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It has been said that we are living in an era of primitive accumulation (Federici, 2012,
p. 138). Whether or not processes of primitive accumulation especially mark the present,
invocations of the term certainly do. When Taiaiake Alfred credits Glen Coulthard with having
rescued Karl Marx from his nineteenth-century hostage chamber (2014, p. xi), he has in mind
David Harvey claims that the hallmark of [] the new imperialism of the twenty-first
Marxs notion. When James Tully is pressed to identify how he would address the legacies of
refuse any appeal to strong states or economic development, advocating instead a turn to
154).
All of these users of Marxs concept,1 however, want to sever the notion of primitive
accumulation from connections and connotations that burden it in Marxs text. They agree that,
in order to be redeployed in the present, Marxs concept must be reformulated. And there is
widespread agreement about the changes that must be made. First, Marx mistakenly portrays
primitive accumulation as a bloody moment in the past, since replaced by the relatively bloodless
workings of the mature capitalist system. Second, as much as Marx condemns the violent
expropriation of the peasantry, he also justifies it as a necessary step on the way to the
communist future.
1
I would like to take issue with the current rehabilitation of primitive accumulation.
Rather than sever the concept from the context of its emergence, I propose to examine it in that
context. Doing so reveals the stakes of Marxs discussion: a proper disaggregation of the
agencies responsible for capitalism. In the first instance, Marx is concerned to specify the agency
of capital. Marx identifies primitive accumulation as the prehistory of capital (1976, pp. 875,
928), not in order to consign it to the past, but in order to underscore the distinction between
hording up wealth money, land, products, whatever and using it as capital. The violence of
primitive accumulation can amass the former, but cannot make the accumulated wealth function
as capital. This distinction and the consequent distinction between capital and capitalism is,
Marx thinks, essential for understanding how capitalism operates, and what makes it different
from other forms of society. Within capitalism, capital is the agent of accumulation by
This brings us to the second issue, for Marx, that of revolutionary strategy. As most
commentators note, the state is the overwhelming agent of primitive accumulation. What goes
unnoted is why. According to Marx, the state pursues policies of primitive accumulation because
it has become dependent upon capital accumulation economic growth for its own existence
and functioning. Policies of primitive accumulation are attempts by the state to secure the
conditions of economic growth. This dependency of the state upon capital makes the state into an
enemy of all attempts to refuse, evade, or escape capitalism. All such attempts will, just to the
extent that they are or promise to be successful, encounter the armed agents of the state. This is
where the state fits into capitalism. This epochal change in the role of the state explains Marxs
insistence upon the historical inevitability of conquest and expropriation. He does not justify
primitive accumulation as a necessary step on the historical path to socialism. He argues, rather,
2
that existing forms of petty production, and the forms of social solidarity they foster, are too
vulnerable to the violent encroachments of capitals mighty servant, the state. Liberation requires
brings Marxs argument up to date. The recent reformulations of Marxs notion are provoked by
very real and ongoing processes of coercive and violent expropriation, the forceful separation of
people from independent access to the means of living. But these processes underscore both the
complementarity of state action and capitalist production and the irreducible difference between
them. The continuing salience of capitalist accumulation to state action, and vice versa, indicates
the contemporaneity of Marxs analysis, not its obsolescence. Only by clarifying what primitive
accumulation was in Marxs text can we determine what it is and will be in the present and
future.
During the twentieth century, Marxist debate over primitive accumulation was defined by
the contest between those who thought of it as an event in the past, and those who conceived it as
a continuous and ongoing process. For those who took primitive accumulation to be
correspond[ed] to a clear-cut temporal dimension (the past) (De Angelis, 1999, sec. 1).2 They
focused, therefore, on pinpointing the historical origin of capitalism in Western Europe, and
especially in Britain. Opposed to them were those who argued that the mechanisms of primitive
accumulation [] do not belong only to the prehistory of capitalism; they are contemporary as
3
well (Amin, 1974, p. 3).3 Those who forwarded this argument focused on the ongoing
Despite their opposition to one another on political and historiographic grounds, the
parties to these debates shared the presupposition that primitive accumulation marked the point
of contact between capitalism and the non-capitalist world. After all, there is no contradiction
between calling primitive accumulation the pre-history of capitalism and agreeing that it is
ongoing. Rosa Luxemburg, the acknowledged fount of the thesis of continuous primitive
she thought primitive accumulation to be ongoing; it marks the process of capitalism ingesting
non-capitalism (2003, chap. 2632). The prehistory of capitalism is being continuously re-
The new reading of primitive accumulation with which this essay is concerned departs in
a crucial way from this common presupposition of the older debates. Rather than allowing that
processes of primitive accumulation mark the frontiers temporal and/or spatial between
capitalism and non-capitalism, the new accounts claim to locate primitive accumulation within
Marxs general theory of capital accumulation is constructed under certain crucial initial
assumptions which broadly match those of classical political economy and which exclude
they relegate accumulation based upon predation, fraud, and violence to an original
stage that is considered no longer relevant or, as with Luxemburg, as being somehow
4
According to Harvey, however, accumulation based upon predation, fraud, and violence is
The same conclusion is reached by Silvia Federici. She claims that Marx was deeply
mistaken when he assumed that the violence that had presided over the earliest phases of
capitalist expansion would recede with the maturing of capitalist relations, when the exploitation
and disciplining of labor would be accomplished mostly through the workings of economic
laws (2004, p. 12). Glen Coulthard concurs. Seconding Kropotkins objection to Marxs
erroneous division between the primary accumulation of capital and its present-day formation
(1995, p. 221), Coulthard argues that, in order to be relevant, the notion of primitive
violent dispossession continues to play in the reproduction of colonial and capitalist social
favor of his own coinage, war capitalism Sven Beckert likewise argues that historians and
theorists should emphasize that slavery, colonialism, and forced labor, among other forms of
violence, were not aberrations in the history of capitalism, but were at its very core (2015, p.
