regime, as the
sponsor of Wahhthi, is the primary target of Naqshbandi cusations. Generally
spealdng, the Naqthbaidis consider the majority of Arabs to be inclined towards

l33 The Sheikh, in one of his speeches points to the sigiiflcance of the Prophet's
position for the bdief 'Without the love of Muhammad [Muhabbet el-Muhammad],
you cannot reach the love of Allah [Muhabbet Allahi. Without your love for
Muhammad, you cannot follow him; if you cannot foil ow Muhammad, your love for
God cannotbetru&.
252
Wahhabism although there e a number of Arab mrids within the community.
More specifically, however, Nshbandi accusations of being Wahhabi are directed at

song of the famous Muslim thinkers of the last two centuries (the modern period) or
at Islamic organisations linked with them. Whenever I asked the m(!thds whom they
specifically considered as Wahhabi, they responded with names such as Jamal 1-
Din al-Afghan!, Muhammad Abuh, Hassan al-B anna and The Muslim Brothers
flthwan al-Muslimin), Sayyid Qutb, Abul-ala Mawdudi and Jana'at-i Islami, the
Deoband.ts, the Barelis. 134 Some of these thinkers and organizations canbegouped
according m their similarities and connections. However, one can hadly consider all
of them under the same rubric, since significant divergences in opinion also exist
between them, such as the incompatibility of the reformist Islamic modernism of
Afghan! and Abduh with the 'and-modernist' Islamic revivalism of al-Banna and
Sayyid Qutb. Nevertheless, these people or organisations (Afghan! excludedsee the
Footnote 123) commonly sha though in different degrees, a suspicious attitude

134 Jamal aI-Din al-Afghani(1839-1897) was thefirst, genuinepan-Islarnist thinker

and the pioneer of mo dernist reformism in Islam. His main argument was the
compatibility of Islam with science aid technology. It is not convincing however to
count him as a Wahhabi since he was clearly pro-Ottoman, a defender of Sufi Islam
and against Wahhabi puritanism. His pupil, Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905)
maintained, pushed even further, the Islamic modernist trend, but declined the pan-
Islamicideas of his mentor, focusing on thelocal realities of Egypt Hetook araher
supportive position towards Wahhabism and made a distinction bween true and
false Sufism. Hassan al-B anna (1906-1949)was the founder of the Muslim Brothers
organisation in Egypt, which became the most prominent politico-ideological
rev'ivalistmovementinSunni Islam, particulalyinthe Arab world. Al-Banna'sideas
arein rnanyrespects inlinewiththeWahhabis. Ukethem, hedenounced Sufism as
responsible for the dedine of the Islamic world. He rejected the idea of Islamic
modernism. Sayyid Qutb (1906-1964) was, after al-Bama, the most influential
member and ideologist of the Muslim Brothers and voiced the moreradical docirines
of the organisation. Abul-ala Macvdudi (1903-1979) and his party, Jamat-i Islam!,
pe& more or less similar versions of al-B anna aid the Muslim Brothers, in a
thfferent sdng, the Indian Sub continent The Deobandis are the followers of the
famous Deoband seminary in the Subcontinent, which was founded by Islamic
scholars in 1876 with the aim of sustaining Islamic religious education as against the
heightening threat of British colonialiam They represent a moderaterefomist trend.
The Barelis are the followers of S'yid Ahmazl of R BacH (1786-1831), whose
ideas seen to be closely akin to the Wahhabis. However, Syid Ahmad's position
with respect to Sufism appears problematic since his predecessors in the reformist
programme of Indian Islan were from the Nshbandi tradition aid he himself also
organised his followers in a similar way to the Sufi orders (see Hourani 1970;
Rahman 1979: 193-234).
253
towards Sufi Islam and a b e1i in the individual exploration of Islam through the
Koran. To Njshbandis, both oftheseindicethelegacyofWthhthismlntheirideas
and justify classing them as Wahhabi'.

9.4. Wahhabi in London

In London, there are Islamic gatherings next door to those of the Nshbanth
community, which the. mrids label Wahhabi. They identify these other groups by
their opposition to the Sheikh and his 'divine position. Throughout the year, meetings
and convers&ions among the Naqshbandis &e dominated by topics in which these
opponents and their 'Islam' ac thallenged. I foois on two of such cenes of
opposition below.

The kiiziyc Cirde Aziziye is a Turkish mosque in the Stoke Newington aea of
North London1 quite near to the Sheikh Nm Mosque. While Aziziye appears m be
more or less exclusively the service of Turks from mainland Turkey, the Sheilth
NazimMosqueis known (pticulaIybypeoplefrom Azizi y e) as 'themosqueof the
Cypriots' (Kibnsh1ain Camiisi), although many people from Turkey also attend it
The mrids assert that the menibers of the Aziziye community are not friendly
with the Sheikh and his Naqshbandi community. They accuse them of gossiping
about Sheikh Nim and desaibethemas odds with Sufism and deservingthe title
of Wahhthi'.
The following indicates how the conneciions between the Azizi ye, anti-Sufism
aid Wthhabism are constructed in the everyday Naqshbandi practice
Rifat told me how he quarthed in his workplace with another Turkish Muslim
who is not sympathetic to Sufi Islam.. The mrid's enphasls was placed on the
need for a sheikh to guide the less able ones in gasping the light of Islam. The
other, howevex rthised to recogpise sheikhly Islam and to consuit any person or
literal source except the Koran and the Halls. He was also in four of evezy
Muslim's own reaiizion of Islam. The mrid sad the man attended the Aziziye
and was brainwashed there. Later, he assessed the man's position as dose to
Wahhabi ideas, mentioning, hi this respect; thename of Mawdudi as an example
of a Wthhthi thinker.

254
Much more serious, theological disputes with members of the Axizi ye group also
octurred
A midd1-aged woman disdple of the Sheikh saw a young Turkish Muslim and
had atalk with him. This man did not cept the Sheikh, thougii in fact1 it was this
lady who had, two years ago, drawn him into Islam. After losing ccntact with
him, she found him two years later1 In the A2izlye. She expressed her sadness by
saying to him, 'I was very happy th you became Muslim, but now! am sorry th
you hacie fallen among the Wthhebis'. This man questioned the spiritual power
&tributed to the sheikhs by asserting th 'no one can knowthe unseen (gaybg you
cannot know, for example, wh is bebind th wall'. Thereupon she responded,
'the Koran1 from the beginning to the end, talks about the g avb. The unbelievers
saw the sun and worshipped it saw the stars and worshipped them, Do you
believein God? Yes! Is God not beyond our sighi? Is He not gayb? All belief in
God, the angels and the djinns is based onyab. Wh are you talking about?"

Notwithstanding its depiction as antagonistic to Sufisr the Aziziye drde is, in fact,
not so alooffromit. Onthecontrary, doselinksexistbetwen someofitsmembers,
including the Preacher of the mosque, and another N&ishbandi Sheikh from Turkey,
MahmudHoca
Based in Istanbul, Mabmud Hoca is one of the well-known Naqshbandi Sheikhs
in contemporary Turkey. Although they both claim to belong to the same Islamic
tradition, there are apparent differences between the Naqshbandiya represented by
Sheikh Nrni and tha representEd by Mabmud Hoca Shelkh Nim is characteiised
by his tolerance and flexibility in his dealing with the mihids and by his openness to
the outer world. Mahmud Hoc in contrast, is known for his strict interpretation of
Islamic praaice, rigidity in his taik strategy and intolerance of any sigi of improper
&thude or appearance.
A Turkish m'irid of Sheikh Nazim, who is a businessman in Istanbul, coincided
with Mahmud Hocain the airport terminal. He went to kiss his hand to show his
respe as a Nshbandi mrid, to this other representive of his pah. After the
young mihid kissed his hand, Mahmud Hoca looked his beardless face with a
frown and asked him whose mihid he was. Learning th the man was Sheilth
Nim's mihid, he grumbled, 'thatis obvious; otherwise how can you be a mrid
without beard!'

Sheikh Njm responds to Mahmud Hoca's criticisms by belittling the other's

position. Hetaiks, themihids s, about Mahinud Hocaas a'Naqthbandi aIIm', not a
sheikh. An old woman disciple of Sheikh Nazim told how Mahmud Hoca drove

255
women from the Aziziye by asserting in his address there th even those who wore
long overcos (pads) wereunbelievers (kafr), since they did not wear the carsaf
(outer garment). Some of Sheikh Nanm's habits such as giving his hand to women
who want to kiss it (see Plate 4), his tolerance (though not approval) of mixing
between men and women in p1es of ghering, his acceptance of everybody into the
community, are unceptthle to Mahmud Hoca and his devotees or the Aziziye drde
in general who severely criticise Sheikh Nim for these things.
Thus, there is sharp differencebetween these two leaders of the same Naqshbandi
p&h with regard to the strategy of tehing and guiding people. This comes from the
sodal context which appears significantly different in the two cases. Mahmud Hoca
appeals to a small and relively marginal group of people who originate from rural
areas of Turkey and feel lost and insecure in the cosmopolitan metropolis, Istanbul.
He is the voice of resistance to and fear of 'modernization' in a secular-Muslim
country (alur 1990). Sheikh Nan on the other han4, is &xive in a Western setting
and deals with an extensive community whose members have diverse interests in his
assodion. In order to keep this heterogeneous body of followers, he has to be
fldble and commodathg in his straegy as a shelith
The commitment of the Aziziye to Mahmud Hoca does not prevent this
community from establishing good, co-operativerelations with other Turkish Muslim
associations such asthepro-Iranian Kap lanas, the Saudi-indined Miii Grcs, the
quasi-Sufi Siileymancis and Nurcus or the Pakistani-originated Tablighds.135 Other

135 'Ka,lanas' are the supporters of a Turkish Muslim activis1, the ex-preacher
Cernaleddin Kaplan, who is now based in Germany and in the mid-80s launched an
Islamic political movement against the secular regime in Turkey. The political
orientation of this Islamic movement appears identical to that of Khomeini's Iran. The
Miii Gr5C1S are Muslims who support the stance of the only legal Islamic pty in
Turkey; thais the Welfare Party of Prof. NecmeddinErbak Despite doserelations
with the Saudis and Sauth-bked organisations like the World Isla'nic Organisation
(Rabita), the background of the party and of its founding cadre lie in a particular
Nshbandi tradition in Turkey. The SIleymanas and Nurais are Islamic
associations whose discourses are akin to Sufism, though their organisational
franecvork is different from the dassical tarikat organisation. Nevertheless, the
founders of both assodions originated from and weretrained in Naqshbandi circles.
The Tablii Jama'a is one of the best-organised aid most tive Islamic
256
prominent Nshbandi Sheikhs of Turkey and their mrids also seem to find the

Aziziye dose to their Islamic positions, and are welcomed there when they come to

London. As aresuli rhezthanbeingidentifiedwith apaliaalar Islanicassodaion

or leader, the Aziziye is more likely to be considered as an maigam of various

Islamic politico-ideological currents in modern Turkey, th is to say, a rleczion In

London of fets of recent Islamic mobilisation in Turkey. As regards Sufism vkiere

it stands is explained by the head of the community, the Imarn of the Azthye Mosque,

as follows:

We are aware of the importance and value of tasavvuf in Islam, however we are
not saying that whoever does not have a sheikh1 his sheikh Is San' [a common
phrase of SufI Islam which is also frequently mentioned by the members of the
Nshbandi community in talks and discussions]. Some can learn the Koran with
their own efforts. As a mater of farx, tasavvuf and taika is the domain of the
havass [literatihintellectuals]. It requires both Islamic knowledge (ilir and ue
sincerity (ihias). Wha is much more important, on the other hand, is the position
of the guide (m(rid). If his guide is not a good and ue one, amrid can go
wrong and take dangerous ways.... Our position is likely to be a representative of
Mahmud Efendi (Hoca). However, we are addressing y the Turkish people in
London [my emphasis here is to point to the differentiation implicitly made by the
person quoted as between their position and the position of Shekh Nim's
Nshbandi community] (9 August 1992 - Personal interviev Aziziye Mosque).

There is a certain degree of competition between the two communities in recruiting

new members from outside and, more significantly, from e&h other. There are

miids who first joined the Aziziy e community and became the ardent supporters of
its Islamic stance (see the case of Bifat in page 85), then after encountering the
Naqshbandis and being impressed by the Sheikh, they changed ther line, left the

Aziziye and made their devotion to the Shdkh. However, the flow of recruits appears

to move in both directions. I was informed by one mrid about another's leaning
Sheikh Nim's group for the Az[ziye Throughout my field work, I also observed

some people who continued to atend the artivities of both groupings for a long

period of time, before eventually some of them made a dedsion for the Naqshbandi

group, others for the Aziziye Finally, there are some people who matageto sustain

organi saion not only in Britain but all over the world; it follows a moderate and
non-political style
257
reasonable relationships with both communities. I even witnessed the well-balanced
relationship of some mhids with the Irnam and other members of the Aziziye
gahermg. I was, for instance, taken to the Aziziye by a Turkish mCirid who seemed to
be on very good terms with the Preacher. The remarks quoted above are from his talk
to us on that occasion. After we left the mosque, the mirid urged me not to nntion
our visit to the Azizl y eto the other mrids, sincethis would displeasethem. He also
mentioned that the Sheilth h1 warned his disciples (of Turkish origin) not to go to
the Aziziye. He assessed this warning as followa

'His aim is to prevent the ones who aenevi and NimmaweN in thetaika and cai
be easily confused as regards the Sheilth if they attend the Azizi y e. Whereas, I
myself am very happy with my Shdkh and, therefore, to go to the Azizi y e does
not effect my devotion to him. Yet not everybody is like me There are some who
first came to our drde but, after meeting the people in the Azizi y e and altending
there, left us. The people in the Aziziye caused confusion in their minds about the
Sheikh'.
The competitive nature of relations between the two communities inevitably
causes tensions, and sometimes, in their encounters with each other, these tensions
can easily break out into major arguments.
Some people who are on good terms with the Aziziye invited the Sheikh to give a
talk there. However, because of a lack of communication with the lelers of this
community, the agreed date dashed with another talk in the Aziziye The people
train the Aziziye asked the Sheikh to come and talk another d'. In the meantime,
the mrlds had hastily printed leaflets in which they nounced the Sheikh's
forthcoming talk in the Aziziye on that original date, and circulated them to the
people. Although the Sheikh was said to be insistent on going that day,
nevertheless he changed his mind and decided not to go, aid the event was never
realised. A couple of weeks later, three people from the Aziziye appeared outside
the mosque of the Naqshbandi community just after the Friday prayer led by the
Sheikh, and stated to distribute leaflets about the visit of Mabmud Hoca to
London aid his forthcoming talk In the Aziziye. A Turkish Cypriot mCrid
approached them and complained, swing, You first invited our Sheikh and then
did not allow him to talk in your mosqu now you come to our mosque and wait
us to come there for another sheikh?' The three responded, 'There was no
invitaion you printed leaflets without asking us'. Thereupon two other Turkish
Cypriot mCjrids, who are brothers, attacked these A21z1ye people, one of them
saying,, 'One day I will set fire to that mosque FA2izwel'. Other mi)rids intervexd
aid calmed these angry brothers, taking them away from thethree men. Although
so minor tchanges between the mihids and the. visitors continued for a while,
in the end, aleadingnuhid calmed the situation and made a stat for a reasonable
discussion with the representatives of the A2izi y e. He pointed out that the
community of Sheikh Na2lm hal been here since 1974, and it was not right for
the newcomers particularly the Turkish ones, to establish another community;
instead they should have joined the already-dsting-community. The others

258
 responded that there was nothing wrong with the existence of different Muslim
communities. Finally, although thetwo sides didnotreach adea ajeement, the
threemen left the mosque peefully.

