Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Th1. One
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l ,
Copyrighted material
A. P. KAZHDAN AND
ANN HARTON EPSTEIN
(') 1985 by
The Regents of the University of California .
First Paperback Printing 1990
Library of Congre 5 Cataloging in Publication Data
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Copyrighted material
CONTENTS
[.ist of Dlustrations IX
Abbreviations X1II
Acknowledgments xvii
Introduction XIX
15. Athens, Little Metropolis, general view from the southeast, late
12th c.
16. Cyprus, Lagoudera" Panagia Arakou, general view of the interior
to the east showing Virgin Eleousa and Christ as proskynetaria
flanking the apse, 1192; the iconostasis is an early modern
addition.
17. Cyprus, near Paphos, Enkleistra of St. Neophytos, processional
icon of the Virgin, late 12th c.
18. Kastoria, Mavriotissa Monastery, detail of the Koimesis on the
west wall of the nave, late 11th c.
19. Cyprus, Kato Lefkara, Church of the Archangel, apse, the infant
Christ as the eucharistic saoifice, third quarter of the 12th c.
20. Istanbul, St. Sophia, m aic, Virgin and Child in the central apse,
probably 867.
21. Pari, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. grec. 139, David singing in a
bucolic setting, fol. Iv I 10th c.
22. Mount Athos, cod. 587, fot. 116r, St. Symeon the
Stylite, mid-ll th c.
23. Hosios Loukas in Phokis, vault mosaic, Christ and the Virgin,
early lIth c. .
24. Vatican, Barb. gr. 372, fol. Sr, Constantine X Doukas and Eudokia
with their son Michael or Constantine, 1060.
25. Istanbul, Zeyrek Camii, the Pantokrator Monastery, plan, early
12th c.
26. Vatican, Barb. gr. 372, Barberini Psalter, the raising of Hezekiah
on a shield, fol. 3Ov, probably 1092.
27. Cyprus, Asinou, Panagia Phorbiotissa, south conch of narthex,
St. George, late 12th c.
28. Budapest, National Museum, crown with Constantine IX, the
empresses Zoe and Theodora, and dancing girls, 1042-55.
29. Mount Athos, Stauronikita cod. 43, fol. 11r, author portrait of
Mark, third quarter of the 10th c.
30. Vatican, PaJ. gr. 431, Joshua Roll, detail including the
personification of Mount Ebal, 960s (?).
31. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. gr. 139, fol. 5v, David's
,r eception, %05 (?).
32. Cappadocia, Goreme Valley, Tokah Kilise, New Church, Peter
anointing the deacons, mid-10th c.
33. Cleveland, Museum of Art, cod. acc. no. 42, 1512, St. Matthew,
mid-11th c.
List of Illustrations Xl
ABBREVIATI ONS
PERIOD ICALS
AB Ana/eela Bollandiana
ABull Art Bulletin
ADSV Anticnaja drevnost' i srednie veka
A/A American Journal of Archaeology
Arch. Archeologija
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BS Byzantinoslavicn
Byz. Byzantion
Byz. Bu/g. Byzantinobulgaricn
Byz. Forsch . Byzantinische Forscl/Ungen
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CA Cahiers archeologiques
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EEBS Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon
EO Echos d'Orient
GRBS Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies
lRAIK Izvestija Russkogo Arche%giceskogo lnstituta v
Konstantinopole
Izv. Arch. Inst. lzvesti;a IIa Archeologiceskija lnstitut
.. ..
JOB Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik
PPSb Pravoslavnyj Pa/estinski; sbomik
REB Revue des etudes byzantines
RESEE Revue des etudes sud-est europeeltnes
TM Travaux et memoires
I
,
INTRODUCTION
end that we have overdramatized the change that took place in Byzan-
tium. Lf we have, it is in a to timuJate discus ion of both the
structural shifts in the empire and the means of identifying the e basic
development .
The sources for Byzantine history are limited. Th r are no day tab-
I t hopping list or papyru hipping accounts. Only a few monastic
archive . with docum nt concerning land donations and peas-
ant taxe , and of date from th first half of the fourteenth
century. The works of Byzantin historians are usually reliable, but often
they provid information rather than insight, facts rather than percep-
tions. Developments in the form and emphasis of the e histories have
proved more useful for identifying changes in society than have the po-
tempted to interpret in these forms not only shifts in subject matter but
also reflections of the broader patterns of the culture. This way of look-
ing at art is new to us. By no means have we seen all that can be seen.