441).
All of these scholars agree, then, that Marx erred insofar as he conceived primitive
accumulation as a violent process that obliterates all non-capitalist social forms and institutes in
capitalism (Ince, 2013, p. 8). They all seek to reformulate the concept so as to name the
political violence operative in the capitalization of social reproduction (Ince, 2014, p. 106). As
Massimo De Angelis put it in his influential early articulation of the new position, the
5
processes or sets of strategies aimed at dismantling those institutions that protect society from the
market (1999, sec. 5.2). Since non-capitalist or non-market social relations are always
accumulation is supposed to have been integral to a normative developmentalism that casts the
violent expropriation of the peasantry and other practitioners of natural economy as a painful
but necessary stage through which humanity must pass on the way to socialism.6 Thus, while
Marx was acutely aware of the murderous character of capitalist development, Federici
declares that there can be no doubt that he viewed it as a necessary step in the process of human
liberation (2004, p. 12). Likewise, Jim Glassman claims that for Marx, primitive accumulation,
however loathsome in its violence and hypocrisy, is a necessary step in the direction of fuller
human development (2006, p. 611). Tully insists, as well, that Marxs specific explication of
primitive accumulation enshrines several processes as unjust yet necessary and universal
Indigenous peoples; the destruction of non-capitalist modes of production; the individuation and
commodification of human productive powers []; and the commodification of the earth
This criticism of Marx buttresses the first; both take him to task for the teleological
Eurocentrism built into his conception of primitive accumulation. If capitalism looks like the
Carolina slave plantation as much as the Manchester garment factory, then the sense that the
slave plantation gives way to the garment factory disappears. If proletarian power is to be found
in a Quiche indian village in the Guatemalan hills as much as in the strike organizations of
6
Londons East End, then Marxs righteous horror of petty producers is just a vestige of
providential historicism, impatient for the rest of the world to catch up to Europe (Midnight
Notes Collective, 1990, p. 6). The colonial frontier is internal to capitalisms most intimate
workings, and so cannot be set off against a more developed metropolitan core, the operations
of which foretell the future of the periphery. Any attempt to renovate Marxs concept, therefore,
must grapple with the historicist bias that Marxism shares with mainstream developmentalism
and globalization narratives, a bias that judges the extent of capitalist maturation by the degree
to which wage labor regulated by free markets becomes the predominant form of organizing
These are powerful criticisms. It is easy to appreciate why they have won the day. I will
argue, however, that they miss the point of Marxs argument in Part Eight of Capital. Marx can
and does affirm that processes of primitive accumulation are internal to capitalism. He insists
nonetheless that they constitute the prehistory of capital because, while plunder, fraud, and theft
can stock up wealth that can be used as capital, they cannot actually make that wealth function as
capital. Capital works as capital by other means. The new reading of primitive accumulation
obscures the necessity of this displacement of wealth into capital, and, with it, the distinction
between capital and capitalism. Capital requires primitive accumulation, but cannot accomplish
this accumulation for itself. It needs other agencies to act to its benefit. In this light, I argue, the
historical trajectory Marx sketches in Part Eight loses the aspect of universal history and reveals
itself to be, instead, an account of capitals capture of the state, which undertakes capitals dirty
work because it has become dependent upon capital accumulation for its own existence. This is a
strategic reality that Marx urges his contemporary anti-capitalists to confront, not a theoretical
7
2. The context of Marxs concept of primitive accumulation
understand his conception of the latter. And in order to do this, we have to appreciate that Marx
was an outlier among nineteenth-century socialists.7 Most socialists echoed the theory of the
Saint-Simonians, according to which the accumulation of capital, and the attendant exploitation
of the workers, are the direct consequence of the conquest of the land and the extortion this
allowed the landed to exact from the poor producer. In the words of The Doctrine of Saint-
Simon, Physical force and the exploitation of man by man are two coexisting, corresponding
facts. The latter is the consequence of the former (Bazard et al., 1972, p. 63).
In England, this theory was promulgated by the influential Owenite, William Thompson,
who declared that the present system of commerce was an empire of force and fraud (1850, p.