One would argue that in the particular context of the Turkish community in North
London. different national origins, hether from Cyprus or Turkey, becomes a ftor
in the factionalism between the Azizi ye and Shellch Nanm's community, Itis truethat
there are both Turkish Cypriots who attend the Aziziye and also mxids from Turkey
within the Naqshbandi community. Howevex there are many indicons of the
presence of enduring boundies between the two communities, related to the national
origins of the members. First, as mentioned above, the Aziziye group depicts the
mosque assodated with Sheikh Nanm as 'the mosque of the Cypriots'. Second, the
f&t that many of the mrids from Turkey came to the Naqshbandi community from
the Aziziye, confirms the preference of the Turks from Turkey for attending the
Aziziye in the first instance Third, it is ob servable that the mhids from Turkey
maintain their contact and relations with the Aziziye drele, though to a limited
degree, whereas this is not the case for the Cypriot mrids whose ill feeling towards
the Aziziye are more decided. Fourth, the chairman of the trust of Sheikh Nim's
mosque is aCypnot who is at odds with the Aziziyenotables.136

The Cmtral Mosque Another Islamic centre which is dearly identified by the
mhids asWahhabi is thefamous Central MosqueinRegents Park, probably the.best-
known Musiim congregation cenire in London. One can easily observe the multi-
national formation of Muslims who attend the Central Mosque, however the majority
appear to be Arabs from vaious Arab countries. Rhcal Islamic groups are also
visible there, particularly among the young Muslims who attend. During the peak of
milltaryinterventionin Algmaagansttherising Isiamicpolitical movement, serious

l36According to ale]ing Cypriot mrid,, the tension between the two communities
stated due to this person's personal conflict with the people in the Aziziye, and the
foais of conflict later turned towards the Sheikh.

259
quarrels broke out in the Central Mo sque due to the provoca:ions of these radical
elnents.
Evexy year; when he is in London, the Shdkh goes to the Central Mosque once or
twice, either for prayer or as an invited guest to give a talk. However, he is not
cordially welcome by the audience there. The Muslims who attend the mosque rejeci
the Sheikh's position and challenge himwhaiever the occasion arises. For the mhids,
this is not at all irprising, ncethe mosque, they assert, is primarily at the service of
the Wahhabis, The following incident, which I wimessed, indicates the degree of
controversy between the Nshbandis and the circle of the Central Mosque
The Sheikh was invited by a Pakistani Muslim who is the chairman of the Council
of Mosques: UK. & Eire, m give atalkin the Central Mosque When he arrived a
themosque, alargenumber of his followers werewithhim, too. Whilethe She.ikh
was in the courtyard and walking to the entrance of the mosque, some mih!ds
shouted some ceremonial phrases to praise him. Just after this, another group of
Muslims in the courtyard, most of whom were Arabs, came towards the Sheikh
and shouted at him in anger, criticising what the mrids did. Thereupon, some
mrids shouted a them in retaliation. The quarrelsome group followed the Sheikh
and mrids after the latter had entered the mosque, their exchanges continued. It
was areaily tense situation. When the time cane for the evening prayer, another
controversy arose.. Since the Sheikh had not yet finished his ablution and come,
the mihids did not join the main congregation who started to perform the prayer
led by the Preather of the mosque Some people from this group asked the mihids
to join them since this was an obligation. The ririhids decisively rejected this
however, by saying, 'we are waiting f or our Sheikh'. Then, the Sheikh came and
joined the main group, aid the mthids followed him, Becaise, in Nshbanth
practice, the way of performing each one of the five daily prayers includes
additional prayers, suppli cations and some minor recitations, the Shelith and
mCiiids continued to perform them, while the main group, having completed their
prayer, gathered at a corner of the mosque and stared a the Naqsbandis, frowning.
Afterthat, everybody went downstairs to the conferencehall and took their pl&es.
When the ieikh started his talk, it was parent that he was nervous and saIL In
his talk he targeted the Arabs and their pointless dislike for Sufism and the
sheikhs. His talk was frequently interrupted by the ceremonial exclamations of
some mhids to praise hum After he finished his speech, some people from the
opposing group wanted to ask questions. One of them sad, 'we are. not happy with
the Sheikh and therefore we want to ask some questions of him!' The Sheikh
rejected this, saying. 'I do not like any question from the Arabs'. When they
insisted on talking more, he stood up, stated to chant praising words for the
Proph (salava) and passed throug'i the aidience towards the exit The miirids
followed him, whiletheir opponents shouted abuse a him. When the mihids once
again responded, they stated pushing aid shoving each other. Somehow, the
worst .e, physical conflict) did nothappen and theNaqshbandis leftthemosque,
leaving angry faces behind them. An informant said that the members of the
opposed group had shouted a the Sheikh in Arabic as (unbeliever) and

260
 mrik (polytheist). One of them had even threatened him in Arabic, 'one d, I'm
gonnakill you!'

Many aspects of Narjshbandi practice are unacceptable to the Azizi ye and the Central
Mosque and are labelled by them as ihidt innovation id.a), As wehave seen the
nod on of bid'a was also extensively used by the original Wahhahi movement against
cultural accommodations in Ottoman Islam. Now, the accommodations realised in the
drde of Sheikh Nazim in the Western setting are also called innovation by its so-
called Wahhabi opponents. Partia.tlarly, the position of women in the activities of
Sheilh Nazim's community becomes a point of controversy. In the Naqshband!

gatherings, the female members of the community are visible and together with m
The new Muslims of Western or! gins, both men and women, demonstrate a
particularly free attitude in this respect. As a result, mainstream Muslim opinion
which demands the separation of men aid women,, is not strictly applied. Opponents
call this bid'a, as they do the Sheikh's giving his hands to women who want to kiss
them to showrespecx(seePlate4). These opponents also reject asinnovationthe
c&emony. They argue that there is no place in Islam, in the original sense of the term,
for such a ceremonial practice and that this is an invention of a later periocL Finally,
they disapprove of some behaviour and acxs of the mrids in praise of the Sheikh,
calling them showing-off, as well as innovation.

Other Usages of Wahhabi: The mirids also use the word Wahhabi' for some
particular people and individual anions related to religion. Thus, an imani who does
not kiss the Sheikh's hand, though showing other sign,s of respect, can be labelled
Wahhabi. Another iman. even though he does not hesitate to kiss the Sheikh's haid
not escape an accusation by some mhids of being Wahhabi for he is a odds
with them for personal reasons. Any individual Muslim who expresses ideas even
slightly different from the mainstream Naqshbandi creed is looked at with suspidon
aid deserves thetitle of Wahhthi. 4Anyonewho challenges or questions the Sheilth in
theological matters is Wahhabi. A Pakistani imam who, during prer, puts only a

261
small cap on his head instead of a turban, is also an example of Wahhabism,.
Sometimes even Improper behaviour or misconduct in Islamic tms catses someone
to be called Wahhabi, or warned not to bthave like a Wahhabi. In short, the term
appears in daily conduct and is used in relations among community menbers as a
wr of judging religious and ethical maxs

93. Cc udingRnark: Conruaion of &If Through Oth

In the prcamble to his disaission of the notion of 'self' in Middle Eastern societies,
Eickelman points out that the 'internal differentiation [in the ideas of self" in a
society] provides the sense of "othef' and of otherness necessay to maintain a
distinctive sense of honourable. self' (1989: 180). Conslderation of an 'oth' is the
essential part of the construction of self and its sustenance. The p1e of Wahhahism
in the Naqshbandi discourseis a casein point. The notion of Wahhabi is an aspect of
the construction of Nshbandi identity: A Naqshbandi is a Muslim who is not
Wahhabi! A Wahhabi, on the othahai4 is a distorted Muslim who is in no essential
ww diffentfroman 'unbdievef in Nshband1 discourse.
The prominent Egyptian mrid, who has the position of halife within the circle of
South Aslanmxids, toldhowtheSheikh asked aformerWahhahi Musllmwho
wanted to be a Nshbandi mrid to renew his proclamation of faith [Sehade]
before initiating him to the taika by giving his bey'at Althougi the man
mentioned that he was already a Muslim, the Sheikh inslsted. Pinally, the man
first declared his faith in Islam as if he was a new Muslim, than took his bey'at
from the Sheikh and became a Njshbandi.

These strategies of making the 'Islamic oth& so strongly by using the word
'Wahhabi' are in ft the vy ways by which Naqshbandi Islam is declared by its
advocates as the 'correct model' of Islamic religiosity. By constantly discrediting the
Wahhabi trend and its so-called protagonists, the Nshbandis affirm their own
formulation of Islam. To realise this, an historical event, the ngence of the
Wahhabi movement of the 18th century and its attempt to uproot the Sufi trlition, is
t2ken up and iransforined into a conceptual tool which is used in various contts to

262
delineate the Islam of Naqthbandiya as the 'true' version and distinguish it from the
'imperfection' of the'otherisloms'.
It seems that antagonism to the so-called Wahhabi trend comes prior to all other
rivalries, both Islamic and un-Islnic, in the Naqshbandi discourse. 137 This is
probably due to the ft that Nshbanthya and Wahhabism ae the most pervasively
influential traditions within the 'Sunni' domain of Islam. Therefore, there seems to be
an acute need for the Njshbandis to surp ass the Wahhabis in order to make their
daimto acorrect model withintheboundaries ofSunniIs1ai, beforechallenging the
outer drcles of opposition such as Jranian Shfism, Judaism or secularism. Thus, both
the Sheikh and his followers strongly reject Wahhabism as apt of Ehl-i Snnet (Ar.
Ahi al-Suima). I remember once the fu!y of the Sheikh a sonone dthng to ask him
whethertheWahhabiswerewithin Ehl-iSnnetornot His answer, accompan!edbya
strong reprimand of the questioner, was a big 'No'. H owevex as mentioned in page
250, the ones who &e called Wahiiabi' by their opponents and who title themselves

Muwahhldun (the Unitalans), consider themselves Sunni Hanbelis (Magoliouth

1987:1086). In their study of popular Sufi Islam in a village of Upper Egypt (Aswan
Dam region), Kennedy and Fahim (1974) discovered two opposing groups, both of
which appeared strong advocates of Islam. One of the groups was called Al-Sufiya
andinfavour ofthetarika Islamwhichhadhari deep historical roots mtheaea The
other one which was introduced to the area more recently by a government-appointed
preacher (imam), considered Sufism and its related customs, such as veneration of
saints, and ritual, esped ally the zikr, as heresy and mnnovon. Not surprisingly, this
group is called Al-Wthhthi yun. What is very sigiificant, however, is that the
members of this second group preferred to call themselves the Ansar al-Sunna

137A priority given to 'internal' opposition is not confined to the Naqshbaidiya order.
The case of the 'fljaniya order in Tunisia and Algeria recorded by Abu Nasr (1965) is
also quite sigtificant in this respect. The strict exclusivity of the order in these
countries as against thenon-Tijani Muslims i.e., the influential local chiefs, led them
to support the non-Muslim rule of French colonialism against these chiefs who h1
opposed the French. For the Tijanis, Islam was somhing which only they
represented, and, hence, they percelved Muslims who were not members of the their
Sufi order as not veiy different fron even worsethan, unbelievers.
263
Apprent1y, this was an attempt to presn themselves as the follows of the. 'correct'

Is1n of the Prophet, namdy, Ehi-! Snnez vel-Cema (Ar. Ahi al-Sunna wa'l

Jama'a).

