The Modernization of The Pesantren's Educational System To Meet The Needs of Indonesian Communities

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THE MODERNIZATION OF THE PESANTRENS EDUCATIONAL
SYSTEM TO MEET THE NEEDS OF INDONESIAN COMMUNITIES
by
Suprayetno Wagiman
A thesis submitted to
the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research
in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts
Institute of Islamic Studies

McGill University
July 1997
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ABSTRACT
Author : Suprayetno Wagiman
Title : The Modernization of The Pesantrens Educational System to Meet the
Needs of Indonesian Communities.
Department: Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University
Degree : Master of Arts.
The flexibility of Islam and its ability to blend with the indigenous cultures of the
Indonesian archipelago facilitated its dissemination throughout this region. Since its coming,
Islamic values have easily existed side by side with indigenous Indonesian values, and some
Indonesian values have even been considered as Islamic values by some Indonesian Muslims
and vice versa. Indonesian Muslims have not only adopted the religious practices of Islam,
but have accepted many of its social, economic and political ethics. Especially, in the field
of education, the Islamic educational institutions, both formal and non-formal, have played
a major role in educating Indonesians from the colonial era 1600-1945, to the present day.
One of the Islamic educational institutions famous for its Islamic approach is the
pesantren. This institution, however, is facing major challenges at present and is being asked
to update, develop and change many of its programs in order to enable its graduates to
participate more fully in Indonesian national life, particularly in the field of national
development. As a result, some pesantrens began modernizing their educational systems. The
modernization process is accomplished through the adoption of the national education system
alongside the classical system, thus providing students with secular subjects and skills
ii
training together with religious education. As is to be expected, this modernization effort has
created a number of problems for pesantrens such as lack of funds, finding skilled teachers
for the secular and skill subjects, building the necessary facilities and creating the needed
administrative apparatus.
In this modernization process, many individual, non-governmental organizations are
involved, together with the Indonesian government. The involvement of the government,
however, is viewed by some pesantrens with suspicion and is regarded as an attempt to
diminish the religious function of the pesantren. The reason being the past experiences of
Indonesian Muslims who were deliberately marginalized and treated as a threat by successive
governments from the colonial era to the New Order era. Not surprisingly, this situation led
to great antagonism between Indonesian Muslims on the one hand and the Indonesian
government on the other hand. Fortunately, this relationship changed in the 1980's when both
sides startedfo accommodate each other. As a result, some pesantrens successfully adopted
the national educational system, while others were left to maintain their own educational
system.
r su m
Auteur : Suprayetno Wagiman
Titre : La modernisation du systdme dducatif du Pesantren afin de combler les
besoins des communautds indondsiennes.
Ddpartement : Institut des Etudes Islamiques, Universitd McGill
Diplome : Maitrise es Arts.
La souplesse de llslam ainsi que sa capacitd de sintdgrer avec les cultures indigenes
de rarchipel indondsien a facilitd sa dissdmination partout dans cette rdgion. Depuis leur
introduction, les valeurs islamiques ont coexiste avec les valeurs indondsiennes indigenes
a un point tel que ces demieres ont dtd considerdes comme etant islamiques par les
musulmans indondsiens et vice versa. Les musulmans indondsiens nont pas seulement
adoptd les pratiques religieuses de llslam mais aussi plusieurs dldments de son ethique
sociale, economique et politique. Tout particulierement, les institutions formelles et
informelles de leducation islamique ont joud un role majeur dans la formation des
indondsiens depuis lere coloniale (1600-1945) jusquit aujourdhui.
Une de ces institutions ddducation rdputde pour son approche islamique est le
pesantren. Toutefois, cette institution affronte actuellement des ddfis majeurs et a dtd
sollicitde pour amdliorer, developper et changer plusieurs de ses programmes afin de
permettre a ses gradues de participer plus efficacement k la vie nationale indondsienne et plus
particulierement dans le domaine du ddveloppement. Par consdquent, certains pesantrens
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
entreprendront la modernisation de leurs systdmes dducatifs. Ce processus fut accompli par
ladoption dvm systdme national ddducation paralldlement au systdme classique, apportant
ainsi aux dtudiants une formation sdculidre combinde avec une Education religieuse.
Comme on pourrait sy attendre, cet effort de modernisation a crdd de nombreux probldmes
pour les pesantrens it savoir, des penuries de fonds, d enseignants compdtents dans les
sujets sdculiers, de construction d infrastructures ndcessaires et dappareils administratifs
addquats.
Dans ce processus de modernisation, plusieurs personnes ainsi que des organisations
non-gouvemementales se sont impliqudes avec le gouvemement indondsien. Toutefois cette
implication gouvemementale est per9ue avec suspicion par certains pesantrens et est
considerde comme une tentative visant k diminuer leurs fonctions religieuses. La raison
expliquant cette attitude repose sur lexpdrience vecue par les musulmans indondsiens qui
furent ddlibdrdment marginalisds et considerds comme dtant une menace par les
gouvemements qui se sont succddes depuis 1epoque coloniale jusqua lere de lOrdre
Nouveau. II est dvident que cette situation a conduit k un important antagonisme entre les
musulmans dune part et le gouvemement indondsien dautre part. Heureusement, ces
relations se sont amdliordes dans les anndes 1980 alors que les deux parties ont entrepris de
saccommoder mutuellement. Par consdquent, certains pesantrens ont adoptd avec succes
le systeme d dducation nationale, alors que dautres furent confrontds k maintenir par eux-
meme leur propre systeme ddducation.
TRANSLITERATION
The system of transliteration of Arabic words and names applied in this thesis is
that used by the Institute o f Islamic Studies, McGill University. Indoneian terms are
written according to Ejaan Baru Yang Disempumakan (EYD), but personal names and the
titles o f books and articles are rendered according to the original spellings.
<_. = b i = dh Jo = t J = 1
t ^1
II
lZj _> = r
ll
Ki
3
"V
= th j = Z
II
a = n
oj
t = g h

II
(_H* = S *>
Jh = sh c_S = f
II
c = *
_*
e =kh =s i3 = q
Ai
)
j =d
II
II
o- = 4
Short vowels : = a, fathah

= i, kasrah
J
_ = u, dammah
Long vowels : I , ^ = a
t*=i
= 5
Diphthongs: ^1= ay
jl= a u
In the case of ta marbutah (I), it is transliterated as h in pause form (e.g. b id ah)

and t in conjunctional form (e.g. bidayat al-mujtahid). Alif or hamzah (*) is transliterated
as an elevated comma () in all positions except when it occurs at the beginning of a word
(e.g. Iman and al-Qurari).
vn
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to begin by thanking Dr. Howard M. Federspiel, my Thesis Supervisor, for his
patience, constructive criticism and guidance. Similarly, I would like to thank to my parents,
who always kept placed the education of their children as the first priority, my family, wife
and children, although geographically far away from me during my studies, have always been
a close source of strength and I felt their support and prayers. The opportunity for me to study
and complete my Masters degree in Canada would not have occurred without the financial
support of CIDA and the IAIN-McGill Indonesia Project to whom I am grateful. My
gratitude also goes to the Director of the Institute of Islamic Studies, Dr. A. Uner Turgay and
all the staff of the Institute for their warmth and help during my study. My Canadian friend
and colleague Holly R. Buchanan was always available for discussion and for sharing and
bouncing ideas with. I wish to thank her for her criticism, sense of humour, and professional
acumen. Much gratitude also goes to my Indonesian fellows at the Institute of Islamic Studies
for their encouragement, inspiration, and succour. Like wise, my heartfelt appreciation goes
to my editors Reem Meshal, Chris McLeod, especially Paula Jolin and Yasmine Badr who
deciphered and made my text comprehensible. Special recognition must also be given to the
librarians, especially Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas whose patience and insight
assisted me in finding the necessary sources for my research.
viu
Table of Contents
Abstract................................................................................................................................ ii
Resume.............................................................................................................................. iv
Transliteration.................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgments............................................................................................................. viii
Table of contents............................................................................................................. ix
Introduction......................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter I: The Indonesian states national values and the Muslim communitys values ... 11
1. Indonesian Muslims and politics......................................................................... 17
2. Indonesian Muslims and Indonesian development........................................... 42
Chapter II: Islamic Educational Institutions in Indonesia.................................................. 51
1. The role of education in Indonesian development............................................. 51
2. The particular place of Islamic education in Indonesian development............. 60
3. The pesantren in the Indonesian educational system.......................................... 66
Chapter HI: The Interaction of the pesantren, government
and Non-Govemmental Organizations......................................................... 76
1. The Pesantren's educational system.................................................................... 76
2. The Involvement of the government in the pesantrens educationalsystem ... 92
3. The Involvement of Non-Govemmental Organizations
in the Pesantrens educational system........................................................... 101
4. The pesantren and Indonesian development..................................................... 105
Conclusion........................................................................................................................ 113
Bibliography..................................................................................................................... 121
The Modernization of the Pesantrens Educational System
to Meet the Needs of Indonesian Communities.
Introduction
Cultural and social changes have run parallel to Indonesias development and
modernization since the establishment of Indonesian independence. Economic development
in Indonesia has brought new values, including materialism. And, Although the Indonesian
governments goal is to create a balanced development, incorporating both material and
spiritual elements, it appears to have given more attention to material goals. Within the
educational curriculum, for example, public education (non-religious education) emphasizes
secular science,1 while maintaining a low-level of concern for teaching religious values
in school, except in religiously oriented schools.
Moreover, the moral degradation of the younger generation, especially in the urban
context, suggests that this secularized educational'system is not imparting a satisfactory level
of morality to the younger generation. Hence, some parents, educators, and members of the
Indonesian community are repeatedly complaining that religious education is not emphasized
enough. At the same time a dissatisfaction has risen within the younger generation towards
the emphasis on material achievements and the lack of balance with regards to spirituality.
Consequently, signs of protest and an effort to return to traditional values have arisen. Thus,
1Within Islam there is a differentiation between the secular sciences and the Islamic
sciences. While this differentiation cannot be generalized for all Muslims, such subjects as
physics, biology, mathematics are perceived to be secular sciences while fiqh, hadith and
sharVa are regarded as Islamic sciences.
girls began wearing the jilbab (head covering) in public schools (non-religious schools),
students have established Islamic discussion groups, pesantren kilat2 activities are held, and
the remaja mesjieP has been more prominent emerged.
These efforts by the younger generation to transform other educational practises have
caused members of the Muslim community to reconsider the role of the traditional Islamic
educational system, i.e. the pesantren, with its rich moral teachings. As a result, during the
past two decades many people have begun sending their children to pesantrens, where they
are instilled with spiritual fundamentals. In turn, the pesantrens too had to partially
reconstruct themselves to conform to modem perceptions of education. Indonesia is a
culturally diverse nation and the changes to the pesantren have occurred within the specificity
of the local cultural traditions. While I acknowledge the diversity of religious and cultural
traditions in Indonesia, as well as within and between the various Islamic communities, my
discussion, however, does not focus on these differences specifically. Furthermore, as
cultural ideologies and knowledge are unevenly distributed within societies4, individuals can
resist change and/or transform their cultural traditions within this development process.
Indeed, it is within this space that conflicts and coherence can take place. Individuals use
strategies which can be situational, strategic, and multiple to reach their aims; all of which
2This refers to the act of studying Islamic sciences in the pesantren system for a short
period of time, during which theory and practise are taught at the same time.
3 Literally, this means Teenagers of the Mosque; that is, a group of teenagers who
focus on Islamic activities and make the mosque the centre of their activities.
4 Roger Keesing, The Concept of Culture and the Crisis of Theory, unpublished
paper, Dept, of Anthropology, McGill University, 1992.
had been resorted by Indonesian Muslims in their endeavour to modernize the pesantrens
educational system.
At the same time, the Indonesian government, interested in national educational
expansion, has regarded the pesantren as an instrument to reach and educate large numbers
of rural Muslims. And, like numerous Muslim reformers, the government wants too the
pesantren, in addition to its spiritual teachings, to impart the knowledge and skills useful in
todays job markets. This process of change within the pesantrens educational system is
referred to as the modernization of the pesantren. At the Conference on Education in
Religious Educational Institutions held between May 31, and June 4th, 1971, Mukti Ali, the
Minister of Religious Affairs at the time, explained that the modernization process is an
effort to make the bad good, and the good better. It means that the pesantren should maintain
its educational system by eliminating those elements which are not in line with Indonesian
development and strengthening those elements which are in line with the communitys needs
and development. Furthermore, he stated that it is possible to gage the degree of
improvement in education by measuring the role education plays in enhancing Indonesian
development.5
Kaufman defines a system as The sum total of parts working independently and
working together to achieve specified required results, or outcomes, based on needs.6
Keeping this in perspective, an educational system would include methods, teachers,
5Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan PondokPesantren dalam Pembangunan [The Role

of the Pesantren in Development], Jakarta: Paryu Barkah, n.d.), 23.
6 Roger Kaufman, Planning Educational Systems: A Results-based Approach,

(Lancaster: Technomic Publishing co, inc., 1988), 12.
students, parents, community leaders, curriculum, and facilities. In the modernization process
of the pesantrens educational system, these components cannot be considered separately as
independent elements. Thus the pesantrens development process could follow one of several
different courses: the kyai1and the santri of the pesantren might develop programs on their
own initiatives, for example, or programmatic changes might occur in cooperation with
government and/or non-governmental organizations.
Initially, the Indonesian governments involvement in the modernization of the
pesantrens educational system made the pesantren students, teachers and kyais suspect that
the government was trying to secularize their educational system. At the same time, the
Indonesian government regarded the pesantren as a system choosing to isolate itself from
Indonesian national educational goals because it followed its traditional patterns of operation
for many years and was not forced to join the national school system significantly.
Consequently, homogenization of school structures, centralized curriculums and
examinations have been introduced and encourage by the government, thus influencing the
content of learning with regards to national interests and inserting national goals into the
educational system.8Historically, Muslim leaders were always active in the struggle against
colonialism and were strong nationalists during the revolution years. Consequently, they can
7 Kyai is a term derived from the Javanese language. Broadly speaking, it refers to
someone, or something, that people respect on account of his, or its, extraordinary character.
In this case, kyai refers to the founder or the leader of a pesantren. The title kyai cannot be
earned through academic achievement. It is bestowed by the community in recognition of the
talent, honour, and nobility possessed by a particular individual. One of the requirements is
that a kyai must have a deep knowledge of Islam.
8Barth discusses the infusion of nationalism into the Balinese educational system. See
Frederik Barth, Balinese Worlds, (London: University of Chicago Press), 1993.
be considered an important sector of national supporters. Moreover, keeping in mind that the
pesantren produces many of the leaders of the Islamic movements, it is politically strategic
to the government that national education goals be introduced to the pesantrens educational
system.
Considering the important role the pesantren plays in community development, there
is a constant need for it to develop and adapt its curriculum, practices, and ideologies to
current issues affecting human and natural resources. Therefore, the santris (students) must
develop the practical skills and knowledge necessary for the needs and challenges of the
communitys development process. Since the 1970's, many pesantrens have modernized their
systems o f education and social programs to deal more effectively with community issues
and to do it in more meaningful ways. In some cases such programs give the santris
vocational training in fields like agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, management of
farm cooperatives, and the development of other technologies for rural communities. Many
pesantrens also provide informal education in the Islamic doctrines and new technologies to
the nearby communities, thereby helping to raise community consciousness towards
development. At this point, it is important to note that the government has for long realized
that the pesantren is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it can encourage people to
become more receptive to the progress of rural development, but, on the other hand, if the
pesantren is alienated, this informal system could be used as a powerful tool to encourage
local resistance to government-imposed changes.
As the progress and achievement of Indonesian development depends on the
educational levels of its population, the pesantren as an educational institution is required to
maintain an educational system which caters to the individual interests of the santris, while
improving their ability to participate in social development and the political system. This has
led to the problem of trying to balance and maintain the underlying religious training of the
pesantrens educational system amidst such variables as new secular subjects and national
demands.9
This thesis will analyse the process by which the pesantren has attempted to
modernize its educational system to meet community and national demands; in other words,
the dialectical relationship between spiritualism and materialism. This topic has been chosen
for the following reasons: first, Indonesia is a multicultural country in which diverse cultures
adhere to their own traditions, especially in rural areas. Any approach to modernize the
pesantren must therefore invite the individuals in each specific community to participate in
this Indonesian development. Religion can often be used and sometimes has succeeded in
bridging the differences between the different ethnic groups, and the pesantren is often a key
element in implementing cooperation.
Second, Indonesia is rich in natural resources which have not been exploited due to
a lack of human resources, particularly in rural areas. Initially, the Indonesian government
focussed its development program on the urban areas, while now it is focussing its attention
on the rural areas; a sector long overdue for upgrading. Moreover, given the fact that
development can have positive or negative implications for the communities affected, and
can cause social and environmental problems as well, and widen class divisions, it is very
9 See Klaus Schleicher, ed. Nationalism and Education (Frankfurt am Main: Peter
Lang, 1993), 24.
important to elicit the participation of the community in this process, especially the
pesantren. Therefore, it is a challenge for the pesantren to promote and participate in
sustainable development programs which consider the needs of and the impact on specific
communities. Development remains slow due to the lack of skills and technology; however
if these are maximized properly, the natural resources and the rich cultures within Indonesia
can be a huge asset to Indonesian development. For example, some industries developed in
rural areas do not employ members of the local communities due to their lack of skills. It is
here that the pesantren can play an important role in the development of human resources as
it is an expert in rural education as well as a source of inspiration for the community.
Moreover, with- its method of learning through practice, the pesantren can make a solid
contribution to the development of Indonesian communities. The difference between the
secular and the pesantrens educational system is the bridge that the pesantren creates
between theory and practise; in the boarding school environment it is possible to implement
applied skills.
Third, in order to meet the national demands and the needs of the Indonesian
communities, the pesantren has had to balance its religious goals with the demands of the
Indonesian government As stated in Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara (GBHN or the
Broad Outlines of National Direction), the aim of Indonesian development is to consider and
achieve both materialism and spiritualism within Indonesian development.10 While the
national educational system has not been successful in achieving spiritualism, the pesantren
10See John Suijadi Hartanto, Memahami UUD1945, P4, GBHN 1993-1994, Waskat
[Understanding the 1945 Constitution, P4, GBHN 1993-1998, Close Supervision],
(Surabaya: Indah, 1994), 81-82.
has failed to achieve the material aspects of the Indonesian national goals. Thus, it is hoped
that through the modernization of its educational system, the pesantren will be able to
achieve both goals.
Fourth, implicit in the Indonesian development process are new demands on
Indonesian society. Moreover, the complexity of the development process has meant that
some pesantrens were unable to operate their programs independently, and they have, had to
seek cooperation with other institutions and the government in order to modernize their
educational system. Realizing that the governments involvement is necessary to achieve
these complex goals, some pesantrens have had to integrate their programs within the
national educational system with its accompanying political and ideological struggles,
manipulation, and dilemmas.
Finally, according to many analysts, the modernization of the pesantren has greatly
weakened the social and religious values characteristic of this institution. The analysts
believe that the pesantrens cooperation with the government has led to a loss of the
pesantrens unique characteristics as a self-reliant educational institution deeply embedded
in local culture.
This thesis will examine these five characteristics of the modern-day pesantren; it will
be divided into three chapters with an introduction and a conclusion. This thesis will begin
with a discussion of the Indonesian states national values and the different values of the
Muslim communities, and will provide an historic overview of the nature of the Islamic
community up to the present day. It will explain also the development of the Indonesian
state, its accomplishments, direction, and the interaction between Islam and the state from
independence to the present day.
An important methodological theme that runs through the thesis is provided by
Donald Eugene Smith in his remarks on secularization. His five-point analysis contends that
in the Third World, governments of new states seek to gain control over the societies that
they rule and that religion is one particular area that comes under their scrutiny since it
dominates traditional societies. Governments act as agents of modernization, usually,
because the very concept of the nation-state is modem and they are encouraged by the
international community of nations to act in the modem way by controlling their
populations and taking care of the problems that arise within their borders. Smith asserts that
there are five points that apply to such modernizing governments in their attempts to convert
traditional societies into modem ones.
1. Polity-separation secularization refers to the institutional separation of

religion and polity... and the denial of the religious identity of the polity...
[the] Government ceases to perform its traditional functions as promoter and
defender of the faith.
2. Polity-expansion secularization involves the expansion of the political
system into areas of society formerly regulated by religion. The polity thus
extends its jurisdiction into areas of education, law, economic activity, and
so on, which were subject to religious norms and structures in the traditional
system.
3. Political-culture secularization refers to the transformation of values
associated with the polity; secular nations of political community, the
legitimacy of the polity, and the meaning of politics replace traditional
religious notions in the thinking of many people.
4. Political-process secularization is the decline in political saliency and
influence of religious leaders, religious interest groups, religious political
parties, and religious issues; it also denotes the weakening of religious
identity and ideology of the actors as a consequence of participation in the
political process...
5. Polity-dominance secularization refers to a radical program of
secularization by revolutionary regimes that recognize no area of religious
autonomy...11
The examination of Indonesian national values and the consequent Indonesian
government concern with Muslim boarding schools (pesantrens) will give us an opportunity
to consider whether Smiths typology applies to Indonesia or not. Accordingly, several
premises will be discussed in Chapter I where the formation of the Indonesian states value
system is outlined. The relationship of that value system with corresponding and contrasting
values in the Muslim community will provide ample opportunity for a discussion of this
premise and how it applies to Indonesia. In particular points 1, 3, and 4 will be covered.
The second premise, i.e., policy-expansion secularization, has relevance for the
material discussed in chapters 2 and 3. In those chapters the pesantrens are covered and the
states changing relationship to them allows an assessment as to whether Smiths
methodology applies to the situation. All five points will be reviewed in the Conclusion. In
general, Smiths comments about modernization and secularization provide a backdrop
against which the discussion of the Indonesian pesantren can be presented and understood.
11 Donald Eugene Smith, Religion and Political Modernization. (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1974), 8.
10
Chapter I
The Indonesian States National Values and Muslim Community Values
Debates continue regarding the arrival of Islam to the Indonesian archipelago. These
debates are not concerned only with the date of the Islams arrival, but also with the way
Islam spread in Indonesia. Some scholars suggest that Islam first arrived in Indonesia through
peaceful economic expansion. Frederica M. Bunge states that:
Muslims may have come to the islands as early as the seventh century, for
Chinese records tell of Arab traders at Guangzhou and other south China
ports who must have stopped at Indonesian ports on the way...Yet the
Conversion of significant numbers of Indonesians to Islam apparently did no
begin until around the thirteenth century... the medium of its infiltration
seems to have been trade. Islamic merchants, most likely from Gujerat but
possibly also from Malabar, Coromandel, Bengal on the Indian subcontinent,
or Persia, were apparently active in encouraging members of the Indonesian
elite to adopt the religion. The accounts of travelers outline its gradual
progress from points in Sumatra down to Java and finally to the most remote
of the Outer Islands.1
And, on the process of islamization in Indonesia, M.C. Ricklefs states:
In general, two processes probably occurred. On the one hand, indigenous