Our essay represents only an initial effort in using art as a historical
document.
ject of the book. When they do occur in our volume, they usually
due to final revisions. Dates of emperors and other prominent individu-
als have been included in the index. We ask the readers' forbearance in
re peel to any failures of and hope that they wi)] remember
how many more troublesome difficulties we had to overcome, being per-
sons of different ages, backgrounds, and fields of study .
of the Late Roman Empire in 395. But neither date satisfactorily fixes a
moment of transition. The division of the empire in 395 was by no
means final, and Constantinople remained an imperial residence rather
than the capital of the empire until at least the mid-fifth century. The
essence of the matter is that the Late Roman Empire, despite all its al-
terations, remained an ancient state, with life focused on the city the
polis or municipium. Culture remained predominantly urban in character.
The seventh century was more critical to the evolution of medieval so-
ciety than was the fourth. It was then that, by and large, this ancient,
mban way of life disappeared. Of course not all cities ceased to exist in
the seventh century. Nor was urban decline limited to the seventh cen-
tury; already in the sixth century, city life wa losing its cultural impor-
tance. Moreover, the a isis of the ancient polis took different forms in dif-
ferent regions. The seventh century is simply a crude demarcation for
this shift, though one with a rationale: the Byzantine Empire was differ-
ently clad after the seventh century than it had been before.
Many basic changes in the culture of the eastern Mediterranean oc-
curred dwing this period. Numismatic evidence suggests that dwing
the second half of the seventh century and throughout the eighth cen-
tury a barter economy became increasingly important, I as it did in the
West over the significantly longer time that has been disdainfully labeled
the Dark Ages. Archaeologists have demonstrated the d esertion of many
provincial cities from the mid-seventh century onward. Even in Con-
stantinople building activity was limited to modest repair work. The gap
in literary production is particularly appalling: not only were historians
silent after the middle of the seventh century, but even the hagiog-
rapheTs, writers in the dominant genre of the Middle Ages, cannot claim
any notable literary achievements until the end of the eighth century.
Perhaps an analysis of the social background of the heroes of hagi-
ography will shed ome light on the shift in the seventh century. Many
saints of the fourth to sixth centuries originated in an urban milieu-
both in large cities such as Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, and
in smaller po/eis like Emesa, Apameia, Pecge, Edessa, and Chalcedon.
Very fewaints of this period can be shown to have been connected with
the peasantry. Theodore of Sykeon, who died at the beginning of the
seventh century, is harbinger of a change: he was a peasant himself, and
1. C. Foss, ''The Persians in Asia Minor and the End of Antiquity," The En-
glish Historical Review 357 (1975), 728 - 42; Ch. Bouras, "City and Village: Urban
Design and Architecture:' lOB 31 /2 (1981),615.
his vita shows a close concern with the problems of the country life.
Among saints of the seventh to ninth centuries a few may be associated
directly with Constantinople, and fewer still with Thessaloniki. Smaller
provincial towns rarely appear in the hagiographic scene. Theodore of
Edessa and Elias the Younger of Heliopolis seem to be the only genuine
townspeople within this group, but, quite typically, both of these saints
lived beyond the imperial frontier. During the same period a significant
number of saints stemmed from peasant families (e.g., David, Symeon,
and George of Mytilene, Demetrianos of Cyprus, Euthymios the Younger,
loannikios the Great, Philaretos), were children of country priests, or
belonged to the country gentry. The provincial polis, so picturesquely
described in the vita of Symeon the Fool, Z virtually disappeared from
hagiography after the seventh century; its absence corresponds to the
disappearance of city life on the periphery of the empire.