264
 CHAPTER TEN

CONFLICT AND POWER RELATIONS IN THE TARIKAT

265
10.1. Preamble

An analysis of social life cannot be complete without paying atention to the

mechanisms through which persons or groups exert power over each other. As
Foucault gues, '[a] society without power relions can only be an abstraction' and
'powerrelations arerootedinthesystem of social networks' (1986: 222-4). Thestudy
of social relations in anypat[cul& setting must nevitablyindudetheinvesdgon of
patterns of conflict, relations of domination-subordination, personal strategies to
maintan aithonty and supremacy over the others and, in turn, strategies to reject and
resist dominion and autharity.
Although the major divergence and schisms in Islam (such as the Shi'l-Sunni
deavage) have been extensively stuclie4, not enough attentionhes yet been paid to the
divisions, factions and conflicts at lower leds of Islamic social organisation. To a
certain extent, this results from the Muslim self-assertion which chaeterises Islamic
social groupings as harmonious and without internal conflict. However, any realistic
account of an Islamic community cannot omit a discussion of the operation of power
relons through competition, conflict aid factionalism within the community. How
do people in an Islamic setting compete with each other? In what ways do some
members within an Islamic group gain and maintain aithoiity and dominon over
other? And, what kinds of channels do those who ac treated as inferiors use to
challenge and resist the powerful figures In such a community? Answers to these
questions can bring us to a deeper understanding of the woiking of Islamic social
systems and may also illuminate what is specifically 'Islamic' in the opemtion of
power relations. The audal point is to understand how power is connected with a
specific discourse of Islam. For., as Foucailt puts it '[the] relations of power camot
themselves be established, consolidated nor implemented without the production,
accumulation, cirlaion and functioning of a discourse' (1980: 93).
In the previous chapter on Naqshbandi attitudes to Wahhabism, I focused on
conflict between the two different Muslim traditions within the body of Islaim One
can also find the threads of conflict and opposition within the same Muslim
266
organ! sation. During fieldwork, I very frequently came &ross instances of conflict
between individual members of the Naqshbandi community, betwei the sub-groups
of the order and, also, within p aticilar sub-groups. The mrids compete with eah
other for positions such as the leership; the sub-groups compete to take diage
of meeting ples; and discord between the members of a sub-group m' result in the
secession of some members or the formation of new groups. In private convers ad ons,
somern!hids express their hidden antipathy for other memb ers of the community. A
disagreement on a simple matter can quickly turn into a serious dispute, revealing
deep-seated mutual resentment between theindividuals orf&iions.
The zikr meetings are the primary settings far negotiation and contestallon.
Patidpants in the ceremony find the chance to disaiss matters (political, religious,
personal) with each other before and after the performance. ft is through the exchange
of ideas on such issues, esped ally theological ones and those reiated to other
theoretical and practical religious matters that conflict between mrids and the desire
of some for domination and aithority become quite visible. The ones who seek
aithority over other members of the community in communal settings generally base
their claims on their ability to articulate Islamic knowledge. Knowledge becomes the
essential reference for power. As Foucailt has noted, knowledge and power are
mutually constructed:
we should abandon a whole tradition that allows us to imagine that knowledge can
exist only where the power relations are suspended and that knowledge can
develop only outside its injunctions, its demands and its interests. Perhaps we
should abandon the belief that ... the renunciation of power is one of the
conditions of knowledge. We should admit rather that power produces knowledge
(and not simply by encouraging it because it serves power or by applying it
becaiseit is useful); that power and knowledge directly imply one another that
there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of
knowledge, nor any knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the
sametime power relations (Foucailt, 1982: 27).

Some anthropologists have laid emphasis on the significanee of notions of power and
aithority in relation to knowledge in the analysis of religious phenomena Asad, for
instance, talks of 'configurations of power' which, he asserts, he conditioned 'the
patterns of religious mood and motivation' and 'the potentialities for religious
267
knowledge and truth' from the past to the present in Western Christendom (1983:
243). Eickdman, on the other hax4 exemplifies the centrality of individual authority
derived from Islamic knowledge for defining the 'limits' of proper Islamic conduct in
the case of a Moroccan kath (Muslim judge and Islamic scholar):
He [the kadil ... drew two paallel lines on a sheet of paper and explained that
ccnduxwithinthetwo Uneswaspermlttedby Islam andthatall elsewasnot. The
fact that he was drawing the lines underscored (in a literal sense) his role as an
aithoritative interpreter - indeed, definei although the would deny this
explicit, activist role- of 'orthodox' tradition (1989: 265).

The competing parties in the Naqshbandi community of Sheikh Nzim possess

Islamic knowledge in different ways. This becomes a major point of controversy. In a
way, competition and conflict is always about defending ones own authority in
Islamic knowledge and legitimating one's p&tia.ilar way of acquiring this knowledge,
against that of others.
In the following section, I present an extended case from my fieldwork in order to
demonstrate how p ower relations between the community members e realised
through attempts to articulate Isi amic religious knowledge. The case concerns the
relationship between two leading figures who compete with each other for authority
in a particula place of gathering each one is supported by a number of other
participants of the sub-group. As well as shedding light on the public discourse of the
power relations between the two parties, the case study also reveals how 'hidden
transcripts' regarding the parties were produced backstage, in exclusive private
meetings. Later, I will continue with some other major instances of conflict within the
community.
I owe the term hidden transcript' to Scott (1990). Scott calls the discourse that
subordinates produce in the presence of those who dominate, the publictranscnpt
this public transcript Is 'the self-portrait of dominant elites ... designed to be
impressive, to affirm and naturalise the power of dominant elites' (4, 18). On the
other hand, he charactedses another discourse that the subordinate ones produce vien
screened from direct observation by those who exert power on them, a 'hidden

268
1ransciipt, which 'consists of those offstage speeches, gestures and practices that
confirm, contradict and thflect what appears in the public transcript' (ibid., 4-5). The
discourse the hidden transaipt represents is 'exduded from the public transcript of the
subordinates by the exercise of power' (ibid., 27). Scott argues that the 'official and
formal relations between the powerful and theweak... hardly exhansts what we might
wish to know about power', whereas, he further suggests, 'the analysis of the hidden
transcripts ... uncovers contradictions aid possibiities',1 'looks well beneath the
placid surface that the public accommodation to the existing distribution of power,
wealth and status often presents' (ibid., 13-5).
Scott's evidence comes from the most severe conditions of powex1esess and
dependency such as slavery, serfdom, caste sub ordination and colonialism, as well as
from disciplinary institutions such as jails, re-education camps and prisoner-of-war
camps. Thus, in his analysis of resistance to domination through hidden transcripts,
Scott focuses on the forms of domination which are Ithel institutionalised means of
extracting labor, goods and services from a subject population' (ibid.
_d., 21). The
offstage discourses for which I use the term bidden transcript' in my case study, differ
from those Scott talks about in that I am concerned withp ower relations vthich are
not based on great dependency and servility but on competition and conflict among
near-equals. With Scott, I also believe that hidden transcripts, as well as public ones,
are produced in every kind of social relationship or interion though their richness
changes according to the hierarchical positions of the ors vis-Ivis each others in
particular social settings.

1132. The Chief Mrid d the bnam

As mentioned before, the Sheikh Nim Mosque in North London provides a setting
for the jg ceremony which is organised every Mondi night by a group of young
mt"rids of Turkish origin who are from both Cyprus aid malnland Turkey. The zikr
ceremonyisledby Selimwhois aTurkith-Cypriotinhismid-thirties. Selim cameto

269
England from Cyprus when he was one and a half years old and has been living in

London ever since. He earns his living as a baky worker.

Despite his youth,, Selim is one of the few disciples who has known the Sheikh

sincethelx&s first visit to London in the early 1970s. This is the source of his claim

to authority and leglthnacy in the community. The fax that he is not particulady well-

educated in terms of Islamic 'scholarly' knowledge (that is, the knowledge of the
Sha) does not lessen his authority in the eyes of those who reeogisehis leadership.

Nor does it mean that he is without a knowledge of Islam. That he has known the

Sheikh longer and better than most of the other disciples in London indicates that he

also knows quite a lot about Islam. 'Maybe he is not well-educated', says another

Turkish Cypriot mirid who sincerely accepts Selim's aithority, 'but heis the one who
has been with the Sheikh more than anybody elsein London, Sheikh Efendi refers to

him as Nmy light in London. Therefore, he knows [by hing listened to the SheIkh
f or so long] a lot about t arikat and makes himself acceptabi&

Thus, to know the Sheikh and be with him for a long time brings one power in

terms of Islamic knowledge. This is because, for his followers, the Shelkh is the
essential source of Islamic knowledge. Even the mere presence of the Sheikh is

considered by the mrids as the sign of the supreme knowledge in Islam, as the

following words of Selim clearly illustrate if Sheikh Efendi just passes among us in
this mosque, onelearns muc.hrnorethanhe could froinmany books [on Islam]. For, if

he passes by, that means La lithe illallah which is the suprene knowledge in the

world.' Notice also the following words of a Turkish-Cypriot miirid, who is an

accountaitworking in North London, ontheposition of the Sheikh 'Shelkh Ffendiis

the Koranforus. I haveneverread the Koran and,, do notthink that I will readit later.

But, I havelearnt nearly half of it from his talks'.

Thus, Selim stands in this sub-group of the community as the 'chief miirid' who

has authority over the other participants. He leads the kr, makes short speeches
before and more often after the g, initiates conversations, controls thelr flow aid

directs some discussions between members of the group concerning exna activities

270
such as an atempt a publicalon (see below, pp. 275-76). However, this does not
mean tha his dominant position is unquestioned, as thefollowing account shows.
There is another leading figure in the setting who has an authoritaive p osition
relaed to Islamic knowledge. This is All Hoca, the preacher mam) of the mosque1
who isa Turk from mainland Turkey in his early-fifties. Mosqueprehers arethe
carriers of the'scholarly' knowledge of Islam, gained througl the study of the Koran
and the Hiis literature Their main task is to lead Muslims in communal prayers and
preh the Friday sermons. Besides they are expected to teh those willing to read
and chant the Koran and also to givetaiks on religious and moral maters.
Ali Hoca was appointed to thepost by the Sheikh himself inthel&e 1980's. H eis
a graduate of one of the Imam-Haip (Prayer leader and Preacher) High Schools in
Turkey. At the time he met the Naqshbandi community in London, he was in the UK
on a six-month tourist visato visit one of his relatives. He was passing by and entered
the mosque just when there was no one to serve as imam. The Naqshbandis whom he
met first and told about his background as an experienced mosque preacher, took him
to the Sheikh who was then in London for Ramadan. The Sheikh asked Ali Hoca
some basic questions to discover his level of knowledge and, being satisfied with the
answers, asked him to stay in London as the preacher of the mosque. The head of the
Trust tha runs the mosque, a wealthy Turkish Cypriot and respected member of the
community, was positive about his stay in London. However, as time went on, things
did not go as the trustee promi sed.
At the time of my fieldwork, the imam was very unhappy with the trustees'
neglect and their indifference to his problems in London. He was paid only 30 a
week andhis living conditionswereverybL Hewaslivingin asingleroomwithin
the mosque and did not even have aprivaebathroom, but used the public toilet of the
mosque as his bahroom and WC. More importantly, the head of the Trust had not
become his guarantor for his continued stay in London. Nor had he or other
prominent Turkish Cypriot mCirids helped him to bring his family to England and
become guarantors for his children's entry into the country. For all these reasons, All

271
Hoc although he worked in their mosque, seemed to be happy neither with the

community nor with the Sheikh. Nor cai Itbe said that the Shdkh or the community,
with the exception of some Turkish rneinb ers were happy with him.

The Firs Indkation of Crinflirt

As soon as I started xending the regular meetings of this sib-group, I became aware

of the competition between the two dominant figures, Selim and All Hoca. There

were disagreemenis before and after the zikr ceremony on several issues.

One night in an open discussion after the Selim and All Hoca argued about
'what happens to the soul (rul) when someones body Is put into the grave after he

dies'. The andience tended to support theimam's view, making Selim unhappy. Later,

on their way home, Sdim and another Turkish Cypriot mihid talked more about the
issue (I was with them In Selim's car). Selim asked the other man about his ideas on

the fate of the soul, manipulating him to his point of view. After he satisfied Selim's

expectation by saying that All Hocawas wrong, they both aiticised thelatterfor not

knowing enough about this theological issue.

Anothertime, Al! Hoca was challenged by the Cypriot minids in Selim's house on

a matter related to aprdce of worship, namely the performance of a spedal prayer,

theTesbih Namazi, intheReg aib Kanclili. 138 Accordingto theim. thisverylong

prayer should beperformed by chanting the Koran chapters aloud making it much

longer to complete. The Cypriots, on the other hand, argued that, in order not to bore

ortiretheparticipant apatfromthebeginning, thechapters shouldberead silently

and quickly, so that this long prayer could be completed more quickly. After a brief

dispute, theimam unintentionally led the prayer the way the Cypriots suggested. The

following day, however, when the same celebrion was done in the mosque, the
imam led the prayer aid read all the chapters aloud. The prayer lasted nearly forty-

five minutes. The Cypriots did not join this event in the mosque A young Turkish

138Reaib Kandili is the Muslim feast night preceding the first Friday in the Muslim
month Rejab, regarded as the anniversary of the conception of the Prophet
Muhaim

272
 mihid criticised them: 'They [the Cypriotsl use themosque on Mondays [for the zikrJ,
but on such an important night they leave it empty without thinking that this will
up set the Ho Ca'.
Similar events occurred a much the same time and made me think about discord
between Selim and All Hoca in general) Selim had always the support of a number of
other Turkish Cypriot mars. One of them, Madt Selim's brother-in-law, was
sometimes more active in the arguments than the chief mrid himself. The imam, on
the other band, had the backing of the Turkish mrids from the mainlancL
Once, when the members of the sub-group met in thehouse of a Turkish mihid,. a
serious dispute broke out. One of the Tuiks Minir, defended All Ho ca and had a
quarrel with the Cypriots who were present. The Issuewac tha All Hoca had opposed
a practice which the Cypriots regard as Islamic 'chanting a from the Koran into
warer which is to be poured into the grave of somebody's relative'. Alt Hoca argued
thar nowhere had he seen or read tha this was right (in Islamic terms). One of the
Cypriots said tha there was ahadis in favour of such an act. Another Cypriot argued
thar the Sheikh had done it many times. Mnir continued to defend Alt Hoc saying
tha they were misunderstanding hii but Scum interrupted by asseiting tha this was
all becaise All Hoca had not devoted himself to the Sheikh, had been going his own
way and had fallen into error, whereas the devotees of the Sheikh never talked or
argued on their own behalf but on behalf of their Sheikh
Another time, while Scum talked to the group after thezikr in the mosque, M'3nir
and Alt Hoca had a private conversation and did not listen. All participants are

usually expected to pay atention to the chief mihid's talk, though this is not seen as
an obligion After Sehm had concluded his talk, Macit shouted angrily a Mnir and
asked him whether he had understood vAia the Chief mQxid bad just said. implying
that Mnir had not been listening. Mnir responded as follows 'No! But, did you
understand?' The other said 'I did hea', Mnir repeated his question: 'Did you
undersmnd?' Being pushed into a corner, Macit sad 'No'. 'Then', continued Minir, 'it
has beenuseless foryouto listen'. Gettingangy, Madtiuinedto All Hoca andburst

273
out 'HocaEfendit Is itrightto talkprivatelyv ileeveryoneelselistens?' AU Hoca

respond ez3. that they had been talking about an imp ortant is sue related to the
requirements of the mosque. The mihid Insisted on thticising, 'to the best of my

knowledge, if somebody is talking in a group dtscussion the others should pay

attention to what he says. This is the most important thing'. The others, Including

Selim, intervened and changed the subject, preventing the qu&rel from going further.
The fat that the mxids from Turkey were closer to All Hoc who was also a

mainlander, than the Cypriot mrids and defended him against the latter's attack,
reveals another dimension of conflict within the community based on ethnic origin.