Indonesians came into contact with Islam and made an act of conversion. On
the other, foreign Asians (Arabs, Indians, Chinese, etc.) who were already
Muslims settled permanently in an Indonesian area, intermarried and adopted
local lifestyles to such a degree that in effect they became Javanese or Malay
or whatever. These two processes may often have occurred in conjunction
with each other, and when a piece of evidence survives indicating, for
instance, that a Muslim dynasty had been established in some area, it is often
1Frederica M. Bunge, ed., Indonesia: A Country Study, (Washington DC: American

University, 1983), 10.
11
impossible to know which of these two processes was the more important.2
It is also believed that sufism played an important role in this process of Islamization.
After the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258, Sufism dominated the Islamic world.
Therefore there is a possibility that Sufism was also spread by the Muslim traders who came
to Indonesia. Sufism, which focuses on the esoteric side of religion, is similar to the
mysticism in Buddhism, Hinduism, and the animism and dynamism sects of indigenous
Indonesian religions. Moreover, the egalitarian nature of Islam may have been more
appealing for most Indonesians than the caste system of Hinduism at that time. This may
have led to the rapid spread of Islam in the Indonesian archipelago.
Four great world religions are practiced in Indonesia: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam
and Christianity. In addition, some Indonesians still adopt animism, dynamism, and even
Aliran Kepercayaan (The Belief Sect). In fact, the faith and practice of some Indonesian
Muslims are strongly coloured by local traditions (adat or customs) including some practices
that contradict Islamic doctrines especially in the private rituals surrounding marriage, death
and birth as well as public rituals such as planting rice, building bridges etc. which have
been passed on from generation to generation.
It is difficult to discuss the values of Indonesian Muslims in general since values are
a matter of interpretation of what is valuable for the community and for the individual. As
mentioned earlier, Islam in Indonesia, to varying degrees, has mixed with the local cultures;
thus Indonesian culture is very complex and is not a homogenous grouping. Furthermore,
2 M.C. Ricklefs, A History o f Modem Indonesia cl300 to the Present, (Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1981), 3.
12
much ethnic and linguistic local diversity exists. Geographically speaking, Indonesia is
divided into three areas: East Indonesia, Central Indonesia and West Indonesia. Ethnically
speaking, there are more than 400 different territory based ethnic societies in Indonesia,
each with its own home territory, its own language, its own cultural tradition, its own social
structure , its own collective history and, of course, its own ethnic identity.3 The identity
construction for individuals can incorporate issues of ethnicity, gender, religion and national
political affiliation. On Islamic values B J. Boland states:
Values in Islam have a dynamic, not a static, character. Some basic elements
of the Islamic faith, some principles of worship and some fundamental social
values are indeed unchanging. But apart from these values, Islam does not
give any definite prescriptions concerning activities in this world. The latter
are determined by cultural values, which must be in a process of continuous
development, in order to scout the actual situation.4
Although all Muslims base their religion on al-Quran and Hadith, some practices
require interpretations, and Muslims differ in the ways they interpret the same texts. Hence,
there are four major schools of thought (madhhab) in Islam, namely: the Hanbalite, ShafTite,
Hanafite and Malikite schools. In general, basic practices such as salah (praying), saum
(fasting), hajj (pilgrimage), are the same in Indonesia as in the rest of the Muslim world, but
certain practices differ within these general forms of worship. Moreover, two Muslim
groupings exist in Indonesia, the traditionalists and the modernists. The traditionalists are
more tolerant of the practice of adat which are viewed by some people as (part of) Islamic
3 Harsja W. Bachtiar, Indonesias Society and Culture in 1994" The Indonesian

Quarterly, 1995, xxiii (2), 175.
4 B J . Boland, The Struggle o f Islam in Modem Indonesia, (Leiden: The Hague,

1982), 223.
13
values. In addition, the traditionalists proclaim themselves defenders of the madhhab, and
most are Shafiite, which is the most prominent madhhab in Indonesia. The modernists, on
the other hand, totally reject any form of adat practice which they view as takhayul
(superstition)5, bid'ah (heresy)6 and churafat (superstition)7, known as TBC, and they do not
strictly follow any madhhab.
In terms of modernization, B.J. Boland states: Modernism or liberalism in Islam
certainly has nothing to do with such critical studies of the text of the Scriptures and its
historical sources as are made by Christian theologians. Even the most liberal Muslim
theologians maintain that such a critical study is simply impossible in Islam, as the Quran
is a revealed book, sent down directly from God.8The difference among Muslims is on the
interpretation of the scripture. For example in salah (prayer), in general both the
traditionalists and modernists adopt similar practices with slight differences. The Modernists
5 A concept applied by some purist Indonesian Muslims to many folk practices in

Indonesian life, such as a ritual meal (selamatan), the dynamism in certain blessed objects
(keramat), and power of certain individuals (dukuns) to heal, cast spells, and foretell events.
Howard M. Federspiel, A Dictionary o f Indonesian Islam, (Athens: Ohio University Centre
for International Studies Monographs in International Studies, 1995), 262.
6A practise taken into religious activity that is not countenanced by religious sources
but which has wide acceptance as being a legitimate activity. According to modernist
Muslims nothing is allowed in matters of worship except that which is expressly commanded
by God, while in other matters all actions are allowable except those which have been
expressly forbidden by God. Traditionalists differentiate between different kinds of
innovation, regarding some as beneficial even in matters of worship. Howard M. Federspiel,
A Dictionary, 36.
7 Superstition, often applied by purist Muslims to many aspects of popular Islam,

particularly the use of amulets, consultation with soothsayers, and saint worship. Howard
M. Federspiel, A Dictionary, 130.
8 B.J. Boland, The Struggle, 218.
14
(such as the Muhammadiyah) do not recite the niah,9because for them the niah is an internal
matter of the heart (qalb). The traditionalists, however, recite it. Apart from this, there is
also the sufi realm which focuses more on spiritual matters rather than the sharTah.
There are many religious activities adopted by Indonesian Muslims throughout the
archipelago. A case in point, is the celebration of Muslim holidays. Muslims have many
holidays based on the Hijriah calendar, which are celebrated nationally. Among them are:
1. The Muslim New Year in the first of Mubarram (the first month of the Hijriah calendar)
2. The Day of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon Him), on the 12th of RabV
al-Awwal(the third month).
3. The day of the Isra^the Prophet Muhammads miraculous flight from Mecca to
Jerusalem) and M ir aj { the Prophet Muhammads ascent to heaven) on the 27th o f Rajab
(the eighth month).
4. The day of Nuzulal- Quran (the first revelation of Quran) on the 17th of Ramadan (the
ninth month).
5. The A id al-Fitr (tht celebration of the end of the fasting period) on the 1st of Shawwal
(the tenth month).
6. The A id al-adba (the day that commemorates the sacrifice of Prophet Isma 7/by the
Prophet Ibrahim) on the 10th of Dbu al-Hijjah (the twelfth month).
Indonesian Muslims celebrate these holidays by performing a mass Tabligh (speech) in
mosques, parks, and in government and private offices and schools.
9A short declaration of intention pronounced audibly or mentally, immediately prior

to prescribed religious ritual in which the performer states his intent to perform the act with
piety and religious purpose. Howard M. Federspiel, A Dictionary, 188.
15
The month of Ramadan is considered a holy month, in which Muslims fast from
dawn to dusk. Fasting is obligatory for Muslims who are mature ( baligh)10. Thus, children
fast for a half day only in preparation for full participation later. In this month, Muslims
intensify their worship ( Ibadah). This can be seen in the crowded mosques where people
perform Salat al-Tarawib and Salat al- Witr, and recite al-Quran until nearly dawn. During
Ramadan the spirit of Islam is at its peak in Indonesia. Interestingly, in this month traditional
foods are sold in every region in Indonesia and are consumed by Indonesian Muslims while
breaking their fast.
The A id al-Fitr is celebrated by performing Salat al- A id al-Fitr which is mostly
held in the parks and the mosques, and often in roads. A id al-Fitr is also celebrated by
visiting neighbours and relatives. This is the time for Indonesian Muslims to gather with
their family. For this purpose, most Indonesian Muslims prepare cookies as well as other
traditional foods in their homes. Preparation begins in the last week of Ramadan. The
celebration of A id al-adha this It is not very different from the celebration of A id al-Fitr,
except that, after performing Salat al- Add al-adha people then perform Qurbann. That is
why this day is also called A id al-Qurban.
One cannot deny that the Indonesian government promotes religion, to a certain
extent (although numerous government policies contradict religious doctrines). This can be
seen in the governments policy to adopt and celebrate all Islamic holidays, as well as those
10Maturity is recognized by menstruation in women and the ability to beget children

in men.
11 Worship performed by the sacrifice of certain animals (e.g. cow, lamb, camel).
16
of other religions, as national holidays. Thus, the holidays of one religion can be celebrated
by the followers of other religions. Another example is the governments sponsorship of
Musabaqah Tilawatil Quran (MTQ or Quran Recital Competition) held once every three
years.12
1. Indonesian Muslims and politics.
Apart from the religious practices, political life is one of the major issues that concern
Indonesian Muslims. In fact, throughout the history of Islam in Indonesia, Muslim activities
have continuously been furnished with a political agenda, H.M. Federspiel states that:
Politics is important to the Indonesian Muslim community because the

national history of Indonesia has witnessed a long-running contest over the
role that Islam should play in national affairs. Certainly Indonesian Islamic
values have not achieved the state role that politically-involved Muslims
would have liked and activist Muslims have not held political power to the
extent they would have preferred. Still, despite such disappointments,
Indonesian Muslims overwhelmingly identify with the Indonesian nation
state.13
Since neither Indonesians, nor Muslims in general have supported western notion of
separation between church and state, the 'ulamd have long played a key role in Indonesian
political life. The kyai, for instance, who belongs to the ulama class, is regarded within the
community as the facilitator of human relationships with both Allah and his fellow humans.
12Among the components of the competition, conducted in the MTQ, are: the art of
Quranic reading (tilawah), memorization of the Quran (hiz al-Qurari), the explanation of
the content of the Quran (tafsh), utilization of the content of the Quran (shark), the
sequence o f the content of the Quran (tartil), and Arabic calligraphy.
13 Howard M. Federspiel, Muslim Intellectuals and National Development in

Indonesia, (New York: Nova Science Publisher, Inc., 1992), 79.
17
That is why the persona of the kyai is so central to the Indonesian concept of ummah. On the
one hand, the kyai as an individual is responsible for the propagation of Islam, while on the
other he is the communitys caretaker in the practical matters of daily life, particularly in
rural areas.
Moreover, upon closer examination of the issue, it becomes clear that the Indonesian
Muslims have traditionally tied their socio-economic and political life to religion. The
'ulamd, have always been at the heart of this system. This is amply demonstrated by the
ulam&'s role in the struggle for independence from Dutch and Japanese colonialism. Some
of those who were most active in this regard were Kyai Mojo14 from Java and Tuanku Imam
Bonjol15 from West Sumatra. In this instance, the role that they played rivaled that of a
sultan (king). In fact, in the various sultanates and kingdoms of the region occupied by the
Dutch, the struggle against colonialism was sometimes spearheaded by the 'ulama. This
proclivity was reinforced by the centralization of political, economic, and religious power
in the hands of Sunan Giri of East Java, Sunan'Gunung Jati of Cirebon, Imam Bonjol in
Bonjol (West Sumatra), and Falatehan in Jakarta.16
14 Kyai Mojo and Sentot Ali Basya were the war advisors of Pangeran Diponegoro
(Prince Diponegoro). The Diponegoro war occurred between 1825-1830 in Java.
15 The battle against the Dutch, headed by Tuanku Imam Bonjol, is called the Padri
war (1819-1832). The Padri movement in West Sumatra is an Islamic reformist movement
influenced by the Wahabi movement.
16 Fachry Aly, "Ulama dan Politik" [Ulama and Politics] Pergulatan Dunia
Pesantren: Membangun dari Bawah, [The Struggle in the World of Pesantrens: Develop
from the Bottom] ed. Dawam Rahardjo, (Jakarta; P3M, 1985), 181.
To stem the ulam&s powers, the Dutch resorted to military force, restricting all
Islamic activities. Moreover, by promulgating the so-called "ethical policy", colonial officials
made it easier for Christian missionaries to win converts in the country. All of these factors
also contributed to a decline in the ulamd's political prowess by mid-century. Moreover,
there has been no substantial change to the status quo since independence, for in the modem
bureaucratic state of Indonesia, the ulamd have little if any power. As a result, they have
been forced to limit the scope of their activities to social services, education and the local
economy.
This is not to say that the ulamd have not played any political role at the national
level. They did, in fact, organize a movement struggling for Indonesia's independence. This
Islamic nationalist movement was inspired by Muslim authors influenced by the reformist
and modernist thinkers of the Arab world, particularly Jamal al-DIn al-Afghani and
Muhammad Abduh. In fact, Abduh's call for the modernization of Muslim education was
an important stimulus for the modernization of Islamic education in Indonesia. Indonesian
Muslims were exposed to such ideas during study periods in Mecca or Cairo, and while on
pilgrimage to the Hejaz. Furthermore, upon their return to Indonesia, these individuals
collaborated together to establish institutions of religious education which paralleled those
of the government. Thus by the early 20th century, many Islamic educational institutions had
been founded by various Islamic organizations which aspired for the same goals, namely, the
reformation of Islamic beliefs and culture in such a way as to purify them of Western
influences; and the resistance of colonial domination. In addition, this new Islamic system
19
of education was designed to help in the struggle against the prevalence of Islam Abangan17
and Christian missionaries.
During the late Dutch colonial period, usually referred to as the Nationalist Era, many
Islamic social organizations were established, among them the Muhammadiyah on
November 18, 1912 by Ahmad Dahlan. This organization sought to enhance the Islamic
knowledge and values of its members and to propagate Islam in general. Besides establishing
religiously-oriented schools, the Muhammadiyah also founded a number of institutions for
the teaching of modem subjects.
In the political arena, the Islamic nationalists established several organizations, all
of which shared the single aim of bringing Dutch and Japanese colonial rule over Indonesia
to an end. Sarikat Islam was the first Islamic organization to exhibit a political orientation.
It was founded on October 16,1905 under the name Sarikat Dagang Islam (SDI or Islamic
Commercial Union), and later changed its name on November 11,1912 to Sarikat Islam (SI
or Islamic Union). Sarikat Islam was originally established to aid Indonesian merchants in
their attempt to penetrate the economic monopoly of both Chinese merchants and Javanese
aristocrat merchants.
In the years between 1916 and 1921, Sarikat Islam spread throughout the entire
Indonesian archipelago. Each year it sponsored a national congress attended by
representatives from every region, propagating a message of Islamic nationalism.
17Islam Abangan is a term given to those who take Islam as their religion but are not
committed to continual and serious observation of its practices.
20
In the field of education, Sarikat Islam made every effort to abolish the Dutch practice
of discriminating against indigenous students who did not belong to rich or aristocratic
families. This practice made it very difficult, if not impossible, for middle and working class
students to enroll in schools. Towards that end, SI pressured the Dutch colonial authorities
to make education compulsory for all Indonesian children up to the age of 15. Furthermore,
SI established many schools at every level, and provided scholarships for students to study
abroad.
In line with the developments overtaking the modernist Muslim movements in
Indonesia, the traditionalist 'ulama played its own distinctive role in the Nationalist era. In
1926, the ulama of Java come together to form the Nahdatul Ulama (NU) under the auspices
of its famous leader Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari. The association was especially active in operating
traditional boarding schools (pesantrens) and, in many cases, undertaking modernization in
a manner quite different from that of the modernists by continuing to stress Arabic and
Arabic texts, but using new methods of teaching'and broadening the curricula. One of their
famous educational institutions is Pesantren Tebuireng in East Java. The success of
pesantrens stemmed from the fact that the NU kyais have a particularly close relationship
with the rural people, and have devised a pesantren system compatible with rural life.
Following the establishment of secular schools by the colonial administration, the
various Islamic organizations established a system of madrasahs. This system aimed at
addressing the Dutch policies that placed limits on the number of Indonesian students
admitted in Dutch schools as well as providing instruction in Islamic subjects omitted by the
Dutch.
21
Indonesian Muslims activists -- 'ulama, intellectuals, political leaders and their
followers -- had become an important political force by the 1940's and emerged from the
Japanese Era (1942-1945) as a substantial political bloc contributing to the success of the
Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949). The bloc was strong enough at the moment of
independence in 1945 to prompt a historical discussion of the upcoming role that Islam was
to play in the new Indonesian statement. This debate spelled out the relationship of Islam and
the state for the next fifty years and set in motion two different concepts of national life that
are only now beginning to merge into a new unity arid full understanding.
Prior to the independence of Indonesia, the Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan
Kemerdekaan Indonesia 18(BPUPKI or Investigating Committee for the Preparation of
Indonesian Independence) was established on March 1, 1945. This organization was
established with the aim of facilitating the move to an independent Indonesian state. During
its life span BPUPKI orchestrated two formal and one informal meeting. The first meeting,
held from May 28 to June 1, 1945, dealt with'the philosophical basis of the state. This
encounter was argumentative as the committee members included "those who wished to
establish Islam as the basis of the state, those who sought to establish a secular, constitutional
state, and advocates of what became known as a negara integralistik ( an "integralistic
state")19. The second meeting, held from 10 to 17 July 1945, dealt with the form of the state,
its territory, citizenship, the drafting of its constitution, economy and finance, state defense
18In Javanese, Dokuritsu Junbi Cosakai.
19 Douglas Edward Ramage, Politics in Indonesia: Democracy, Islam and the

Ideology o f Tolerance, (New York: Routledge, 1995), 11.
22
and education.20 The informal meeting, organized in the period between the two formal
meetings, dealt with the draft of the preamble to the constitution.
The difference of opinion which characterized the Muslim and nationalist positions
at the first BPUPKI meeting has continued to color the debate over the nature of the state.
Supomo, in his speech on May 31, 1945 put it succinctly when he stated that the Muslims
wished to form an Islamic state whereas the nationalists wished to separate religion from the
state.21
In the first BPUPKI meeting, on May 29, 1945, Muhammad Yamin delivered a
speech in which he proposed five philosophical premises for the Indonesian state. They are:
Peri Kebangsaan (nationalism), Peri kemanusiaan (humanitarian/internationalism), Peri
Ketuhanan (belief in God), Peri Kerakyatan (democracy) and Kesejahteraan Rakyat (public
welfare and social justice).22 Then, on May 31, 1945, Supomo proposed another five
premises as the basis for Indonesian national philosophy. They are: Persatuan (nationalism),
Kekeluargaan (humanitarianism), Keseimbangan Lahir dan Batin (balancing spiritual and
material life), Musyawarah (democracy) and Keadilan Rakyat (Social Justice).23 Moreover,
20Sekretariat Negara Republik Indonesia, Risalah Sidang Badan Penyelidik Usaha-

Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI), Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan
Indonesia (PPKI), [The report of the conference on the Investigating Committee for the
Preparation of Indonesian Independence, and the Preparation Committee on Indonesian
Independence], ( Jakarta: Sekretariat Negara Republik Indonesia, 1995), xvii.
21 Muhammad Yamin, Naskah Persiapan Undang-undang Dasar 1945, I,

[Preparatory Text of 1945 Constitution], ( Jakarta: Yayasan Prapanca, 1959), 115-116.
22 Muhammad Yamin , Naskah, 87-107, and Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 8-29.
23 See Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 31-61; and Muhammad Yamin, Naskah, 109-
121; also Marwati Djoenoed Poesponegoro and Nugroho Notosusanto, Sejarah Nasional
23
Soekamo, in his speech on June 1,1945 outlined five principles of state philosophy which
he termed Pancasila. They are: Kebangsaan Indonesia (nationalism), Peri Kemanusiaan
(internationalism), Mufakat (democracy), Kesejahteraan Sosial (social justice), Ketuhanan
(belief in God).24 Soekamos speech marked the birth of the state philosophy Pancasila (five
principles) with its fusion of Muslim and nationalist ideologies. It was this statement that
ultimately became a political rallying point of nationalist groups, particularly non-Muslims
and those who were nominal Muslims, and later the formal doctrinal basis of the Indonesian
state itself. Still at this point the issues were not yet decided and there were further
developments at this early point in history that framed the debate.
After the first BPUPKI meeting over a month lapsed before it reconvened. In the
interim, the Panitia Kecil (Little Committee) was formed with Soekamo as leader, and
Mohammad Hatta, Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo, Wachid Hasjim, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Oto
Iskandardinata, Muhammad Yamin and A.A. Maramis as members. Their task was to assess
the feedback and suggestions relating to the formation of an Indonesian state.25
In the second meeting, on July 10, 1945, Soekamo, as representative of the Panitia
Kecil (little committee), reported that, in its endeavour, the new committee established
another Panitia Kecil, namely Panitia Sembilan (committee nine)26 which consisted of
Muhammad Hatta, Muhammad Yamin, Subardjo, A.A. Maramis, Soekamo, Kyai Abdul
Indonesia, VI, [The National History of Indonesia], (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1990), 69.
24 See Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah,. 63-84; Muhammad Yamin, Naskah, 61-81.
25 See Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 88.
26 Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 88.
24
Kahar Moezakkir, Wachid Hasjim, Abikusno Tjokrosujoso and Haji Agus Salim.27Then, on
June 22, 1945 the Panitia Sembilan created the draft of the preamble to the Indonesian
constitution, termed by Muhammad Yamin the Piagam Jakarta (Jakarta Charter).28 This
piagam was fashioned only after serious discussion and compromise between the Islamic and
the nationalist proponents. Soekamo stated in his speech that initial difficulties were
encountered in the compromise between the Islamic proponents and the nationalists,
particularly in relation to accommodations between state and religion.29 The draft of the
preamble was read by Soekamo to the gathered delegates on July 10th, 1945. It ran as
follows:
Preamble: As independence is the right of every people, any form of

subjugation in this world, contrary to humanity(peri kemanusiaan) and justice
(pri-keadilan), must be abolished. Now the struggles of the Indonesian
independence movement have reached the blessed hour where the Indonesian
people, safe and sound, have been led to the portal of the Indonesian state,
which is to be independent, united, sovereign, just and prosperous. By the
grace of the almighty God and motivated by the highest ideals of a free
national life, the Indonesian people hereby declare their independence.
Further, in order to establish for the Indonesian state a government which will
protect all Indonesian people and all Indonesian territory, promote public
welfare, raise the educational standards of the people, and participate in
establishing a world order founded on freedom, everlasting peace and social
justice, national independence is hereby expressed in a Constitution of the
Indonesian state which is moulded in the form of the Republic of Indonesia,
27 Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 94.
28 Piagam Jakarta (Jakarta Charter)consists of Pancasila. Compared to the five

principles offered by Yamin and Soekamo, this Piagam Jakarta ranks belief in God as the
first principle. This tenet was originally followed by " dengan kewajiban menjalankan
syari'at Islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya (with an obligation on the adherents of Islam to
carry out s b m ah [Islamic law]". But these seven words were deleted from the Preamble to
the 1945 constitution. See Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 95.
29 Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 94; and Muhammad Yamin, Naskah, 153.
resting upon the people's sovereignty and founded on (the following
principles): Belief in God, with the obligation to carry out the syari'at
IslamQslamic shan'ah) for its adherents in accordance with the principle of
righteous and moral humanitarianism, the unity of Indonesia, and a
democracy respectful of the mutual deliberation of a representative body and
ensuring social justice for the entire Indonesian people.30
In this meeting the preamble once again took center stage when the Panitia
Perancang Undang-Undang Dasar31 (Constitution Planning Committee) assessed the draft
of the Indonesian constitution. In the following meeting, on July 11, the Panitia Perancang
Undang-undang Dasar reached a consensus on the contents of the preamble to the
constitution as derived from Piagam Jakarta?2
In further developments, the seven words following the first tenet were deleted.
Various reasons were cited for this decision. The most prominent one holds Hatta as stating
that a Japanese naval envoy came to him to voice the objections of Protestant and Catholic
representatives to these seven words. In their objections to these seven words the
representatives voiced a concern that inclusion o f these words would be discriminatory, and
would exclude non-Muslims from Indonesian society. Before the meeting of Panitia
Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, Hatta asked Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Wahid Hasyim, Mr.
30 Sekretariat Negara RI, Risalah, 95; and Muhammad Yamin, Naskah, 154.
31Panitia Perancang Undang-undang Dasar was headed by Soekamo, and included:

Mr. A.A. Maramis, R. Oto Iskandardinata, B.p.h. Poeroebojo, H. Agoes Salim. Mr.
Soebardjo, Prof. Dr. Soepomo, Mr.Nj. Maria Ulfa Santoso, K.H.A. Wachid Hasjim, Parada
Harahap, Mr. Latuharhary, Mr. Soesanto Tirtoprodjo, Mr. R.M. Sartono, Mr. K.R.M.T.
Wongsonagoro, K.R.M.T.H. Woeijaningrat. Mr. R.P. Singgih, Mr. Tan Eng Hoa, Prof.
Dr.P.A.H. Djajadiningrat and Dr. Soekiman.
32 Marwati Djoenoed Poesponegoro, Sejarah, 72.
26
Kasman Singodimedjo, and Mr. Teuku Hasan to convene for a short meeting on August 18,
1945, in response to this problem. On emergence, they announced their decision to delete the
seven words for the sake of Indonesian unity.33 Thus, It was held that Pancasila could be a
more neutral basis of unity if formal identification with Islam was kept at a minimum. As
Denys Lombard states:
As soon as (1945), President Sukarno defended the idea of a secular State

founded on "Five Principles" which he called Pancasila a sort of
syncretism strongly influenced by Javanese philosophy, was coined to make
paramount "the belief in one God" (Ketuhanan Yang Mahaesa)and thus
necessarily implied not just tolerance for all monotheistic religions, but also
equal treatment for them. At the Ministry for Religious Affairs, there are in
fact three other Directorates responsible for Protestants, Catholic and the Bali
Hindus.34
The abandonment of Pancasila as enunciated in the Jakarta charter, should not, in
Ramages words be seen as the only cause of cleavage in ideological discourse in the new
Republic. Rather, it is the case that sharp ideological debate involving Islam and other
alternatives for the dasar negara existed before the Jakarta Charter was proposed"35 He was
referring, of course to the lack of cooperation between the Muslim movements on the one
hand, and the nationalist movements on the other hand during the late colonial period.
33Mohammad Hatta, Sekitar Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945, (Concerning the August

17,1945 Indonesian Declaration), (Jakarta: TintaMas, 1982), 59-60.
34 Denys Lombard, "Islam and Politics in the Countries of the Malay Archipelago"
Islam and the State in The World Today ed. Olivier Caird, (New Delhi: Manohar, 1987), 236.
35 Douglas Edward Ramage, Politics, 15.
In the 1950s, the debate about Islam and Pancasila was renewed in a new form. The
Majelis Suro Muslimin Indonesia 36 (Masyumi or Consultative Council of Indonesian
Muslims) brought a new dimension to the discourse on statehood by promoting the ideology
that the state should strive to base itself on the teachings and faith of Islam and, if possible,
establish an Islamic state.37Mohammad Natsir, in his capacity as Masyumis representative,
asserted in his speech to the Badan Konstituate's (Constituent Assembly) debate on the
foundation of the state in November 1957, that:
I and my friends in the Masyumi party feel we have an obligation to put

before this honourable plenary session more broadly and in greater depth, the
views that we presented to the First Committee and the Committee for the
Preparation of the Constitution, that is to say, our hope, already known to all
here, that our State, the Republic of Indonesia, will be based on Islam: that
it will be a democratic State, based on Islamic principles.38
36 Masyumi was established on November 8,1945 as a result of the conference held

on 7 and 8 November 1945 which was attended by almost all Islamic organizations. At the
time, Masyumi was the only Islamic political party. At the beginning, only four organizations
joined Masyumi. They are: Muhammadiyah, Nahdatul Ulama, Perserikatan Uniat Islam and
Persatuan Umat Islam. These organizations were followed by al-Jamiyatul Washliyah and
al-Ittihadiyah (North Sumatra), and in 1949 Persatuan Ulama Seluruh Aceh (PUS A or The
Association of Acehnese 'Ulama) joined Masyumi. In 1958, many local and several national
leaders of Masyumi joined the revolt (especially in Sumatra and Sulawesi) which sought to
separate from Indonesia and to establish an Islamic state. Consequently, Masyumi was
banned by the government in 1960, and all efforts to reestablish it were rejected in 1965.
Then, in 1968, the government established Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi or
Indonesian Muslim Party) instead. For more information on Masyumi, see Deliar Noer,
Partai Islam di Pentas Nasional, (Jakarta: Grafiti Press, 1987). For more information on the
history of Parmusi see Kenneth E. Ward, The Foundation o f the Partai Muslimin Indonesia,
(Ithaca, New York: Cornell Modem Indonesia Project, 1970).
37 A. Wahid, "The Islamic Masses in the life of state and nation" Prisma, 1985, 8.
38Mohammad Natsir, Islam Sebagai Dasar Negara, (Islam as the Basis of the State),
(Bandung, Pimpinan Fraksi Masyumi dalam Konstituante, n.d), 8. The quotation in English
is taken from Margaret Bocquet, and Robert Cribb (ed.), Islam and the Ponca Sila, (North
Queensland: James Cook University, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, 1991), 5.
28
And, on the rejection of Islam as the basis of the state, he responded by declaring that:
Their rejection of Islam is not based on evaluation of merit or worth; there is

no suggestion that the content and characteristics of the Islamic way of life
present some ineradicable problem, or that such a way of life is not embedded
into the souls of what is recognized as the majority of the Indonesian
population. The reason for the rejection is that Islam is embraced by one
group, but not by every group... Further more, Mr. Chairman, such an
argument will be ineffective, because, Mr Chairman, what if the Islamic side,
whose way of life has been refused as the basis of the state on the grounds
that that belief is embraced by only one group among others , then replies
in turn, Yes, and we people of Islam, what are our grounds ? Why should
Islamic people accept Panca Sila as the states basis when Panca Sila too is
really the belief of only one party, not representative of other groups in
Indonesia ? Anyhow, our Islamic way of life is not reflected by Panca Sila.39
Furthermore, Natsir described the decision to accept Pancasila as the basis of the state as
tragic and harmful to the Indonesian context where community life is centered upon religion.
He also maintained that Pancasila, which is hardly a religious credo, cannot, therefore, be
adopted as an ideology. And, although the principle of belief in one God is enshrined in its
tenets, Pancasila remains, in essence, secular, atheist and irreligious, he argued. Moreover,
the presence of any principle is not necessarily related to the overall spirit of the document.
Rather, the other principles appear to be unconnected to the principle of belief in one God
which appears almost as an afterthought. The claim, therefore, that the principle of belief in
one God embodies the soul of the other principles cannot be substantiated. Above all,
Pancasila was devised with the express aim of serving a neutral ideology.40 According to
39 Mohammad Natsir, Islam, 5-6.
29
Natsir, the Indonesian state, with its present emphasis on Islam is neither a theocracy nor a
secular state, but, rather a theistic democracy.41This appeal, however, was unsuccessful and
the proclamation of Guided Democracy in 1957 brought down this chapter of the debate.
In Soekamos view, Pancasila is the basic philosophical premise of Indonesian
independence, the basis of the state and the basis of the 1945 constitution, and should
therefore be implicitly and automatically recognized by anyone who is committed to that
constitution.42This view reflected a wide spectrum of popular sentiment among Indonesians,
especially in Central Java, among leftists, non-Muslims, those who valued the living customs
(adat) of the regions and the new administrative officials. All the groups believed that Islam
was a divisive issue at this point and would, if adopted as state philosophy, open the way to
difficult problems and put the values of each particular group at risk. Their concern was
heightened in the 1950s by intemperate Indonesian Muslims promoting an illegal and counter
state movement under the general title of Darul Islam.
Following Sukarnos lead, Pancasila thus came to be regarded as the official
doctrine of the state at the time and has not relinquished its place since then. In the Guided
Democracy period, however, it was still developing as a national concept and the leftists, in
particular, often used it, along with other political devices to exhort against the political evils
of reaction and neo-colonialism with which they labeled their enemies, including the army
and the generals. Significantly, at this time two other groups the army leadership and the
42Syaffuddin Prawiranegara, "Pancasila as the sole foundation" Indonesia, 1984, No.

38, (New York: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, New York), 76 and 78.
30
state administrators began to use Pancasila as a more benign slogan, one which saw the
supremacy of the state over all factions as important and one which called for citizenship on
the basis of Indonesian unity overarching all divisiveness in the country, including that of
religion and feelings about Islam. The leftists view was triumphant for a time, that of the
moderator had a longer, deeper impact that lasted beyond the era.
Nonetheless, an "Islam versus Pancasila dynamic shaped much of the debate and
discourse surrounding politics in Indonesia until the mid-1980s. In the 1990s, an "Islam
versus non-Islam" dynamic has emerged in the political discourse.43According to: Syafruddin
Prawiranegara, Pancasila is not a religion and cannot replace religion. Forcing Indonesians
to accept Pancasila entails a reformulation of a religion revealed by God to an ideology
which does not presume to call itself a religion.44Moreover, Muhammad Natsir asserted that
Pancasila was unequivocally secular and neutral. If its neutrality vanished, its raison d'etre
would also vanish.45
The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) had amassed enough strength by 1965 to
attempt to seize power. This move, however, was forcefully put down by the army which
used it as a means of increasing its hold on the government. This seizure of power was
formally given by President Soekamo in the Surat Perintah Sebelas Maret (March 11
Mandate), in which he recognized General Suharto as the real leader of the government. The
new government chose the title New Order and consolidated its power by eventually
43Douglas Edward Ramage, Politics, 16.
44 Syafruddin Prawiranegara, Pancasila, 99 and 81.
45 Muhammad Natsir, Islam, 27.
31
installing Suharto as President. Muslim nationalists hoped to play an effective role in the new
political order by fostering closer ties to the Suharto regime. They were, however, denied that
role by the government which did not intend to grant Muslim nationalists a participatory role
in the administration of the country. The origins of the New Orders rejection of Muslim
political overtures seems to have stemmed from the desire not to allow Masyumi activists
to play any role in the political process, on the grounds that numerous members of that party
had associated with rebel groups in the late 1950's. Beyond this, there was a general belief
that Islamic goals were inimical to the army leadership and to the traditional Indonesian way
of life. As a result, the Pancasila state was continued and, in fact, given greater emphasis as
a unity device for the Indonesian nation. Supporters regarded it as inclusive of religious
values, including Islam, while Indonesian Muslim activists of the time regarded it as a
secular device.
In Religion and Political Modernization, Smith posits the argument that
secularization may be broken down into three components: separation between state and
religion, replacing the function of religion in the socio-economic sphere and emphasizing
development as the route to the realization of certain objectives.46 All these trends can be
discerned in the New Order, which recognized Islamic parties but restricted their movements.
Thus, Indonesian Muslims who strove to reestablish the Islamic Party, disbanded in the
Soekamo era, were frustrated in their attempts after the creation of the New Order. In the
case of Masyumi, for example, the New Order government created the Parmusi (Partai
46 Donald Eugene Smith, Religion and Political Modernization, (New Haven: Yale
university Press, 1974), 8.
32
Muslimin Indonesia or Indonesian Muslim Party) rather than reestablish the Masyumi.
Furthermore, as part of its policy, the Indonesian government successfully disabled any
Islamic organizations capacity to function in the political arena. Consequently, these
organizations have retreated from political life and had to deal in exclusively religious
matters. A good example of this is the NUs decision to return to the Khittah 1926 (The 1926
Principle) at its 1984 conference.47
In 1973, conditions changed further when all the Islamic parties were forced to
amalgamate into one political party, the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan48 (PPP or United
Development Party). In addition, any member nominated for party leadership had to be
approved by the government. Since then, persistent internal party conflicts have prevented
it from becoming an effective political voice. In addition, By the mid 1980s all traces of
47 The decision to return to the Khittah of 1926 was declared in its 27th congress in
Situbondo (East Java) in 1984. Previously Nahdlatul Ulama used to be a political party from
1952 to 1973. As a political party, NU had witnessed three different political eras, namely,
the Liberal Democracy, the Guided Democracy and the Pancasila Democracy (New Order
era). This long experience of the NU in Indonesian political life was a major factor in the
objection of some *ulama towards the return to the Khittah of 1926. As a consequence of
this decision, NU had to withdraw from practical politics and to focus on its activities
regarding religious and social matters. For further information the NUs decision to return
to the Khittah of 1926, see Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, Hasil Muktamar Nahdlatul
Ulama ke 27 di Situbondo [The Report of the 27th Congress of Nahdlatul Ulama in
Situbondo], (Semarang: Sumber Barokah, 1985).
48 The Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (abbreviated as PPP) was established in 1973

as an amalgamation of the four Islamic Parties: namely, Nahdatul Ulama (NU); Parmusi;
PSII; and Perti. It was hoped that this party would embody all Muslim political aspirations.
However, when the government stated that all parties should be based on Pancasila, PPP lost
its character as an Islamic party. Since then, the Islamic party has been formally eliminated.
This policy, however, could not eliminate the image of the PPP as an Islamic party, even
though in the 1992 general elections, the government changed the partys symbol from the
Ka'bah to a star.
33
formerly influential Muslims parties like Masyumi and Parmusi had been effectively
obliterated. In Army circles, Muslim extremism continued to be regarded as a latent threat,
and there were frequent trials of alleged Muslim extremists"49
It should also be noted that, in the 1982 general election, all government officials and
the family of members of army were obliged to vote for the party supporting the government,
the Golongan Kaiya (Golkar or The Group of Functionaries). In fact, the success of the chief
authority in a given region, such as a governor, was measured by the number of ballots cast
for Golkar candidates in the area under their jurisdiction. This goes a long way towards
explaining why Golkar always emerges as the winner in national elections. Under this system
any other party can have only win a small number of seats, and have very little impact on
public policy.
So, is it possible for Indonesian Muslims to fulfill their political aspirations without
the vehicle of an Islamic party ? This question may be equivalent to the classical debate on
whether or not there exists such a thing as an Islamic State.50 The struggle between
Indonesian Muslim activists and Indonesian state forces was a bitter struggle with most
Muslims apparently willing to accept Pancasila as state ideology while seeking Islamic
standards in the nation in other forms. Munawir Sjadzaly played an important role in the
promotion of Pancasila as state ideology. By challenging the concept that Islam embodies
the concept of an Islamic state, he sought to dampen the enthusiasm of Indonesian Muslims
49Michael R. J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto: Order, Development,

and Pressure fo r Change, (New York: Routledge: 1994), 121.
50 M Rusli Karim, Islam dan Konflik Politik Era Orde Baru, [Islam and Political
Conflict in the New Order Era], (Yogyakarta: Media Widya Mandala, 1992), 17.
34
for creating an Indonesia nation based on Islamic principles.51
Thus, it took a full 17 years for the New Order to marginalize Islam within the
political arena,52 and to implement the separation between state and religion that Indonesian
Muslims had so feared. The question remains, however: can Indonesian Muslims really
channel and articulate their political aspirations effectively without an Islamic ideological
party ? If the answer is yes to the previous question, then it can be stated then that the
government has succeeded in secularizing the Indonesian body politic.
At this point some consideration of Smiths points, raised in the Introduction, are in
order. If we consider that the theme of his typology is the rise in importance of the state vis-
a-vis religion, religious values and religious authority, it is clear that Indonesian history of
the twentieth century has, indeed, been concerned with such secularization. It appears, in
general, that Smiths supposition is basically correct and that the Indonesian government is
attempting to marginalize religion. But, as in all such analyses, the results are not always
clear-cut and outright victory for the state is not always apparent. In general though the trend
in Indonesia has been in the direction of government dominance, as proposed by Smith. This
is especially true in point 1 where there is institutional separation of religion and polity and
point 4 where there is a decline in influence of religion and religious officials in the political
sphere.
The first phase in the depoliticization of Indonesian Islam began with Suhartos
speech to the plenary session of Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR or Indonesian Legislative
51 M Rusli Karim, Islam, 18.
35
Assembly) on August 15,1982.53 At this time Suharto was promoting Pancasila as the sole
ideology for all organizations and parties. He attempted to promote the idea that without this
uniform ideological underpinning, all parties and organizations would succumb to
ideological conflict. For the PPP the choice was simple, either to conform to this policy or
face eradication from the political arena. Initially, this policy was only aimed at political
parties, but soon it was extended to cover all social organizations. In reacting to this policy,
Islamic parties and organizations were split in two directions: those who were willing to
accept this policy and those who were not. The split was evident even within individual
organizations. Any Islamic organization or party that wished to remain active had no choice
but to sacrifice their Islamic ideology and accept Pancasila as their ideological platform. In
response, even former supporters of Pancasila reacted negatively. Himpunan Mahasiswa
Islam (HME or Islamic Student Association) for example, which had been a supporter of
Pancasila from its earliest inception now reacted strongly against Pancasila as the sole
ideology. For this reason, at its 1983 congress'in Medan, HMI resolved to maintain its
Islamic principles, thus leading to government counter-measures against it.54 The only
practical choice Islamic organizations had was to accept Pancasila as the reigning ideology.
The only organization which rejected Pancasila as an ideology was the Pelajar Islam
Indonesia (PH or Indonesian Muslim Students). Since then, the PE has been banned and
pushed underground.
54 Kuntowijoyo, "Religion, State and Social Formation in Indonesia" Mizan, 1984,

1, n o .2 ,10.
36
On the flip side, the government, through the Ministry of Religious Affairs, has
continued to oversee and sponsor Muslim matters of ibadah, including pilgrimage, infaq,
zakah, and sadaqah through Bazis ( The Institution for Alms, Disbursement and Charity).
In this respect Muslim Indonesians were given the illusion that Islam was the basis of state.55
In the words of Vatikiotis, "the Suharto government seemed to be emulating the old Dutch
policy of emasculating political Islam while outwardly promoting its spiritual health... Islam
has declined as a political force, but not as a potent influence on society. Indeed, there are
those who argue that Indonesia has become more Islamic under Suharto's rule, despite the
regime's secular leanings".56
The concept of reactualization of the shariah, promoted by Munawir Sjadzali in the
1980s, sought to interpret the shariah in a manner relevant to an Indonesian cultural context.
This approach, argues Vatikiotis, "not only neatly solves the problem of permitting shari'ah
law to exist within the body of secular national law, but also reduces the chance of friction
between the religions".57Furthermore, "outside its official patronage of Islamic institutions,
for most of its twenty-five year mle, the New Order government has demonstrated more
suspicion than trust towards Islam. The military has always been fearful of Islamic
extremism".58 The challenges facing Indonesian Muslims bent on gaining influence with
respect to government policies, are: 1) a government so powerful as to impede the
55 Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian, 121.
56 Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian, 121-122.
57 Michael R J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian, 127.
37
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
democratization process and the maturity of an egalitarian body politic; 2) underdevelopment
in science and technology; 3) a cultural divide engendered by an industrial era; 4) social and
economical inequity; 5) the erosion of morals and ethics; 6) succession and regeneration of
the 1945 generation; 7) the planning of a second Long-term Development Plan as a
continuation of the first.59 To overcome these obstacles , Indonesian Muslims will have to
act, both individually and organizationally to promote a potent political Islamic entity.60
The conundrum in which Indonesian Muslims find themselves stems from the fact
that they expect their representatives to channel their aspirations through government policy,
while, at the same time, regarding them with suspicion for having become members of any
political party without historical ties to an Islamic party.61 The formation of ICMI, for
example, was regarded with scepticism by some Muslims because of its involvement in the
bureaucratic arena. It may be argued, however, that involvement is a necessary evil if
Muslims are to Islamize the bureaucracy, a task no Islamic organization has yet ventured to
do. A coherent, articulated response to the question of participation and interaction in
Indonesian political life and development has yet to be formulated by the Islamists.
The causes of Muslim marginalization are fourfold. In the first instance, strong
opposition was expressed to the concepts of Islamic law and the Islamic state beginning at
the BPUPKI session for the declaration of Indonesian independence in 1945, at the 1956
Constituent Assembly sessions, and again in the 1990's in the wake of Islamic revivalism.
59 M. Rusli Karim, Islam,49.
60 M. Rusli Karim, Islam, 41.
61 M. Rusli Karim, Islam, 26.
38
Ironically, opposition did not emanate from non Muslim sources alone, but also from
Muslims who felt that the intensification of Islamic values and adoption of Muslim law
depends, to a great extent, on the social class, ethnic affiliation, educational background and
political identity of different individuals. This schism was caused by the application of
customary law (adat), which was prominent in the early part of the century. In effect, the
promotion of adat law engendered peculiarities in regional cultures, particularly in life-cycle
ceremonies. This had a profound impact on Muslims since standardized Islamic practices
conflict with these cultural mores in many ways. Historically, most Muslims accepted these
cultural norms until the reformist and modernist tide began propagating the idea that Islamic
law was superior to adat law.
In the second instance, Indonesian Muslims do not all share the same goals in
achieving an Islamic basis of the state, i.e. the establishment of an Islamic state or Islamic
ummah. Intellectuals such as Nurcholish Madjid62, Abdul Rahman WahicP, and Dawam
Rahardjo64, do not see the need for an Islamic state in Indonesia but rather emphasize the
importance of the Islamic ummah (community). Other authors, on the other hand, such as
62 Nurcholish Madjid argues that there is no term Islamic State in Islam. Islam is
in line with nationalist ideas. Therefore, there is no need for Indonesian Muslims to establish
an Islamic state, as it is not the formal form of the state but the substance of the state that is
most important. This can be achieved with a cultural approach in its wider meaning,
including education, propagation, art and intellectual dynamism.
63 For Abdul Rahman Wahid the form of the state is irrelevant as long as Muslims
can practise their religion in a state which emphasizes social welfare and justice.
64 Dawam Rahardjo argues that the goal of Islam is to establish an Islamic

community, not an Islamic state. He maintains that an Islamic state is an ideal construct
which is elitist and totalitarian. The elite, in the Islamic state, are those who understand
religious doctrines and act as Gods interpreters.
39
M. Amien Rais,65have argued that an Islamic state is an imperative for Indonesia. Alas, these
differences have often led to misunderstandings and contributed to negative sectarianism,
thus diminishing the collective power of the Muslim community. The current trend in
Islamic political discourse is to emphasize the establishment of the Islamic ummah, as any
attempt to establish an Islamic state always faces resistance from the government. B.J.
Boland explains what Indonesian Muslims mean by Islamic ummah:
(1) the attempt to have Islamic principles imbue Indonesian society; (2) the
promotion and strengthening of the uchuwah Islamiyah, Islamic brotherhood;
(3) making visible the impact of Islam on public life; (4) spreading an Islamic
style of life; in short (5) the furthering of everything that could give Indonesia
the colour of a Muslim country, in accordance with the fact that far and away
the majority of the inhabitants are Muslims.66
Thus, it can be said that the organization of an Islamic community is necessary for the
establishment of Islam as the basis of the sate. However, as the Islamic ummah has not yet
been established, Islam cannot yet serve as the basis of the state.
In the third instance, a leadership crisis has contributed to the failure of Islamists to
promote Islam as the basis of the state in Indonesia. No leader of these divergent Islamic
organizations has had their decisions widely accepted by all members of Muslim
organizations. Therefore, it is urgent for all leaders of these organizations to join together,
meet, and discuss how they wish to achieve their goal of an Islamic state. In general, there
65M. Amien Rais argues that the goal of the secular state is to fulfill public interests,
but that there is no one standard regarding fulfilment of the public interest in any given
country because of peculiarities in ideology, and its indicator, public opinion. Moreover, the
achievement of public interest is merely material. Whereas, in Islam the goal of the state is
the establishment of faith and the indicator of public interest is not public opinion but the
shari'ah.
40
have been at least three approaches which Islamic leaders have initiated in relation to the
states Islamic policies.67The first approach has been to act inside governmental institutions
by complying with the Indonesian governments policies regarding Islam. The second
approach has been to establish organizations or institutions outside the government while
continuing to maintain close ties with the government. The third approach has been to
establish and emphasize the concept of empowerment within Indonesian society as a whole,
regardless of religion.
As mentioned above, Indonesian Muslims played an important role in securing
Indonesian independence and in the establishment of the Indonesian state. This was possible
because of a climate of accommodation between Islam and the existing government.
Nevertheless, the relationship between Islam and the state was never free of antagonism in
either the Old Order or the New Order. In the 1980s, however, a slight change occurred,
allowing the relationship to go from antagonistic to accommodative. The catalyst to this
sudden rapport was the establishment of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI or
Indonesian Muslim Intellectual's Association) on December 6th, 1990. There have been many
interpretations of this event and the benefits which this new reapproachment has led to. A
popular analysis by Afan Gaffar argues that this change in the relationship between Islam and
the state was dictated by the states need to co-opt Islam, and it is belief that Islam must be
accommodated as a substantive force in the political arena in order to avert civil conflict. In
addition, the membership of ICMI includes government staff members who are not averse
67 Muhammad A.S. Hikam, Islam and the Empowerment of Indonesian Civil

