JOHN TURNBULL

5/1/17

MANUFACTURED SILENCES: MIGRATION, L2 LEARNER ANXIETY,

AND AN UNNATURAL BOUNDARY BETWEEN TWO LANGUAGES
(A PROSPECTUS)

INTRODUCTION
According to the United Nations, there were 244 million international migrants in 2015 (United Nations

2016). 1 Among this number are 65.3 million forcibly displaced, 21.3 million refugees, and 10 million

stateless people. 2 These numbers represent the highest levels of displacement on record (UNHCR 2015).

The top destination for international migration is the United States, a trend that since 1960 has resulted

in an increasingly diverse and polyglot country (Migration Policy Institute 2015). Despite the periodic

push for English-only or English-as-an-official-language policies, 60.3 million between 2009 and 2013

indicated that they speak a language other than English at home. That is almost 19 percent of the

population (U.S. Census Bureau 2015). Among these L2 speakers, 25.1 million report that they speak

English less than very well. The estimated 46.6 million international migrants in the United States

include 11.1 million unauthorized residents, that is, those living in the country without visas or with

expired visas (Krogstad, Passel, and Cohn 2016).

Among non-English speakers in the United States, by far the greatest number speak Spanish (37.5

million). The next-largest group consists of speakers from a complex of eight Chinese languages, including

Mandarin and Cantonese, and related dialects (2.9 million) (U.S. Census Bureau 2015). Naturally, flows

have fluctuated, and different language groups have dominated at various times; for example, for thirty

years beginning in 1850, census data report German as the dominant second language, with close to two

million speakers in 1880 (Ramsey 2010, 22). In contrast, the number of migrants from Mxico then was

68,000.

This paper attends primarily to L2 acquisition among Spanish-speaking migrants from Latin America,

given the opportunity to consider sociolinguistic and affective dimensions of language learning in

1 The phrase unnatural boundary in the title comes from Gloria Anzaldas definition in Borderlands La Frontera:

A borderland is a vague and undetermined place created by the emotional residue of an unnatural boundary (2012
[1987], 25).
2 See UNHCR 2013, Definitions and Scope, for formal differences among refugees, asylum-seekers, returned

(repatriated) refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), returned IDPs, and stateless persons.

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historical context. Language mixing and attempts at institutional control have persisted along the U.S.

Mxico border for close to two centuries, colored distinctly by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848

that ceded more than one-third of Mexican territory to the United States. To consider just one historical

snapshot, the new U.S. state of Texas established public schools in 1854. Two years later, state legislators

mandated English-language instruction (MacDonald 2004, 59). The intertwining of the two tongues has

only become exponentially more complex.

For researchers interested in sociocultural features of second-language acquisition and in sociolinguistics,

the significance of the migration statistics above lies not only in the number of migrants needing language

training but also in the conditions in which that language education takes place. Even accounting for

internal displacements, transfers between nations with shared first languages (e.g., migrants from Canada

to the United States, or vice versa), and other situations in which language training is not required, these

statistics reflect a significant amount of second-language teaching and learning occurring in high-stress

contexts. Thus, the moment seems apt to ask how language acquisition proceeds when lack of target-

language competence adds to an inventory of stressors.

CONTEXT FOR RESEARCH & RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Linguistic adaptability has been a feature of human existence, with phonemic borrowing the topic of

recent database studies that show connection between historic human dispersals and patterns of

linguistic variation (Carey 2015; Creanza, Ruhlen, and Pemberton et al. 2015). Humans possess a talent

for second-language acquisition that can be influenced by age, cognitive, environmental, cross-linguistic,

affective, and sociocultural factors (Ortega 2009).

For much of human history, including the modern day, second languages have been learned

naturalistically; linguistic systems and discourses abut and rub against each other; combinations and

variations occur outside political control. Most children grow up in multilingual households and learn

multiple languages relatively simultaneously before they are four (Ortega 2009, 4). Naturalistic

language use contrasts with formal instruction, represented historically by Czech educator Comeniuss

Opera didactica omnia (The great didactic), published in 1657, which develops theories of teaching

language in an established sequence. Comeniuss Orbis pictus, a childrens learner, aimed to present an

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ordered view of an ordered universe, although leavened by an overriding ethos: Omnia sponte fluant,

absit violentia rebus (Let all things flow with spontaneity and let violence be absent from human

affairs) (Smith and McLelland 2014, 1213).