255), and by the Chartist agitator Bronterre O-Brien, who claimed that profitmongers and
landlords exercised an unlimited and irresponsible power of murder and robbery over the mass
of mankind (1885, p. 142). In Germany, Karl Heinzen argued that the rule of force dominates
capitalistic property relations (Bessner and Stauch, 2010, p. 151). Later, Eugen Dhrings
thesis, that all economic relations are founded in the violent exclusion of some from the use of
natural resources, was the subject of three chapters of Engelss Anti-Dhring (Engels and Marx,
1987, chap. II.24). In France, the greatest proponent of this view, after the Saint-Simonians
themselves, was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Proudhon argued that the regime of exploitation is
synonymous with the feudal regime, governmental regime, [or] military regime, and that,
whatever phraseology is used, doing away with farm-rent and lending at interest would
8
eliminate the last vestiges of the ancient slavery, and, with them, the sword of the
executioner, the hand of justice, the club of the policeman, [and] the gauge of the customs
Marx disagreed vehemently, and, during the time he was working on volume one of
Capital, was especially concerned to combat the influence of Proudhons ideas within the
exploitation as just another form of rent-seeking or extortion, misled the labouring classes in
exploitation into a moral problem of rentiers accruing and abusing their power over the
the conservatism of pre-capitalist labour relations. Neither could it account for the novelty of
Rather than being an index of the persistence of the pre-capitalist world, Marx argued
that exploitation takes a novel form under capitalism. As Marx puts it, as a producer of alien
in its energy, measurelessness, and effectiveness all earlier systems of production based on
direct forced labour (1976, p. 425). This is what Marx wants to elucidate: modern workers
freely and more effectively and energetically do what ancient peoples had to enslave others
to get done. In the French edition, he calls this the great secret of modern society (1989, p.
143).
This secret lies in the market for labour-power, and in capitals exploitation of labour-
power via the wage contract. Labour-power is, Marx claims, a very special commodity. It is a
source not only of value, but of more value than it itself has (Marx, 1976, p. 301). This claim is
9
now generally dismissed, even by many Marxists. It has fallen before the criticism that, in a
growing economy, any basic commodity adds more value than is required to reproduce that
commodity; corn, therefore, is exploited at the same rate as labour-power (Roemer, 1982, chap.
6, appendix). This criticism is too clever by half, however (Schweikart, 1989). If we take the
method of production as given, the quantity of any non-labour material of production will
determine the quantities of all other non-labour inputs. For example, if we know how shoes are
manufactured, a given quantity of rubber for the soles, or of leather for the uppers, will
determine exactly how many shoes can be made, and how much of each of the other material
inputs will be required. The quantity of labour-power purchased, however for example, one
days labour will determine nothing, since how much actual labour one can wring from the
Therefore, Marx argues, the institution of the labour market motivates a dynamic and
expansive mode of production. Having purchased labour-power on the market and for a fixed
period, the capitalist wants to extract the maximum possible advantage from this purchase
while he or she can dispose of it (Marx, 1976, p. 342). Because the length and intensity of the
working day are indeterminate, and because the capitalist can only realize a profit by selling the
produce of labour, and because the surplus realized by the capitalist takes the form of money, of
which one can always have more, capitalist production gives rise to a boundless need for
surplus labour. Cases of frightful overwork were abnormal and exceptional in the pre-modern
world, but overwork is normal, proper, and essential for the capitalist world (Marx, 1976, p.
345). This conclusion is confirmed, Marx argues, by the existence of laws limiting labour-time.
Even though it is in the general interest of capital to keep the exploitation of labour-power within
sustainable limits, the collective action problem inherent in production for the competitive
10
market makes it impossible for capitalists to limit overwork voluntarily. Workers are equally
powerless to independently establish a limit to the workday. Only a law of the state, an
overpowering social deterrent, can control overwork under capitalism (Marx, 1976, pp. 4156).
Setting limits to the working day is not the end of the story. The expenditure of labour-
power can be intensified, and the labour process can be transformed by dividing and
mechanizing the labour. This ongoing revolution in the mode of production obliterates the
traditional forms and cyclical time of labour (Booth, 1991; Postone, 1993, chap. 5; Sohn-Rethel,
1978, pt. III). Hence, according to Marx, the capitalist use of labour-saving machinery, instead of
reducing labour-time, sweeps away all customary and natural limits to the length of the working
day (1976, p. 532). The fight to impose limits on work does not end with the passage of eight-
or ten-hours laws, but is endemic to capitalism because it stems directly from capitals use of
Contrary to what other socialists argued, therefore, the capitalists exploitation of labour
is not of a piece with feudal extortion. The accumulation of capital by the exploitation of labour-
power roots capitalism in the labour market, not in the soil. The mechanisms and dynamics of
capitalist exploitation derive from the impersonal domination of the labour market, not the
personal domination of the local monopolist.9 Hence, capitalist exploitation is open-ended and
flexible, rather than conservative and tradition-bound, and it contains a built-in drive towards
overwork that did not characterize previous forms of exploitation. Capitalist accumulation by
11
3. The prehistory of capital
primitive accumulation would pose a special problem for Marx.10 By tracing the primitive
accumulation of capital back to acts of forceful and fraudulent expropriation, Marx seems to be
erasing his divergence from previously-existing socialist theory. Indeed, many readers of Part
Eight have noticed exactly this problem. Michael Perelman claims, for example, that, Marxs
depiction of primitive accumulation as unfair and brutal stood in contradiction to the main
thrust of Capital, according to which the seemingly fair and objective rule of capital
necessarily leads to exploitation (2000, pp. 2930).11 Jason Read is less categorical, but is
clearly exercised by the same concerns. At times, he claims, Marx appears to argue that
primitive accumulation and the overt violence it involves disappear in the day-to-day relations of
exploitation; while at other times it appears that the violent lawmaking power of primitive
accumulation is merely privatized and brought indoors in the factory (2003, pp. 2829). Saint-
Simonianism, which Marx threw out the front door, seems to have snuck back in the window.