Society The Indonesian Quarterly, 1996, xxiv, (1), 33-35.
41
to Islam and who are in a position to shape government political attitudes towards Islam.
Lastly, states Gaffar, the change in the political tactics of the Muslim themselves has allowed
them to penetrate the political system as more than lobbyists.68
In conclusion, I quote Federspiel:
The major question to be asked is whether the recent trend toward religiosity
and greater concern with Islamic forms will lead ultimately to an Islamic
revolution, with the full imposition of Islamic laws, as in Iran. That is not
impossible. Still it is likely that other societal forces in Indonesia that have
checked Islam in the past... will continue to exert influence and prevent any
transformation into an Islamic state. But, even without such wholesale
Islamization, Islamic law is apt to remain an important issue for Indonesian
society.69
2. Indonesian Muslims and Indonesian development
The goal of Indonesian national development is to create a just community balanced
between spirituality and materialism based on Pancasila and the Constitution of 1945. This
"development is intended to create a better life and social justice in the community in all its
aspects, whether political, economic, socio-cultural or otherwise. It also intends to guarantee
the safety of the community, and the unity of Indonesia.70
68 See, Afan Gaffar, "Politik Akomodasi: Islam dan Negara di Indonesia" [The
Politics of Accommodation: Islam and State in Indonesia] Agama Demokrasi dan Keadilan,
(Religion, Democracy and Justice) eds. M. Imam Aziz, M. Jadul Maula, and Ellyasa K.H.
Dharwis, (Jakarta: Gramedia, 1993), 98-115.
69Howard M. Federspiel, Islamic Values, Law and Expectations in Contemporary

Indonesia, Unpublished paper, 1996, 16.
70 John Surjadi Hartanto, Memahami UUD 1945, P4, G BH N1993-1998, Waskat

(Surabaya: Penerbit Indah), 79-82.
42
The national development of Indonesia is based on the Asas Pembangunan Nasional
(The Principles of Indonesian National Development) which encompasses nine principles:
1) The belief in God, which means that all the efforts and activities of national development
are motivated and guided by a belief in God. This is considered to be the holy value which
forms the basis of the spiritual, moral and ethical application of Pancasila. 2) The principle
of beneficence, i.e. that all efforts and activities of national development must have the
maximum benefit for humanity, increase community welfare, develop citizen personality and
prioritize the existence of Indonesian values, while preserving the environment. 3) The
democratic principles of Pancasila, requiring national development to be motivated by a
spirit o f familiarity which is characterized by togetherness, mutual cooperation and unity,
through Musyawarah (consensus building) in order to reach mufakat (agreement); 4) The
principle of justice and equality, resulting in an effort to distribute development and its
results equally to amongst members of the community throughout the archipelago; 5) The
principle of balance or harmonization in all aspects of life between this world and the
hereafter, materialism and spirituality, physics and psychics, individuality and community,
national and regional, national and international; 6) The principle of law, encouraging
development to foster the obedience of the Indonesian people and their government to the
law; 7) The principle of autonomy, basing development on the potency of self confidence;
8) The principle of struggle, in which the government and the community continue to posses
the mentality, will, spirit of dedication, obedience and discipline to put national and state
needs above individual and community needs; 9) The principle of science and technology
43
must be applied and mastered in line with religious and community values.71
The Indonesian government has outlined the development of Indonesia in Rencana
Pembangunan Jangka Panjang (Long-Term Development Plan) of 25 years which in turn
is divided into five year plans in the Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita or Five
Years Development Plan) which began with the Repelita I in 1969. Currently the Indonesian
government is in the second Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Panjang, begun with its
Repelita VI. In its development programs, the Indonesian government places much emphasis
on industrialization and agricultural development. Through its intensification and
extensification programs, success has been achieved in agricultural sustainable development.
Indeed, the production of rice, the staple food, has grown at a rate unparalleled in Asia over
the past twenty years... [rice production] in 1989-1990 increased by over 3 percent to over
30 million tonnes,... Suharto took particular pride in declaring self-sufficiency in rice in the
mid-1980s. For many years the country was the worlds largest rice importer.72
When Suharto took office, Indonesias economy was in a deplorable state: it had a
negative growth rate, 600 percent inflation, no foreign reserves to speak of, and a national
debt of over $US 2 billion. Suharto had no choice but to emphasize the development of the
Indonesian economy.73 Consequently, The new regimes rapid implementation of macro
economic stabilization saved the country from economic disaster.74 For example, in the
71 John Surjadi Hartanto, Memahami, 82-84.
44
poverty alleviation programs, the Indonesian government placed emphasis on the rural areas,
where it has succeeded in reducing the poverty level substantially. From 1976 to 1987 alone
the annual rural poverty rate decreased by nearly seven percent.75 It is undeniable .therefore,
that Indonesia under Suharto has been held up as something of a model of Third World
development.76
However, government development policies have often lead to social problems,
resulting from the marginalization of the lower and middle class businesses. Consequendy,
one finds that until now, the gap between the rich and the poor continues to remain wide. The
issue of the increasing involvement of members of the lower and middle classes in the socio
economic programs has been a goal for Muslim organizations in Indonesia. For example,
Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI or Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals
Association) maintains a bargaining position by retaining its grass root support* thus offering
a venue for participation in the development process. Moreover, as a lobby group, ICMI
brings the aspirations of grass roots movements to the notice of the government, so that
development becomes concordant with social welfare. The practical results of this program
can be seen in the establishment of Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI or Indonesian Business
Bank), and Bank Perkreditan Rakyat Shari'ah (BPRS Shari'ah Public Credit Bank).
Indonesian development is characterized by industrialization and modernization
implemented through the adoption of technology and values from advanced countries.
75 AJi Wardhana, Indonesia During the Economic Take-Off: Economic, Political,

and Social Challenges The Indonesian Quarterly, 1993, xxi (4), 453.
76 Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian, 35
45
Although these outside values combine with the indigenous values to some extent they often
contradict community values, especially in rural areas. Therefore, it is necessary for the
Indonesian government to consider local values in their development policies.77 For
example, when the term modernization was introduced in Indonesia in 1966-1971, it was,
unfortunately, only partially understood. This term is preferable to words like revolution, but
it has the disadvantage that many continue to understand it in terms of westernization and
secularization. As such, the term development was henceforth used as a replacement for
modernization.78 This is not to say that Indonesian Muslims are anti-modernization. Indeed,
Muslims in Indonesia, generally speaking, do not feel difficulties with regard to most
aspects of modernization...Religion in Indonesia does not actually impede technological
development. Of course, religions and religious leaders often tend to be suspicious of certain
novelties and especially of developments which could change the established structure of
society.79
In addition, when modernization was first pursued in Indonesia, religion was viewed
as an inhibiting factor, but later when declining social values occurred, religion was seen as
a possible antidote. In this effort, religious symbols were identified as useful vehicles for
motivating public participation in Indonesian development. It was also recognized that
77 Donald G. McCloud, Southeast Asia; Tradition and Modernity in the

Contemporary World, (Colorado: Westview Press, 1995), 262.
78 M. Dawam Rahardjo Islam dan Pembangunan, Agenda Penelitian Sosial di

Indonesia [Islam and Development, the Social research Agenda in Indonesia] Pembangunan
dan Kebangkitan Islam di Asia Tenggara [The Development and Resurgence of Islam in
Southeast Asia] ed. Saiful Muzani, (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1993), 272.
46
religion still wields critical power in the community. On this matter, Neils Mulder states:
What ever some people fancy about political reform, it carries little weight
if compared to the moral appeal of religion. In the ideologically vacuous
environment o f the New Order, where money has grown to become the
conspicuous idol, congregational religion, whether Islam or Christianity, is
faring well. Joining is a means of searching for and expressing a moral
identity, ones ethical worth. In mosque and church, a measure of criticism
can be voiced against the excess of development, such as the overwhelming
worth of filthy lucre, the overriding priority of pecuniary profit, the race for
riches, the disgusting display-spending of the nouveaux riches, the Chinese.
domination o f the economy, the opaque monopolies and business
conglomerates. Often religious participation, especially in Islam, can also be
a means to react against the influence of foreign culture affecting Indonesian
life in the form of alien life styles, western oriented consumerism,
individualism, far-fetched fashions, American pop music, pornography, and
drugs... And whereas many will merely care for their own affairs, others seek
a moral identity in religion... Next to religious self-expression, there is
another way of seeking an antidote to the disturbances of being uprooted and
transplanted into a modem urban life far from home.80
The moral decadence resulting from modernization has led the members of the
Indonesian community to look for their identity in their religion, culture and custom. For this,
Donald G. McCloud states: The process of redefining national identity and, by extension,
the social and political institution that make up contemporary society has not been easy or
uniform. Some values such as religion have been obvious areas for revitalization...81
Therefore, it is important to pay attention to the emergence and development of spiritual
movements in Indonesia, as B.J. Boland also argues that: The need to pay attention to this
spiritual aspect of modernization is evident from the rise and thriving condition of numerous
80Neils Mulder, Inside Indonesian Society: An Interpretation o f Cultural Change in

Java, (Bangkok: Editions Duang Kamol, 1994), 123-124.
81 Donald G. McCloud, Southeast Asia, 263.
groups based on mysticism, inner piety or a kind of moral rearmament82
In terms of development and its effects, Muslim intellectuals have responded in a
variety of ways. Some become interested in the problems of social change, as side effects to
economic development; and the factors supporting or obstructing development. The later
usually view the social sciences as tools of social engineering and development. Similarly,
there are those interested in identifying the relationship between economic and non-economic
factors in the development process and identifying the side effects of economic development.
Likewise, other Muslim intellectuals showed interested in development through an
. alternative theory, namely, the Islamic economical science.83 It is in this respect that
Islamic organizations in Indonesia have tried to diminish the negative effects of rapid
economic development and also to mediate between the middle and lower class businessmen
in programs for economic development.
O f course, the success of the New Orders development program is undeniable,
especially when measured in economic terms. This can be seen from the increased economic
and political stability, as well as from the current increased emphasis the Indonesian
government has placed on democracy, human rights and environmental issues. A case in
point, is the role of women in Indonesian development The GBHN, for example, states that
women, as citizens and a human resource, have equal rights and obligations to those of men
83 Generally, these intellectuals are educated in Western universities but have

fundamental attitudes on Islamic doctrines.
48
in all aspects of Indonesian development.84 Many scholars have also pointed out that the
conditions and position of women in Indonesia are very favourable whether compared to
other Muslim countries or non-Muslim countries of Asia.85
As the fourth most populous country in the world, the Indonesian government
actively encourages family planning programs. Muslim leaders and organizations have
reacted to these programs in various ways. Some authoritative Muslims agree to this program
while others do not. The NU [Nahdatul Ulama] actively promoted family planning as a
voluntary and responsible decision made within the family, depending on their health and
socio-economic situation... Muhammadiyah moved from passive opposition to passive
acceptance of family planning, but continued to consider the prevention of pregnancy to be
against the teaching of Islam...MUI [Majelis Ulama Indonesia or Indonesian Religious
Scholars Council] and Islamic leaders at the Ministry of Religious Affairs fully endorsed the
launching of the national family planning program in the 1970s.86 Culturally speaking,
Indonesian families tend to have many children. There is a famous motto among Indonesians
declaring that, Banyak anak banyak rezekf' (the more children you have the richer you will
be). Moreover, for the Bataknese, for example, there is a saying which claims Maranak
sapuluh pitu, marboru sapuluh onom (One should have 17 sons and 16 daughters). Not
surprisingly then, the government family p la n n in g program was initially rejected but
84 John Suijadi Hartanto, Memahami, 46.
85 See, Rosalia Sciortino, Lies Marcoes Natsir and Masdar F. Mas'udi, Learning
from Islam: Advocacy of Reproductive Rights in Indonesian Pesantren Reproductive Health
Matters, November 1996, No. 8, 87-89.
86Rosalia Sciortino, Lies Marcoes Natsir and Masdar F. Masudi, Learning, 87-89.
49
eventually became widely accepted with the result that population growth has decreased
significantly in Indonesia.
In respect to the diversity of cultures in the Indonesian society, and the effects of
development on these diverse community values, it is important to note that socio-political
development in Indonesia should take into account two factors: the distinct nature of cultural
factors and the historical struggle for self determination.87
87Jusuf Wanandi, Sociopolitical development and Institution Building in Indonesia

Asian Political Institutionalization, edited by Robert A. Scalapino, Seizaburo Sato, and Jusuf
Wanandi (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1986), 184.
Chapter H
Islamic Educational Institutions in Indonesia
1. The role of education in Indonesian development.
The New Order government has focused Indonesian development on economic
growth and political stability.1These two points of emphasis are interconnected: political
stability is needed for investment to take place and more importantly, political stability is-
needed to maintain the development process. Economic success in the New Order has led
to social change which then led to a change in the policies which in turn, made development
more effective.2 Divergent opinions on debates and policy have coloured Indonesian
development, sometimes stressing technological advancement, other times focusing on social
well-being. However, throughout the New Order development, a key variable has been the
role that education plays in the development process.3 Since the 1940s, it has been
hypothesized that in the process of economic development, countries generally pass through
1For further information on the problems facing the national educational system and
Indonesian development, see M. Amien Rais, Muslim Society, Higher Education and
Development: The Case of Indonesia (1) Muslim Society, Higher Education and
Development in. Southeast Asia, eds. Sharom Ahmat and Sharon Siddique, (Pasir Panjang:
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1987).
2Ali Wardhana, Indonesia During the Economic Take-Off: Economic, Political, and
Social Challenges The Indonesian Quarterly, xxi, 4 (1993): 452.
3 See, Ingemar Fagerlind, and Lawrence J. Saha, Education and National

Development: A Comparative Perspective, 2nd ed., (New York: Pergamon Press, 1992), 3.
a demographic transition influenced by many factors, including education.4
The Demographic transition covers the period during which a population

shifts from high mortality and high fertility, typical of low-income,
preindustrial, larger agrarian populations, to low mortality and low fertility,
typical of high-income, industrial, and largely urbanized populations. The
sequence is normally, first, a fall in mortality (especially infant and child
mortality), followed by an increase in the age of marriage and a drop in
fertility, which typically start well after the start in the fall of morality.
However, the decline in mortality rates (again, especially infant and child
mortality rates) typically continues long after the fertility rate has started t o .
decline... many factors associated with modem economic growth and
development have been associated with these demographic changes. Clearly
many are associated with changes in the economic status and role of women,
of the family, and of children within it, in the process of industrialization.5
Realizing that education plays an important role in Indonesian development, the
Indonesian government has developed many policies affecting education. In 1973, the policy
of compulsory education for the primary level was launched. Then, through the Instruksi
Presiden (Presidential Decree) Number 10,1973, the Indonesian government announced the
target goal of establishing at least one primary school in every village.6 As a result, from
1973 to 1994, 148,945 new schools and 166,195 new classrooms were established.7 Free
4 James Cobbe, and Boediono, Education, Demographics, the Labour Market, and
Development: Indonesia in the Process of Transition ? Journal o f Asian and African
Studies, XXVUI, 1-2 (1993): 2.
5 James Cobbe, and Boediono, Education, 3.
6This program is known as Sekolah Dasar Inpres (The Presidents Instructions for
Primary Schools).
7 H.A.R. Tilaar, 50 Tahun Pembangunan Pendidikan Nasional 1945-1995: Suatu

Analisis Kebijakan [50 Years of National Education Development 1945-1995: A Policy
Analysis], (Jakarta: Gramedia, 1995), 164.
52
tuition fees for state primary schools began in the academic year 1977-1978. As shown in
Table I, the number of uneducated Indonesians, in the 19 year period from 1971 to 1990,
decreased from 45.2 % to 18.9 %, while those with a primary school education increased
from 21.6% to 30.1 %.9
Table I
Educational Background of Indonesians from 1961 to 1990
YEAR UNEDUCATED UNFINISHED PRIMARY HIGH TERTIARY ALL (IN

PRIMARY SCHOOL SCHOOL LEVEL PERCENT)
SCHOOL
1961 6 8 .1 16.7 1 1 .8 3.3 0 .1 100
1971 45.2 25.1 2 1 .6 7.7 0.4 100
1976 37.2 34.9 18.6 8 .1 1 .2 100
1980 31.9 33.1 2 2 .1 12.4 0 .6 100
1985 22.7 29.7 27.8 18.9 0.9 100
1990 18.9 24.6 30.1 24.5 1.9 100
Source: Ministry of Manpower, Republic of Indonesia, Manpower and Employment Situation

in Indonesia 1993.
In PELTTAIH, the government fostered the TRJLOGI PEMBANGUNAN, the equal
distribution of the results of development with a resulting emphasis on the fulfilment of basic
human needs, and the placement of educational programs on an equal footing with economic
programs.10This emphasis not only increased the level of education for the entire Indonesian
8 See, Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human Resource Development

and Management in Indonesia The Indonesian Quarterly, xxi, 4 (1993): 462-263.
9 H.A.R. Tilaar, 50 Tahun, 201.
nation but also improved the peoples quality of life, thus, permitting greater participation
in Indonesian development. The curriculum also focused on specific political, economic, and
social outcomes. These improvements have been implemented through the five-year plan.11
As Thomas explains:
The first concern is education for general citizenship, made up of two main
parts: (1) communication skills and basic knowledge of the social and natural
environments that every citizen needs and (2) patriotism, meaning a
commitment to ideals that bind the nations assorted peoples together as a
unit, as reflected in the motto Bhineka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity). The
first part has been provided by students studying the national Indonesian
language, their regional language, English, mathematics, and social and
natural sciences. The second part -- patriotism or political indoctrination
has been pursued primarily in a special class taught at every level of the
schooling hierarchy, a class entitled Five Principles Moral Education
(Pendidikan Moral Pancasila)}2
The impact of science and technology on economic and social growth is both subtle
and diverse in every country. In August 1979, the United Nations held a conference, inviting
members to present papers on the contribution of science and technology to development.13
In any country, the importance of scientific literacy is evident in the development of four
areas: the creation of a safe, healthy and comfortable climate for a scientific and
technologically based society; citizen participation in public issues and decisions; and the
11R. Murray Thomas, Indonesia Educations Role in National Development Plans:

Ten County Cases, ed. R. Murray Thomas, (New York: Praeger, 1992), 191.
12R. Murray Thomas, Indonesia, 191.
13 Dennis G. Chisman, Science Education and National Development Science

Education, 68,5, (Oct 1984): 564-566.
maintenance and improvement of the countrys position in the global economy.14
A second heavily emphasized type of relevant education has been that of

training workers to suit the countrys economic development scheme. The
principal aspects of this manpower-production goal have been those of (1)
including some vocational education among general-education studies at all
levels of the schooling ladder above the lowest primary grades, (2)
constructing more vocational schools at secondary and tertiary levels, and (3)
channelling more high-school and college students out of general studies,
humanities, and social sciences and into mathematics, science, technology,
and business-education departments. In addition, a widespread network of.
non-formal education programs has been devised to stimulate the use of
improved agricultural techniques (high-yield seed strains, insecticides,
fertilizers, crop diversification), cottage industries, business ventures, and
community-development activities.15
In terms of technological development, Indonesia has encountered major problems
in adopting technological knowledge and managerial skills, mastering them and then
expanding them to support growth.16Therefore, the Indonesian government has placed more
emphasis on the educational sector, in order to develop the human resources required for this
achievement. The more advanced the technology, the greater the amounts of skilled
manpower required. Consequently, the concept of link and match in the national
education system has focused on the need of educated employees for development. H. A.R.
Tilaar states that, This concept is a human development concept, focusing on any level of
Indonesian development. This does not mean that there is a simplification of the aims of
national education to merely provide the needs of employment; rather it maintains the
14 Dennis G. Chisman, Science, 566.
15 R. Murray Thomas, Indonesia, 192.
16 Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human Resource Development and