The Turks V.sus the CyprIots 139

The Turkish mrids and Al! Hoca were certain that the Cypriots did not ilke the
mainlanders. They said this antipathy originated when the Turkish soldiers

misbehaved to and exploited Cypriots duiing and after the Turkish intervention of

1974. People said that Turkish soldiers, after gaining control of an are had walked

into peopies homes and taken anything they fancied. Also the houses left by the
Greek Cypriots in the Turkish-controlled &eas were occupied by people from Turkey.
However, according to Rif who is a mainland Turk, it was not the Turks but the

Kurds who must be blamed for this, since after the intervention these houses were
given by the Turkish .ithorities to Kurds from South-Eastern Turkey, and this the

local people resented. All Hoca excused the usurpation of property by the Turkish

soldiers: 'They [the Cypriots] were already iffering at the hands of the Greeks

anyway. The Greeks seized all their things. At leas; these things &e now held by

people from their own nation [mi]l]'.

The Cypriot mihids, on their pat, ata.ised the Turkish mrids and, partia.ilaly,
All Hoca, of creating division within their group. They hold that AU Hoca did not

behave towards them in the same friendly way as he did to the Turkish mhids. One

139 1ii order to prevent any confusion, from now on in this chapter, I will refer the
Turkish Cypriot miids as 'Cypriots', while I use the terms ?urks' and 'Turkish
mirids' to refer to mrids from mainland Tuikey.
274
night, when both Turkish and Cypriot members of the sub-group met in Rifats house,
the Turks eagerly defended All Hoca, while the Cypriots vthemently argued that he
neither loved them nor the Sheikh. Sellm asserted that All Hoca diiked him and was
thallengng his anthority. Laer Marit argued tha All Hoca never partidpated in the
7j.krunless someTurkith discipleswerepresent Hetoo was convincedthatheimam
was not as friendly with the Cypriots as with the Turkish mhids, but these arguments
wererejectedby theTurks.
There were several occasions when the factionalism between the Cypriot and
Turkish mrids became evident The most public occasion occurred when they thed
to publish a magine called Muhabbet (Love). The idea of the maganne arose from
the m(hids' resentment of unjust accusalions marie against the Sheikh and his tarik
particularly by others in the Turkish-Muim community in London. The mrids
thought it was necessary to defend their Sheikh and themselves. The publicalon was
to reflect their particular Islamic view. They started to meet regularly to discuss the
organisaion of the magine and the particular topics which would be included in
itl40 I was present at nearly all of these meetings. In these meetings, certain mhids
were selected to write on p arti ailar topics, which they considered a kind of
privilege.141
The two Turkish mi"rrids had prepared artides for the first issue (which was to be
in the form of a leaflet1 as a modest beginning). These two tides were not accepted
becaise the Cypriots particularly found them inadequate. Later, a Cypriot mCrid's
artide was accepted without even minor changes, as the first articleto be published in
Muhabb A young Turkish mihid later expressed his anger: That is wha these

1401n their disaisslon, they argued that the magine would be a counteratack on the
Wahhabi Islan and its anti-Sufi stance It would also include articles condemning
Communism. Besides they were goingto putin some articles written with nionalis
fervour, since, as the Sheikh once said 'our people (the Turks) will not move unless
you prod them with the stick of naionalism'.
one of their meetings, ayoung Cypriot mi"irid drewthe others' atentionto the
possibleconflictthatwould ow.r and suggestedtheaticles shouldbeanonymous so
as to prevent envy. Although this suggestion was accepted aid put into pratice, it did
not prevent disputes over writing in the magine
275
Cypriots are. According to them, we, the Turks [the mainlanders] cannot handle
anything We know nothing'
The controversy continued in the ealy stages of the publication attempt Mtnir,
for instance, attempted to write on more than one topic.. When one of his fellow-
country men criticised him in this respect, he replied 1 'What do you mean. Do you
want them [the Cypriots] to write on these themes instead of us.' For the later
issues, however, the bi&erings ceased as the contributions by all pies becane more

orless equal.
However, the struggles between Selim and Au Hoca did not cease there. For
lnstance Selim said Au Hocadidnotp&formhisprayerwhen Selixnwas leading it;
yet when All Hoca was present a prayer time, Selirn never attempted to lead it
anyway, but joined others behind All Hoca However, when thelmam was not in the

mosque a prayer time, Selln as the thief miid, would be asked by the others m lead
the prayer. Several times while they were praying, Au Hoca entered the mosque. If
someone enters amosquein the middle of a communal prayer, heis expected to join
the rest, yet All Hoca either waited for them to finish their prayer or busied himself
with other things. In short, he did not pray behind Selim.
Finally, the Cypriots contended that AU Hoca was trying to claim status becaise
of his knowledge of Sharia, whereas, they agued, knowing the Koran is not a
criterion for leading Muslims. What is more important is edeb (proper bthaviour in
Islam). Many members of the Ulema, they said had performed their prayers behind
some illiterate umn,i) people who were advanced in Needless to say, the
criterion of edebis devotion to the Sheikh.

The imams Hiddm Tranript

On the other side, All Hoca was dissatisfied with the attitudes of the community
members, panlaly the Turkish Cypriot mrids and the SheIkh as well. His main
complaint was that the miids did not have the essential knowledge of the Sharia or
give the required attention to the study (memorisation) of the Koran. 'If you ask
Selim' , he said,, 'he cannot say Besmele in a proper way'. He gued that they
276
considered following the Sheilch was enough to be Muslim, without trying to learn
about Islam. Apparently, one young wealthy Cypriot once said to him that Khidr (see
foomote 11) would teh them the Koran in their dreams so that they did not need to
learn it from an aiim.' 'According to the Cypriot mrids, the Shafi knowledge is
worthless. They claim on a particular matter that the Sheikh had sad this or that. But
I hacie not seen such a word in any book on fikth ( slamic jurisprudence). What will
happen then?'
Briefly, All Hoca held that one could not be a Sufi adept without advanced
knowledge of Shari and he mentioned the famous phrase, 'Seriatsiz tarikat olm'
(There can be no tarikat without the Shana). He also rritidsed the eikh for being
too tolerant of the mirids' mis-conduct in themosques, particularly during Ramadan.
The imam also complained that the Sheikh did not want to help him bring his
fanily from Turkey to London:'
The solution to my problem depends on just his simple order to the trustees, but
he is not doing it. That is why I was not friendly with him this year. In previous
years, I asked him to help me in this matter. He said he had ordered [the trustees]
to solveit, but nothing happened. This yea I did not say anything about it'.

Qitidsing the Sheikh's relations and conduct in London, Au Hoca argued th 'when
[the Sheikh] comes to London, first he should call us [mentioning the names of the
two other preachers who were in charge in the Peckham Mosque and the Dergah]
and ask uwhat have you done duiing the year what kind of tivides have you
organised. But he never does so.' He accused the Sheilth of being very passive in
London and not organising Islamic tivities such as the ones done by Yusuf Islam,
the former pop singer Ca Stevens, who runs an Islamic primary school and a girls'
secondary school in London. Finally, mentioning the alleged involvement of the head
of the Trust of the mosque in some shady business he daimed tha; in spite of
knowing all about it, the Sheikh said nothing. He argued that through silence the
Sheilthis also tarnished by such dirty business.

277
The Turkish Mrids onthelmam and the Chid Mrid
Although the Turkish members of the sub-group never openly rejected Selim's
leadership, they nevertheless expressed their dissaiition with him and the other
Cypriot mrids of the gathering. By and l&ge, they appeared on the side of All Hoca
in his contest with Sellm. They often sad that Au Hoca was a good person and knew
alot about Islan but the Cypriots misunderstood him.
According to Mnir, f or instance, the Cypriots sometimes picked unnecessary
quarrels with him. He also belittled the Cypriot mirids by saying that even if they
seemed to be proper Muslims, paticulaly with their impressive turbans, actually they
did not know anything: 'nothing happens by wearing a turban (Tk. sank takmaldabir
sey olm?z)'.
Another Turkish m"irid accused Seiimn behind his bk of talking well but doing
1cwong things which coniradicted what he professed. Yet another suggested that,
bec&sehe had been in England since a very early age, Selim could not express his
views properly in Turkish and, therefore, gave unsatisftory answers to crucial
questions. He criticised him for reading the Koran from a Turkish hand-written text.
He said this is not right (mekruh) in Islamic terms. He asserted thai; despite all
Sdim's mistakes, All Hoc in order not to humiliate him, never interrupted him to
correct his reading. He also suggested that Selim as chief mCiiid was, in fact,
attributing his own words to the Sheikh in order to avoid crifician.
The Turkish mirids believed that the Cypriots disliked All Hoca. 'Nor does All
Hoca like them [the Cypriots]' Muhlis once added. Yet, as Rifat pointed out, the
Cypriots had ill-feelings for All Ho ca since they were convinced that he did not haie
love (muhabbet) inhts heat for the She.ikh, whereas he had more sincere love of the
Sheikh than the other two prethers who werein charge of the Peckhan Mosque and
the Dergah. Yet, once All Hoca was acuised by one of the Cypriot mi"thds of being a
Wahhabi. When I asked this mCiid why he thought so, he explained that All Hoca did
not kiss the Shdkh's hand.

278
 To the mhids, the .t of kissing the Sheikh's hand was indeed a dear

demonstration of love and respect for him and of acceptance of his religious authority.

The Cypriot mrids touched on this issue frequently, arguing that Au Hoca could

never bring himself to kiss the Shelkh's hand. Defending the imam on these

occa ons, the Turkish mrids pointed out that Au Ho ca had demonstrated his

willingness to kiss the Sheikh's hand any time, but the Sheikh himself had always

prevented him from doing so by pulling his hand back after they shook hands.
Howevex Rifat, who had often defended All Hoca, later changed his view and argued

that the imam was not able in break the power of his and kiss the Sheikh's hand.

'He behaves in such way, and then complains that the Sheikh does not help him , he

concluded.

More Serious Confrontations

Au Hoca and the Cypriot mrids had a serious quarrel one 2ikr night. Some Turkish

people who were not from Sheilth Nazim's community, were in the. mosque at the

time of thekr performance, har ing come for a ceremony of Yasin recitation chanted

by Au Hoca for a dead relative 142 The time for this ceremony happened to coincide
with the normal time for performance of the Monday zikr. All Hoca put his black

robe, took the Koran and rahle, and started his recitation of the sure el-Yasin.
Meanwhile, Selim and the other mhids were chatting in another corner of the

mosque. Pafat tried to draw the mh!ds' attention to the K oran recitation and moved
towards Au Hoca The other mrids, particularly the Qypriot ones, ignored Rifa's

words and continued to talk, keeping thdr voices loud, disturbing those listening to
the Koran. All Hoca glared at them as he recited, Rifa tried once againto invitethem

to listen to the Koran. but only one person from the oup joined the Koran gathenng,

while the others continued th& loud conversation. Au Hoca was really annoyed and,

as soon as the recitation ended, Rifat turned to me and said, 'there cannot be tarikat

142y is the 36th chapter () of the Koran and the most popularly chanted one
on several occasions, such as for good health and luck, on visits to the gres of
relations bythebedsideof apersonwho isnearto death.

279
without haria! They have come empty and they will go empty' (Satsiz tarika
o1m. Boseldiler bo jderler).
After compi edng the Koran recitation the Imam led the nigit prayer. Aftwads)
when I went to him to make the msafeha (handdasp), he expressed his ang Do
they think that they are protesting against me? I will teach them alesson 1 these
people (the ones who cane for the Yasin recitation) go first'. Meaivhile, the mrids
stated to gather for the which had been deiayed by the Yasin. Selim, noticing
that Ihad sensedthetensionwhith pervaded thesethng, expressed his criticism about
the badly timed Koran redtion, Then the jg starteL The imam did not join the
zikr, preferring to stay in his room. After the , the situation was really tense All
Hoca came and sat down on a chair next to the gathering. Then he opened fire by
saying to Selim, 'what about the things that happened while I was reading the Koran.
Isn't it shameful? Above all, these people [who came for the Yasin recition], will
say everywhere that the Sheikh's mthlds behaved so badly in the Koran recitation!'

Sellm accepted thattheywerewrong, buthe also addedthat itwas notright either, to

arrange aYasin recitation a the time of the since the Sheikh himself was also
againstperfoingtheverylate All Hoca sad, 'You startthegtowad9.30-
10pm anyway. Besides this happens very rarely. They were busy on the other days'.
He then pointed at two young Cypriot mrids who had been lying down while the
Koran was recited: 'Shame on you!' Thereupon, another Cypriot m(hld intervened,
saying that these two did not know things very well aid, therefore, it was 'wong to
tell them oft Instead the Hoca should have taugit them about these matters. All Hoca
then rumed to his previous point that themen would say negative things about the
Sheikh and his mtxids. Selim replied, 'L them say whatever they like The
opponents of the Sheikh are ready saying many terrible things'. M&1t joined the
quarrel: 'Okay, Hoca Efendi. L us suppose you are right but those people did not
participate in our zi.kr either. Why don't you complain about that?' The imam
answered that they do notbelong to this community (cema). Mart sad. 'then we are
not from their cemaa and, therefore, did not join their Yasin ceremony, either'.