Tension remains between transmission of language in the classroom and the varieties, often perceived as

having less prestige, that occur in everyday life. Anzalda in her multigenre memoir writes extensively

about the free-form use of English and Spanish dialects near the Texas border with Mxico; furthermore,

she reflects on the self-consciousness that results from linguistic ranking imposed by dominant

institutions such as school, church, and family: In childhood we are told that our language is wrong.

Repeated attacks on our native tongue diminish our sense of self. The attacks continue throughout our

lives (2012 [1987], 80).

Anzaldas observations help lead to the topic of this paper. Persistent human mobility now intersects

with the reach of the bureaucratic nation-state, lending an overlay to contemporary language learning that

introduces shame and marginalization into the equation. Not to dismiss the potentially transformative

internal and external impacts of beginning to learn and to live with different languages, nor the anxiety

that facilitates achievement (Ortega 2009, 202), this paper asks questions about the challenging and

perhaps unjust circumstances that add additional uncertainty to L2 acquisition. Specifically, these

questions are: (1) How do marginalized social conditions particularly, the stigmas of clandestine border-

crossing, undocumented residence, statelessness, asylum-seeking, refugee status, and other conditions of

forced migration and displacement affect willingness to communicate (WTC) in the L2? (2) What

socialization factors push displaced, low-status L2 learners into the terrain of debilitating anxiety and,

especially, silence? These questions are asked primarily within the setting of undocumented Latin

American migration to the United States and evolving discourses on U.S. immigration policy, although

illustrations also come from other displacements.

PERSONAL COMMITMENTS
For five years, until May 2015, I worked among Spanish-speaking English-language learners in the Buford

Highway corridor of Atlanta. Since the 1980s, with increased numbers of migrants from Mxico and, later,

Central America, the highway and the clusters of apartment communities alongside have emerged as

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Atlantas de facto Latin@ district, with elaborate social and economic networks including pockets of

grassroots community activism, entrepreneurship, social-service agencies, worship centers, and LGBTQ

and other advocacy organizations (Kelting 2016).

In the mid-semester break (201617), I spent three weeks with Green ValleySahuarita Samaritans in

southern Arizona and the Kino Border Initiative in Nogales, Sonora, Mxico.

In both settings, I witnessed various forms of oppression that could affect language acquisition, and these

experiences help shape pre-existing social commitments and preferences that are hard for me to deny.

RELEVANT LITERATURE

THEORETICAL INFLUENCES
With reference particularly to modern-day commercialism and the threat of mass incarceration,

education philosopher Henry Giroux coined the phrase culture of cruelty to capture dynamics

influencing young peoples experiences of school (Giroux 2012). Adding white-nationalist populism,

institutional violence, and domestic terrorism to the mix, Giroux asks: [H]ow did that all come together

to produce a kind of authoritarian pedagogy that basically isolated people, and made them feel lonely?

(Devega 2017). He refers to single-issue separatist groups interested in racial division and in arresting

demographic trends that point to a shrinking white European population and growing presence of Latin@

and other ethnicities. The question arises how such aggressions affect second-language learner identities,

particularly Latin American migrants occupying the unskilled labor sector. What effects do a culture of

cruelty have on them as they are trying to acquire English?

Educational theorists such as Paulo Freire, of course, have discussed such issues. Posing humanization

and dehumanization as polarities of pedagogical praxis, Freire asserts that a humanizing education

cannot distance itself from marginalized communities by treating them as unfortunates (2000 [1970],

39). Quoting Marx, he suggests the symbiotic potential in the relationship between teacher and learner:

[T]he educator himself needs educating (39 n. 9). Additional contributions to research on the low

status L2 learner include Freires notion of the learners existential duality and of an internalized

oppressor that convinces people of their own unfitness (49), a familiar theme in L2 students self-

assessments. Freires ideas already have been applied to ELL contexts. Graman (1988), teaching Latin

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American farm workers in rural Colorado, remarks on how his use of pre-fabricated materials led to

disengagement and interfered with the naturally human act of talking about things which pertained to

their lives (435).