Management in Indonesia The Indonesian Quarterly, xxi, 4 (1993): 461.
55
relationship between education and the labour market.17 A gap between educational output
and the demands of the labour market still remain, however, with the result that, either the
quality of the educational output is lower than the skill requirements of the labour market,
or vice versa. This problem grows worse when the educational system produces more
educated manpower than the labour market can absorb, indicated by the rapid increase in
unemployment rates, especially among better educated urban youth, as well as the rise in the
percentage of unpaid family workers.18
The rapid expansion of tertiary level education in the 1960s, 1970s and
especially in the first half of the 1980s undoubtedly has produced educated
manpower much faster than the economy of Indonesia is able to absorb. The
chain reaction of educated unemployment probably could be described as
follows: the high school graduates who fail to find jobs see no alternative
other than to continue studying in higher educational institutions with the
hope that they will have a better opportunity to obtain a job in the modem
economic sector; after they graduate the modem sector of the economy
cannot absorb them; they must, therefore, either accept low-paying jobs for
which they are overqualified or remain unemployed.19
On this matter, Keith Lewin also stated that:
Through the 1970s faith in education as an engine of growth began to

wane as some countries began to experience educated unemployment
suggesting to some that there was an over-investment in provision at
particular levels. The growth of the brain drain of high level qualified
manpower from some developing countries, qualification escalation for job
access, increased rural-urban migration and impressions of deteriorating
quality also contributed to growing misgivings about the likely impact of
18 Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human Resource, 471.
19 M. Amien Rais, Muslim, 23. See also M. Kazim Bacchus, Education for
Development in Underdeveloped Countries Comparative Education, 17, 2, (June 1981):
217.
expansionary policies of educational provision.20
There are at least two reasons for the mismatch between the educational system and
the labour market. The Indonesian educational system prepares students to continue to the
next level of education, while the community regards education as a vehicle for social
mobility and increased job opportunities.21 The second reason stems from the educational
system itself, including its quality of education, rapid development and changes in
technology, irrelevant school curriculum and outdated supporting facilities.22 The national
educational system has not made either the country or people more wealthy, rather it has
created unemployment and left the country with increasingly burdensome claims on public
funds.23
For years to come in Indonesia, the new, young cohorts entering the labour
force will be larger in numbers than the older workers leaving the labour
force because of death, retirement, or disablement. For a decade or so, the
new cohorts will continue to grow in absolute size, although at a decelerating
rate; early in the 21st century, the absolute size of each years cohorts of new
entrants to the labour force is likely to start to decline. However, the size of
the entering cohort will still be substantially greater than that of the exiting
cohort, because of earlier rapid population growth.24
20 Keith Lewin, Quality in Question: A New Agenda for Curriculum Reform in

Developing Countries Comparative Education, 21,2, (1985): 117.
21 Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human, 471.
22Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human, 472.
23Hans N. Weiler, Education and Development: from the Age of Innocence to the
Age of Scepticism Comparative Education, 14, 3 (October 1978): 180.
24James Cobbe, and Boediono, Education, 6.
Although government salaries are much lower than those of the private sector, large
numbers of people continue to apply for jobs in this sector. Indeed, The government is still
seen as providing lifetime employment and security.25 In terms of the changing curriculum
during the New Order period, the primary to high school curriculum has been changed four
times.26 However, this has not helped to solve the unemployment problems of educated
Indonesians. One cause may be the direct adoption of an educational system designed for
industrialized countries which is not suitable for Indonesia due to a different level of
economic development.27
Higher Education in Indonesia was inherited from the colonial period, and
afterwards it was adjusted and modified under European and American
influences. Precisely because it is Western-oriented, it overlooks the real
problems which are faced by the Indonesian people. Poverty and
unemployment are the twin problems which cannot be mitigated by western-
oriented higher education geared to the projected needs of the modem
economic sector.28
In analyzing the educational systems failure to reform the curriculum, Kazim
Bacchus claims that too much effort has been put into curriculum changes when the basic
problem lies in social and economic reform. The dichotomy between the economic rewards
of the modem and traditional sectors has created further economic stress. For workers in the
traditional sectors peasant farmers and farm labourers, for example incomes are
25 Mari Pangestu and Mayling Oey-Gardiner, Human Resource, 479-480.
26 That is in 1968, 1975, 1984, 1994. For further information see H.A.R. Tilaar, JO
Tahun, 257-270.
27 M. Amien Rais, Muslim, 23.
58
uncertain and usually dependent on factors, such as market price fluctuation or droughts,
over which they have no control, while workers in the modem sectors of industrial and
commercial enterprises have more stable incomes.29
A solid educational system is, therefore, an urgent priority for Indonesian
development, one which can lead to a better life.30 Consequently, basing the curriculum on
the life experience, culture, and environment of the students can achieve this goal.31 It
remains a formidable task, however, requiring a revival and reinteipretation of culture
itself.32 To a certain extent, the Indonesian government has attempted to include cultural
matters in the curriculum, through national and regional languages and sometimes regional
art and literature.33 Creating a new development strategy and reliving and reinterpreting the
religious and cultural tradition selectively, progressively and creatively are the challenges to
which Indonesian Muslim society must respond.34 Nationally, Muslim society has
demonstrated a high degree of interest in the development of education. Large numbers of
private Islamic schools, from kindergarten to university, have been established throughout
the country by individuals, organizations or communities. At the tertiary level, for example,
there are Muhammadiyah universities in Solo, Central Java, Jakarta, and Medan as well as
29 M. Kazim Bacchus, Education for Development in Underdeveloped Countries

Comparative Education, 17, 2, (June 1981): 219-220.
31M. Kazim Bacchus, Education, 223.
33 R. Murray Thomas, Indonesia, 192.
59
the University of Ibnu Chaldun (Jakarta and Bogor), the Islamic University of North Sumatra
(Medan), the Islamic University of Bandung (West Java) and the Islamic University of
Indonesia (Yogyakarta).
The New Order government faces a rising number of students, challenges to improve
the quality of education, and curriculum reform. There are four factors that present
difficulties for educational innovation in Indonesia, they are: (1) low motivation for
discovering new concepts in education; (2) limitation of experimental activities; (3) rareness
of research on education; (4) limitation of funding.35
Apart from the formal educational system, the Indonesian government has succeeded
in establishing informal educational programs which contribute to productivity, health and
nutrition, the reduction of fertility, the realization of cognitive growth potential as well as
non-cognitive attributes of individuals and the increased participation of marginalized
groups.36
2. The particular place of Islamic education in Indonesian development
As 85 percent of the Indonesian population is Muslim, it is reasonable to say that the
problem of education in Indonesia is the problem of Indonesian Muslim society. In fact,
many educational institutions have been established by Indonesian Muslims. As Federspiel
stated: Religious Education has been a major theme of Indonesian Islam for several
35
H.A.R. Tilaar, 50 Tahun, 185.
36 See Keith Lewin, Quality, 118; and R. Murray Thomas, Indonesia, 192; See
also Dennis G. Chisman, Science,566.
60
hundreds of years and continues today to constitute a major effort of the Muslim community
there. Outside of worship itself, educational activities clearly have been the paramount
interest, easily eclipsing political action.37
As Pancasila is a way of life in Indonesia, religious education can play an important
role in creating pious members of society. The problem is to determine the position and the
allocation of religious education in the national educational system. If we examine the 1945
Constitution, Section 31 Article 2 which states that the government should establish and
maintain a national educational system in line with the constitution, it is clear that all
educational activities must be in this system, including religious education.38
Islamic education in Indonesia can be divided into two categories, formal and
informal. The formal educational system is provided by schools, madrasahs, and pesantrens.
Most Islamic organizations (except some pesantrens) teach the government curriculum in
their own Islamic educational institutions, with additional emphasis on the religious
teachings of Islam. Madrasahs can be divided into those which provide Islamic sciences only
and those which offer both secular and Islamic sciences. Informal education is provided in
the mosque, surau, langgar, and even at home. The subject matters of informal Islamic
education focuses on the Quran, Tajwid(the science of reciting/reading the Quran) and
37 Howard M. Federspiel, Muslim Intellectuals and National Development in

Indonesia, (New York: Nova Science Publisher, Inc., 1992), 171.
38Alamsyah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan Pendidikan Agama [The Construction

of Religious Education], (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI, 1982), 36-37.
Ibadab (worship) such as, Wudu(ablution) and Salab (prayer).39Informal education, on the
other hand, emphasizes individual teachings and learning methods, especially in the study
of the Quran, and teaching students one by one, according to their individual levels. This
teaching and learning process generally takes place in the evening, between the Maghrib and
Isha prayers.
Since Indonesian independence, formal Islamic educational institutions have been
maintained by the Indonesian government. In December 27, 1945, The Badan Pekerja
Komite Nasional Pusat (Working Committee of the Central National Committee) issued
Pokok-Pokok Usaha Pendidikan dan Pengajaran (Basic Efforts of Education and Learning).
Section 5 Article (b) of this decree explicitly states that for Madrasah and Pesantren,
especially the media and sources of education and development of the intellectual capabilities
of the community, must be taken into consideration and be assisted by the government40
Since that time many acts, policies and regulations have been issued by the Indonesian
government regarding the Islamic educational system in Indonesia. Hence, in December of
1946, the Minister of Education and Culture and the Minister of Religious Aifairs issued
Mutual Decree {Surat Keputusan Bersama), declaring that the Minister of Education and
Culture is responsible for public education while the Minister of Religious Aifairs is
39See, Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren, Madrasah, Sekolah: Pendidikan Islam dalam

Kurun Modem [Pesantren, Madrasah, School: Islamic Education in the Modem Era],
(Jakarta: LP3ES, 1986), 10.
40 Djamil Latif, Himpunan Peraturan-peraturan tentang Pendidikan Agama [The

Collection of Regulations on Religious Education], (Jakarta: Direktorat Jenderal Pembinaan
Pendidikan Agama Islam, 1983), 14, quoted in Aminuddin Rasyad and Baihaqi A.K. eds.,
Sejarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia [The History of Islamic Education in Indonesia],
(Jakarta: Ditjen Binbaga Islam, Departemen Agama RI, 1986), 77.
62
responsible for religious education.41 then, in 1966, through the Decree of MPRS (Majelis
Permusyawaratan Rakyat Sementara or Provisional Peoples Consultative Council) Number
XXVHZMPRS/1966, religious education became compulsory from the primary to the tertiary
levels in state public schools.42 The importance of religious education was henceforth
always stated in the Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara (GBHN or Broad Outlines of the
Nation's Direction), and strengthened in Section (39) article (2) of Undang-Undang tentang
Sistem Pendidikan Nasional (The Regulations of the National Educational System) which
declared that religious subjects are compulsory in the Indonesian national educational
system.43
Islamic education is provided at every level of education, including Bustan al-Atfal
(kindergarten), Madrasah Ibtidayah (primary), Madrasah Tsanawiyah (Junior High School),
Madrasah Aliyah (Senior High School) and Pendidikan Guru Agama (Religious Teacher
Training School). At the tertiary level, apart from private institutions, Islamic education is
provided at the Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN or State Institute of Islamic Studies) and
at Perguruan Tinggi Islam Negeri (State Islamic College). In addition, a large number of
pesantrens exist throughout the Indonesian archipelago. In short, the Islamic educational
41 Hasbullah, Sejarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia [The History of Islamic

Education in Indonesia], (Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada, 1995), 76.
42Before this decree, religious education was complementary. However, in order to

emphasize the new compulsory nature of religious education in public schools, the
Indonesian government always states this point in every GBHN. See Aminuddin Rasyad and
Baihaqi A.K. eds., Sejarah, 104.
43 Undang-Undang tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional [The Regulations of the

National Educational System], (Jakarta: Sinar Grafika, 1993), 16.
system is part of the Indonesian national educational system. As mentioned in Undang-
Undang tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional Section (11) Article (1), which declares that
formal education includes public education, vocational education, special education, in-job
education, religious education, academic education, and professional education.44
The Indonesian Muslim community participates fully in the educational sector and
many formal Islamic education institutions have been established at each level. In fact, it is
clearly stated in the Undang-Undang tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional of 1989 Section
(47) article (1), that the community, as a partner with the government, is allowed to
participate in national educational programs.45 Also the Peraturan Pemerintah (Government
Regulation) No. 39 of 1992 on the Peran serta Masyarakat dalam Pendidikan Nasional
(Community Participation in National Education) Section (6) states that community
participation in education can be undertaken by individual, group, or non-govemmental
institutions.46Thus, the informal education offered by the Muslim community is recognized
as an effective contributor to public education in Indonesia, and a tool in shaping the morality
of the Indonesian community. This is compatible with the aims of national education stated
in the Undang-Undang tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional Section (4): that national
education is aimed at creating Indonesians who are faithful, pious, moral, knowledgeable,
skillful, healthy and responsible;47 and Section (10) Article (4) which states that, education
44 Undang-Undang, 6.
46 Undang-Undang, 292,
provided within the family should inculcate religious beliefs, values, morals, and skills.48
Thus, Islamic education, both formal and informal, clearly plays an important role in
Indonesian development.
In its attempts to improve the quality of Islamic education, the Indonesian
government in the fiscal year 1993/1994 announced the start of a program that would send
325 Madrasah Ibtidaiyah teachers to take Diploma 2 program. The government also supplied
174 thousand text-books and teacher guides; 447 sets of practical equipment; 332 thousand
religious text-books for Madrasaah Ibtidaiyah, built 108 classrooms; rehabilitated 5.8
thousand private Madrasah Ibtidaiyah buildings and aided in the operational costs of more
than 21 thousand private Madrasah Ibtidaiyah. In addition, the government also supplied 3
thousand sets of practical equipment for teaching religion in general primary schools 49
At the level of junior high school in the last year of Repelita V, the Indonesian
government rehabilitated 176 State Madrasah Tsanawiyah classrooms; supplied 180
thousand text-books and teacher guides; 3,160 sets of practical equipment; and upgraded 457
State Madrasah Tsanawiyah teachers and managers. As for religious education in general
junior high school, the government upgraded 200 teachers and managers; supplied 55
thousand religious text-books, 10 thousand sets of practical equipment; and established 15
thousand places of worship.50
48
Undang-Undang, 6.
49 For further information please visit Indonesia Net home page at

http://indonesianet.com /hilight/rel2.htm.

http://indonesianet.com /hilight/rel2.htm
65
Moreover, in the program for the improvement of religious education at the senior
high school, in the fiscal year 1993/1994, the Indonesian government supplied 17 thousand
books and teacher guides, 24 sets of practical equipments; rehabilitated 120 classrooms for
state Madrasah Aliyah. Furthermore, for general senior high school, the government supplied
50 thousand religious text-books and upgraded 120 religious teachers. At the same time, at
the higher educational level, the government added 22 thousand square-metres of
class-rooms; supplied 51 thousand science books for 14 IAINs, 100 titles of scientific
research reports; provided graduate programs for IAIN professors, that is 264 professors for
Masters programs and 84 for doctoral programs held at home or abroad.51
3. The pesantren in the Indonesian educational system.
The pesantren is an indigenous Indonesian Islamic educational institution where
Muslims leam to apply the teachings of Islam in their daily lives. Zamakhsyari Dhofier
defines a pesantren as a religious boarding school in which students reside and study under
the direction of a teacher known as a kyat'.51 There is little historical documentation on the
origins of the pesantren, although the institution is believed to have existed for at least 300
or 400 years. Pesantren students are known as santris, a word derived from the Sanskrit
shastri. The term pesantren itself is constructed from the word santri, the prefix "pe" and the
suffix "an" which together create the word pesantrian. In the course of time, pesantren come

http://indonesianet.com/hilight/rel2.htm
52Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary Features of Javanese Pesantren Mizan, n.p.,

29.
66
to mean, literally, the place where the santri study Islam. The word pesantren is almost
always accompanied by the word pondok, derived from the Arabic word funduq, meaning
bedroom, house, inn or hotel. In this context pondok means boarding house.
The pesantren community is usually composed of three groups: the kyai, the ustadhs
and the santris. Kyai is a term derived from the Javanese language. Broadly speaking, it
refers to someone or something that people respect on account of his or its extraordinary
character. In this case, kyai refers to the founder or the leader of a pesantren. The title kyai
cannot be earned through academic achievement. It is bestowed by the community in
recognition of the talent, honour, and nobility possessed by a particular individual. One of
its requirements is that a kyai must have a deep knowledge about Islam. The kyai has many
duties. In the pesantren, he is the decision-maker who programs, manages, and even
maintains the curriculum of the pesantren, in addition to teaching. In the community, the kyai
functions as a member of the ulama, and is expected to understand the social structure of
the community and to be capable of interpreting Islamic doctrines. The second group is made
up of the ustadhs who function as teachers in the pesantren. The third component is that of
the santri. A santri is a pesantren student. Becoming a santri means entering a new
community in the pesantren , the kyai functions as father, spiritual guide and teacher,
responsible for the growth and development of the santris.
The pesantren is a unique community in which the kyai, the santri, and other
pesantren boarders live according to Islamic norms and values. They have their own way of
life, different from that of the outside community. The life, as well as the education, in a
pesantren is based on the following principles. First, it is theocentric, meaning that all of the
67
activities are directed toward the worship of Allah (God). All activities therefore, are based
on Islamic doctrine and aimed at achieving happiness in the akhirat (the hereafter). To this
end, the pesantren community emphasizes reverent or pious attitudes and behaviour. Second,
great stress is placed on devotion which, in fact, is the core principle of pesantren education.
Learning, teaching, and other activities are performed voluntarily and are aimed at obtaining
ridat al-Llah (God's blessing). Third, it is based on wisdom as understood in Islamic
doctrine. The santri must achieve this for a better understanding of life. The fourth principle
is modesty, which means that daily life in the pesantren must conform to proper behaviour,
food, dress, speech, etc. Collectivism is another principle of the pesantren. Members of the
pesantren community always help one another, not only in daily activities but also in
economic matters. In terms of rights, the santri must give precedence to others, but in terms
of obligations, the santri must give precedence to himself. From an early age the santri is
trained to be self-reliant, to manage for himself his budget, study, and all his daily activities.
This principle of self-reliance is very important in a student's life after graduating from the
pesantren. The final principle is guided freedom, based on the theory that every individual
has his own ability and personality. The pesantren allows the santri to optimize his abilities
and personality within the Islamic context.
Many different kinds of pesantrens are found in Indonesia, and each pesantren has
its own characteristics, depending on the proprietor, the aims of that particular pesantren, and
the kyai. However, most pesantrens share several important characteristics. First, the kyai and
the santri live together in the pondok for the entire period that the student studies there.
Second, pesantrens usually occupy large properties which contain many different buildings.
68
The main buildings include the mosque, the kyats house, the santri boarding houses, and the
study rooms. Usually pesantrens are located in a somewhat isolated area, away from the main
population, and the pesantren often has its own farm and livestock. Third, the pesantren is
a privately-run institution and the government has no say in its operation. Fourth, it features
its own traditional teaching methods, i.e. bandongan (individual teaching), sorogan (classical
teaching), and halaqah (discussion groups).
Although there are many different types of pesantrens, they can be classified into two
major categories: Pesantren Salafi which teaches classical Islamic texts and adopts the
madrasah system without including secular subjects; and Pesantren khalafi which offers
both Islamic and secular subjects.53
Basically, the pesantren has three functions: it provides education, it propagates the
faith, and it helps in socializing students.54 In order to fulfil its educational function,
pesantrens have established many formal schools from the primary to the university levels.
The subjects taught are mostly Islamic in nature (e.g. fiqh, tafsir, Arabic language), but
courses in the secular sciences and practical skills are also offered. As an Islamic institution,
the pesantren bases its educational philosophy on Islamic doctrines, oriented towards fiqh
and mysticism. This is why the vision of the akhirat plays an important role in the santris
life.
53
Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary, 31.
54Mastuhu, Dinamika Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren [The Dynamics of Pesantrens],