280
Howevex Remzi, another Cypriot mirid opposed Mit's words and said, 'You cannot
reject Yasin-I Serif. It is us, too', but then turned to the imarn and said, 'They have
already &cepteLl that they were. wrong. Why do you insist on more?' 143 The pdes
left the mosque without having settled the dispute and alot of backbiting followed in
private during the foil owing days.
One such offstaediscussion of the eventtook placein Rifat's housewhereboth
sides (though not All Hoca) met, Selim explained why he did not join the others to
listen to the redtation of Yasin by laying the blame on a young, wealthy Cypriot
mrid who was very close to the Sheikh while thelatter was In London. According to
Sdim, this man was talking very loudly to another Cypriot, and he urged them to be
silent Thus, he ha stayed there to control their conversation, but the imam did not
know this when he attacked Sellm so vehemently. In this way, these two persons, and
ptiail1ythewealthymiiid, becamethescapegoat MeanwhlleReni &gued that
it was also not rig;ht for Ali Hocato tell off theyoungm(hids for lying down when the
Koran was chanted; besides he said further, one could listen to the Koran in alying
posture.
For the Turkish mthids at the gathering, however, the Cypriots were seriously a
fault. Mnir, who kept alow profile in the days following this unpleasant event, told
me that in order to protest a the Cypriots' misbehaviour on the night of the Koran
recitation,, hehad decided to distance himself for a time from them.
Another confrontation b exween the same p&ties came about at the same place
some months afterwds, although this time the tone was not as violent as previously.
This time, amevlid ceremony coincided with the ikr. When All Hoca explained that
he would reari the mevlid, the mihids, paticul&ly Selim, reacted strongly. He said
that Monday night was thethne and everybody knewthis; thereforethe mevlid
shouldtakeplaceterthe. All Hocarespondedthatif the 2i.krwas to be done
firsi, no one would stay after it; whereas he wanted there to be some participation

l43Ru' cneto themosque verylatethar day terthe zikr started and was not In
themosquewiien theinddent happened. Hence, heused They' for his fellow Cypriots
who did not listen to the Koran recitation.
281
(cema), inthe me y lid cnony aid, tha was whyhehad asked thepeopleto come
on Monday. The Cypriot mrids continued to complain. Hamid pointed out that the
same thing had happened before and caused unpleasant arguments. All Hoca did not
give up and said the mevlid would not take long and would end when themir1ds
completed their spedal prayers. In the end, Selim said thit depended on theview of
the kr group (cema). Eventually, the mrids grudgingly acepted the imam's
request and went m another corner of the mosque to perform the rest of their prayers,
but this time, after the prayer, they joined the others to listen silently to the mevlid,
and afterwards the imam joined the zikr cerunony.
The 1a inddent I want mention was a disagreement on an aspect of Islamic
prarxice. The issue was the interval between the end of sahur, the last meal taken
before dawn when the fast starts, and the morning prayer in Ramadan. In the
timetable showing the starting hours of fasting for eath day of Ramadan (the
imsakiye) scheduled by All Hoc this interval was very long. The Cypriots objected
to this, saying that it should not be so long. Selim argued tha sahur ended with the
morningprayer butwas opposedby All Hoca and two TurkishmCirids. Thereupon
Selim became very angry and lost his temper. He sad he would not accept anything
but v he saw or heard from the Sheikh. Meanwhile, a Turkish mrid reminded the
others tha last year in a mirid's house, the Sheikh had spent more than half an hour
between sahur and the morning prayer by reading the Koran and aredtaion (tesbih).
But the Cypriots reacted by saying that he hal wrongly interpreted wha he saw the
Sheikh doing, since he had not known the Sheikh long enouglL 144 The young
Turkish mrid got angry and said to the Cypriot; rou cannot change the rules
cording to your wish. In all the mosques in Turkey, it was done so, All of them
cannot be wrong. The responsibility in doing it wrong is very serious '. Rifa argued

144 0n many occasions, the Cypriot mrids used thdr longer contt with the Sheikh
to their advantage. Some of the Cypriot; such as Sellm, had known the Shdkh since
1974. Others who arrived the UK recently, had also known the Sheikh in Cyprus and
been with him for many years. The Turkish mihids of the mathlaid. on the other
hand, had not known the Sheikh in Turkey (despite the fa.t that the Sheikh had a
substantial circle of followers there, particularly in Istanbul), and met him in the UK
ju afew yeas ago, after they had arrived in London.
282
that they were all (both Turks and Cypriots) from the Hanefi mezheb and their
(sec pi5i)
example on this matter should be Imam Ebu Hanife who had suggested what All
Hoca said, and they should follow him. Theimarn aiso took a hard line this time and
saidto Se]im andtheother Cypriot mhidsthattheythdnotknowaboutthisissue. He
had been serving as an imam for twenty-five years and he would not t2ke the
responsibility for letting the Muslims do the wrong thing. He would not make the
Muslims break their fast an improper time.. This dispute was the most severe one
th had happened up till then. Many ofthep&ticipants were angy and the aithority
of the thief miirid was severely questioned by the Turkish mhids and All Hoca

10.3. Oth Swing of Confiki

So far, I have concentrated on the dispute between a leading mrid and the imam of
the mosque, which stems from theissue of legitimacy of claims t Islamic knowledge
and an ethnic cleavage between the Cypriots and mainland Turks. However, there are
two other places of worship controlled and used by the community in London,
namely the Peckham mosque and the Derah where two other imams serve. Their
positions vis--vis the other members of the community are not without difficulty
either.
During my fieldwork, there was another Turkish imam. Hiseyin Hoca, who
servedthecommunityinthe Peckhrn Mosque. LikeAli Hoc hehadproblems
with the members of the community, particularly the Cypriots. The third imam,,
Mitharl Hoca, who was in charge in the Derah. was a Cypriot and one of the most
prominent disciples of the Sheikh in London. Neither of the Turkish imams had such
a master-disciple relion with the Sheikh or declared their devotion to him as his
mrids.
Since Hiiseyin Hoca's situation is similar to All Hoca; I mention his case first.
Mitharl Hoca whose case was distina from the first two and yet v/no, like the other
two imams, was afocus of resentment fci the community, will be discussed later.

283
Anoth Turkhh imam at the Cmtre of Controv
Hseyin Hocals in his mid-fifties. He came to London in the le 1980's. Before
coming, he had worked in Cyprus for five years and rn the Sheikh there. hi fac the
Sheikh played a major role in his coming to London as imam of the Peckham
Mosque, paid by the World Islamic Union (2abita). He graduated from an Imam-
Haip High School, and studied In Egypt at the famous Al-Azhar, though not to
university level. Most probably he m&Ie his contact with the Rabita there. Heknows
and speaks Arabic well, a skill which the other two imams lack
Hseyin Hoca shared Au Hoca's and the Turkish mrids' views about the
Cypriots, th they hae the mainlanders. He based his view on his expience in
Cyprus and said all the Cypriots (exduding the Sheikh), no mater whether they are
following the Sheikh or not, were low-quality people.
Like Al! Hoc he was unhappy aid angry with the mosque trustees. He too
suffered from their Indifference about his accommo daion problems. Thetrusies hal
not y sigied documents which would allowhim to stay permanently In London as a
person in charge of the religious needs of a Muslim community. Equally, despite their
promise to bring his wife and two sons into England, this has not happened yet
Thirdly, they did not help in his applicion for a council fi Since the trustees were
also Cypriots and the Sheikh's mrids, this reinforced Hseyin Hoca's dislike of
Cypriots. However, wha he found insufferable about these prominent Cypriots was
thatheywereparronisinghini. particulaiyinterms of knowiedg&. In oneofourfirst
encounters, he expressed his anger about one of them in particular: You [meaning the
Cypriot] have done only buness all your life. I have spent all my life reading and
learning religion. Who are you to dare to teach me When the Sheikh comes, I wifi
mekemy coirlaints abouthimto theSheIkh inbis presence'.

284
 On another occasion following the performance of the zikr ceremony in the
mosque, the imam used very abusive words (banging his fist on the wall in the
meantime) about this person in the presence of many members of the community.145
The feelings of disconten; howeve were mutual. The regular members of the
gathenng in the Peckham Mosque were not vy happy with the imam. They depict
him as nvous and thort tempered. Following Hseyin Hoca's offensive behaviour in
the mosque, I was 1vised by Mithad Hoca, who was leading the zikr there at the
time, just to ignore his words. Mithad Hoca argued that theimam considered himself
an important person since he hl been to Al-Azha. He also referred to a
confrontation between the Sheikh and another imam, who, when he saw the Sheikh,
asked him who he was. Sheikh Efendi responded by asking what kind of he wa
'can't you recognise whatkind of man I am from my dothes?' Hseyin Hoca was not
vy different in this respect. MithI Hoca stressed that Hseyin Hoca did not accept
the Sheikh's aithority as sup edor to his own. He also did not hesitate to use the word
'thoughtless' ka(asiz), for on one occasion Hseyin Hoc likewise All Hoc
arranged a mevlid recitation in the time of thej.
Some members of the gathering join Mlth1 Hoca in their dislike of Hseyin
Hoca. An aged Turkish Cypriot mCxid decried Hsin Hoca's behaviour as follows.
'What he says is not understood by the community since he swallows his words.
He does not come to the mosque early and set up a [religious] conversation with
the people He could come earlier and talk about the hadis of the Prophel but he
simply does not do so. He i.s very nervous. He always fights with Fil [the
prominent Cypriot mrid]. He uses very bad and unacceptable words that an
imam should not sey. Instead of being an exanpiefor the community1 hebecomes
a trouble-maker. Moreover, last week, he felt asieep whilethe zikr was going on.. I
saw his head touch the wall at his back. This means that his abdest (ablution) was
lost and, therefore, he should have gone and performed it again. But, he did not do
so when hewas awakened aftertheikr. Heledtheprermn anuncieatst&.

145 After a couple of weeks howec'ei the imam brought his problem to me once
again but this time in a milder tone When you do mention your problem or try to
explan in a normal w', they do notllsta If you burst out in anger, then they listen
and help. They just held a wedding celthration Cdn) and spent 70,000. Imagine
it! But they do not sort out my problems', Howevex I believe, some steps havenow
been taken to solve the imam's problems.
285
Hseyin Hoca's complaints about the members of the community in London,
partft laly the Western mh!ds who are recent converts, are centred around the laxity
in these mhids' conducx in the mosque. Since he and All Ho ca were represent&ives
of a kind of Islam th was very demanding, especially in the rules of worship
(ibI), he resents carelessness and free bthavl our of these mCrids who are not
quainted with these rules. In this respect, his attitude contrasts with the Sheikh's
tolerant atitude to theseWestern converts. Hseyin Hoca does not hesite to hold the
Shdkh responsible for these mihids' faults:
'The Western mCirlds have no idea wha Islam is. Two of them (a Spanish and a
German) were josthng each other in the prayer yesterday. In the mosque, women
cannot bein the sane place with m. All prayers performed in this holy month
[Ramadan] have b unacceptable Thi [the Sheikh and his assodaes] fill the
mosque with all the m1 ones. These cannot be Muslim. The Shdkh is not doing
iight I said this to his face, too. Okay, let them enter the mosque as Muslims, but
also give them an education to lean how to behave in the mosque. No one should
make anoisein the mosque. People come to mosque to find peace It is not a
place for fun. It should be a peacul place. I am not happy with what happens
here everyday. The Sheikh must know th you cannot force someone who is
ay to become Muslim you cannot invite such a person to Islam. Calling him to
Islam &,es not have any meaning'.

Indeed, Iwitnessed oncehowHseyin Hocarelentlessly complained about themrids

to the Sheikh in the mosque in Ramadan. While a lot of mhids were se&ed around
the Sheikh, waiting for his talk, Hseyin Hoca suddenly appeared and sad to him (in
Turkish): 'Afteryou leave, this placeflies into arage. They [themrids] do notknow
how to behave. The ones who work in the kitchen reserve the best of the food for
themselves. Yesterday, I wanted to reprove ther, but th one [pointing to abeardexl
American] punched me and I was terribly hurt. Just warn them!' After these words,
Hseyin Hoca sat down among the erowd. The Sheikh, seeming very upset the
imam's words, made a speech on espe and the necessity to avoid hurting each
other'.
His complaints and Intolerance cost Hseyin Hoca alot. He was beaten up twice
by the mOrids (not surprisingly the Westerners) in the mosque as a result of his
endless fault-finding. He also seemed to have lost his eredit with the Sheikh and,
according to some members of the community, he cane near to being dismissed by
286
the Shdkh, aithough he was tU in charge of the Mosque until the end of my
fieldwork, and he was still working therewhen the Sheikh ailved inRanadan the
following year (Februay 1993).