Marxs summary statement of the history of primitive accumulation. Marx says that the rise of
presents itself as the result of a victorious struggle both against seigniorial power, with its
revolting prerogatives, and against the regime of the guilds, with the fetters it placed on
the free development of production and the free exploitation of man by man. But the
knights of industry only supplanted the knights of the sword by exploiting events not of
their own making. They have succeeded by means as vile as those that served the Roman
12
Alongside the contrast between the new industrials and the old knights of the sword, a staple
of Saint-Simonian writing, this is the only place in Capital where Marx uses the Saint-Simonian
phrase, the exploitation of man by man. That he makes these borrowings at just the point
where he begins to discuss the origins of modern private property in the forcible seizure of
common lands and the violent expropriation of both the small proprietors of Britain and the
native peoples of Africa and the Americas calls for closer attention. What close attention reveals,
however, is that, while Marxs language echoes Saint-Simonianism, his claims contradict the
First, Marx reverses the historical tendency, for he denies the Saint-Simonian thesis that
feudalism was more exploitative than capitalism: the rules of the guilds, on the contrary, placed
fetters on the free exploitation of man by man. The Saint-Simonians thought of feudalism as
the rule of military force, a rule that was gradually dismantled by the peaceful rise of the
industrials, which left intact only the feudal remnants of the state and landed property. This is the
narrative taken over and exaggerated by Proudhon. On Marxs telling, however, the old order of
things involved both an industrial hierarchy and guarantees of existence. While the direct
producers were bound to the soil, or [] vassals to another person, they also had immediate
possession of their own means of production, and this gave them a measure of protection. This
older economic order collapsed into the constitutive elements of the capitalist economic
order only because it was undermined by its prime beneficiaries, the lords of the land (Marx,
1976, p. 875). The feudal order gave rise in England, during and after the Wars of the Roses, to
the military means and the pecuniary motives by which the lords would abolish feudal land
tenures and dispossess the peasantry. They thereby also abolished their own personal, feudal
power. In its place, they obtained monetary wealth and private property, and the new forms of
13
impersonal, social power that came with these. The knights of industry did not supplant the
knights of the sword, as the Saint-Simonians thought. Rather, the knights of the sword turned
Marxs second intervention is more decisive, and is contained in the cryptic finale of his
prcis. He says there that the industrial capitalists have succeeded by means as vile as those that
served the Roman freedman to become the master of his patronus. This analogy is obscure but
precise. When Roman slaves were manumitted, their relationship to their master was not broken,
but was transformed into one of a client to a patron. For a freedman to become the master of their
patronus their former master would be a rank betrayal of the client-patron bond, a betrayal
that can only be compared, in Roman law, to a child murdering their own parent. By the act of
manumission, the patron gave to the freedman civil and social life. For the freedman to then
enslave their patron, to take away their civil and social life, is inconceivable.12
Marx, with this striking analogy, claims that the capitalists were the prime beneficiaries
of the lords dispossession of the peasantry, that they owe their status and powers to the lords
abolition of feudalism, but that the capitalists, instead of becoming the lords clientele, usurped
the lords place. The lords may have destroyed feudalism in their pursuit of money and private
property, but the rise of capitalism, in turn, subjected the lords of the land to the rule of the
emancipated capitalists, on whom they are now dependent. This dependency arises from the fact
that, whatever the proportion of surplus-value which the capitalist entrepreneur retains for
himself, or transmits to others [e.g., landlords], he is the one who in the first place appropriates it
in its entirety and he alone converts it into capital (Marx, 1976, p. 710).13 In short, Marxs story
insists that, after the lords betrayed their vassals, abolished feudal power, amassed landed estates,
14
and created the modern proletariat, the rising capitalists, emancipated by the abolition of
feudalism, seized dominion over the landlords who had freed them.
Therefore, contrary to both the Saint-Simonian story and the usual reading of Part Eight,
Marx does not argue that capitalists originally amassed capital via primitive accumulation, and
exploitation. Instead, Marx argues that landlords amassed land through enclosure and
expropriation, thereby creating also the modern class of wage labourers; the capitalists then rose
up between these two classes, coming to dominate both by exploiting the newly available
soil into capital (Marx, 1976, p. 895), but not by making the capitalists the owners of the soil.