(Jakarta: INIS, 1994), 59-61.
69
Two of the most important pedagogical methods used in the pesantrens are repetition
and application. The repetition method is the most commonly used. The same topic is
introduced at every level but through the use of different texts. The santri makes his own
decisions about the courses he will take. The more subjects the santri studies, the longer it
will take him to finish his pesantren education. Individual teaching is also provided in the
pesantren, thus enabling teachers to understand the individual differences among students
and to assess students potential in order to implement the educational techniques and
courses that will be most successful to them.55 In addition to this, the success of the kyais in
teaching their santris is not determined by the number of santris who graduate from their
pesantren, but rather on the number of the santris who become kyais or authorized religious
leaders in their communities. The application method requires the santri to not only master
a subject in the academic setting, but also to apply it in his daily life. The main task of the
kyai is, therefore, to instill values and knowledge in the santri that he can apply outside the
classroom. Consequently, the subjects studied in the pesantren can contribute to the
promotion of Islamic values in both the individual and the community.
The pesantren has its own time dimension, different from that of other educational
institutions. The timetable of study is based on the schedule of prayers; and lessons are
usually held after each set of prayers. Moreover, the period of graduation is not fixed at a
certain number of years; it depends entirely on the progress of the santri. In other words, if
the santri needs the kyais help to complete his studies, the santri will remain at the pesantren
until he is satisfied with his progress.
55 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary , 27.
70
In addition to its educational function, the pesantren also serves as a base for the
propagation of Islam. This is clear from the activities of the kyais, who teach Islam not only
in the pesantren but also outside it. They often travel great distances from their own
institutions to accomplish this task. The santris also participate in the dissemination of
Islamic knowledge in the local community, usually through the pesantren's mosque.
Pesantrens are also known as social institutions.56 In addition to their educational
duties, both santris and kyais are active in community development. For example, they
usually provide free education for disadvantaged students, especially orphans.
Parallel to its role in community development, the pesantren is constantly forced to
develop and adapt itself to issues affecting human and natural resources. Thus, the practical
skills and knowledge of the santri are continuously harnessed to meet the needs of the
communitys development process. Since the 1970's, pesantrens have modernized their
educational system and developed new social programs. In designing these programs, the
pesantrens either implemented these programs on'their own initiative, or in cooperation with
other organizations, such as Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat ( Non-Governmental
Organizations), or the Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat ( Indonesian
Society for Pesantren and Community Development). The programs consist of vocational
training applicable to community life in fields such as agriculture, horticulture, animal
husbandry, cooperative management, and also appropriate technology. The pesantren also
provides an informal education system in for disseminating both Islamic doctrines and
56For further information see, Dawam Rahardjo, ed., Pergulatan Dunia Pesantren:
Membangun dari Bawah [The Struggle in the World of Pesantrens: Develop from the
Bottom], (Jakarta: P3M, 1985), 16-21.
71
technological information to their communities, thus improving community attitudes to
development, encouraging people to be more receptive and progressive, and accelerating
improvements in rural conditions.
Difficulties always arise when people try to trace the history of the establishment of
the pesantren. As the oldest traditional educational institution in Indonesia, it predates the
advent of Islam in Indonesia; in fact, the institution was founded when Hinduism and
Buddhism were the prevalent religions in Indonesia. After the advent of Islam, the pesantren
developed into an Islamic educational institution. However, there is no clear evidence
indicating when this development took place. According to research conducted by the
Ministry of Religious Affairs of Indonesia, the oldest pesantren appears to have been
Pesantren Jan Tampes II, in 1062 in Pamekasan, Madura.57 The Islamic form of the
institution must have developed after Muslim travelers and merchants began preaching their
religion, possibly as early as the end of the seventh Islamic century. Nevertheless, given the
fact that the spread and development of Islam in Indonesia was most intensive during the
period between the 13th and 17th Christian centuries; a tentative conclusion may be reached
that the Islamic pesantren was bom during this time.
During the 18th century, the pesantren became increasingly well known as an
educational institution, especially in terms of its function as a center for the propagation of
Islam. In the Dutch colonial era, the pesantren was regarded as an institution which had a
very close relationship to the community. As a center of learning independent of the Dutch
57Departement Agama RI, Nama dan data Potensi Pondok-pondok Pesantren seluruh
Indonesia 1984/1985 [The Name and Data of the Potential of Pesantrens in Indonesia
1984/1985], (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI), 668.
72
school system, the pesantren did not come under the control of the colonial education
authorities. Thus it was able to maintain its own teaching methods and offer subjects which
the indigenous population considered important.
This independence made the pesantrens natural centres of resistance against the
Dutch in the colonial era. Many santris were also guerilla fighters during this struggle, with
some forming the force known as HisbullOh (All'ah's soldiers), which later became the
embryo of the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian Army).58
In more recent times, the pesantren has had to face certain challenges caused by the
current national development. Indonesia's third Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Five-
Year Development Plan) which focussed on industry, required that the school system provide
well-trained workers for the emergence of an industrial society. Therefore, since the business
of education is to support industry, the educational system has had to adapt, and to adjust
people to jobs and jobs to people. As a result, these changes affected the pesantren's
educational system as well, requiring it to react to political and social changes.
Surprisingly, the pesantren has managed to avoid isolation, even though it still retains
its traditional lifestyle and conservative values. In other words, the pesantren has succeeded
in introducing a dichotomy into its educational system, that is, by providing its students with
instruction in both Islamic and secular sciences.
As Indonesia's Muslim community has developed, the pesantren's role has had to
change to meet the new demands of society. In the early 20th century, when the madrasah
system was introduced to supplement the pesantren education system. The pesantren also
58 Mastuhu, Dinamika, 22.
73
began to evaluate students on the basis of the level of their studies. Furthermore, students
were encouraged to stay in school until they finished their programs. This had the advantage
of maintaining the pesantren educational system at the same level as the Dutch educational
system. Further progress was made between 1958 and 1959 when the pesantrens introduced
compulsory courses to meet the governments education guidelines. At this time, many non
religious schools (public schools or sekolah umum) were being established. Therefore, out
of concern for the decreasing student population in the pesantrens, the pesantren curriculum
began to offer the same subjects as the public education system. Hence, some pesantrens
today follow the government curriculum while others do not. The greatest challenge for the
pesantrens is the change in their administrative structures. Earlier, the pesantrens were run
without any standard regulations with regards to academic activities and financial
organization, and all decisions were made by the kyai. This pattern, however, changed after
the adoption of the Dutch system; the administration of the pesantren was no longer a
personal affair, and the kyats role declined considerably as a result.
To conclude this chapter we might look again at Smiths typology about
secularization that was introduced in the introduction. In the discussion of educational goals
and concerns it is clear that Smiths second point is relevant, where government extends its
jurisdiction in areas of education, law and other matters. The entry of the Indonesian state
into education did bring it directly into contact with religion, i.e., Islam, which had provided
much of the education up to this point in history. However, the result of the meeting was not
clear cut, either initially or subsequently. A national school system gained considerably in
strength throughout the period and many Muslim elementary and secondary schools
74
(madrasah) were brought into it, preserving their identity only in part. The adaptation was
done by the Muslim schools, indicating the prevailing supremacy of the state in such matters.
At another level, that of the pesantren, however, the government made only a moderate
impact, for the pesantrens generally retained their curriculum, their teaching style, their
subject matter and their heavy emphases on religious values. While the trend is toward
change, to this point in history it can be said that religion clearly resisted the force of the state
in this narrow field of education, but that the resistance appears to have been only a
temporary respite. Smiths hypothesis then about state control of societal fields does not yet
fully apply to the Indonesian case, although in large part the government is proving its
dominance.
Chapter BOE
The Interaction of the Pesantren, Government

and Non-Governmental Organizations
1. The Pesantren's educational system.
It is difficult to make generalizations about the pesantrens educational system and
to have these generalizations describe all pesantrens in Indonesia, because: first of all, the
religious function of the pesantren's classical educational system cannot be separated from
its role in community development Second, the pesantrens educational system still depends
to a large extent on the personality of the owner, founder, and kyai. In fact, its educational
system seldom follows the standard model. Third, the pesantren's activities are based on
Islamic values rather than government ideologies.
Pesantrens can be classified into four categories. The first category consists of
pesantrens where students live with the kyai and where the curriculum depends entirely on
the kyai. In this pesantren, there is no madrasah. The second category consists of pesantrens
which have a madrasah, and therefore a certain curriculum, but where the kyai continues to
function as a teacher for a certain period of time, especially in the application of knowledge.
In this type of pesantren, students live in the pesantren dormitory. In the third category are
pesantrens which function as a dormitory. The students study in either the madrasah or a
public school. The function of the kyai in this pesantren is moral guidance. The fourth
category contains pesantrens which offer a public education only.1
The strength of the pesantren lies in its basic motivation, which is anything but
economic. Moreover, the pesantren's educational activities are religiously motivated, with
the goal of acquiring and disseminating religious knowledge, which is regarded as an Islamic
obligation. The initiative to establish a pesantren generally comes from an individual with
religious motives. This is why pesantrens sometimes cease to exist when the kyai (the
founder) dies. As an individual enterprise the pesantren neither needs government approval,
nor depends on government support for its control and operation.
The kyai is a link in an intellectual and spiritual tradition that spans many generations.
In order to maintain continuity, the kyai usually attempts to pass on his knowledge and
reputation to a member of his family. He most often focuses his attention on his sons,
educating and guiding them so that one day they can take over his position in the pesantren.
If it proves to be impossible for a kyai to pass on his position to a member of his family, he
will choose the best santri as his successor.2Marriage between the family of one kyai and the
families of other kyai is also intended to maintain the kyai tradition by enlarging the possible
pool o f successors.
The educational system in the pesantrens has been able to adapt to the vagaries of
time. By accommodating modem educational methods to traditional teaching patterns, the
pesantren continues to offer a viable standard of education. The degree of accommodation
1Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan Pondok Pesantren dalam Pembangunan [The Role
of Pesantren in Development], (Jakarta: Paryu Barkah, n.d.), 54-55.
2 See Mastuhu, Dinamika Pendidikan Pesantren [The Dynamics of Pesantren],

(Jakarta: INIS, 1994), 88-91.
77
depends on both the attitude of the individual kyai and the extent to which modem methods
can be harmonized with the demands of Islamic teaching.
The objective of pesantren education differs from institution to institution, depending
on the kyai's purpose in establishing his pesantren. Consequently, the perception, knowledge,
and specific tradition of the kyai all play an important role in determining the objectives of
pesantren education. The ustadhs (teachers) in a pesantren are thus usually made to focus
their teaching-learning activities on these objectives. Every santri and every ustadh has an
important role in maintaining and developing this tradition. The kyai has a responsibility to
enhance his knowledge, deepen his insight, and broaden his interpretation of religious
doctrine in teaching-learning activities; he should also maintain good relations and
communications with every member of the pesantren, motivating them in the acquisition of
knowledge and the dissemination of the pesantren's ideology. This ideology can have a great
impact on the social and political life of its community.
The subjects taught in a pesantren include: Arabic;_/z<?/z (islamic jurisprudence) which
deals with personal duties, worship, transaction, etc.; usul al-fiqh (the science of Islamic
jurisprudence) which deals with the derivation of an Islamic law from the sources of the law;
Arabic literature; Quranic exegesis; Islamic theology; the history of Islam; sufism; hadlth
(Prophetic traditions) which covers the Prophets utterances, actions and approvals;3 and
Islamic ethics.4
3In addition, there is another field related to the hadlth, namely, the science of Hadlth
( usul al-hadlth), which examines the reliability of any hadlth.
4 See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary Features of Javanese Pesantren Mizan,

n.p, 27; also Dawam Rahardjo, ed., Pergulatan Dunia Pesantren: Membangun dari Bawdh
78
The kyai's perception of the religious, social, and political life of the community
further determines the ideology of the pesantren. As a result, pesantrens in Indonesia feature
a rich variety of specializations in different fields of knowledge, ranging from those which
focus on mysticism to those modem pesantrens concerned mainly with community
development.
The goal of any pesantren is to strengthen and to maintain the morality (akhlaq) of
its santri and to provide them with knowledge, either Islamic or secular, that they can use in
everyday life. The students goal in education must riot be to obtain power, money, or glory;
learning is an obligation, a dedication to God.5 Accordingly, those santris who leave a
pesantren without qualifying as kyai, ulamU, or ustadh should not be regarded as drop-outs
or failures, as certification is not the sole purpose of a pesantren education.6 Rather, it is
hoped that both the santri who complete their education and those who do not may become
uswatun hasanah (exemplary models) in their communities, contributing to the propagation
of Islam at the local level.
The effects of the pesantren are not limited to developing the Muslim personality of
its santris, but also to raising the standard of living in the community in terms of education,
social welfare, and economy. In the early years of the New Order period, the social function
of the pesantren outweighed its educational function. I would thus argue that pesantrens have
[The Struggle in the World of Pesantren: Develop from the Bottom], (Jakarta: P3M, 1985),
7-8.
5 Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary, 27.
6 Manfred Ziemek, Pesantren dalam Perubahan Sosial [The Pesantren and Social
Change], (Jakarta: P3M, 1986), 157.
79
been instrumental in instilling a Muslim personality, not only in their students, but in their
communities as well.
The social function and success of the pesantren in maintaining the Muslim
community raises the question of who should be responsible for the development of the
pesantren ? On one level, every Muslim shares this responsibility, as every Muslim benefits
from the pesantrens community efforts. However, considering the pesantrens contribution
to Indonesias development one would extend this responsibility further to all Indonesians
and, specifically, to the Indonesian government, particularly since the pesantrens success is
a major tool in enhancing the educational level, the standard of living and the morality of the
citizens of Indonesia.
Indonesia's development efforts have traditionally focussed on rural communities. In
order to make headway in this difficult area, the participation of all Indonesians is necessary,
especially since it cannot be achieved solely through regulation. In rural areas, in fact, the
contribution of the pesantren to this process is significant, not just because the kyai has high
respect from the community, but also because the pesantren's activities are always correlated
to the needs of the community. This stems to a great extent from the fact that these
communities, where the majority is Muslim, especially in rural areas, are still very religious
and, therefore, require spiritual leadership. Religious activities such as prayer, fasting, even
selamatan7are important to community life. All of these needs are fulfilled by the pesantren.
7 A communal feast, popular among the nominal Muslim [abangan] population on

Java, given to commemorate important events in an individuals life. The ceremony attached
to the meal has an animistic flavour. Howard M. Federspiel, A Dictionary o f Indonesian
Islam, (Athens: Ohio University Centre for International Studies Monographs in International
Studies, 1995), 235.
80
The kyat's position and his function in mobilizing the community are important in this
respect.
Sidney R. Jones has stated that there are at least three different groups studying in the
pesantren. Ordinary villagers, including village children, women and older men who
undertake the pengajian (study circle) for the purpose of becoming better Muslims.
Pengajian, which focuses on Quranic dhikr recitation and commentary by the kyai, usually
takes place once a week for adults and once or twice a day for children. Instruction includes
basic lessons in the Arabic alphabet. The sons of the Muslim middle class generally study
in the pesantren for discipline, character-building and preparation for advanced religious
training. The pesantren also educates a third group; the students who intend to become
religious scholars.8
In considering the role of the pesantren in the development of Indonesian society, it
is clear that the government and all Indonesians of every background need to put more effort
into the pesantren's educational program. Only in this way can the pesantren's educational
system be kept relevant to the needs of Indonesia's communities. It is true, however, that the
laws of social change are not easily applied to a traditional Islamic institution of this kind,
and that substantial change needs time and adaptation. Moreover, modernizing the pesantren
and helping it reach its potential for social development, requires a great deal of motivation
and encouragement.
8 Sidney R. Jones, Arabic Instruction and Literacy in Javanese Muslim Schools

Prisma, 21 (June 1981): 73-75; see also Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Contemporary, 29.
81
Realizing that national educational goals cannot be achieved solely through the
government's own institutions and that non-government schools can play a vital role, the
Indonesian government has occasionally tried to intervene in the pesantren system. This has
led to the pesantrens suspicion that the government's real goal is to prevent their influence
from spreading9. Moreover, village administrators often interpret modernization and
development policies in ways that create conflict between the formal leadership they
represent and the informal leader of the community (the kyai). In these cases, the pesantren
may take the initiative and set its own educational policy, such as pesantrens which provide
instruction in non-religious subjects. The government could support the pesantren's efforts
in this area by subsidizing the facilities necessary to implement this instruction.
The difficulty in modernizing the pesantren lies primarily in its organization, which
depends on the kyai whose direction of the institution can be very personal in nature. The
new generation of santris, however, often build their own modem pesantrens in order to
avoid conflict with their kyai.
The modernization of the pesantrens educational system has brought on the
following changes: 1j The classical method now requires a limited number of students in
each class (usually 30-40 students), who are taught at the same time, leading the pesantren
to hire more teachers for both Islamic and secular sciences; 2) The teaching of secular
sciences has led pesantrens to hire teachers from outside the pesantren system. 3)
Modernization has led pesantrens to develop a more organized structure; including teachers
9 This is due to the experience of Indonesian Muslims, from the colonial era to the
New Order era, in which Islam has been treated marginally and viewed as a threat.
82
board and student organizations, for example; 4) The pesantren system no longer depends
on the kyai as an individual but rather on his position in the pesantren structure. For example,
the kyai plays little role in designing the curriculum which is decided by the government or
other institutions involved in pesantren development; 5) The problem of monitoring has
arisen when pesantrens have many separate branches; 6) Organizational development for
educational adaptation has led to bureaucratization and the introduction of formal norms in
pesantrens. As a result, the patrimonial relationship (private relationship, familiarity) has
decreased and replaced by rational and impersonal relationships, allowing the pesantren to
produce prominent figures with skills in administration and organization; 7) In the traditional
pesantren, the kyai represents the sole model for the students; modernization, however, has
established several models for the latter. Students may continue to pattern their moral and
religious ideology on the kyai, while they may adopt teachers with an academic degree as
their model of intellectual development, family education and the pattern of family life; 8)
Some pesantren figures actually want to defend the existence of sorogan (individual
teaching) and wetonan or bandongan (group teaching) methods as characteristics which
differentiate the pesantren method from that of the public school.10 In their opinion, both
methods can play an important role in creating a deeper understanding of religion. In fact,
the use of these methods is fading because the pesantren system as a whole can no longer
depend on the traditional pattern. The pesantren system can no longer assume that santri
integration will follow the traditional system. In addition, students who do riot live in the
10 On these methods, see Manfred Ziemek, Pesantren, 168-169, and Mastuhu,

Dinamika, 61; also Dawam Rahardjo, Pesantren, 88.
83
pesantren boarding house will have no time for the traditional system. Moreover, in terms
of rewards, the modem system has more incentives: students receive a certificate that is
valuable for anyone with career or employment goals. The sorogan and wetonan system, on
the other hand, do not provide clear rewards. In addition, the key figures in the functioning
of the pesantren, including the kyai, are now more involved in new jobs, which has also led
to the decrease of the traditional system. Although the sorogan method is still applied for
children beginning to read the Quran, the wetonan11 has been changed to a weekly study
circle; 9) In the traditional educational system, the pesantren focussed on training candidates
for positions of 'ulama. With the adoption of a broader curriculum, and the addition of
secular subject to the curriculum, the pesantren was able to contribute to both, higher
religious education and public education as well.12
Three important changes have taken place in the pesantrens educational system this
century. In 1905, the madrasah system was introduced in the pesantren setting, while in 1916
the pesantren introduced the dormitory system for female students; and in 1926, secular
subjects were introduced into the pesantren. Zamakhsyari, commenting on these changes,
said:
The introduction of the madrasah system, education for female students, and
the teaching of secular subjects within the pesantren complex was, to some
11 See, Dawam Rahardjo, Pergulatan, 270-271.
12Imam Tholkhah, Adaptasi Sosial Pesantren Takeran: Sebuah Tinjauan Sistemik

[Social Adaptation of Pesantren Takeran: A Systemic Approach] Kajian Agama dan
Masyarakat: 15 Tahun Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Agama 1975-1990 [Religion
and Community: 15 Years of the Institution of Research and Religious Development, 1975-
1990], ed. Sudjangi, (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI, Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan
Agama, 1993), p. 339-342.
84
extent, a response of the ulama to the changes caused by the Dutch policy in
Indonesia at the end of the nineteenth century. The Dutch, from this period
on, introduced education of a Western type to native Indonesians.13
Skills subjects are included in the pesantrens curriculum since not all students want
to be ulama, and to avoid having many pesantren alumni working in the non-religious fields
without any preparation for such skills. Even the ulama and mubaligh find it difficult to
propagate Islam without additional practical skills which can help them earn a livelihood.14
Providing skill subjects in pesantrens enables these schools to create pious skilled Muslims
who can assist in Indonesias development, and place the pesantren within the structure of
the national educational system, with its goals of creating manpower development and
manpower planning.15 Implementation of this program requires two stages: conducting a
survey for data on what skill programs are needed by the pesantren and approaching the
pesantrens for the possibility of their acceptance of the programs , then providing training
for students as instructor candidates for their pesantren.16 The survey, however, does not
guarantee that the skill programs are in conjunction with the needs of the pesantren, as
indicated by the fact that some pesantrens have failed to implement these skills on a
continuous basis.
13 See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, The Role, 16.
14Proyek Pembinaan dan bantuan Kepada Pondok Pesantren, Pondok Pesantren dan
Pengembangan Keterampilan [Pesantren and Skill Development], (Jakarta: Proyek
Pembinaan dan bantuan Kepada Pondok Pesantren, Departemen Agama, 1982), 2.
15 Proyek Pembinaan dan bantuan Kepada Pondok Pesantren, Pondok, 2-3.
Pesantrens must take into account seven basic principle when considering skill
programs: 1) Studies and surveys. It is important to conduct a study and survey on the
reliability of such skill programs in the community life. The survey should determine the
long-term requirements for specific skills. The survey should also examine the obstacles that
may arise in both the training program and later application of the skills to enable pesantrens
and other institutions to solve such problems before they arise. 2) The need for professional
training. This training should enable students to develop future skills, and also to meet higher
standards of skill. 3) Training for multiple students. The training programs which have been
applied selected some students, assumed to have interest in the skill programs, and expected
them to spread their knowledge to other students. This expectation has seldom been fulfilled,
however, with the trainees often returning to their hometowns or pursuing studies in other
institutions; or the trainee may become busy with other activities. This happened before a
cadre of students had been formed.17Therefore, it is important to train many students at every
pesantren and in all grades. This can lead to a climate of high motivation in skill program
training which is necessary for the success of the skill program itself. This is because the
students achievement is more immediately affected by the characteristics and attitude
orientations of the other people around them in the school than by the technological or
physical aspects of the school environment.18 4) Student training in line with their personal
interests. This requires selecting and grouping students according to interest. Students trained
17Proyek Pembinaan dan bantuan Kepada Pondok Pesantren, Pondok, 8.
18Boocock, Sarane Spence, Sociology o f Education: An Introduction, 2nd ed., (New

York: University Press of America, 1980), 204.
86
on the basis of their personal interests will have a high motivation in what they do, which
often leads to high achievement. 5) Varied length of training is needed. Pesantrens should
provide a specific time frame for the skill programs, and make these an integral part of
pesantren curriculum. 6) Place of training. Training need not be held in the pesantren.
Pesantrens can send their students to Balai Latihan Kerja (Job Training Centre) to acquire
knowledge that can later be taught in the pesantren. Alternatively, the pesantren can apply
the magang (volunteer) system, by allowing students to work on a farm for a period of time.
7) Contact with the community and institutions. A joint cooperation with institutions or the
community can provide valuable assistance in developing skill programs, especially for
pesantrens without special funding or a budget for this purpose.
A number of issues need to be taken into account in the modernization of the
pesantrens educational system.
First, does the pesantrens educational system aim merely at producing ulama 1 Some
scholars suggest that to participate fully in Indonesian development, pesantrens should also
offer the degree of ulama plus, to *ulama who have achieved mastery not only in the
religious sciences but also in the secular sciences. The Indonesian community now requires
a well-rounded knowledge; more importantly, modem Indonesian development may lead to
complex problems that require a good grounding in Islamic doctrines. At the same time,
some pesantrens feel that the inclusion of secular subjects in their curriculum may diminish
their religious mission. The reason for this sentiment is perhaps that this may discourage
from becoming ulamaand turning their attention to other skills or to work in non-religious
sectors. In my opinion, the modernization of the pesantrens educational system does not
87
diminish either the purpose of the pesantren in producing 'ulamd or the function of the
pesantren as a religious education institution. In Isla,m every Muslim is asked to balance
their life between worldly affairs and the hereafter. Therefore, pesantrens should view secular
subjects and skill subjects and all activities that correlate them as part of the religious
activities. Consequently pesantrens should broaden their educational objectives into several
levels with the aim of producing ulama, as the first priority, and producing good Muslims
who not only apply Islamic doctrines and master Islamic science, but are also able propagate
Islam without being ulama, as the second priority. This is in line with the fact that not all
students of pesantrens want to be ulama. However, some pesantrens are self-reliant
institutions with very limited funds for running the pesantren and have little, if any, money
for secular and skill subjects. In this case, the pesantren should make the religious education
of ulama their number one priority.
Second, are there any specific skills requirements for preparing students to become
agents of development in rural communities? Outside pressures force the pesantren to
provide not only a religious understanding that will allow students to propagate Islam, but
also the skills to enable them to earn their living and to help develop the rural community.
Religious leaders in rural areas continue to play an important role in community
development As every rural area has its specific development problems, questions arise as
to the type and degree of skill level needed. Are the skills being taught in pesantrens in line
with community development ? Some pesantren use their budgets to maintain and to provide
skill subjects for laboratories and workshops. In other pesantrens, however, students have
mastered skills but cannot apply them due to a lack of funds or the nature of the communitys
88
needs. Sometimes students graduate, leaving behind no other students involved in the same
skill area. Unless a skill program has both continuity and applicability to the community life,
there is no need for the pesantren to invest heavily in this area.19 The challenge for both
pesantrens and those who are involved in the programs is to provide preparation in skills
training programs that have long-run application, and to ensure continuity of training.
Third, do pesantrens provide graduating students with the skills to make choices for
the future? Some students attend the pesantren, not because of their own interest, but rather
in obedience to their parents. Not every student wants to joint the rank of the ulanfa. If the
pesantrens provide basic knowledge and skills for the future, students will be able to make
their own career decisions. Therefore, the pesantren, which provides continuous education
and an individual teaching and learning system, makes it possible for students to acquire the
knowledge and skills that are most suited to their interests.
Fourth, is the pesantrens educational system any different from general (non
religious) education? As mentioned before, pesantrens have different educational systems;
it might even be said that every pesantren has a different system. Therefore, pesantrens
should carefully select the secular and skill subjects they intend to teach, choosing those
which their students will more urgently need. It may be difficult even impossible for
pesantrens to furnish all the subjects taught in the public schools. Moreover, pesantrens need
the flexibility to choose which secular subjects they want to incorporate in their curriculum,
and the government should give pesantrens the freedom of selection. In this way, pesantrens
19See Gerald D. Cheek, The Secondary Vocational Program Vocational Education