A Cypriot Mrid az !m
Another person who has a position as preher aid prayerle1er in the community is
aleading Cypriot mCthd, Mithad Hoca, who is a graduate of the Faulty of Theology
in Ankaa the higiest educated imarn of the three. Heisj ..his early fifties. At the
moment, hels in charge in theDerah as thepreaher aid the leading m(hid of the
man 2ikr performance on Thursday nights, now attended by the largest number of
mrIds in London.146
Since he is a long-time devotee of the Sheikh as well as a preacher with a
university degree, Mithad Hocas position within the community is songer than that
of the other two prehers of Turkish origin In terms of daims to authority and
legitimacy. The major accusation directed at the other two imams, of not loving the
Sheikh, cannot be made against Mithad Hoca though some mirids question his
sincerity in devotion to the Sheikh (but, the same Is donefor every individual mihid
too!). However, his prestige does not mean that his authority is recogused by all the
other members of the community. On the contrary, controversies he was Involved in
he ocipied a cenirai place in the social practice of the community, since he was
challenged by many members of different origins, ranging from fellow Cypriots and
some Turkish mainlaiders as well as by prominent Enghish and South Asian
mihlds.147 Other opposition to his authority camefrorn the women:

146When I stated fieldwork, Mithad Hoca was leading the in the Peckham
Masque aid helping Hseyin Hoca there. At that dme, thepriory in Saint Ann's Road
was not yet being used. After it was opened in March 1992, the Sheikh asked him to
lead the Friday pr'er, preath the smons and teah Koranic courses there. As a
result, Mithad Hoca left the Peckharn Mosque for the priory ter the Sheikh left
London. He consolidated his power and ctured the leadership of the main zikr
ceremony there at the pense of others seeldng that potion.
147A young Turkish mCirld expressed his resentment In the following words: 'He
never gives you any chance to express your ideas or to ask your questions in detail; he
never liens to you but Just speaks to you without p nng any attention to what you
287
 A young Turkish mCnid relaed an event which, he said, had happened because of
the 'misconduct' of Mithad Hoca. When he was leling the 2ikr in 'the South
London setting, hehad verbally urged the women in the mosque who were at the
samelocationwith themen, to moveupstairs, thelacon which was allocated to
them. When the women failed to comply with his order, he sent somebody to urge
them a second time to move upstairs. Thereupon, the women reacied saying, 'Who
aeyou! We do not recognise you. You aenot the Shell<h.. Wedo not want you to
order us or tell us what to do; and we do not want to be here any more, and then
th left the mosque.148

Mithad Hoca's leading position in the was also not beyond quedon.. Two
disciples, one from Cyprus, the other from Turkey, acaised him of claiming
leadership despite alack of ageementinthe community. In thePeckham Mosque, the
mrids argued that ev&yb ody in the taikat had wanted another old and eminent
mihid to lead thezikrbutnot been able to dedaethis wish. This old mrid, who had
followed the Sheikh since the time of his first visit to London and was more than
sixty yeas old, was seen as a in(hid with 'proper behaciiouf. Most of the mrids had
great respect for him, and the Sheikh himself showed love and respect for him and
gave him permission ruhsat) to lead the kr. Despite this, Mithad Hoca somehow
captured the job. The older mrid, however, b eing a mature and peaceful person, did
not chall enge the younger man but preferred (as a kind of silent re&tion) not to attend
the regular weekly gatherings any more, except on a few religious festivals aid kandil
nights. The Sheilth did not interfere directly but; according to some mirids, impUed
that he wished to see his older mihid leading the zikr. Nevertheless, he. did not ask
Mithad Hoca to leave the post 'If the Sheilch had done so', argued one mi"ir!d, 'he
would havelost a prominent; well-educated mrid, for Mithad Hoca was avery proud
person. The older mrid was humble and the Sheikh knew that his love would never
diminish in any case'. Thus, Mithad Hoca continued to lead the k against the
wishes of thecommunity, aid therewas afalhinpatidpaiion atthejgatherings.

say'. Some mi"nids from both Cypriot and Turkish origins complained that the iman
was amoney-grubberwho ran after nothing but his ovn self-interest

148What was upsetting for the young Turkish mi"irid was that the girl with whom he
was in love was anong these women and, from then on, she did not come to the
mosque for the zikr any more. Furthermore, Mithad Ho c whenever he saw this
young m(hld, madefun of him by saying, lburntyourheat; didn't I'.
288
 Latex when Mithad Ho ca moved to the Derah the older mui d took over his
leading posittonin thePedcham Mosque. Howevei Mithad Hocs capture ofthepost
in the new location was also c:onirovasial:
According to M the Sheikh had wanted their sub-group to pform the zikr in
the Derah instead of the Shelkh Nam Mosque and had given permission for
Selim to lead thekr there. Howevei therewererumours that Mithad Hoca was
very keen on leading the g, since the Sheikh had also asked him to serve the
community there When I asked Mit at the time v/na they would do If Mithad
Hoca insisted on leading the since he was in chage in other respects, he
respondedthatthey would never allowhimto do this. They werenot likethat old
humble mricL They would fight with him in case of such a challenge However,
in the end, Mithad Hoca got the post as leader of the main ceremony in the
Derah on Thursday nights. Selim and his group, however, organised another,
seconday on Friday ternoons in the sane location.

The Strug)efcr Reauitmtnt

Relations between Mithal Hoca and Seiirn dete.dorated becaise two of the mrids
who were participants In Sellm's gathering ., began to associate themselves more
closely with Mithal Hoca, which upset and angered Selim. He and his dose
associate, Mit regarded this trouble as the business of Satan. Selim argued that the
two mirids did not know what kind of person Mithad Hoca was, but would
understand when they were deceived by him.
Thedisloyalty of thesetwo Cypriotmhidsledto animprovementintheuneasy
relations between Selim and the Turkish mirids who supported AU Hoca. Selim
tplained that
'Mithad Hoca did not want meto organisea jg in the Derah. He attraxed them
[thetwo disloyal mirids] by using the Koran courses heinstructs. Hels tehing
both of them but ignoring us. He is not teaching us anything. His aim is to
discredit me. It is most probable that he has given financial help to those two to
startthdrfastfoodrestauratbusiness. His amisto divideouroup and destroy
it,.

The discord between Selim and Mithad Hoca extended to their wives, both of whom
had prestigious positions In the cirdes of women In the taika and led the zikr
c&emonies in their houses. Sdim mentions how Mithad Hoca's wife gained
prominencein the Derah

289
 4.o
ie has somehowmanaged to become doseLH Anne [the Sheikh's iwjf4 H&i
Anne gets bored in London while Sheikh Efendl is busy with the people She
needs somebody who knows London well to help h when she wants to go out
Since his [Mithad Hocas] wife knows London well, she has become a p&son
whom Hi Anne desperately requires. She has used this privilege well and got
the keys to upstairs [n the Der g ah that the Sheikh lives]. Now she gs saucepans
from the kitchen and goes upstairs and locks the door. As aresult, we cannot find
any pans in the kitchen to cook food [for the people who come to the Dah for
the zikr and prayer]'.

Mithad Hoca's view about this young Cypriot thief m(rId was quite straightforwad.
In one of our talks he described Selim as Ignorant (cahil), and disparaged his rig*to
lead the zikr.
There were times when Selim tried openly to challenge Mithad Hoca One day
Mithad Hoca was telling some members of the Turkish/Cypriot community in the
rnosquetha they should send their children to the Koraiic courses he taugit. Selim
joined the discussion, arguing tha wha was important was for the children to learn
'religion' (d). He said the child does not know , gets bored while trying to learn
the Koran1 and gives up. What urgently needs to betaight, is religion'. When Selim
expressed theseviews, Mith&I Hoca did not disagree entirely, but pointed out that in
the meantime one should help the child to become familiar with the Koran. Besides,
he continued, lessons on religion (din dersi) could aiso be given.. Though there was no
dear disajeement between th Selim continued to argue for a wbfle..

Cypriot versus Cypriot

The.two aspects of Mithad Hoca's position as an educated imam, aid a1eadingmihid,
provided him with great advantages in contests for authority and leadship in the
community. These put him at odds, however 1 with both the religjouy advanced
members of the ccrirnirdty and others whoseprestige dive from their economic and
professional competence. One of thelatterwas amiddle-aged Cypriot mirid who was
a the forefront of the scene when the She.ikh was In London. A wealthy and well-
educated person (he studied chemistry in the University of Birmingham), he was
aiways the first one the She.ikh proathed when he was In need or had problems in
London.

290
 One day after the Sheikh had left Londoiz Mithax! Hoca quarreiled seriously with
this inrid in the Dergah. 149 The confrontation had its origins in events in Cyprus.
Mithad Hoca discredited some secret Turkish organisatlons acting before
indendence of the Island from Britain and labelled them 'Kara Cete' (Black Band).
TheCypr1otmhid, who seemedto beinfavour of theseorga'ilsarions, baievery
arigy about this label. He argued there had been no oup called Kara Cete,butthere

had been some orgatisations with names ch as Volkan (Volcano) and Dokuz Eyli1
(September the 9th). These organisatlons, he further argued, had been established
before the Turkish my officers set up a well-known organisation called Turkish
Defence Organisation (Ttrk Mukavernet Teskilati) known by Its Turkish acronym
TMT ter independence. The Imam disajeed. He argued that theflrst organisationin
the real sense of the word was TMT; the ones before them were Kara Cete! The
Cypriot mtixid was enraged. He attked Mithad Hoca verbally aid even threatened
him physically, saying half-sex! ously, half-jokingly, that he would inform another
well-known person within the community and this person would teath theimam his
lesson! When the quarrel became so heated, others intervened. After a while, Mithad
Hoca asked his opponent mildly, whether or not there was any seriously pious
person among those involved in the activities of these organisaion implying that
Islam was not the motivng criterion in these movements. The other responded that
a that time they all were vy young and none of them had a life similar to the one
that they were living today (i.e., a pious/Islamic one). He then asked Mithad Hoca
whether he himself had been living in a proper Islamic way in those days. Mithad
Hocaresponded that he was in secondary school a that time and. although he did not

149 This mCthd was by and large In charge of the maintenance of the Derah in
finandal terms. He was the only mistee who was Turkish Cypriot (all the other
trustees were English). Just a couple of days before this serious confrontation, he had
talked to me and Selim behind the imam's bark. Mithad Hoca, he argue4 was very
money-oriented. He had asked money from this mrid for the preparations of dinners
he aid his wife had ghven on Muslim new year aid othif religious feivals. The
miid also stressed that Mithad Hoca was also hurting him. Howevex sincehewas a
thick skinnedperson, hedid not caremo much. Otherwise, hefinished, ie[theimarn]
is not a person one can stand.'

291
perform the five daily prayers, he did, at least &tend the Friday prayers regularly.
Thereupor the m(xid said thathetoo went onlyto Friday Prayers.
Another argument appeared to cenue on apolitical figure in Cyprus namely Dr.
Fil Kck who was therepresent&ive of the Turkish side as the vice-president aft
independence. Islamic drdes had a grea aversion to Kck because of his secular
and anti-Islamic position. He was considered a follower of Atrk's polides in
Cyprus. Themhid argued th no matter whether Ktk was religious ornot he had
been sincere in his service for the Turkish catse and should be remembered with
respect. He praised Kack with the words, 'May Allah's mercy be upon him' (Allah
rahmet ey1esin. Mithad Hoca responded, If you say this for such an irreligious
person, then say the samefor the Jews!' Themt"uld replied 'v/ny noi they havebdief,
too 'lso

10.4. Epilogue

The above discussion recieals how anumber of discrete consider&ions are interwoven
in the processes of conflict and competition within the Nshbandi community in
London. For the mhids, the Sheikh is the source of knowledge in Islam. What Islam
means to many of them is directly relaed to wh the Sheikh says and does. Briefly,
the Sheikh represents Islam, For the imams, this is not so. Knowledge for them is
availablein texts. Although they respect him, the ieilthis not an infallible bdng for
the imams, whereas the mt"irids poray him as such. The mirids consider the
knowledge of the book' to be secondary to the knowledge acquired througii their
interarilon and commw,iction, both physical aid spirinial, with the Sheikh, and they
do not take the ulema or imams as seriously as they demand. In turn, the imams
accuse the mi"xlds of ignoring the Tharia and the Sheikh of being indifferent to the
m(hids' laxity.

l5O This was the only expression by a member of the Sh&th's Naqshbandi
community tht I came oss during fieldwork, which was not hostile towards Jews.
292
 However, It is not the Shelkh but some prominent mCirids who appear as
opponents of the imams. These are the mrids who eerdse authorily and influence
over the other members of the community because of consideraions other than their

competencein knowledge of the Sharia Following the Sheikh for an tended p Iod,
their occipi anal position and wealth ac among the cxittha which ac Important.
Against such persons, the Imams use their knowledge of the Thana as the basis of
their legitimay, but do not succeed. For instance, AU Hocas claim to righteousness
by emphasising his twenty-five-year experience as an Imam Is not vy impressive
because his opponenl Sdim has been with the Shelkh and listening' to him for
nearly twenty years. The imats' reluctanceto show complete obedience to the Zheikh
makes them quite vulnerthle In their confrontation with thesemCirids. All the same,
the vantage of? competent knowledge of the Sharia and being an imam appears
obvious in the case of the Cypriot imanthtrid whose power within the community Is
substantial, though not unchallenged.
Another consideration, that of ethnic origin, cuts aaoss the contesting positions.
In the .Sheikh Nazim -losque, the Turkish m1rids mostly side with the Twkish imam,
All Hoc and defend him against the acusaions of the Cypriot mrids They try to
find justification for the Imarn's 'disobedience' to the Sheikh's authority. Together
with the ima they form af&on against the Cypriot members of the sub-joup.
Finally, In many disputes, one cai easily draw aline based on ethnic origins, being a
mainland Turk and a Cypriot Turk. The faxions can unite, however, in case of the
appearance of another contestant who is despised by both parties and threatens theii
integrity.

293
CONCLUSION

294
 'There at four seasons in the year. Every seaso; people changewhat they eat and
wear, but thdr bodies do not change.. Tailka is tarika: Whether In Damascus or
in Europeorin America, tarikatisthepath goingto AUth. Y theways of hI
(guidance and tehing) differ from one another in different places because of the
particular conditions of these places and the diincive tharariexisfics of their
people. The murd decides vhat kind of method and treatment to apply
accordingiy. Itis different In Europe, differentinDamasciiin Cyprus, in Turkey,
in Hij, in Egypt, In the Far-East and in Amer1c (5 AprIl 1992 - the Derah
personal Interview).
This was the Sheikh's answer to n question whether he could recognise any change
in Sufi N shbandi life between the time when he was with Grand Sheikh Daestani
in Damascus and his present-day experience in London. At first sight he appears to
deny change, and to suggest that the taikat is an unchanging Institution. Yet his
answer does reveal his recognition of the crudai significance of sodal context In
shaping the operation of thetarikat in different localities. Thus, the practices led by
Shdkh Nim in London are different from those he leads in other settings. That is
v/ny some mhids told me that I was wasting my timeherein London, since what I
saw could not be taken to be a teal' tarika world and that if I wished to see the
Sheikh in a rea1' tarikat environment I should go to the Sheikh's tekke in Cyprus and
follow the things in that setting. Here in London, they conthiuesl, everything was
more or less distorted and It was difficult for me to conceive the world of tarika
'genuinely'.
Be that as it may, I insisted on studying Sheikh Nanm's Nshbandi community
in London, and the result Is the account in the previous pages. Three main sub-joup s
ha'e been distinguished in the community, whose relations with each other are, in the
absence of the Sheikh, loose. These sub-groups are the Turks the South Asians and
the British converts. When the Shdkh is in London the members of these sub-groups
join the activities led by him, though boundaries between them do not disappear. As
well as leing the mixed gatherings, the Slidkh also goes to meings sped ally
orgaised by each of these sub-groups. He is well aware of the differt expeciadons
each group has of his talks and, for this reason, the themes of his discourse change
according to the nature of the audience. His success In attracting a heterogeneous