The microstructures and cultural values of urban civilization simi-
larly went into abeyance. Ancient civilization was open and public. City
life concentrated on the marketplace, the theater, and the circus. It was
found in the broad porticos flanking the main streets. In Byzantium aU
public forllls of life were radically recast. Traditional city planning based
on the Greco-Roman gridiron system was abandoned, and trading often
centered on the narrow, organic alleys of medieval sites. The last de-
fense of the theater was voiced in the sixth century thereafter the the-
ater was equated with paganism and with moral decadence. ) The circus,
too, was abandoned, or at least it lost its social significance. Public baths
ceased to function. Not only were public libraries and "universities"
dosed, but the book itself acquired a new shape, the codex, better fitted
for reference work and for individual use than the ancient roll, which
required two hands to hold and which for the most part was read aloud.
Silent reading without Up movement began to become more common
around 400 St. Augustine was still amazed when he saw St. Ambro-
sius reading a book silently to himself.
Concur.rently, basic social structures also changed. The family, so
loose and feeble during the last centuries of the Roman Empire, became
2. L. Ryden, Das Leben des Jteiligm Narren Symeon von u '.Ontio tlOII NeaTmlis
increasingly tightly knit from the sixth century on, functioning as the
nucleus of society. The ancient gens, or clan, Jost any ignificance, and
even the usage of the nomen gentile, or family name, was abandoned.
Practically, the nuclear family was the essential social microstructure,
but ideologically the Byzantines went even further, proclaiming celibacy
and virginity as the highe t social ideal.
Life became increasingly constricted. In antiquity the typical upper-
class dwelling had be n open to nature. Even urban houses had cen-
tered On an impluvium, which introduced fresh air and rain into the in-
terior; a small garden had also usually been part of the house, and,
further, natllralistic floor mosaics and frescos had shown plants and ani-
mals indoors. In Byzantium the open habitat was apparently replaced by
two- or thtee-story building with little interior open space. The only
courtyard appears to have been that cut from the space of the public
street, although the roof may have been used for domestic purposes.
The ground floor seem to have be n given over to utilities storage
rooms or even a donkey-drawn mill.~
Increa ing self-isolation is also evident in the Byzantines' spiritual
life. Religious rit1lal was progressively deprived of its public features.
With the popularization of Christianity, reHgion wa . transferred from
the open space of the public altar to the enclosed space of the church
building. Perhaps to compensate, the church interior came to be inter-
preted by theologians and probably the people too a a microcosm; the
annual, weekly, and daily liturgies ted the cyclical nature of
time. Early ecclesiastical entries that had moved between the e terior
and the interior of the church were incorporated within the structure.
The scale of sanctuaries changed equally dramatically. The voluminous
monument of the sixth century had no counterparts of equal ize in
later centurie .
o cond mn the seventh and eighth centuries as a Dark Age of
decline and collapse would be misleadingly simplistic. Ba ic internal
changes occurred under the tumultuous surface of history, proces es so
broad that they largely escaped the attention of contemporaries and still
remain unclear to modern scholars. For instance, it may be plausibly
sug ested that the crisis of the urban civilization of the seventh century
coincided with an upsurge of the importance of villages. Unfortunately
the archaeological study of the countryside in Asia Minor or in Greece is
in its infancy; work in the Crimea, however, indicates that the decline of
Late Roman Cherson was concurrent with the flourishing of local vil-
lages in the eighth century.'
Diet and agriculture may also have changed. Little evidence survive
concerning Byzantine food consumption. Nonetheless, a comparison of
the figures established by E. Patlagean for bread consumption in the
Late Roman Empire with those for the eleventh and twelfth centuries
shows a sharp decrease in the amount of bread eaten. 6 This reduction
may have been at least in part due to Byzantium's loss of Egypt and
North Africa during the seventh century; these had been the two most
important sources of grain in the Roman Empire. Other Byzantine gran-
aries were also lost. Sicily was e.ized by the Arabs by the ninth century,
and the steppes on the Black Sea coast were also removed from imperial
control for a time. Did these changes lead to food shortages and an in-
creased danger of starvation, or was the diminishing grain supply re-
placed by other varieties of nourishment? We can only speculate on the
answer. Several registers available for Late Roman Asia Minor and neigh-
boring islands show serious underdevelopment in sheep and cattle
breeding. Yet at a later medieval date foreigners expressed surprise at
the number of cattle in 'Byzantium and especially at the large herds on
7
the Aegean islands. If a change did take place, is it pos ible to deter-
mine when?