Instead, the owners of the soil, the landlords, became dependent, for the cultivation of their land,
upon the capitalists mediation. The producer no longer had possession of the soil, and the
possessor of the soil no longer had access to labour. What had been torn asunder must be
reunited. This is what the capitalist accomplishes by stepping between the landlord and the
workers. The capitalists power does not grow from conquest and plunder. The capitalists power
Marx confirms this reading at the beginning of Chapter 29, when he claims that the story
of expropriation so far told has left unanswered the question, where did the capitalists originally
spring from? Marx answers by claiming that they arose from bailiffs, share-croppers, and free
peasants who were lucky enough to not be expropriated by the land-grabbers, and who were able
to capitalize on the enclosures of common lands and the expropriation of their neighbours by
expanding their field of production, utilizing the commons for pasturage, manuring larger plots,
and employing larger gangs of farm-hands in cooperative labour. Their produce went to market,
15
where it met the demand created by the annihilation of the domestic industry of the
This interpretation is further supported by what Marx wrote elsewhere. Already in 1845,
Marx and Engels had criticized the True Socialists for seeing the extremes of our society in
the opposition of rentiers and proletarians, an opposition belaboured by all moralists since time
immemorial, and resurrected by writers like Saint-Simon (1975, p. 464). Thirty years later,
Marx would insist that the landowners and the capitalists are distinct classes, noting that, in
England, the capitalist is mostly not even the owner of the land on which his factory stands
(2010, p. 343).14 In this relationship between capitalist and landlord, capital dominates. Thus,
Marx criticized Malthus and Ricardo for failing to recognize that industrialization and
cooperative labour the capitalist mode of production made rent differentials dependent upon
differential employments of the land, and on the development and distribution of the forces of
production. Landlords do not dictate terms to capitalists; on the contrary, the rent they can charge
depends upon the capitalists development of industry (Ramirez, 2009). Ricardo famously
argued that corn is not high because a rent is paid, but rent is paid because corn is high (1973,
p. 38). Marx rejoins that exploitation is not high because rent is paid, but rent is paid because
exploitation is high. Landlords can skim off the top only because the capitalist exploitation of
labour-power accumulates a mass of surplus-value sufficient to feed even a class of idle rentiers.
In Marxs own words, Even though landed property can drive the price of agricultural products
above their price of production, it does not depend on this, but rather on the general state of the
market, how far market price rises above the price of production (1981, p. 898). As he put it in
The Civil War in France: the landlord is now but the sleeping partner of the capitalist (Marx,
2010, p. 212).
16
Therefore, Marxs account of primitive accumulation does not undermine his account of
accumulation by exploitation, since capitalists neither carried out the original expropriation of
the producers nor inherited the monopoly power of the landed proprietors who did carry it out.
Capitalists are able to exploit labour-power because they are situated between the expropriated
masses and the few landed proprietors. It is from their position of relative freedom, vis--vis
feudal constraints, that they were able to subjugate not only the poor labourers but also their old
lords, who had delivered capital from its bondage only to become its clients.
Marx calls primitive accumulation the prehistory of capital, in short, not because
capital (or capitalism) has its historical origin in acts of violence and theft, but because modern
industrial capital originates in the opportunistic exploitation of new forms of freedom created by
acts of violence and theft. Violence and theft are prehistoric because they cannot create capital,
but only capitals preconditions.15 Acts of violence and theft are not yet the process of
capitalizing upon the conditions created by violence and theft. Capital requires others to do the
dirty work of creating its preconditions. As we will now see, this is crucial for Marxs
understanding of capitalisms colonial and imperial reach, and for the practical lesson of Part
Eight, how the labouring classes might overcome capital and establish a new mode of
production.
developmentalism is his claim, in Chapter 32, that to continue the old system of small domestic
industry and petty agriculture would be, as Pequeur says judiciously, to decree mediocrity for
all (1976, p. 928). This leads into his infamous claim that capital is the negation of private
17
property grounded in labour, and that the proletarian revolution will be the negation of the
negation (1976, p. 929). Hence, Marx seems to inscribe capitalism in a Hegelian progressive
history, within which primitive accumulation plays the role of the so-called bad side by which
reason works itself out. Elsewhere in Part Eight, however, Marx attacks the stoical peace of
mind of those defenders of the enclosures who argued that they were necessary in order to
produce more labour, or else to establish the due proportion between arable land and pasture
(1976, pp. 8889). These arguments excuse the atrocities of primitive accumulation by reference
to the economic progress they made possible, precisely what Marx is accused of doing. Since it
seems churlish to accuse Marx of such blatant self-contradiction and in the span of a mere
thirty pages it is only fair to see if Chapter 32 might be better interpreted in a different light.
If one leaves aside all preconceptions everything one knows about Marxs Hegelian
historicism Marxs point in Chapter 32 is simply that there is no going back. The workers
movement has to accept socialized production and organize to expropriate the capitalist class, not
attempt to retrieve the modes of production capital has displaced. The question is: what, if not
normative developmentalism, provides the directionality here? What has happened that
Here it is crucial to note that Chapter 32 is sandwiched between two chapters in which
Marx outlines the role of the modern state in primitive accumulation. There is a massive
literature devoted to Marxs understanding of the state. The better representatives of this
literature distinguish between two models of the state in Marx (Hunt, 1984, chap. 23;
Sanderson, 1963). The first, most commonly associated with the Marxist theory of the state,
figures the state as an instrument of class domination. The second figures the state as a parasite,
striving for or achieving a sort of independence vis--vis the bourgeoisie (Hunt, 1984, p. 4). I
18
argue that Part Eight of Capital contains a third model of the state, one that integrates elements
of the instrumental and parasitic models: the state as dependent agent of capital. The state is
parasitic in that it depends upon the accumulation of capital (as I will discuss below), and this
dependency accounts for both the states relative autonomy from the actually existing class of
capitalists, and for its very imperfect instrumental relation to capital as such. The state under
capital is self-activating but subservient, a servile and corrupt henchman rather than a free agent.