295
a1dience. with diverse expections can be atrxibuted to his flexibility, tolerance and
dim in dealing with people and to wha can be desaibed as his chismic
personality.
In this thesis,, I have attempted to map of the nuanced discourses of the
community by relating a number of aspes of sodal practice and woridview. I began
by investigaing the relaion between thej ntual and the notion of (lower-
self), the former being the basic means to overcome peopl&s bad and harmful
intentions which are believed to bethe works of thelatter. I suggested that the notion
of nefs is used as akey metaphor for one's will to power The Naqshbandis believe
that the prindpal aim of tikat acivityis to overcome thepower of nefs, and this is
achieved througii the performance of the which is the most effident way of
keeping in mindtha 'one Is nothing in front of thepower of ones aeaor, Allah'. The
performance of the 2iI<r by the Nshbandi community of Sheikh Nim in London
differs from earlier conventional forms of Naqshbandi performance, suggesting
ways inwhich sodal context gives shapeand contentm theritual aswehaveseenit
does to the Sheikh's discourse.
From the discussion of nefs, Imoved to the Naqshbandis' approach to the odern'
world, since it seemed to me that there was a linkage between the two issues in
Nshbandi discourse. To the Nshbandis, the very nature of 'modernity' (adahk
for the Sheikh) means the triumph of (Satan) in the world. That is to say, the
twentieth century is the world of nefs. In this chapter, I also underlined the
concurrence of and thematic similarity between Naqshbandi aiticism of modern
world and posimodernist reaction to modernity. Their disapproval of the modernist
woridview notwithstanding, the members of Sheikh Nanm's London Nashbandi
community have few hesitation in assimiling many practical necessities of 'modern'
life in thdr everyday lives.
Then I linked the Naqthbandis' rejection of themodern world to their hopes for
the appearance of a redeemer, the Mandi, as the only way out of the impasse of this
'impur& world. Narives about the Mandi reassure the mCirids that in God's eyes

296
they are the people of high worth, and the messianic stoxy provides them with a
language of pride and self-flrmaion.
Following my discussion of messianic pection, I turned to the question how
the Sheikh aid his followers reflect upon the political realities of this world, with
tendei reference to the Turkish case. The Shelkhls an Ottomanist aid In favour of
the restoration of the Ottoman Sultanae. Although he heavily aifidses the secular
Turkish regime for its aiti-Islamicpolides, he does not Mvoce political struggle
against the regime. He argues that the Sultanate Is the only available political option
for Muslins and rejects any other formulation of an Islamic political system such as
an Islamicrepublic of the Iraniankind or the idea of Islamic democracybased on the
notion of. Hels not in favour of radical-militant Islan aid accuses its &lvocates
of misrepresenting Islam to the world. He calls Muslims evexyvihere to unite under
thebanner of the Prophet a symbol of the Caliphate which is presently kept confined
by the Kemalist regime in Turkey.
I further focused on the issue of politics within the domaln of Islam aid discussed
Nshbandi antipathy to the politico-ideological tenets of Wabhthism, which they see
as the arch-enemy of Sufi Islam. Constant disprova1 of Wahhthi Islam and its
protagonists by the Naqshbandisls actually an fIrmaion of their own formulation of
Islan as the correct modd which differentiates them from Islanic 'others'
Finally, from discussion of an inira-Islamic opposition, I moved to investigation
of the processes of contestalon between individuals within the community. Discord
occurs between some rnCirids and the mosque preachers, the carriers of Sharia
knowledge in the community, over Issues concerning the sources of knowledge and
authority in Islam. The mirids see their Shelith as the central figure in the
transmission of Islamic knowledge and attribute secondaiy Importance to learning
direcxlyfromtheKoran. ForthemMds, apreachefs (aIIm) knowledge of the mria
does not make any sise in terms of religious aithority unless they recognise the
Shelkh's superloiltyto themselves. On the other hand, bdngboth amrid aid an
may bring a significant degree of power. Long-term devotion to the Sheikb

297
occupational position and wealth are also important as potential bases of power,
leIersh1p and prominence within the community.
While examining the discourses of the comxiiinity, I focused first on adesaipfion
of the Naqshbandl position vls--vis wider society, then on the Naqshbandi position
vls--vis Islamic 'others'1 and finally on an evaluation of the positions of the
Individuals within the community vis--vis each othei Myparticiilarmnteresthas been
in therivalxies within the Islamicboundazies, namely, between 'other' Muslims and
the Nshbandis and the Naqshbandis amongst themselves. My aim has been to
contribute to the attempts by anthropologists of Islam to demystify the common view
which depicts Islam as a monolithic and harmonious entity. This viewis Ironically
put forward by both protagonists and antagonists of Islam though for opposed
reasons. It obscures our ability to see Islam as it i i.e., not an idealised utopia or 'the
wr&h of Edlah', but a living reality.
Needless to say, the 'discursive' map I have drawn is subjective; it is my
interpretation of a world in which I was along-term visitor. As it has been elaborated
in Chapter 3, the Nthbandis and I found various ways to f ind common ground
between us. It is from our interaction that this account takes its distinctive shape. It is
therefore irifer-subjec.f;ve, yet, Ibelieveandhopeitis also sincere.
I haie not been able in this thesis to deal with a number of significant issues
which my field material will allow me to raise elsewhere. One of them is to reappraise
the case of Sheikh Nam's London Njshbandi community in a comparative context.
I should accept that in the present study I ha''eireaed this community as a more or
less unique and unrdated case, whereas there are certainly para]lels to be drawn
between the social processes and orgariisaional framework of the community and
those of other new religious movements. 151 I know, for example, some m&ids who
argue that in order to spreI their message, they should work as the Jehovah's
Witnesses or Hare Krishnas. Equally it Is well-known that an incieasing

151 For a brief account of Suflsm In relation to New Religious Movements In the
context of theissue of conversionto Islam, see Kse 1994.
298
contemporary interest in religion is not exclusive to Islam but is a world-wide
phenomenon whichhas been observed in all major belief systems and many religious
cults. It is Important therefore to assess the case of Sheikh Nanm with reference to
this phenomenon of what Nelson calls 'the re-enchantment of the world' (1987: 2).
Further study among ieikh Nanrn's followers in various other lo calities might
also contribute much to our understanding of the extent to which social and historical
contexts shape the character of a Sufi order. Shdkh Nam's sategy of constant
travel distinguishes him from many other Sufi shdkhs who prefer to settle in lodges
(tekkes) and maintain the activities of thdr orders in these places where they also
receive their disciples. Although Sheikh Nanm too has his own lodge in Cyprus as
his permanent residence, it is certain that the key element in his style of leIeiship is
his mobifity. In this context, heis a 'trac'eiling sheikh' and has well-established circles
of followers in many different countries of the world. My study in a London setting
follows Habibi's study of Sheikh Nim's community in Lebanon. There is no scope
in my present study to offer a detailed compison with her work, but it will be among
my first objectives at the post-docxcral stage. If other researchers also provide
accounts of Shelith Nm's following from different localities we. will, in the ends
have an extremely valuable resource about the place and character of Sufism in the
contemporary world.
In Qmpter 9,! discussed the antagonisdc relations of Sheilth Na2lm's community
with another Islanic circle of Turkish origin in London, namely, the ?ziziye
community, which the Sheikh and his followers considered Wahhthi', Yet my
discussion here is based largely on the ideas and assessments of the Naqshbandis
about the people of the Aziziy e and is therefore one-slded. A study of the Aziziye
could well provide a fasdnating and alternative perspective on inter-sectarian
relalonsinTurkishlslam
Further compaisons of Sheikh N&uns London Njthbaiili community can and
should bemade with (a) other Nashbanth circles of Turldsh origin with regard to
tharattitudestotheseul&-Kemalist expeiienceoftheRublicof Thrkey (b) other

299
Nshbaidi-Muslim or non-Naqshbandi Muslim circles, concning Muslim
reflecxions on the wid so denes of which these movements are p arts; (c) other
Musllm Jewish or Christian movements which also Include well-established
millenaia/messiaiic messages as a central part of their belief, in order to reveal the
similaities aid differences betwethefr discourses of esch&oloy.
What is also needed to complete our vision of Sheikh Nim's community is to
focus on the cirde of women in London. I intend to write ler about Naqshbaidi
men's persped:ives on \vomen', but a comparison of their perspective with those
of Naqshbandi women on 'men' could be avaluable contribution to our knowledge of
one of the more delicae subjects of contemporay times, theissueof gender in Islam.

300
PLATES

301
- I
I

PLATE 1: Sheikli Nazun AI-Haqqani, 1991.

302
 I

F
1

PLATE 2: Grand Sbeilch Abdullah Daghestani (d. 1973 or f974).

r-

:J

PLATE 3: 'Sheikh Baba' and 'Haci Anne', 1992.

303
PLATE 4: Kissing the holy hand, 1992.

PLATE 5: Kissing the holy foot, 1992.

304
PLATE 6: The holy sweet: Both pleases and blesses, 1992.

- 5i-

PLATE 7: Never bored in the mosque, 1992.

305
PLATE 8 The Sheikh just before the zikr; bottles of water ready to absorb his
bereket, 1992.

PLATE 8. l)uine words whispered into water, 1992.

306
 PLATE 9. Business in the mosque, 1992.

PLATE 10: A French murid praising the Shelkli after the zlkr; Black American
murids with red turbans and outer garments, 1992.
307
PLATE 11: Zikr in British countryside, 1992.

PLATE 12: The Challenge of Satan, 1992.

308
 ,

PLATE 13: The Oath (Bey'at) Ceremony: Murids around the Sheikh, 1992.

PLATE 14: The Oath (Bcy'at) Ceremony: Spiritual link to the Sheikh, 1992.

309
 I
PLATE 15: Teaching: The Sheikh gives a talk (sohbet) in the Dergah, 1992.

TM AciI yardirn istiyoruz"

Isami Yardim TekiIati'nui davethsi olarak Ingittere'de bulunan iki Amavut genci. bUtn
Islam tkelenne seslenerek AmavutJua ticari, kUftUrel yardum cansinda bulundular.

PLATE 16: The mwids and I in the Turkish Press

(Tiirkiye -23 February 1992).

310
AP PEND ICES

311
 Appmdixl

CREATION, SCIENCE AND RELIGION

The following extract from the Sheikh's talk in a Turkish m&id's house on 26 May
1992 details his rejection of science as it is understood in the modern world. The talk
is particularly directed to three schoolboys who aremhids and who, atthatmeeting1
mentioned to the Sheikh sadly their tehers' 'scientific' approh to the aeaion of
theuniverseandtheworld and theirneglect forwhat religion says in this regard. The
Sheikh studied Chemi stiy in the university and is therefore to a certain extent familiar
with the language of science.. In this talk, his b&kgound knowledge in science
merges with his ability to articulate the matters from Islamic perspective and,
althougii his knowl edge of current scientific developments is wanting, he still
provides a distinctive example of a contemporary Sufi sheikh's challenge to modern
science.

'V/hat is the sun? Is it a gas? What kind of gas is it? Gas is not stable. It moves.
Whereas, the sun is a globe with a wonderfully circular shape. Out of its flat
surface, the flames gjitteL If it had been gas, neither its surface nor its shape
would have been apparent Allah madeit from such ametal that according to their
[the scientists'] calculation, the temperature at its centre reaches millions of
degrees. [On the other hand] the heat of the sun as compared to the heat of other
stars is like theheat of a candle. What are.the stars? Arethey gas, too? Are all the
stars gas? What kind of gas is th2 Allah created them with his power (kudret)
that they [the stars] endure such enormous heat. No temperature can measure the
heat of Hell (Cehezmem), yet there are mountains in Hell. There are mountains,
valleys, rocks, none of which melt at that enormously high temperature. They are
called the sulphur mountains (ldbrit dal an). They boil and evap orate but never
end. Theheat of the sun is nothing as compared with the heat of Hell. ! God says,
'do not mel1, they do not melt!
When you put some eath on the fire itis extinguished. There are kilometres of
soillayers andwaterontheEarth, yetthereis ahugefireatits centre. Isthere
oxygen inside the Earth? No. What kind of fire is that then? Why does it not bum
the earth? Why do you not ask your teachers? Why can such an amount of water
312
and earth not extinguish tha fire at the centre of the Earth? When you put some
earth on thebuming coil, tha puts the fire out... Allah shows his power, but these
rascals take atention away from these maters in order not to atknowledge the
dstence of Allah. Ask them! Who lit the fire at the cezrne of the Earth? Wha
kind of fire is it? Why does it not burn the World? When it comes out of the
erupting volcanoes, you cannot stand b efore it. The hot melted rocks run like
water. When they become cool, howeve they are very hard. Wha kind of fire
makes them melt inside the Earth? Who lit it? Wha is written in your books
about th? Narur& Everything can be acceptable but Allah. The elm is to destroy
the beliefs. The aim Is to discredit the holy books, to prevent people from
believing them The aimis to prepare the disaster of mankind. The disaster of the
world started when they prevented people from believing the holy books. The
satans disregarded the holy books. They say 'positive sdence (msbetilim). If so,
tell me: there are seven [sic] planets turning around the sun. Why do they not get
away, but orbit the sun? If you say becaise of the sun's gravitational influence,
how about the comets and meteorites which come vesy near to the sun but then go
far away from It.? Why does the sun not hold them by its gravity as it does the
seven planets? How does this happen? Why the seven planets and why not the
others which come near to the sun then go away?
[B ecause] Allah does whatever He wants. The Creator knows the wisdom
behind what He creaed. He creaed such a great universe for mankind. And He
gave mankind such an eye that we cannot see the stars in the sky in their real
sizes. We see them as smaller than what they are really. Also we cannot see the
atom as It is. Even the electron microscope cannot see and show the atom. A
human cannot see both thevery big and very small units as they ae If heis able
to see them he cannot stand it. Therefore, Allah does not show us these small
living beings such as microbes, b&xeriaandviruses ll of which live very close to
us. If we saw them, we would get desperate and disturbed. With that irritation, we.
would not be able to live. How can you live by seeing billions and billions of
these small creatures all around your body? When they harm you inside, you feel
terrible Asforthehugethings, Allah shows them to us as smaller
Theuniverse (kainat is seen to us in its limited form surrounding our world.. [In
f&x] it is boundless ucsuz bucaksiz). That is, there is a sp ate vacuum which goes
to a distance which we are not able to calculate.. Bu1, what is there beyond that
space? What isthis spacebacked by? Is thereawall or fort behind the ace? Is
thereariveror asea? Whaisit? Whatis behindthespacevaruum? Wheredoes
the vacuum start; where does it end? Is there anyone who can tefl this? If you say
to them that Allah has no bejiming and no end, they cannot comprehend. Cry
ones! Askthem Whereisthebegjmiirtg aid end of this spacevacuum? Ask them
313
to bring a theory (nari y e) or aphilosophical explanation. Is there anyone.who is
able to talk about thebeginning of the vacuum? The universels within a vacuum.
Then what is this vaaiurn? Describe the vacuum! Is vacuum non-edstence
(B o sluk yokiuk mudur)? Then everything within this vacuum is non- edstent. Ask
your philosophy teachers! (One of the boys to whom the Sheikh directed his
dress: They themselves do not know, either, my Sheilth). Let them ask their
authorities, then.. Ask them: Howcanyou use the compass in space? How can you
find your direions in space where Is south, where is north, where is west and
where is east in space?
Yes, these atheist rascals say something to destroy people's din and iman, but
cannot explain the heart of the matter. They would say "nature. Where is nature?
Is there nature over there [in space]? Who controls [governs] space? Who
scattered the sts within space? No answer to these queslions. The 20th century
has become the age of ignorance. The satans want to keep children and young
people ignorant'.