L2 LEARNERS AND DISPLACEMENT

Ortega makes a vital distinction between circumstantial and elective L2 learners (2009, 24345). Seeking

language instruction for self-enrichment, to meet school requirements, and so on, elective learners differ

in fundamental ways from those who must learn the majority language for reasons over which they have

little choice and which are typically associated to larger-scale world events, such as immigration,

economic hardship, postcolonialism, war or occupation (243). More radical adjustments are asked of

those displaced involuntarily, with L2 communication part of an intricate calculus involving multiple

facets of life. Clment, Noels, and Deneault (2001) locate communicative abilities in a new society within

larger processes of acculturation and adaptation. The authors offer a triangular model in which

experiences of (a) discrimination affect a migrants (b) identity processes; in reverse, security about

identity impacts how they interpret language-based or skin-color bias. The two poles of this bidirectional

relationship influence (c) stress, with second-language confidence as mediator (568). More concretely, in

a study among East Indians in Ottawa, the authors report that, for respondents with high L2 confidence,

the level of discrimination reported, whether high or low, fails to affect stress. But, with low L2

confidence, there is a significant difference such that those experiencing high collective discrimination

report more stress than those reporting low collective discrimination (570). Linguistic anxiety, in this

example, increases vulnerability to some conditions of displacement. Doucerain et al. (2015) note

migrants susceptibility to communication-related acculturative stress (CRAS); effects, in the study, were

ameliorated by strong L2 social networks.

Other possible stressors on the circumstantial learner include impaired cognitive function as a result of

post-traumatic stress disorder (Clayton 2015). Studies of ESL learners from Iraq and elsewhere list a

range of PTSD-related classroom behaviors: inability to concentrate, headaches, high anxiety, and

reluctance to participate verbally, memory problems, and dissociation (8). Salvadoran and Guatemalan

border crossers, too, bring memories of violence and, when they reach the United States, face deportation

due to the complexities of achieving refugee status. Lavadenz (2014), though, writes about an intriguing

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combination among Central Americans in Los Angeles of invisibility and empowerment from their new

linguistic and cultural repertoires, expressed in the metaphor speaking in silence. Although

concealment or hiddenness is part of their experience as the result of their undocumentability, 3 so is

learning to speak new languages and dialects (165). This insight serves as a reminder that, while

marginalization and low status seem to forecast negative outcomes, motivation to achieve in Central

Americans case, partly due to survivor guilt and the resulting sense of responsibility offers a

counterbalance (165). Gordon (2011) comments on the paradox that SLA, despite the disciplines

commitments to studying cognitive processing, attention, and memory, lacks any theory to address

trauma survivors.

SOCIAL STATUS AND L2 LEARNER ANXIETY

Beginning with the well-documented issue of anxiety among foreign-language learners, MacIntyre and

Gardner (1994), working with students of French at a Canadian university, call the effects of language

anxiety on cognitive function both pervasive and subtle; further, based on a range of performance tasks

that participants completed, they suggest that this anxiety does not express itself merely in language

production but also affects the capacity to process input. Anxious students, self-identified in this study

based on responses to a language-anxiety questionnaire, may have a smaller base of second language

knowledge and have a harder time producing it (1994, 301). In another experiment that tried to answer

how anxiety affects the content of L2 speech, twenty Spanish-speaking ESL students at the University of

TexasAustin were divided into two groups. Half were subject to the following regime before being asked

to describe three pictures:

To foster a stressful environment, the experimenter pointed out the presence of audio as well as
video recorders, trained a video camera on the subject, and conspicuously played with the
controls during the interview. The subject was brusquely shown to a seat at a narrow lecture desk,
several feet distant from the experimenter, who maintained a cold and official posture toward
subjects in the anxiety group. (Steinberg and Horwitz 1986, 132)

In contrast, members of the nonanxiety group sat in a comfortable armchair (133); there was no video

camera. A team of trained raters evaluated participants descriptions according to the amount of

interpretive and denotative content. Those in the anxiety group that is, those subject to video and audio

3 Anton Flores of the Alterna community in LaGrange, Georgia, offers this term to express the reality for many

Central American migrants. Theyre not just undocumented, theyre undocumentable (personal communication).