This relationship between the state and capital is crucial for understanding what Marx calls
systematic primitive accumulation (Marx, 1976, p. 915), one manifestation of which is E.G
Marx claims that the state has been the agent of all the methods of systematic primitive
accumulation, without exception (1976, p. 915). Under the colonial regimes, the states of
Europe plundered the rest of the world, stealing means of production and labour-power on a
massive scale. They thereby gave a great boost to navigation and commerce. Also, the
treasures directly extorted outside Europe by the forced labour of indigenous peoples reduced to
slavery, by embezzlement, pillage, and murder flowed back to the mother-country in order to
function as capital there. Colonial expeditions and commercial wars were financed by the
selling of public bonds. This system of state finance gave rise to a market for speculators, to
national banks, and to a system of taxation that contains within itself the germ of automatic
progression. Taxes, in turn, together with protective tariffs, ruined the remnants of the petty
Artisans, peasants, and indigenous peoples were simply overwhelmed by these state-led
initiatives, in the mother country and in the colonies. As even so committed a partisan of the
petty producers as Craig Calhoun has admitted, radical mobilizations of traditional communities
19
fell apart whenever they extended much beyond the range of direct, person-to-person communal
ties (2012, p. 98). Local resistances were not in the same league as the powers they sought to
resist, which were organized at the national and international level, and were capable of
Marx does not try to explain how the state came to have an interest in the accumulation
of capital. He does, however, indicate mechanisms by which this interest is preserved and
recreated. The relationship between tax revenues and public indebtedness is one such
mechanism. Once the feudal ties have been severed, the central state can only act insofar as it
can pay its agents, and buy the weapons and other implements with which those agents enact the
states sovereign will.16 The modern state acts with money. It can acquire the money with which
it acts only if capital continues to accumulate within the territory it controls. This dependency of
the state upon capital accumulation holds whether one looks to tax revenues or to public
borrowing, and whether the government is despotic, constitutional, or republican (Marx, 1976,
p. 919). In Michael Heinrichs formulation, the material foundation of the state is thus directly
connected to the accumulation of capital; no government can get past this dependency (2012, p.
212).
Dependency is not passivity; the state is not a passive instrument of the bourgeois class,
but a servant of capital. Servants might anticipate their masters desire, or try to stay on the
masters good side while doing as little as possible, or try to play one master off against another.
Servitude demands strategic and opportunistic action, not passivity (Scott, 1990). Hence,
whenever the conditions of capital accumulation are threatened, we should expect the modern
state to act for the sake of securing those conditions, however irrational or superstitious its
20
Marx argues, against the doux commerce thesis, that colonial and imperial conquest are
the predictable outcome of this dependence of the state upon capital. Capital can only pursue
capitals dependent agent, the state executes and enforces the expropriations that capital needs
but cannot itself carry out. Hence, Marxs sarcastic invocation of doux commerce to
characterize the treachery, bribery, massacre, and meanness of Dutch colonial administration
in Celebes, Java, and Malacca (1976, p. 916). The methods of systematic primitive accumulation
colonialism, protectionism, confiscatory taxation, and so forth are not crude anachronisms in
an era of peaceful commerce. They are predictable consequences of the states having entered
This account of the states role in primitive accumulation is the crucial context for Marxs
Chapter 32. The negation of the producers possession of the means of production is also the
creation of agencies with both the power and the interest to destroy petty production. On the one
hand, the development of capitalist large industry erodes the skill base of petty production and
decimates demand for its products. On the other hand, the modern state, bound to the fortunes of
capital, pursues tax, tariff, and colonial policies that abridge the transitional phases to the
capitalist economic order by means of a pitiless vandalism, spurred on by the most infamous
motives, the passions most sordid and most hateful in their pettiness (Marx, 1976, p. 928).
The negation of the negation, the destruction of these agencies of industrial capital and
the modern state, cannot, argues Marx, be achieved by petty producers, traditional communities,
or experiments in communitarian cooperation. Rather, it can only result from the creation of a
new agency, with the power and the interest to destroy capitalist industry and the modern state.
Marx thinks that the increasing concentration of capitalist wealth, the progressive deskilling and
21
collectivization of labour, and the relative immiseration of the class of labourers dependent upon
wages all conspire to make that class of labourers, and only that class, capable of overthrowing
capitalism. The masses, unable to satisfy their needs except through cooperative, industrialized
labour, have the means, via their revolutionary combination, to expropriate a few usurpers
(Marx, 1976, pp. 92930). This coincidence of motive and means is the material condition for
overcoming capitalism.