The Fanner's Law may provide significant reflections on change, al-
8
though the document is notoriously problematic. We know neither the'
date nor the place of its promulgation nor what its exact nature was.
Whether the Fanner's Law was a state regulation or a collection of local
customs is unclear. Exactly how broad or narrow was the geographical
sphere of its application is also unknown. It is generally recognized,
however, that the Farmer's Law was issued sometime in the seventh or
the eighth century. Since olive trees are not mentioned in the text, it is
likely that the FaJiner's Law related to inland areas (of Asia Minor?). The
lack of any mention of horses and the frequent references to wild beasts
and forests suggest a mountainous region. In any case, the Farmer's Law
While provincial urban life disappeared and rural society was sim-
plified, there was some continuity of sociaJ organization in the capital.
Most notably, elements of the state bureaucracy survived. The ruling
class seems to have been unstable, loose, and fraught with the insecuri-
ties of vertical mobility. Only rarely did children inherit their fathers' ad-
ministrative positions. At least within the imperial circle relatives were
regarded as competitors rather than as later the natural supporters
of the ruler. Thus it appears that the first concern of an emperor was to
mutilate his brothers and uncles in order to frustrate their ambitions.
The history of the seventh century is fuU of the bloody maiming of impe-
rial relations. Among the more bizarre instances of this habit is that of
Justinian H, whose nose was cut off after his deposition, but who man-
aged to regain the throne and take his revenge on those who had de-
throned and mangled him.
It is very hard to determine the values held by this unstable elite offi-
cialdom. Neither noble origin, nor martial prowess, nor fealty, nor large
landholdings, nor trade profit were regarded in themselves as virtues.
Saints' vitae sometimes mention the noble origin of their subjects and
the wealth of their parents, but this may be a topos. Theophanes, the
leading historian of the early ninth century, is very careful in his use of
the teIU' "noble" (eugenes). According to Maximos the Confessor'S vita,
the saint belonged to an ancient and noble family, yet this noble heritage
is not mentioned by Theophanes. In contrast, Theophanes calls Muham-
med's spouse ellgenes, although he could not have intended to flatter the
wife of the Moslem "pseudo-prophet." Nor was Theophanes enamored
of military heroism; for instance, he did not hesitate to describe victories
won by Constantine V, whom the historian styled "dung-named"
(kopronymos), the "worst" among the hated Iconoclast emperors. Mer-
cantile activity was also regarded as valueless. In the mid-ninth century
Emperor Theophilos ordered the ship of his wife, Theodora, to be
burned with all its freight. He was disgusted with the empress's trading
interests and wished to avoid being called "shipowner" or "captain."
Contemporary definitions of the Byzantine elite are very rare, espe-
cially in this period. Therefore an edict issued by Empress Eirene that
classes elites is particularly valuable. She included in her group of
"honorable" persons the clergy, two strata of officials (the archons and
the so-called po/itellomenoi), soldiers, and those who lived in piety. lo In
fact, piety remained the only universally acknowledged value of social
ethics; it tended to be substituted for aU the fragile, mundane values of
10. L. Burgmann, "Die Novellen der Kaiserin Eirene," Fontes minores 4
(1981), 20.54-56.
the ancient world. The unage of the holy man as an ideal of social behav-
ior acquired tremendous significance. Although this image was a cre-
ation of an earlier age, it had grown enorillously in stature by the eighth
century, even overshadowing the image of the ideal emperor. 11 Concur-
rently, the eighth century witnessed the expansion of the cults of relics
and of icons a veneration that at times took peculiar and exaggerated
fo][ns.