in the 1990s: Major Issues, ed. Albert J. Pautler, (Ann Arbor; Prakken Publications, Inc.,
1990), 50-51.
89
can determine the quality of ulama they graduate. At any rate, if pesantrens include every
subject taught in public schools, then what role will other areas of education play ? 20
Fifth, can pesantrens provide skill programs for all levels of students? Pesantrens are
now asked to provide quality skill programs, applicable to the community, for students with
various abilities, interests and motivations. Questions surround the level of these programs
and their purpose. In my opinion, skill programs can be provided from the primary level to
the high school level, with a specific purpose for each level. The skill programs at the
primary level may focus on stimulating students to participate in programs and may be used
as a tool for matching students with the most suitable skills. At the high school level, skill
programs should focus on preparing them for application in the community.
Sixth, can pesantren teachers meet diverse expectations? The pesantren, especially
the kyai, should be open-minded to the possibility of hiring teachers who have no pesantren
or even religious educational background, without worrying that the character of the school
may be compromised. The pesantrens educational system which takes both secular and skill
subjects seriously will produce more successful graduates in both areas. Questions
surrounding the selection of teachers in non-religious subjects include: Who is qualified to
teach various subjects in the pesantren? Must they have a religious background or even be
Muslim? Are those who have field experience more likely to be better teachers than those
who do not?
20See David J. Pucel, The Curriculum Vocational Education in the 1990s: Major
Issues, ed. Albert J. Pautler, (Arm Arbor: Prakken Publications, Inc., 1990), 157-159.
Seventh, is it possible to continue the implementation of the current simple
technology program (TTG to Tehnologi Tepat Guna)l Based on the fact that the TTG
program allows students/graduates to earn their living while increasing the communitys
income, it is important to continue this program. Moreover, since the program for more
advanced technology requires financial investment more than pesantrens can afford and also
since the TTG program is an extra-curricular program, therefore, the current simple
technology program is still worth being implemented. However, it should be noted that every
TTG program should terminate with a capstone internship experience in the community,
encouraging students to continue development.
E ig h th , can pesantrens prepare students to be wiraswasta (entrepreneurs) or for
employment in the work place? Not all pesantren alumni become pure ulama."21\ many
pesantren graduates work in either the private or the government service. However, since
high youth unemployment and poor economic conditions have become national problems,
pesantrens, should, therefore, provide skill programs and secular subjects that enable students
to earn a living, create their own employment opportunities in the community, or enter the
workforce. Skill programs run the danger of turning into dead ends if they are terminal
programs whose graduates have no opportunity for further education or training, or if they
prepare students for a narrow range of jobs, neglecting to educate them in the affective and
cognitive aspects of wiraswasta or workplace employment. Consequently, serious assistance
from both the government and the private sector for programs in agriculture, business, health,
21 What I mean here by the pure 'ulama is ulama who take positions as religious
scholars, and who provide only religious teaching, without undertaking any other
employment.
91
home economics, marketing, and industry can contribute to the success of students after they
graduate from pesantrens. However, this requires that the pesantren put sufficient time and
effort into skill programs and secular subjects. The skill programs should be integral to the
pesantrens curriculum and not merely complementary subjects. In order to provide the
greatest benefit to students, student background, experience, capability, interest and motives
should be taken into account in providing these programs.
2. The involvement of the government in the pesantrens educational system.
Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara (GBHN or Broad Outlines of the Nation's Direction)
states that national education is clearly based on Pancasila, and the purpose of a national
education system is to increase piety towards God, intelligence, skills, morality, strength of
character, nationalism and love of the fatherland.22This will permit every citizen to develop
both themselves and the nation to the best of their ability. The Islamic educational system,
including the madrasah and pesantren, are included and are expected to conform to the goals
of Indonesias national education. Moreover, Islamic education from kindergarten to the
university level is part of the National Education scheme, playing an important role in
helping to achieve the government's objectives.
The Department of Religious Affairs, which oversees all Islamic educational
institutions, has instituted a number of policies dealing with the maintenance of the system.
One of the policies is the Surat Keputusan Besama Tiga Menteri (Three Ministers Decree)
22 John Sutjadi Hartanto, Memahami UUD 1945, P4, GBHN 1993-1994, Waskat
(Surabaya: Indah, 1994), 224.
92
issued by the Minister of Education and Culture, Minister of Interior, and Minister of
Religious Affairs in 1974, concerns the improvement of the quality of education, particularly
in madrasahs. The quality of secular sciences taught in madrasahs should be the same as that
offered in public schools, giving the madrasah's certificate equal value as that issued by the
public school. The graduates of the madrasah may then continue their studies at public
schools, or vice versa.
The development of the pesantren is currently being pursued throughout Indonesia;
the chief aim of which is to turn the santris into agents of national development. To
accomplish this, the government has drawn the pesantren into the national education system.
In his speech at the seminar on Islam and National Education, delivered on April 25, 1983,
the Minister of Religious Affairs Munawir Sjadzali stated that23 the development of the
pesantren is directed at creating a Muslim santri who is not only pious, but also able to
participate in all sectors of Indonesian development, especially the spiritual sectors. For this
purpose, the government provides pesantrens with support in teaching the following subjects:
civics, art, scouting, sports and health, manual skills, and environmental studies.24
In fact, the pesantren's activities, especially those related to the community, extend
far beyond the components that are provided by government. Koperasi (Cooperation) for
example, although regarded as part of the skills component, is actually more economic in
character. The pesantren, however, faces a number of problems in its socialization programs.
23 For more details, see Islam dan Pendidikan Nasional [Islam and National
Education], ( Jakarta: Lembaga Penelitian IAIN Jakarta, 1983), 22-23.
24 Islam dan Pendidikan Nasional, 23.
93
They include: the integration of the pesantren into the national educational system; the
difficulties of broadening its socio-cultural, and socio-economic roles; the reduction of
factionalism in order to build an ideal community; and the question of the link between faith
and science.23 The first problem seems most crucial, due to the communitys need for
employment; consequently, the desire for official government employment is high. Thus, in
order for its santris to obtain government certificates, the pesantren tends to accept the
government curriculum, since only those who have government certificates are allowed to
become government officials.
"The involvement of the Indonesia government in developing pesantren was begun
in 1973,"26 under the coordination of the Department of Religious Affairs which instituted
the Badan Koordinasi Pembinaan Pondok Pesantren ( The Development of the Pesantren
Coordination Board). This organization provides for the foundation of pesantrens. The first
foundation was realized in the second Repelita (Five Years Development Plan) 1973-1978
under the coordination of the Direktorat Bimbingan Masyarakat Islam (Directorate for the
Guidance of Muslim Communities). The Indonesian governments focus on the development
of the pesantren makes sense since the pesantren, as a traditional Islamic educational
institution supported by the community, is capable of further development, has made a solid
contribution to the development of the rural community, and creates employment.
Nevertheless, the encounters between the government and the pesantren have created
25Abdurrahman Wahid, "Pondok Pesantren dan Pengembangan Masa Depan: Sebuah

Kajian Dini" [Pesantren and Future Development: A Preliminary Study], Pesan, 1983 (5
Sept-Okt), 12-13.
26 Manfred Ziemek, Pesantren, 206.
94
conflicts between the government which demands that pesantrens follow the national
educational system fully, and the pesantren which desires current and future independence.
By facilitating the pesantren's integration into the national system, the government
has put more emphasis on secular programs and activities which have a practical skill
orientation. Some weaknesses in the quality of organization, administration or even
educational practice have influenced the governments policies towards the pesantren.27
Government aid generally takes the form of skill or vocational package programs, e.g.
electronics and carpentry. However, the pesantrens define these programs as extra-curricula
activities, leading to their ineffectiveness. This failure cannot be blamed on the pesantrens
alone; the government must plan their programs more carefully, designing them to meet the
needs of the pesantrens.
In an effort to dynamize and to modernize the pesantren, the Minister of Religious
Affairs, A. Mukti Ali introduced five components of activity in each pesantren: 1) Religion;
2) Scouting; 3) Health; 4) Art; 3) Skills. In 1974, this program was included in the budget
of Pelita II (Second Five Years Development Plan).28In 1974-1975, the development project
selected a number of pesantrens which were w illin g to implement the project and participate
in further development efforts later. These included Pesantren Darussalam in Ciamis, Pondok
27 H. Kafrawi, "Sambutan Direktur Jenderal Bimbingan Masyarakat" [The Speech of

the Director General of Community Guidance] in Buku Laporan Pendidikan dan Latihan
Pembina Pondok Pesantren Indonesia [The Report on the Education and Training for
Indonesian Pesantren Instructors], (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI, 1978), 2.
28 H. Kafrawi, Pembaharuan Sistem Pendidikan Pondok Pesantren sebagai Usaha

Peningkatan Prestasi Kerja dan Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa [The Modernization of the
Pesantrens Educational System in an Attempt to Elevate the Work Achievement and
Maintain the Unity of the Nation], Jakarta: Cemara Indah, 1978,93.
95
Karya Pembangunan Narmada in Mataram, Pesantren Pabelan in Magelang, and Pesantren
Sabiqul Muttaqien in Madiun.29 The program offered instruction in a number of different
areas, including electronics (radio), tailoring, carpentry and handicrafts, photography,
agriculture, mechanics, administration and business. In 1976, the library programs were
added to provide an orientation on the use of the library and on the development of
knowledge, especially Islamic development. In addition, this program was designed to
educate the librarian in each pesantren.30
In its 1977-1978 budget, the Ministry of Religious Affairs, working through Proyek
Pembinaan dan Bantuan kepada Pondok Pesantren (Project for the Development and
Foundation of Pesantrens), aimed at the development of 500 pesantrens throughout
Indonesia. This would include the funding of practical work, workshop and materials as well
as physical and academic motivation and the implementation of both education and training
of such programs.31
Mukti Ali stated, In the context of national development, teaching skills

subjects seeks to return the pesantren to its original function, to integrate it
with its environment, to promote active participation for the development of
the villages in which the pesantren are situated... to be an agent of
development through mental and spiritual development, and to create a
development mentality among people. This leads people to a more open,
rational, objective, dynamic and imaginative life and to increase participation
in community welfare. By becoming active in modernizing the village, the
pesantren is able to eliminate obstacles like traditionalism and feudalism. In
terms of village development, the pesantren can boost the village
development process in order to achieve the Desa Swasembada [self-
29 H. Kafrawi, Pembaharuan, 94.
30 H. Kafrawi, Pembaharuan, 96.
31 H. Kafrawi, Pembaharuan, 100-101.
96
sufficient village].32
In addition, the pesantrens which had a madrasah in their educational system, gained
an advantage when the government issued the SKB 3 Menteri on 24 March, 1975, which
explicitly stated that the Ministry of Religious Affairs is responsible for maintaining
madrasahs. This meant that the Madrasah's certificate is equal to that issued by general
(non-religious) schools, and that the graduates of madrasahs can continue their studies in
public schools, or alternatively that the student in a madrasah can transfer to a public
school.33 This also meant that the students who graduate from madrasahs affiliated to
pesantrens have equal rights to those graduating from public schools.
Indonesia needs educated people to contribute to the cause o f development. Alone,
the Indonesian government cannot provide sufficient education for all its citizens. Hence,
participation in this process by private institutions as well as non-govemmental institutions
is vital. Most Indonesians still live in rural areas, thus, giving the pesantren the opportunity
to play a major role in education. Religion is one of the national assets for Indonesian
development; its importance in development is clearly stated in the GBHN, both as one of
the Azas Pembangunan Nasional [The Principles of National Development] and as one of
the Modal Dasar Pembangunan Nasional (the Basic Assets of National Development).
Since the end of Pelita I, the Ministry of Religious Affairs has taken a chain
strategy and policy towards the development of pesantrens. This strategy
includes motivating and guiding; for instance, motivating pesantrens to
32Mukti Ali, Agama dan Pembangunan di Indonesia [Religion and Development in

Indonesia], (Jakarta: Biro Hukum dan Hubungan Masyarakat Departemen Agama RI, 1976],
165.
33 H. Kafrawi, Pembaharuan, 103-104
97
complete their educational component by providing the secular science and
skills as well as religious sciences, and improving the organization and
management of pesantren, or motivating pesantrens to modernize their
educational system and methods, improving the library, cooperation
(koperasi) etc. Other funds include providing the materials for skill subjects,
books, physical means, and training for instructors and coaches.34
By the end of Pelita II, the grant donated by the government came to more than eight
hundred million rupiah, in the form of training for 2,436 pesantren coaches, providing skill
instruments for 595 pesantrens, building workshops for 87 pesantrens, rehabilitating
buildings and boarding houses for 36 pesantrens and providing books for 1,744 pesantrens.36
In Pelita IH, the government increased the founding for pesantrens and other
religious institutions. In line with the Keputusan Presiden Nomor 30 Tahun
1978 (Presidential Decree Number 30, in the year 1978) the Ministry of
Religious Affairs created a department to deal with pesantren, the Direktorat
Jenderal Pembinaan Kelembagaan Agama Islam (Directorate General of
Construction for the Islamic Institutions).36
Government funding is not designed to diminish the self-sufficiency of pesantrens
and madrasahs but is rather intended to motivate and to enhance their self-sufficient spirit.37
Presently, Indonesia faces several national problems. Among the national

problems are: population, urbanization, juvenile delinquency,
unemployment, children who cannot be accommodated by the existing
schools, etc. As Islamic institutions, the pesantrens have been actively
participating in solving the problems in educational sector. Also, in the
sectors designed to cope with juvenile delinquency and moral crisis,
pesantrens have played an important role... One thing that should be
improved is the involvement of pesantrens in coping with unemployment
34 Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan Pendidikan Agama [The Construction

of Religious Education], (Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI, 1982), 74.
35 Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan, 75.
36 Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan, 75.
37 Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan, 75-76.
98
problems... Therefore, in the present day, in stages and with a plan, the skill
subjects are applied in pesantrens in order to prepare the santri for
employment.38
In Repelita II, a program on pesantren development was stated clearly, embodying
a design for the development of a project on the Percontohan Pesantren Pembangunan (The
Model of the Developmental Pesantren).39 In the Religious Education Institution Seminar
held from May 31 to June 4,1971, Mukti Ali, the Minister of Religious Affairs, stated that
the modernization of the pesantrens educational system is meant to make the pesantrens
educational system better than ever, using a criteria which measures improvement by the
impact of the educational system on national development.40 Since Repelita n, the goal of
education has continued to focus on needs in the area of human resources. In addition, the
curriculum of non-government educational institutions has been standardized, while non
governmental educational institutions, including the pesantren, have been provided with
guidance and information, including a design for physical facilities for pesantrens, designs
for education management and organization, curriculum design and educational method, a
design for community services and a design on matters of logistics.41
The purpose of the Indonesian government (in this case the Ministry of Religious
Affairs) is not to interfere with their autonomy in modernizing pesantrens, but to function
38 Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara, Pembinaan, 76-77.
39 Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan, 23.
41 Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan, 24-41.
as a motivator and supporter for development.42In this role, the Indonesian government has
determined that there are three patterns of pesantrens. One which considers itself a purely
religious educational institution and which aims to provide 'ulama. For this kind of pesantren
the government provides assistance in physical facilities and library aid. The second pattern
is the pesantren which integrates skill subjects into its curriculum. The government provides
this type of pesantren with training programs and workshops. The third pattern is the
pesantren which has a public school43
Government aid to modernizing pesantrens may measured by the number of
initiatives made:
a. The improvement of the Pesantrens Institutional Objectives (Tujuan Institutional

Pesantren) in the framework of national education and the improvement of its
function as a social institution in the rural area.
b. The improvement of the educational curriculum/method in order to promote the
efficiency and effectiveness of pesantren development.
c. The intensification of skill subjects in pesantrens in order to help pesantrens
develop their potential in social facilities and quality of life.
d. The relevance of madrasahs and pesantrens to the SKB Tiga Menterf \ 44
However, some pesantrens are reluctant to accept this government assistance, and instead
maintain their own educational systems. This reluctance may be due to their fear of loosing
the religious function of the pesantren or because lack of funding, which prevents the
adoption of the educational system proposed by the government.
43 Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan, 60-61.
3. The involvement of Non-Governmental Organizations in the pesantrens
Educational system.
Non-Governmental Organizations have also become involved in the effort to make
the pesantren more dynamic. It seems, however, that NGO programs follow government
policy. This may be because the NGOs think that the government policy on the pesantrens
is on the right track. The Department of Religious Affairs and the Lembaga Penelitian
Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi SosiaP5 (LP3ES or The Institution of Research,
Education, and Information of Economy and Social) have formed an organization called
Perhimpunan Indonesia untuk Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat (P3M or
Indonesian Society for Pesantren and Community Development) which has operated since
1983. This organization is designed to explore Islamic thinking on community development

t)
and to expand the function of the pesantren in Indonesian development (specifically the
development of the community); it also attempts to develop human as well as natural
resources to achieve happiness in this world and the hereafter. The P3M has undertaken a
number of activities to achieve these goals, namely, research, training, publishing, and joint
cooperation with other organizations which share similar attitudes towards pesantren and
community development.
45 LP3ES is a non-governmental organization established in 1971 by a group of

economic and social intellectuals, technocrats, politicians, and journalists sponsored by the
foundation of Friedrich Nauman Stiftung, Germany. The purpose of which is to help the
government in maintaining the concept of development of Indonesian politics. In case of the
pesantren, the aim of this organization is to help the pesantren community adjust to the
modernization process and the development of the rural community.
101
Cooperation between these NGOs and the pesantrens began in the 1980s with the
opening of a dialogue between the kyais and Muslim intellectuals on the importance of
modernizing the pesantrens educational system. The initiative for this dialogue came from
LP3ES Jakartas interest in helping the pesantren adapt to modernity and the Indonesian
development process, as well as to make the pesantren a catalyst for rural community
development.
The relationship between the pesantren and the community cannot be emphasized
enough because the community is the basis of pesantren development. Many examples of
successful cooperation exist -- for example, Pondok Pesantren Gontor. Moreover, the
community base is not only a characteristic of the pesantren but is, in fact, an important
factor for the institutions continued existence. Indeed, without this community support,
pesantrens are threatened with collapse. Cases in point are those pesantrens which were
established to answer the needs of the owners, but collapsed when established to answer to
the needs of the owners but collapsed when they were no longer supported by the owners.
Since the 1970s and the early 1980s, LP3ES has cooperated with some pesantrens in
the development their surrounding communities.46 Generally, some pesantrens have
institutions seeking to maintain community development. Each institution is run by the
senior santri, the kyai's family members, with or without the active participation of the
owner of the pesantren.47 The process of establishing such institutions always begins with
46 Bisri Effendy, Pengembangan Masyarakat Melalui Pesantren: Kasus Lima

Pesantren di Jawa [Community Development through Pesantren: The Case of Five
Pesantrens in Java] Pesan, No.04, (1991), 36
47 Bisri Effendy, Pengembangan, 37.
102
the participation of representatives from pesantrens in community development, and their
acquisition of training held by LP3ES in Jakarta. In this case, LP3ES functions as a
facilitator, while the ideas for planning community development activities come from the
pesantren itself.
In the mid 1970s, the successful cooperation between the pesantrens and LP3ES
inspired other organizations to initiate involvement in pesantren development, such as the
Lembaga Studi Pembangunan (LSP or Development Study Board), Secretariat Bina Desa
(Rural Development Secretariat), and Yayasan Agribisnis ( Agribusiness Foundation).
The Tenaga Pengembangan Masyarakat (TPM or Community Development Staff)48
plays a key role in coordinating the segments involved in the pesantren development
program. The success of this program depends on the TPM members' sensibility,
communication abilities, and creativity; their institutional basis in pesantrens also means that
they are able to use their authority with both formal and informal leaders as well as the
community in order to mobilize all community components.
LP3ES usually recruits young santris as members of TPM and provides them with
six months of training, focussing on the following areas: achievement motivation training,
rural development orientation, planning programs and activities, organizational models for
self-reliant rural communities, and evaluations and reports. These components emphasize the
practical orientation and are based on actual case studies. After finishing this training
program, the members of TPM then continue with individual action programs for another six
48TPM usually consists of santris with a modem orientation who have been trained
in special programs in this field. The special requirements for their activities include a good
relationship with pesantren leaders; and the willingness of the community to rely on them.
103
months in order to apply this knowledge.
For the continuing education of TPM's members, LP3ES provides courses in specific
areas, such as library and documentation science, environmental science, and health services
as applied in rural communities. In the health service program, pesantrens do not limit
themselves to methods of treatment, but also promote well-being by offering healthy food
to those suffering from malnutrition as well as information on balance diets.
The main purpose of this program is to provide medicine, both synthetic and
traditional. The pesantren operates Usaha Kesehatan Masyarakat ( Health Community
Program) in cooperation with Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat (Puskesmas or Community
Health Centre). This program educates the cadres about common disease treatment, the use
and storage of medicines, first aid, etc.
Success in implementing rural development programs seems to depend on the ability
of the pesantren and the TPM to mobilize community participation, and on the
appropriateness of the initial decisions concerning application and evaluation. The
paternalistic pattern of traditional communities requires the involvement of local leadership
in any activity and program prior to community acceptance. As the kyai is the main religious
leader in most communities, any organization involved in rural community development
programs must pay attention to the kyats requests and needs. Although some changes in
tradition may be highly beneficial to the community, such changes are unlikely to be
successful unless the community understands the correlation between these changes and its
future.
104
The modem community views the pesantren as an institution which has succeeded
in inculcating Islamic values to the younger generation; many believe the pesantrens
influence prevents immoral behaviour among the young. For example, many parents send
children who are causing trouble to the pesantren to learn values and discipline. Pesantren
Suryalaya in West Java, for example, is famous for its recovery program for troubled youth,
especially those addicted to heroin. Pesantren Kilat has a similar program and has attracted
a great deal of interest from people, especially urban youth. Such students seek not only to
familiarize themselves with Islamic doctrines, but also with the experience of life in the
pesantren: a life based on moderation, egalitarian values and cooperation.
The emphasis which Muhammadiyah has placed on developing its modem school
system has led to crisis in its 'ulama cadre. Thus Muhammadiyah recently began paying
greater attention to the madrasah system, and has built a number of pesantrens, including one
in North Sumatra.
4. The pesantren and Indonesian development.
Although the pesantren is a religious institution, it has a direct involvement in state
affairs. In this regard, the kyai plays an important role in the political attitude of the
pesantren. There are at least four types of political orientations held by pesantrens: those
which directly support the PPP, those which directly support Golkar, those which support
Golkar indirectly, and those which keep a distance from all three political parties. Hence,
some pesantrens are used to mobilize the vote, and many politicians visit pesantrens in pre
election times in an effort to obtain the political support or at least sympathy of the pesantren.
105
To enhance the quality of the pesantrens political participation, Riaty Rafiuddin suggests
that pesantrens must develop their educational system at the macro-level. A wide perspective,
openness to life outside the pesantren, and a self-sufficient economy can influence the quality
o f pesantren participation in politics. Rafiuddin also advises pesantrens to maintain direct
communication with their communities and to understand local problems.49
The pesantren and the community are interconnected to the extent that the influence
of the pesantren outweighs the administrative region of the surrounding villages.50 With its
extensive influence, the pesantren can thus stimulate change in its environs in the social,
economic, and cultural as well as religious aspects.51
The Pesantren community development programs include the provision of water
sources (tempat penyediaan air), cooperation, training in vocational skills (like tailoring,
mechanics, and welding), cultivation of plants with economic value (like lamtoro gung and
mangoes), and the cultivation of individual gardens with vegetables (like tomatoes and
eggplants). In general, most pesantrens have succeeded in their community development
programs. Similarly, in the cooperation programs, pesantrens have successfully established
a credit system without interest, thus releasing the community from usury, and eliminating
the tradition of mortgaging land for loans. Moreover, the plantation programs not only
49See Riaty Rafiuddin, Di antara Empat [Among the Four], Pesan, xii.01 (1992),
25-26.
50 Fahmi D. Saifuddin, Peranan Pondok Pesantren untuk Mewujudkan Ketahanan