For Marx, this conclusion is underscored by the situation in the British settler colonies, to
machinery and money cannot command labour that is, to act as capital where the bulk of the
soil is still public property, and every settler on it can therefore turn part of it into his private
property and his individual means of production (Marx, 1976, p. 934). Capital, to be capital,
needs primitive accumulation to occur. The cure for the anti-capitalist cancer of the colonies
(Marx, 1976, p. 938), according to Wakefield, is for the government of the mother country to set
an artificially high price on the land at the frontier, and use the money generated from the sale of
this land to import new labouring settlers. Thereby, the government can establish the conditions
of capital accumulation. This is systematic colonization, a policy taken up for a time by the
Wakefields plan carries a political lesson for Marx. The states interest in capital
accumulation implies that, wherever worker colonies or other efforts to escape from wage-labour
might actually endanger capital, worker separatists will confront not only the difficulties inherent
in the organization of a new moral world, but also governmental policies backed by force of
arms. Hence, the story of Wakefields discovery is an allegory about the necessity of large-scale
political action to overcome capitalism. From the founding of the International Workingmens
22
Association, Marxs hope was that the organization might succeed in re-electrifying the
political movement of the English working class (Marx to Engels, 1 May 1865; 1987, p. 150).
Marx incessantly promoted within the IWMA the view that labourers should organize
themselves by and for the sake of intervening in politics at the level of the state for the sake of
dismantling the state. The end of Capital is one more piece of this advocacy. Without openly
calling for a revolutionary movement to seize and overthrow the state, Marx nonetheless builds a
5. Conclusion
To sum up: the criticism directed at Marxs conception of primitive accumulation miss
the mark. Marx does not confine primitive accumulation to the past, or to the frontiers of
capitalism, but always anterior to the specific operations of capital. Capital cannot carry out
primitive accumulation, even though it needs primitive accumulation in order to create the
conditions in which alone it can operate. Hence, capital cannot be the only agent of capitalism;
some other agency or agencies has to do the dirty work. In the case of England, the original
agents of primitive accumulation were the lords of the land. In general, however, the primary
agent of primitive accumulation has been and continues to be the state. Hence, also, Marx does
his fellow socialists to adopt a realist conception of the modern state. Dependent upon capital
accumulation for its operations, the state can be expected to outflank and destroy efforts to
escape from or stave off the capitalist mode of production. The magnitude of the states power,
and the reliability with which that power is utilized to foster the conditions of capital
23
accumulation, indicate to Marx that the workers must unite in large numbers and carry out a
political struggle to dismantle the state and expropriate the capitalist class.
If the stakes here were only the interpretation of Marxs chapters on primitive
accumulation, this defense of Marx would be of limited import. But if Part Eight of Capital is
not as Eurocentric and developmentalist as the new standard reading claims, then the conclusions
of Marxs argument cannot be dismissed. Perhaps Marx did not produce, in primitive
accumulation, a useful conceptual tool, which can be taken out of its context, sharpened and
cleaned up, and then put to our own uses. Perhaps his argument regarding primitive
Indeed, Marxs argument directly challenges the theoretical and political tendencies of
the contemporary critics of primitive accumulation. To be clear, these critics hold diverse not
to say contradictory views. They do not form a single theoretical school or political party.
Nonetheless, the framework of their critique of primitive accumulation indicates certain broadly-
shared assumptions. They assume that capitalism is inherently and violently expansive, or
imperialistic, and that anti-capitalist politics is, on the contrary, essentially a matter of securing
zones of independence from the violent processes by which capitalism develops. Anti-capitalism
suggests a strategy of exit, or an emphasis upon changing the world without taking power.
Hence, also, capitalism appears to be a moral problem, in the sense that a morally-problematic
recourse to violence is its linchpin. It can be overcome only by converting violent others to the
view that non-violent commoning is both morally superior and practically sustainable. The
ligaments of a non-capitalist world are present, therefore, in existing practices of resistance and
24
common-living. The task at hand is to scale up these local practices, and to knit them together in
networks of solidarity and mutual aid. In short, only "the diabolical global complex of war and
destruction and climate change from being subjugated to the democratic authority of the
billions who suffer and die from them (Tully, 2014, p. 244).19
Marxs analysis of primitive accumulation casts grave doubts on this set of assumptions.
If, as per Marx, primitive accumulation is not carried out by capital, then condemning the former
need not touch on the latter. If primitive accumulation is the prehistory of capital, then the
predictable consequence (Ince, 2013, chap. 1). If the state is dependent upon capital
accumulation, then we should expect both that the more sovereignty communities enjoy, the
more pressure these communities will face to open up their settlement lands to exploitation as
an economic solution (Coulthard, 2014, p. 77), and that the prevalence of democratic authority
will not make a whit of difference in this dynamic. If the state is the servile agent of capital, then
we can expect that alternative ways of life will be easily tolerated so long as they pose no threat
to the accumulation of capital, and will face the full repressive power of the state if they do seem
to threaten that accumulation. If this is a credible hypothesis about state action, then it is not a
Finally, if Marx was right about primitive accumulation, it is not the desire to secure a
form of life outside of capitalism that contains the germ of a post-capitalist world, but the need
for large-scale, even global, cooperation. Making this world requires not a refusal of the
technologically- and institutionally-mediated interdependency capitalism has foisted upon us, but
25
an acceptance of it as our fate. Pre-capitalist modes of life and cooperation may well inform and
inspire both anti-capitalist struggle and post-capitalist society, but since they grew up in response
extremely surprising if they were, as such, up to the task of governing a post-capitalist world. In
short, there is no reason to think that any of us know how to live in a post-capitalist and post-
imperialist way. Hence, there is no reason to think that converting others is the political task at
hand. To what would we convert them? Capitalism poses not a moral or ethical problem, but a
practical and political one. Surmounting this problem does not require a new or common ethical
It should not surprise us that Marxs argument runs so directly against current concerns
with primitive accumulation. The contemporary critique is, after all, a reiteration of the socialism
and mutualism against which Marx constructed his own critical theory of capital, the Saint-
Simonian theory of exploitation cast in new language. This is the evergreen anti-capitalism of
William Thompson, William Morris, and Peter Kropotkin (2014, pp. 235, 239). He does not
declaims against all predation, fraud, and violence, and imagines that it thereby rejects capital.