Because urban centers contracted and the provincial "small aristoc-
racy" practically disappeared, there was no stable layer between the bu-
reaucratic elite of the capital, supported by salaries, imperial grants,
extortions, and bribes, and the working population, which consisted
largely of legally independent peasants. Peasants fonned the village
community, but the integrity of the Byzantine village community re-
mained rather loose. The Byzantine countryside, which is for the most
part stony and hilly, supported labor-intensive agriculture (vineyards,
gardens, olive trees). 12 With irrigation rarely and poorly used and trans-
humance common, conditions did not favor any form of collective labor
or collective supervision of fields. Peasants' lots were s1.JIIounded by
ditches and stone walls; there is no hint of an "open-field" system. The
plow was light and wheelless, of the so-called ard-type, requiring only
two oxen (in contrast, eight-oxen teams were common in northern Eu-
rope). In the East, consequently, peasants had no reason for pooling
their efforts to the soil. The basic social unit of the countryside was
the nuclear family supported by close relatives and neighbors. Neigh-
bors might even obtain an enlarged uSllfiUct, including the rights to
mow grass or collect chestnuts on neighboring allotments. The village
could act communally at fetes and in danger, but this unity was not or-
ganic, and the conununity was atomized, consisting of isolated families.
The wealth of Byzantium was dependent largely on the peasants. Of
course, no figures exist by which their agricultural contribution to the
Byzantine economy can be calculated, but the general impression is that
from the seventh century the role of craft and trade diminished signifi-
cantly. The number of coins, especially copper pieces, in circulation, dj-
11. P. Brown, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity (Berkeley and Los An-
geles, 1982), esp. 103- 52 and 251-301.
12. No comprehenSive survey of Byzantine agriculture has yet been pub-
lished. Enormous but unsystematized material is presented by Ph. Koukoules,
Vie et civilisation byzantines 5 (Athens, 1952), 245 - 343. Also see A. P. Kazhdan, "Jz
ekonomic~skoj !izni Vizantii XI - XII vV.," VOl 2 (Moscow, 1971), 186- 95; J. L.
Teall. "The Byzantine Agricultural Tradition," DOP 25 (1971), 33- 59.
minished as well, suggesting that Byzantine country life from the sev-
enth to the ninth centuries was based more on a barter economy than on
money.
The peasant were both the taxpayers and the protectors of the fron-
tier. The Roman fiscal machine seems to have decayed by the seventh
century; how taxes were collected after that time j unclear. At any rate,
municipia ceased to be centers of fiscal organization, and repre entatives
of the Constantinopolitan administration assumed the responsibility of
gathering taxes. Since revenues were collected primarily in coin, of
which there was a severe shortage, peasants often had recourse only to
usurer; consequently, tax collectors and moneylenders became the prin-
ciple objects of the people's hatred. Many peasants further supported
the empire as soldiers. Despite the fact that the empire was almost con-
tinuously at war, there was no professional army. The bulk of the rather
large Byzantine army consisted of the so-called stratiotai, whose duty it
was to serve during military campaigns or enemy' . . They sup-
plied their own horses and weapons. During periods of peace, however,
these same men worked their fields and vineyards. Their property was
not significantly larger than a peasant's; this made their burden particu-
larly onerou . Even the scanty surviving sources occasionally preserve
the complaints of poverty-stricken warriors.
Other social and political forms show a general trend toward sim-
plification. During the seventh and eighth centuries Byzantium was di-
vided into new territorial units called themata, or themes. The themes
coincided neither territorially nor administratively with Late Roman
provinces. In contrast to the sophisticated network of civil and military
officials in Late Roman provinces, themes were ruled by a single gover-
nor (strategos) who functioned as judge, tax collector, and commander of
the local militia. Restrictions were impo ed to limit the powers of the
governor: the post could not be inherited, the strategos was not allowed
.to acquire lands within his theme, and the central government tried to
move strategoi constantly from one theme to another. Nevertheless, by
the beginning of the eighth century, these governors had managed to
as ume considerable independence and influence. The political chaos of
the beginning of the eighth century was apparently caused principally
by the strategoi of the la~rger themes, who embroiled. the empire in civil
wars in their lu t for the throne. Especially powerful were the great
themes of Anatolikon, Armeniakon, Thrakesion, and Opsikion.