314
SETh MUHAMMED NAZIM EL-HAKKANININ SINSILE-I TAFIIKATI
All VEVI NAK$)BENDIYELEFU

1 - Hz. Muhammed Mustafa (SAy.)

2 - SeyyidHhlef, Seyyidilevlly EbO Bekirissidduyk (R.A.)
3 Selmn, Fdsl
4 - lmAm-u Ksim lbn-1 Muhatnmed bin Eb Bekirssidduylc (R.A.)
5 - ImAm-, b Cferissd l k (R.A.)
6 - Byezld-Il Bisthml (KS.)
7 Ebul Hasen-il Haxkaanl (K.S.)
8 Ebu Al! Frmedi (K.S.)
9 - Ysuf-i I-Iemednl (KS.)
lOEbul Atbas (Huzir A.S.)
11 - AbdlhIuk Gucdevnl (KS.)
12 Hoe Ar!f R!gverl (KS.)
13 Hce Mahmd Incir-! Fa*nevi (KS.)
14 - Al, Rmltanl (K.S.)
15 Hce Muhammed Baba Semmsl (KS.)
16 - Seyy!d m1r KlI (KS.)
17 - Kuthttr1ka $ah Muhammed Bahaddin Nalci!bendiy-yiI Buhri (K.S.)
18 A!ddlh Muhammed -fi Attr (K.S.)
19 .Ykub-I ethi (KS.)
20 Ubeydullh-ii Ahrr Semkndi (KS.)
21 - Muhamuned-z Zhid (K.S.)
22DervI I1uhaTnmed-ll Buhrl (l.S.)
23 HacegI- Emklnekl-1 Semerkndl IK.S.)
24 Muhanjned-H Bklbillh Semerkndl (K.S.)
25 - Mcedclid-u Elf-i San! Imm Rabbni Ahmed Faruki Serhendi (KS.)
26 - llrvet-l Vskaa Muhammed Ma'sOm-rrabbnl (K.S.)
27 - Hce Seyfddin-lrrabbn! (KS.)
28 - Nur Muhanined-li Bedvni (K.S.)
29 Habibullh Mirz Cn- CnanI Mazhar (K.S.)
30 - Gulm Au Abdllah-d Dehievi (KS.)
31 - Ziya-udaln Ebil'Nasan Muhammed BaUd-li
Baddiy-lmI (KS.)
32 $eyti (small Enerani (K.S.)
33Has Muhammed $irvanl (K.S.I
34 $eyh Muhamrned Yerai (K.S.)
35 Seyyid temteddin Cumuktyyil Hseyni (KS.)
36 Ebu Ahmed-issuurI (K.S.)
37 - Ebu Muhammed-W Medeni (K.S.)
38 - Seyyid Serafuddiyn Daistanl (K.S.)
39 - Sultan-il Evlly Abdutlah Daistn-1 (K.S.)
40 Seyyld-dd tlfe Hz. eyhuna stzina Se'h Muhammed Nazum
ElHakkanl (K.S.)
Aillah Tel dorecatihim daima ye nefeana biberaktl
enfasihimil kudsiyye bihrmetl men l neblyye badeh.
EL-FATIHA

APPENDIX 2

The silIe of Shelkh Naims braich of the Naqshbsndiya Order.

315
 I1j e jIaqbbanbppa Iiirab:
TO BE RECiTED DURING THE DAY AND NIGHT
A1rYnME AFTER FA3R,WITHIN 24 HOURS

1) 3 tImes: Ash had. aa-b-Walia illahl-lahu Wandahu las-Shareeka lah., wa-ash-had. anna Muhammadan abduhu Wa
R.ualuh., S. allah. Ta'ak alayhi waaallam.

2) 70 times: Astaghfluu-h.

3) 1 tIme: Soul Al-Fatilis: A'auzu Billahi Mi...sh-Shahs.-Nk-Rajim. B.mIIla-HIr-Rahman-NIr-Rahlm. AI-Hamdu-

hIl-lahi Rab'bd A'alami.. Ag-Rahma N-Rahhn Maliki Yaw-Mid-Din. lyya'ka Na-bud. wa''ka
Nasta'eeL lh'dh.s utsl-Mnalaqeem Siraslal-ladhlna an .smas aim-him. Ohaitil mag'dhubl aIaI-hthi wa-
kdh-dha'lin (Amin)

4) 7 tImes: Sural Al-lnahialu BimIIla-I1ir-Rahmaa-N-Rahim. Alam Nuhrak ink. Sadrak. Wa'wada'na anica Wlzrak.
Al-ladhee ashadha dh'rak. Warafa'aa-laka dhlk'rak-Fainna meal nail ynara. lana meal nail yusra. Fa'klha
faragta famab. Wa Ii. Rabbika farghab.

5)11 tImes: Swat Al-Ikhbs: Bhmilla-Hk-Rahman-Nlr.Rahlni. 0.1 Him ahs Mad. Allahna Samad. Lam Yalid
walam i.d. Walam yakua kim qufuwa. Mad.

6)1 tIme: Sorat AI-Fakq: Bbmilla-Hlr-Rahnian-Nk-Rahhn. Qul A'auz. bl'RabbIl Falaq. Min-Shar'rl mu Khalaq.
Wa Mm Shas'zi paakIn Idhaa waqab. Wa Mi. Sbar'rin-Naffaa' saIl fil-uqad. Wa Mi. Shar'rl haa'sldin 1db.-
hasad.

7)1 tIme: Swat AiNas: Bhmilla-Iik-Rahmai-Nk-RahIm. 0.1 Aauz. bfRabbla-Nas. Malildu-nas. llahln-us. Mi.
Shun wuW.si Kbanas. Alladhec yuwu-whs fee audunla-nas. Minal Jln'natl Wannas.

8) 9 tImes: La Ilaha Ill. Allah.

9) 1 tbne: La Ibha Ill. Allah Muhammadur Basal Allah.

10) 10 tImes: Allahumma SaW-ak Muhammadin 'wa-alaulee Muhammadla-Wa-Sallim.

11)1e: present thu nt Rand Muhammad (SAW) and all the pvvphe and salat pwilcularly to Shah Naqshban4
Suban-id-Awfrya Sheikis Abdu&ih Daghestani and an, Masses Sheik). Muhammad Nasim Al-Haqqassi by reciting
the following dna:

Dum LI. Sb.r.fls Nablyyl Ball. allah. alayhi me sallam, wa Mild wa .ahblhl, me Is .rwild lkhwanlhl
MIina'l-AnWy.'l w.l-Mur..11an me Khiidam.'ee Shan.'rlhI. me II. arw.hil-A'Immet'Il'Arb.'a, me II. arwahi
MasI.ylkM ll't-Tariqatl. Nuqshb..dlyy.'tH'allyyak Khassata. II. Rehl.Iwamrt-Tarlq. Wa G.uthl-I.
Kballqa Kb.wja Shab Iaha.'d .DI. Naqubbuad Muhamrnd.11-Uw..Iyy-Il-Iukharl, me Sulta.-uI.AwUy. Sbeikh
Abd.11ab D.gbnataid me UsI.dhlan 'SladhA M.M.d Naxlm A1-HaqqmeL (Al-FitIbs)

12)ltime: Soul AJ-Fatlha: Bbmilla-Hlu-Rahma.-Nlr-Rahlm. AI-Hamd.-liul-khl Rab'bil Aalamln. As-Raman-Nir.

Rahim. MaW Yaw-mid-Din. Iyya'ka Na-buds WaIyya'ka Nasti'een. lhs-Shanaztal-Mustaqeem.
Slrutal-Ladhlna au-anita aim-him. OhaInl aiag'dhubl aim-him wa-Ladh-dha'lin. (Arnie)

13) 3 tImes: Ali.h.-Alkb.-Allah.-Ilaq.

14) 1500 tImes: Allah.

15) 300 tImes: Allahumma SaW-ala Mubammadla wa-ah'alee Mahammadla me Sahim.

16) 1 time: One Juzu (chapter) from the Qura oc 100 times Swat A1-Ikhlas.

PART H - NOT COMPULSORY - OPTIONAL

1) 100 lImet La blca II. Allah.

2) 100 tImes: Astaghlh-.h-ha1-Azeem me Asaubu IlalhL
3) 100 hint Ya Latif.
4) 100 tImes: BIlk-HIn-Rahmau-Nk-RahIm
5)100 times: Hasbija Allah. me alamal wakeeL
PRP4TED 1 NAiROBI, INYA

APPENDIX3

The4prtnted mad &w1ed forthenewmembi of thecomrminity.

316
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 GLOSSARY

The spellings of theterms &e given in Turkish. Arabic and Persian transliterations are
provided within brackets for the terms which are commonly known in those forms in
the relevant literature. I have not used the dots and dashes in the spellings.

(AL Arabiq Prs. Persian; p1. plural)

abdest (Ar. wui): :Ritual ablution.

Ahiret: Hereafter, thenext world.
akil (Ar. ): Reason
verse of the K oran.
beka: annihilation of self by an eternal union with God.
bereket (Ar. baraka): divine blessing.
bey 'at oath of allegiance.
bida: illicit thnovation.
Delail-i Hayra (Ar. Delail al-Khayrat): a manual of invocations of blessings on the
Prophet Muhammad.
deM (Prs. davAsh): one who has renounce1 theworld,, sufi.
dua prayer.
edeb (Ar. &Iab): goodmaimers,
Esma-i Hisna: the ninety-nine beautiful names of Allah.
(Ar. &lhan): the call to prayer.
fena: annihilation.
fetva (Ar. fatwa): opinion on a legal mater, furnished by a Muslim legist on
application.
fitne: disordei mischithnaking.
ayb: the unseen, seaet or hidden thing.
hadis (Ar. hadith): record of a saying or action of the Prophet Muhanmad.
halife (Ar. khalif a): deputy of a sheikh.
haram forbidden by Islam, unlawful, illegitimate.
modesty, shame.
hicab (Ar. hifab): veffing.
lana (Ar. jima): ccnsen.is of Muslim community.
ifta: fast-breaking.
iman: faith
irsad (Ar. irshad): guidance.
sna Aeziye (Prs. IthnaAshari): Tweiver i'ism.
Kthe, saaed endosure at Mecca

318
kach: Muslim judge.
kafir (p1. kff: unbeliever, infideL
keramet (Ar. karama): divine grace s omedmes equed by the Sufls th mirade.
luble direction of Kabe.
kfr: unbelief, infidelity.
marifet (Ar. marifa): gnos, spiritual knowledge..
maslah (Ar. maslaha): theproper course, the right thing to do
medrese: Muslim college.
mekruh (Ar. makruh): not forbiddaiby God but looked upon with horror and disgust.
mekteb: school.
mheb (Ar. mhab): religious sect
mevlid (Ar. mawlid): panegyricpoem praising the Prophet Muhammad and
ceremonies held for the anniversy of the Prophet's birthday, a birth of a new
child, deh of arelaive, circumcision and marriage.
mihrab: niche of amosqueindicaingthedirection of Kabe, Mecca
minber: a pulpit in the mosque.
misvak: a stick of wood beenlnto fibres & oneend andused as toothbrush bythe
Muslims.
muhabbet (Ar. muhabba): love of God.
mithiafik: hypocrite in Islam.
mirid (Ar. murid): disciple or novice in a Sufi order.
mrsid (Ar. murshid): spiritual guide and teacher in Sufism,
nam (Ar. ): ritual prayer in Islarm
Sufi master, founder of a Sufi order.
rabita spiritual bond between a Sufi master and disciple.
rahie: alow reading desk to read the Koran.
ruh: soul, spirit
ruhani yec spiritual presence.
nths permission.
sahur: meal taken before dawn during the fasting in Ramadan.
salav the formula caning God's benediaian on the Prophet
seccade: prayingm
Sehadet (Ar. Shahada): prodarnon of faith in Islam
silsile (Ar. silsila): chain of spiritual transmission in a Sufi order.
(Ar. shirk): polytheism, giving companions or panners to God.
sohbet (in Sufism) talk orleaure given by a Shdkhto his disdples.
(Ar. shura): consultation.
sure (Ar. surah): a chapter of the Koran
takva (Ar. takwa): fear of God, piety.

319
taik (Ar. tariga): ph o Allah, Sufi ord.
tasavvuf: Sufism, Islamicmysticism.
tekke (Ar. takka): Sufi lodge
m,met (Ar. ummah): Muslim community, community of be1ievs in Islam.
veal (Ar. waid): stae of ecstasy.
veil (p1. evliya; Ar. ypjj, awli y a): friend of God, holy man, saint
ziermiisier
vird (Ar. wird): privaelitany, a portion of the Koran recited dJy.
Yasin: the thirty-sixth chapt of the Koran chanted for several occasions such as for
good hea1th 1ud, deh anniversary.
zaldr one who performs thezikr.
zikr (Ar. dhikr): redtion of God's names and tributes.
zhd (Ar. zuhd): asceticism.

320
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