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recording, with no armchair offered less interpretation in their responses. In the view of researchers,

the stressed students were limited in expressing personal opinions and seemed inhibited in discussing

personal reactions to and interpretations of facts (135). In another study by MacIntyre et al., anxiety

levels of Anglophone learners in Canada correlated negatively with both actual and perceived proficiency

in the L2 (1997, 278). In other words, more-anxious students tended to underestimate their

performance, perhaps leading, the researchers speculate, to a vicious cycle in the wider population in

which anxious students, critical of their own abilities, are more reluctant to speak. If language learners

do not choose to communicate, the study continues, they cannot re-assess their competence (278).

Such results recall Freires concept of the internal oppressor and raise questions about what external

factors are affecting learners decisions if we can call these conscious choices to speak or remain quiet.

Bonny Norton has looked at the role of social surroundings and status in second-language acquisition,

particularly among migrant women in Canada (Norton Peirce 1993, 1995; Norton 2013). The theme of

migrants adjustment to a new language environment is ever present. Calibration also seems necessary to

a hegemonic monolingualism that, although waning, makes North America less typical than Europe and

other parts of the world. A migrant writing back to Norway as early as 1873 commented on an English-

language dominance that left him silent, bereft of voice and will (Ramsey 2010, 26). Rather than

measuring individual reactions to experiment-induced pressures, Norton considers her research subjects

more holistically and in natural settings. Drawing on interviews, questionnaires, and learner-maintained

diaries for her data, Norton asks how an L2 learners contacts with the L1 social world affect acquisition

(1995, 13). Her research touches on gender, social status, and power struggles, both within the learner and

without, that influence her subjects self-identification as a legitimate speaker, as someone with the

right to speak (18). She illuminates an array of individual affective and social variables pointing to

why it is that a learner may sometimes be motivated, extroverted, and confident and sometimes
unmotivated, introverted, and anxious; why in one place there may be social distance between a
specific group of language learners and the target language community, whereas in another place
the social distance may be minimal; why a learner can sometimes speak and other times remains
silent. (11)

Within minority-language clusters in cultures with a privileged first language, research has found that

speakers possess internal rankings of linguistic forms that correlate roughly to social boundaries. Surveys

and sociolinguistic interviews with bilingual Spanish- and English-speaking families in El Paso, Texas,

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exposed participants awareness of different language communities. These distinctions appear in

speakers use of metaphorical references, metonyms, deixis, and other referential strategies (Velazquez

2013).

DEBILITATING ANXIETY, SILENCE, AND LANGUAGE LEARNING

For the distinction between facilitating and debilitating anxiety in an academic setting, SLA researchers

cite Alpert and Haber (1960), who devised the Achievement Anxiety Test (AAT) to seek data about a

hypothesized positive anxiety to complement already existing instruments for anxieties deemed

counterproductive. The researchers noticed that using the measures in tandem allowed better predictions

of academic performance. For example, in addition to presenting students with the statement

Nervousness while taking an exam or test hinders me from doing well, which students scored on a

Likert scale from always to never, participants encountered a countervailing statement such as, I

work most effectively under pressure, as when the task is very important (1960, 21314).

In her review of research on foreign-language anxiety, Ortega writes that some degree of tension can

lead to greater commitment and better performance (2009, 202). But when does this positive anxiety slip

into the debilitating realm, such that the overwhelmed student falls silent? It is not clear from research if

silence has been evaluated formally as an anxiety measure. In addition, much of the anxiety research has

been undertaken with university students, who presumably have become accustomed to the stresses of

academic life. Not as much data appear to exist for naturalistic learners returning to the classroom and for

whom formal schooling represents an alien, even oppressive, situation.