The Byzantine peasantry of the eighth and ninth centuries had also
become uniform. Whereas Libanius in the fourth century might assert
RECONSOLIDATION:
THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES
Numismatic evidence indicates that an economic revival began in
the first half of the ninth century, primarily in Constantinople and the
coastlands of the Aegean Sea. 1J Culture began to revive around 800. One
. of the signs of its revival was the invention of a new, more rapid means
of writing, the minuscule script. The introduction of a faster mode of
lettering reflected an increased demand for literature. The milieu of this
cultural revival wa consistently monastic: among the intellectuals of the
first haJf of the ninth century, the vast majority we.re "professional"
monks and nuns, that is, persons who assumed the habit in. their youth,
usually in their twenties, rather than on the verge of death. Theoph-
anes, Theodore of the Studios, Joseph of Th ssaloniki, Ka sia, iketas
of Amnia, Patriarch Methodios almost aU the great names of the time
(perhaps with exception of only Patriarch Nikephoro and Deacon Igna-
tios) belong to thi cat gory. The Monastery of Studios wa probably the
most important center of this early revival.
This monastic revival which cannot in any way be called a renais-
sance seems to have developed in reaction to Iconoclasm, an anti-
image movement lasting between 730 and 843 that embodies ideological
and political perspectives then current in Byzantium. Concern over the
worship of icon is expressed as early as the fourth century A.D. Already
at that time the principal positions of the debate had b en defined; the
arguments relating to images were derived from the ancient philoso-
phers. Both the Iconoclasts ("image-breaker ") and the Iconodules ("icon
wor hipers") of the eighth and ninth centuries adopt d the fourth-
century formulas; the most notable feature of the controversy was not
the originality of the opinions expressed but the emotional tension and
iolen e of the debate. What in the fourth century had been an academic
question became from 730 onward a locus of social and cultural con-
frontation. Why?
Iconoda m of the eighth and ninth centuries was directed, first and
foremost, against monastic institutions. Leo III and Constantine V, th
great Iconoclast emperors, along with their followers, did not seek to
acquire monastic lands, since there was no extensive mona tic land-
ownership at the time. Nor did they desire the accrued wealth of the
monasteries. New regulations were not directed at the confiscation of
gold, ilver, and precious stones but rather were aimed at the abolition
13. D. M. Melcalf, Coillo e ill I"e Balkal/5. 820 - 1355 (Thessaloniki, 1965),
17 - 29.
17. The first of them was published by W. Ashburner and I.a t r by F. Di.jlgeT,
Beitrii.'~e zur Gcsclriclrte der byulIltillisc/rclI Filraw:verwaltrlllg (Munich, 1927; reprint:
Darmstadt, 1960), 113 23; the second by J. Karayannopoulos, "Fragmente aus
dem Vademecum eines byzantinischen Finanzbeamten," Po/ycirrOlrioll, Festsclrrift
Franz Do/gel', ed. P. Wirth (Heidelberg, 1966), 321 - 24. For an English transla-
tion, see C. M. Brand, "Two Byzantine Treatises on Taxation, " Traditio 25 ("1%9),
35-60.
1
the treasury, that received half. Thus, at least in this case, no real dis-
tinction was made between the basi/ikon and the demosion.
There is unfortunately no way to calculate what percentage of the
cultivated land in the empire belonged to the imperial demesnes. It
seems likely, however, that imperial possessions increased during the
second half of the ninth century and throughout the tenth century. Em-
peror Basil I is said to have been bequeathed eighty estates (proasteia) by
Danielis, a rich widow in the Peloponnese (Theoph. Cont. 321.9); per-
haps she was an independent ruler there. When in 934 the Byzantine
army moved eastward and conquered the r gion of Melitene, Emperor
Romanos Lakapenos ordered the newly acquired territory be trans-
formed into an imperial curatol)', from which he received considerable
silver and gold (Theoph. Cont. 416.23). lmperial estates are conunonly
mentioned in various sources of the tenth century. For instance, in the
vita of St. Paul of Latros imperial estates in Thrakesion are mentioned as
being administered by a certain protospatharios; 19 the title had extremely
high status at that time, being awarded to theme governors. New cura-
tories were created around 900: Basil I, according to his panegyrist and
grandson Constantine Porphyrogenitus, was not inclined to spend state
resources on his private needs; he therefore decided to establish the "cu-
ratory of Mangana," which provided special agricultural revenues des-
tined for imperial feasts (Theoph. Cont. 337.1-10). Probably during Ro-
manos Lakapenos's reign the "curatory of the palace of Lord Romanos"
was created for much the same reason. Numerous officials were kept
busy administering imperial estates: curators, klematinoi, episkeptitai,
and epi ton oikeiakotl, among others.