Marxs argument, however, is that capital, too, condemns all predation, fraud, and violence.
Unlike reactionary radicalism, however, capital knows how to benefit from that which it
condemns, and the states dependency upon economic growth guarantees that predation, fraud,
and violence will continue to be regularly visited upon those without the institutional resources
to prevent it.
26
1
Robert Nichols has recently argued that an irony of the debates over primitive accumulation is
that, while this is supposed to be a Marxist concept, it actually derives from Adam Smith. As
Nichols writes: In The Wealth of Nations, Smith spoke of an accumulation of stock that must
be previous to the division of labour. When Marx translated this into German, he rendered it as
die sogenannte ursprngliche Akkumulation, and then, when Das Kapital was translated into
English, it became primitive accumulation. Not only are the main terms (previous,
ursprnglich and primitive) not direct equivalents, but Marx distances himself from association
with the idea through his use of the qualifier so-called (2015, p. 27, n. 1).
I think a close look at the textual history indicates, on the contrary, that primitive
accumulation is a Marxist concept through-and-through, deriving none of its sense from Smith.
While Nichols may well be right that ursprngliche Accumulation originated as Marxs
translation of Smith into German, this did not become primitive accumulation when Das
Kapital became Capital, but when it became Le Capital. This matters because the French
translation of 1872-5 was entirement revise par lautour (Marx and Engels, 1989, p. 3).
Marx himself, then, bears responsibility for the transformation of what had been the second
section of chapter six, Die s.g. Ursprngliche Accumulation, and then chapter twenty-four,
primitive.
2
In this camp, De Angelis includes Lenin, Dobb, Sweezy, and Brenner, among others.
3
In addition to Amin, the Subaltern Studies Group, Luxemburg and Wallerstein are important
27
5
The influence of Karl Polanyi is patent in this formulation of the issue.
6
Normative developmentalism is Coulthards phrase (2014, p. 9); natural economy is
extortion. He denies only that these capture the capitalist exploitation of labour-power in its
specificity. This is not the place to enter into a full reconstruction of Marxs understanding of
capitalist exploitation and its relation to force and compulsion. This issue is a fraught one within
Marxological debates. One of the important current debates pits those who focus on the
specificity of capitalist property relations and the exploitation of wage labour (Robert Brenner,
Ellen Meiksins Wood, George Comninel, and others) against those who insist upon the
heterogeneity of forms of labour within capitalisms global ambit (Jairus Banaji, Neil Davidson,
Ashley Smith, and others). Without imagining that it gets to the bottom of the differences
dividing these scholars, drawing the distinction between capital and capitalism as this essay does
illuminates the debate, which can be more polemical than edifying. Those who follow Brenner
tend to reduce capitalism to the operations of capital, and thereby to cast anything involving
obviously encompasses all manner of slave labour, debt servitude, and colonial predation, and
then draw the inference that capital may just as well enslave labour as hire it. Both sides, in
short, collapse Marxs distinction between capital and capitalism. Clearly distinguishing between
28
the two may, therefore, allow for a more productive exchange. For a sense of the debate, see the
against the central presumption of the rest of Capital, the immanent criticism of political
the first owner of all the wealth of the community (Hodgskin, 1973, p. 98; quoted by Marx,
1976, p. 914).
14
Marxs statement, in this context, that the monopoly of land ownership is the basis of the
monopoly of capital may appear to contradict my thesis, but does not. Only where the land has
been consolidated into private property in the hands of a few are the mass of people reduced to
propertylessness, and only then can the capitalist, owning the means of labour and renting the
land, arise. As a necessary concomitant of mass expropriation, and a necessary condition for
capitalist intermediation, the monopoly in landed property is a basis for capitalism without being
constitutive of capital.
15
Unlike Amin and Harvey, Marx never calls primitive accumulation the prehistory of
capitalism. Only this phrase, and not Marxs, would imply that primitive accumulation is
29
16
The extent to which state agents will carry out their mandates simply because they are paid to
do so should not be underestimated. Legitimation and patriotic fervour are, often enough, simply
of Capital in order to disguise its revolutionary conclusion from German censors (Marx, 1968,
pp. 541, 17059). Despite the lack of any positive evidence for this thesis, Rubel could not
believe that Marxs final words would be a historical chapter that ended and concluded the
work with the defeat of the proletariat (Marx, 1968, p. 1706). It did not occur to him that defeat
language of this characterization from across the range of the authors discussed; (see, especially:
Coulthard, 2014, pp. 16579; Harvey, 2004, pp. 7583; Midnight Notes Collective, 1990, pp. 7
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