Clues to the interior worlds of these learners appear from time to time in ethnographic or narrative

accounts. Betsy Rymes, for example, explores why a third-grader from Costa Rica, Rene, who is sociable

and talkative outside his school in small-town Georgia, falls silent or, in the authors words, transform[s]

into a listless and bored lump among classmates. Why did he seem so hesitant to share stories about

himself in class? Rymes asks (2003, 388). A self-described linguistic anthropologist interested in

situated language use, Rymes notices that Rene becomes more verbal when discourse moves out of the

traditional competitive framework into an unscripted conversation about Latin American birthday

traditions. In the latter event, Rene practices English in a smaller group of students from Mxico and

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Puerto Rico. Left unanswered is the extent to which pedagogical format or broader social realities being

Latin@ and Spanish-speaking in a majority-white southern town or some unknown combination of

cultural and affective factors influence Rene in choosing the silent strategy.

While studies differ in how intentionally they describe L2 silence, typically it is contrasted to the ideal of

the speaking individual. Terms to describe speaker hesitance include reluctance to speak, unintentional

silence, and self-silencing. Opting to accept this common impression of silence, especially classroom

silence, as an avoidance tactic or as evidence of self- or externally imposed suppression (cf. Anzalda

2012 [1987], 76) 4 researchers position the contrary to silence, speech production, as a kind of escape

from bondage when they talk of a persons decision to speak or willingness to communicate. The notion

of silence that crept into speech studies and linguistics in the 1970s, writes Ephratt (2008, 1910), was

closely associated with negativity, passiveness, impotence and death. It was treated as absence: absence of

speech, and absence of meaning and intention. In this SLA investigative paradigm, it should also be

noted, speech takes precedence over other skills, in contrast to research on writing, for instance, as an L2

expressive outlet (McKay and Wong 1996). Literature on WTC, according to Ortega (2009, 2025),

concentrates on the variable of L2 communicative confidence. Curiously, though, although

communication combines social and psychological elements, Ortega notes, No SLA study has attempted

to study WTC responses vis--vis actual observation of communicative behavior (203).

MacIntyre commences his review of WTC by asking why some people choose to speak up and others

remain silent when given the chance to practice an L2 (2007, 564). He emphasizes the learners moment

of action, drawing on philosopher William Jamess analysis of volition and characterizing the choice to

speak as crossing the Rubicon.

Crossing the Rubicon is a powerful metaphor for passing the point of no return, one that captures
the essence of the sometimes conflicted decisions that language learners must make on a regular
basis: (a) Do I raise my hand to answer a question in the classroom? (b) Do I offer assistance to
an L2 speaker I just met at the airport? (c) Do I try to use the L2 in an actual conversation, not
knowing exactly what course it might take or what embarrassment awaits? (567)

4Anzalda writes in this section, Overcoming the Tradition of Silence, with special reference to gender norms.
Language is a male discourse, she says.

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Yet others do not seem so concerned with the attention MacIntyre gives to momentary restraining

forces (572) of the psyche but wonder about variables that may have been working over time to keep an

L2 learner quiet at any given moment. Alisha Ali (2010), for one, employs a theory of self-silencing

developed by Dana Crowley Jack in Silencing the Self: Women and Depression (1993 [1991]). The

Caribbean immigrant women in Toronto and New York that Ali interviews do not confront a language

barrier but mention differing social expectations of women in their new societies and pervasive

discrimination. Self-silencing represents more than a choice to speak or not but an insidious loss of self

that relates to the immigrant experience and how it can compromise ones emotional well-being (234).

Norton (1995) identifies several circumstances in which her female migrant subjects were unlikely to

speak: most involve unequal power relations, including conversations with teachers, supervisors, doctors,

and fellow L1 speakers deemed more fluent in English. Unclear from the literature is how L2 learners may

use silence strategically to gain time, as consolidation of challenging phonemes, vocabulary, or structures,

as a false signal of comprehension, as self-preservation, or as resistance. Duff (2007), however, writes

about a multilingual Canadian secondary school in which ELLs in a blended class felt that silence

protected them from humiliation. Finally, one cannot be sure how silence functioned pragmatically in

migrants formative cultures, whether in their families, schools, same-gender and mixed-gender

relationships, and so on (see Basso 1970; Mushin and Gardner 2009 on different cultural conceptions of

silence).

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