Masyarakat Desa [The Role of Pesantrens in Creating the Stability of the Village
Community], [microfiche], (Jakarta: Markas Besar ABRI, Lembaga Ketahanan Nasional,
1986), 36.
51 Fahmi D. Saifuddin, Peranan, 37.
106
provide the community with additional income, they also raise consciousness of the
environment. Some communities have been able to establish public health centres as well
with the support of their local pesantrens.
The pesantren plays an important role in forming community opinion regarding the
importance of environmental programs, especially in Java, the most populous region in
Indonesia. The pesantrens environmental program includes: reforestation, building houses
and horticulture. Some pesantrens in East Java have received awards for their environmental
programs. Pesantren An-Nuqayah in Madura, for instance, received an award from President
Suharto in 1982 for building an irrigation system and for successful reforestation. They had
mobilized the community to plant 1.5 million plants. Likewise, Pesantren Pabelan is
currently involved in repairing traditional community houses which have no ventilation or
windows. This pesantren has also implemented a horticulture program, which trains people
to plant vegetables and fruits, which can enrich the family's nutrition. In addition, it trains
people in its sanitation programs. Pesantren Pabelan received the Aga Khan Award for its
Rural Architecture Renovation program in 1980 and a National Award for its environmental
program in 1982.
In the field of economics, pesantrens have helped in increasing the income of rural
communities through Kelompok Swadaya Masyarakat (KSM or Self-supporting Community
Groups) and by increasing productivity in a number of sectors, including fanning (e.g.
providing seeds, fertilizers, insecticides), animal husbandry ( introducing poultry breeding),
fisheries, and home industries.
107
An examination of two successful community development programs indicates the
wide range of options available for pesantren involvement in development. In 1982,
Pesantren A1 Nuqayah successfully built water sources (tempat penyediaan air) and public
MCK (Mandi, Cuci, Kakus or public bathing, washing, and toilet facilities) in Kampung
Brumbung with local community cooperation. Over the next few years, Pesantren A1
Nuqayah also succeeded in motivating and guiding the community to build their own MCK.
In short, pesantren A1 Nuqayahs community development program succeeded in elevating
the village of Guluk-guluk from a desa swadaya to a desa swakarya and then to a desa swa
sembada.52 Similarly, Pesantren Salafiyah Syafiiyah (in Sukerejo, Situbondo) developed a
program enabling the community to use simple technology for hatching chicks, building a
bridge and broadening the road for easier transportation.53
52 This village typology was created in 1976 dividing villages (desa) into five
categories. Pra desa (pre-village) refers to a community which does not live in a village.
Desa swadaya refers to the village in which people tied to local custom, relationships among
people are still close, social control is based on familiarity, livelihood (income) is based on
low technology, and low productivity. Desa swakarya refers to a village in which custom is
in transition because of outside influence which in turn changes the way of thinking of the
villagers, and where technology is advanced and productivity is high. Desa swasembada
refers to a village in which people are not tied to custom at all, the relationship among people
is rational, various livelihoods (income) are available and, new technology in fanning leads
to high productivity. Desa Pancasila refers to the village which has reached its optimal
development, in which all the villagers are able to fulfil their primary needs, and there is an
equal distribution of education, health, jobs, and justice for all villagers. For further
information on this village typology, see Kustomo Usman, "Pengklasifikasian Desa Sebagai
Dasar Pengarahan Kebijaksanaan Perencanaan Pembangunan Fisik Desa" [The Village
Classification as the Basis of Policy for the Physical Village Development Plan],
Undergraduate Thesis, (Bandung: Departemen Tata Pembangunan Daerah dan Kota, Institut
Teknologi Bandung, 1979).
53Bappeda Propinsi Daerah Tingkat I Jawa Timur and IAIN Sunan Ampel, Laporan
Penelitian tentang Pengaruh Pondok Pesantren terhadap Upaya Pembangunan di
Sekitamya [The Report on the Research on the Contribution of Pesantrens in the
108
The success of the pesantrens in introducing community-oriented programs has
resulted from close ties between the pesantren and the local population on the one hand, and
a deep understanding of the conditions in which they live, thus making the development
needs of the community a priority. Pesantren community development programs include the
establishment of Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat (Puskesmas or Community Health Centres),
building bridges, broadening and hardening road, and establishing security posts. The kyai
himself is considered a specialist on community development. Examples of kyai involvement
include providing housing for the villagers by selling his own land to the villagers, who then
pay for it in installments.54 And although the pesantrens have faced a variety of problems,
ranging from conceptual differences and inadequate pedagogical strategies to difficulties in
raising the consciousness of the community, the character of the pesantren and its
community-oriented philosophy makes it possible for the pesantren to implement programs
of this nature.
The success of the Teknologi Tepat Guria (TTG or Simple Technology) which has
been developed by pesantrens depends on two factors: 1) the internal factor, that is the
leadership system in the pesantren which varies according to the attitude and perspective of
the kyai, ustadh, and santri as well as the conditions governing pesantren organization;55 2)
Development Efforts in Their Environs]. Microfiche. Bappeda Propinsi Daerah Tingkat I

Jawa Timur and IAIN Sunan Ampel, 1989, 97-100.
54Bappeda Propinsi Daerah Tingkat I Jawa Timur and IAIN Sunan Ampel, Laporan,
62.
55 Some pesantrens worry about the negative impact of providing skills programs
since the provision of these programs will force the pesantrens to hire teachers from outside
the pesantren. Pesantrens also worry that these teachers will decrease the charisma of the
109
the external factor, that is the attitude of the community towards the pesantren, government
institutions; or other modem institutions. This includes ideas and social processes within the
community.56Other factors which should be considered in the application of the TTG is the
programs reliability in solving community problems.57
Of course, some programs are unsuccessful. The main causes of failure stem from the
lack of a trained group as some santris return to their hometowns after graduation. and
a lack of interest by the pesantren, which may not see the benefit from the skill training
programs. Other problems include a lack of financial support for the skill programs and the
implementation of programs not suited to the community. This happens when the pesantren
is unaware of the communitys needs.58
Concerning the failure of the Community Development Programs, Fahmi D.
Saifuddin states that: Among the main causes is the Indonesian development policy which
comes from above [the government]. Therefore, non-government p r o g r a m s at the local level,
including the pesantren, are very limited; as a result, there is little expectation of big changes
to the benefit of the community.59 To strengthen the function of the pesantren in rural
community development, Saifuddin suggests strengthening five areas: 1) the role of the kyai
as an informal leader; 2) the function of the pesantren as a social institution in village
kyai. More seriously, they worry that the skills programs will diminish the function of the
pesantren as a religious institution.
110
modernization; 3) the quality and function of the pesantren as an educational institution; 4)
the function of the pesantren in village information and communication; 5) the function of
the pesantren in security and defence.60
It is, therefore, hoped that the involvement of the pesantren in national development
will contribute to Indonesian development. Indeed, given the fact that there is a large number
of pesantrens throughout Indonesia, mostly in rural areas, and that the system enables
students to live together uninterruptedly (which means that they can be easily mobilized for
activities at any time), and that pesantrens have traditionally instilled such personal qualities
such as modesty, cooperation, assistance and self reliance (which are much-needed qualities
for Indonesian development), all these elements make the pesantren a viable tool for
community development.61
As a final point we need to look again at Smiths five points concerning
secularization. His second point concerning entry to societal areas, such as education, is
relevant to this chapter. At the conclusion of Chapter 2 it was observed that the state had not
penetrated the pesantren system in the early years of Indonesian national history. At this point
in our discussion, however, it can clearly be seen that this was a short-term phenomenon and
61 Proyek Pembinaan dan bantuan Kepada Pondok Pesantren, Pondok, 1.
Ill
that the drive for state control of the entire educational realm continues. Government
insistence on pesantren accommodation is persistent and has made significant inroads into
converting these schools over to a part of the national educational system.. Religion and
religious personnel will correspondingly be limited in their influence over the pesantren.
Smiths prediction is now rapidly being fulfilled.
112
Conclusion
Islam came to Indonesia through the coastal areas, brought by travellers and
merchants from India, Arabia and Persia. Gradually, Muslim immigrants took over the
important positions in the community, first the trading and port administration, later the
administration of the small kingdoms around the port. Afterwards, Islam became the legal
religion of the coastal kingdoms.
The characteristics of Islam linked with Indonesian culture motivated Indonesian
Muslims to become active in political, economic and social welfare. Moreover, influenced
by religious motives, Indonesian Muslims were active from the advent of Islam until the
present time. During the era of Dutch and Japanese colonialism, much of the struggle against
foreign occupation was inspired by Muslim leaders, 'ulama and kyais, who were motivated
by religious spirit. This led to Islamic nationalism in Indonesia. Needless to say, the
pesantren, as the social and cultural centre of the community, had an important role to play
in the life of the community and occupied a significant role in this struggle. Moreover, in the
era of independence, the Indonesian Muslim had to struggle for his place in politics and
socio-economic development. This struggle, especially in the political arena, created an
antagonistic relationship between Muslim activists and those who ran the Indonesian
government. This condition penetrated to the educational arena, especially the pesantren. In
the Old Order era, the dichotomy between general and religious education remained, and it
was only after the communist rebellion of 1965, that religious education become compulsoiy
in the Indonesian educational system.
Education is one of the aspects that Indonesian Muslims are concerned about, not
only for the provision of Islamic teachings, but also for the provision of secular knowledge
that will enable them to lead a better life. In the non-formal sectors Islamic education is
provided in the home, mosque, surau and langgar. In the formal sectors Islamic education
is provided in Islamic public schools, madrasahs and pesantrens. A large number of
pesantrens are spread across the Indonesian archipelago and each pesantren has its own
characteristics, policy, and priority towards its programs, but all share the same goal of
participating in Indonesian development in order to achieve a better future for the ummah
(community).
As an Islamic institution, the pesantren can never be separated from the Islamic spirit
in any of its activities. This has inevitably led some pesantrens to become suspicious of the
government, which has experienced Muslim hostility in several rebellions, and consequently
views any movements and activities based on Islam as dangerous. The reaction to such
hostility is viewed by much of the Muslim community as hostile in itself. As a result, it is
impossible to prevent suspicion on both sides. Accordingly, the pesantren, which views the
government as "anti-Islamic", regards any government effort extended towards it as an
unlslamic effort to nationalize and secularize the pesantren. On the other hand, the
government views the pesantren as a tool capable of igniting Islamic militancy at a moments
notice.
In the 1980s, Indonesian Muslims made a reaproachment towards the government,
beginning a movement toward government accommodation, and becoming involved in
government policies. In addition, Muslim acceptance of Pancasila as the only basis for social
114
and political activities led to a new development in the history of Islam in Indonesia,
especially among the elite bureaucratic class; those formerly marked by Islamic phobia
become proud Muslims. The climax of intimacy between the government and Muslims was
marked by the establishment of ICMI, the Muslim Intellectuals Association which heralded
a new era o f mutual accommodation.
The pesantren, since its establishment, has always devoted its activities to fulfilling
the needs o f the community, especially the promotion of ethics, morals, and the social
welfare of the community. Together with other educational institutions, the pesantren wants
to provide the finest contribution possible to Indonesian development and to be able to meet
the needs of the community. Nevertheless, as a private educational institution with special
characteristics, the pesantren has its own direction and good reasons for not wanting others
to determine its future. However, with the recent stress on education and the emphasis on
achieving excellence, resulting from the complexity of developments within the community
itself, any educational institution in Indonesia should redefine its system, including the
pesantren. Moreover, significant numbers of influential people, educators, politician, ulama,
etc., view the pesantrens educational system as less than excellent in terms of its
contribution to Indonesian development. As a result, the pesantrens educational system has
undergone numerous changes during the past two decades. These changes have come about
due to pressures from both outside and inside the pesantren itself. In some pesantrens,
however, such changes were implemented rather quickly without the support of reliable
research and community involvement.
115
Some pesantrens which have adopted the modem educational system face various
problems ranging from funding, facilities, administration, organizational structure and
teaching-learning methodology to having an adequate number of teachers for both the Islamic
and secular sciences. In addition, the modernization of the pesantren has led to the
introduction of out-side material which may in fact overshadow the religious values of the
pesantren in the long mn. Moreover, the introduction of modernization weakens to some
extent social and religious values as the primary characteristics of the pesantren. Realizing
these factors, some pesantrens attempt to limit their accommodation in order to retain control
over their development and not to lose their religious identity. In fact, many pesantrens
succeeded in cooperating with the government without losing their own identity.
In modernizing its educational system, the pesantren should take some considerations
into account. Pesantrens should clearly define the educational objectives which can fulfill the
individual needs and differences of their students. The secular and skill subjects should be
carefully selected, with care taken not to provide more subjects than the students need, as
well as to differentiate between the pesantren and other educational institutions. The
openness of the pesantren towards modernization programs is also necessary, especially in
the introduction of the secular sciences and teacher requirements. In addition, pesantrens
should not be afraid of losing their ideology and identity to the extent of refusing all change.
Indeed, it is the time for pesantrens to widen their perspective and programs, focussing not
only on their surrounding community but also on the Indonesian community at large. Last
but not least, pesantrens should always create and welcome the entrepreneur spirit in
students.
116
The problems of the pesantrens educational system cannot be separated from the
problems of the national educational system. From day to day the results of education are
viewed as behind the needs of Indonesian development. In addition, the dichotomy between
religious education and secular education has not been bridged even in the present day. This
is clearly shown from the administration of education. Public education is under the
administration of the Ministry of Education and Culture, while religious education is. under
the administration of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. The budget allocated for public
education, under the coordination of the Ministry of Education and Culture is much higher
than that for religious education under the coordination of the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
Therefore it is difficult for state Islamic education institutions to compete with general state
educational institutions in Indonesia. Hence, Muslih Usa stated that: It is strange, that for
the majority of the Muslim community, Islamic education has not provided it with the chance
to compete in the development of this large population. The Indonesian government gives
little attention to Islamic education1
The effort to modernize the pesantrens educational system has led to the
involvement of individuals2, government and non-governmental organizations. Their
involvement takes the form of assisting pesantrens in providing secular subjects, facilities,
scout programs and skill programs, as well as assisting pesantrens in modernizing their
1 Muslih Usa, ed., Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia: Antara Cita dan Fakta [Islamic
Education in Indonesia: Between Ideality and Reality], (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 1991),
11 .
2 For example, Pesantren Darul Hikmah in Tapanuli Tengah North Sumatra was
founded by Faisal Tanjung and Akbar Tanjung. For more information on this pesantren see
its home page at: http://www.geocities.com/CollegePark/9110/index.htm.
117
curriculum to meet the needs of the Indonesian community. Indeed, serious efforts are still
needed not only to provide funding but also to maintain the pesantren educational system.
It is also necessary for educators to become involved in this. On the governments side,
assistance to pesantrens should be proposed to enhance the potential of the students and to
prepare them for better participation in Indonesian development rather than merely
approaching the pesantren for political objectives. On the pesantrens side, serious efforts are
needed to place secular and skill subjects on the same level as Islamic subjects. In terms of
skill subjects, it is important for pesantrens to conduct a study and find out the kind of skill
subjects that should be provided in each pesantren, the required professional skill training
programs, skill subjects based on student interest, need and time, maintain cooperation with
the community as the consumer of the graduate skills and with other institutions as well, in
order to obtain and offer both financial assistance and professional training to them.
It should be understood that the pesantren has its roots in the rural community, and
that it plays a significant role in the development of this community. Thus, in its attempts to
help pesantrens become more accommodative to rural community development, the
Indonesian government should therefore, not hedge its policies towards pesantrens with strict
national regulations which emasculate the pesantren's freedom. Instead, the government
should reform its dualistic national educational system in such a way as to integrate the
Islamic and secular systems, allowing them to harmonize rather than clash with each other.
Indeed, there is a room for both approaches. By itself, the national educational system cannot
create a productive young generation with spiritual values, while on the other hand, the
national educational system applied in pesantren is not able to create an entrepreneurial spirit
118
in the santris?
Regarding the unique characteristics of each pesantren, it is important for those
involved in the modernization of pesantrens to take into account each pesantrens uniqueness
so that each pesantren can maximize its speciality in education. The abilities of each
pesantren to adjust to the needs of the community should also be taken into account in order
to ensure that the pesantrens social programs meet the needs of its community. Therefore,
it cannot be assumed that programs which have been successfully implemented in one
pesantren will yield the same results in other pesantrens. If these conditions are taken into
consideration, pesantrens will play a major role in Indonesian development, especially in
rural development.
As a final point of observation in this thesis, a review of Smiths typology and its
application to Indonesia is useful. As we have seen in the preceding chapters, points 1
through 4 proved true in Indonesia through the material presented in this study. The state did
effect a separation of state and religious values. Second, the state moved forcefully into
societal areas, particularly education, which has deeply affected the education offered by
religious institutions. Third, the rise of the polity has greatly challenged the sense of religious
community membership so prevalent before Indonesias creation. Fourth, religion and
religious personalities have lost heavily in the states drive to control politics. It is only on
point 5, where religion is no longer recognized, that Indonesian state power has not
3 The national educational system focuses on creating skilled labour in order to

increase Indonesias economic growth. While the pesantrens educational system focuses on
creating an entrepreneurial spirit in its santris. In addition, it is assumed that Indonesian
backwardness is the result of its citizens lack of entrepreneurial ability.
119
materialized. This is because the contemporary regime has concluded that religion remains
an asset to nation-building and is not considered a hindrance. Religion has fostered attitudes
and outlooks that support government programs and policies and has been successful in that
endeavour.
But, if most of Smiths points have been proven, it is only part. Indonesian Muslim
values are surviving and finding new ways of influencing the emerging state dominance.
Islam in Indonesia is hardly weaker that it was fifty years ago before the emergence of an
Indonesian national state. At the same time, the position of Islam is different, no longer
tightly tied to traditional concepts, but increasingly adaptive to a new world of nationalism
and state dominance. Moreover, concerning the pesantren, there appears to be no shameful
surrender to state authority, but a careful accommodation to changed conditions and an
attempt to promote the national good along with the further institution of Islamic values,
albeit in a revised delivery system of education.
Many issues in relation to the pesantren and development have not been covered by
this thesis; therefore, further research, especially field research, on the pesantren is still
needed to help pesantrens develop an educational system that can play a more important role
in Indonesian development. This research should take the form of educational, psychological,
sociological and anthropological studies from the perspective of socio-economic
development.
120
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The author retains ownership of the Lauteur conserve la propriete du

Author : Suprayetno Wagiman

Title : The Modernization of The Pesantrens Educational System to Meet the

Needs of Indonesian Communities.

Department: Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

Degree : Master of Arts.

In this modernization process, many individual, non-governmental organizations are

however, is viewed by some pesantrens with suspicion and is regarded as an attempt to

Auteur : Suprayetno Wagiman

Titre : La modernisation du systdme dducatif du Pesantren afin de combler les

besoins des communautds indondsiennes.

Ddpartement : Institut des Etudes Islamiques, Universitd McGill

Diplome : Maitrise es Arts.

sociale, economique et politique. Tout particulierement, les institutions formelles et

indondsiens depuis lere coloniale (1600-1945) jusquit aujourdhui.

sollicitde pour amdliorer, developper et changer plusieurs de ses programmes afin de

particulierement dans le domaine du ddveloppement. Par consdquent, certains pesantrens

ladoption dvm systdme national ddducation paralldlement au systdme classique, apportant

Comme on pourrait sy attendre, cet effort de modernisation a crdd de nombreux probldmes

sujets sdculiers, de construction d infrastructures ndcessaires et dappareils administratifs

Dans ce processus de modernisation, plusieurs personnes ainsi que des organisations

non-gouvemementales se sont impliqudes avec le gouvemement indondsien. Toutefois cette

musulmans dune part et le gouvemement indondsien dautre part. Heureusement, ces

meme leur propre systeme ddducation.

Short vowels : = a, fathah

In the case of ta marbutah (I), it is transliterated as h in pause form (e.g. b id ah)

support of CIDA and the IAIN-McGill Indonesia Project to whom I am grateful. My

assisted me in finding the necessary sources for my research.

modernization since the establishment of Indonesian independence. Economic development

governments goal is to create a balanced development, incorporating both material and

educational curriculum, for example, public education (non-religious education) emphasizes

in school, except in religiously oriented schools.

the remaja mesjieP has been more prominent emerged.

reconstruct themselves to conform to modem perceptions of education. Indonesia is a

discussion, however, does not focus on these differences specifically. Furthermore, as

At the same time, the Indonesian government, interested in national educational

referred to as the modernization of the pesantren. At the Conference on Education in

and development. Furthermore, he stated that it is possible to gage the degree of

improvement in education by measuring the role education plays in enhancing Indonesian

working together to achieve specified required results, or outcomes, based on needs.6

Keeping this in perspective, an educational system would include methods, teachers,

5Team Penyusun BKP3, Peranan PondokPesantren dalam Pembangunan [The Role

6 Roger Kaufman, Planning Educational Systems: A Results-based Approach,

of the pesantrens educational system, these components cannot be considered separately as

government and/or non-governmental organizations.

Initially, the Indonesian governments involvement in the modernization of the

Consequently, homogenization of school structures, centralized curriculums and

vocational training in fields like agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, management of

the nearby communities, thereby helping to raise community consciousness towards

local resistance to government-imposed changes.

As the progress and achievement of Indonesian development depends on the

educational levels of its population, the pesantren as an educational institution is required to

element in implementing cooperation.

pesantren. Therefore, it is a challenge for the pesantren to promote and participate in

it is an expert in rural education as well as a source of inspiration for the community.

contribution to the development of Indonesian communities. The difference between the