Further, in the tenth century the Byzantine state proclaimed its su-
preme right over all the lands of the empire. Leo VI in his Novel 114 as-
serted that property throughout the Byzantine Empire (pan akineton)
was hypodemosios, that is, literally, "put under the treasury" or "due to
taxation." Did Leo consider pan akineton to be in some sense state prop-
erty, or simply taxable property? He clarified his position further by stat-
ing that private property was allowed to individuals who fulfilled state
"burdens." Basil II in the Novel of 996 affirmed that the claims of the ex-
chequer could not be denied through reference to praescriptio long is tem-
poris: the emperor had the right to reclaim all lands that had at any time
belonged to the state, even if they had been in private hands since the
time of Augustus (Zepos, Jus 3: 315.20- 23). Whether or not the notion of
18. P. Noailles and A. Dain, us novelles de lA m VI Ie Sage (PariS, 1944),
197.21 - 24.
19. AB 11 (1892), 138.18.
22. On Constantine VII's novel, see Lemerle, Agrarian History, 116 25.
DECENTRALIZATION AND
"FEUDALIZATION" OF THE
BYZANTINE STATE
The period fTOm the mid-ninth through the early eleventh century
has been traditionally regarded as one of great political and cuJtural re-
surgence due to a sagacious protection of peasants and oldiers by the
emperors of the Macedonian dynasty. I In contrast, the later eleventh and
the twelfth centuries are commonly considered a time of di integration
and collapse. The ignominious defeat of the Byzantine army by the Sel-
juk Turks in 1071 at Manzikert and again in 1176 at Myriokephalon, the
ormans' conque t of southern Italy, completed by 1071, and their cap-
ture of Dyrrachium and Thessaloniki in 1185, the Pechenegs' onslaught of
the eleventh century, and the successfuJ rebellion of the Bulgarians in
the 1180s seem to have presaged the disastrous fall of Constantinople,
the previou Iy unconquered capital of the empire, to the Latins of the
Fourth Crusade in 1204. These military setbacks have been attributed to
the growth of feudal tendencies and to the decentralization of the state.
Likewise, it has been as umed that serious internal political decay was
with a collapse of the economy and a demographic crisis.
Such assllmptions may be questioned.
Even the precarious military situation may perhaps be explained dif-
ferently. Certainly the of Byzantium were not always adequate.
In the third quarter of the eleventh century, the invasions of the Seljuks
in the east, the NO! mans in th west, and the tribes of the steppes in the
north resulted in considerable territorial losses. Con tantinople it elf
5. M. F. Hendy, Coil/age alld MOlley in tire ByUlIltilll! Empire, 1081 - 1261 (Wash-
ington , D.C., 1%9), 14- 25.
6. N. G. Svoronos, Etudes ur I'organjsatioll illteriel/re, In societe et ['economie de
rEmpire by.zantin (London, 1973), part 9, 389; H. Ahnvciler, Erosion sociale Itt com-
porterlllmts excentriques Ii Byzallce aux Xl' -XIIJ' siedes (Athens, 1976), 18f.
7. H. Antoniadis-Bibkou, "Villages descries en Grece," Villages desertes ..'II
Iris toire ocorLomiqul' (Paris, 1965), 364. The author assumes that when a site ceases
to be mention'd in surviving sources it is de erted. In view of the paucity of
contemporary documents, such an argum nt is extremely weak.
8. G. Ostrogorsky, "Radolivo/ ' ZRVI 7 (191),67(. J. Lefort, "Le cadastre de
Radolibo (1103). Les geometre . et leurs mathematiques," TM 8 (1981), 268 - 313.
9. H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, "Problemes d ' hlstoire economique dc Byzance au
XI' iecle: demographic, salaire ct p.rix," 85 28 (1967), 25 , 259f.; "Demog-
raphic, salaircs ct prix a Byzance au Xl' sieele," Annales 27 (1972), 215-46.
10. For a catalogue of the "people's ills" in the eleventh century, N. A. Ska-
baJanovit, Viumtijskoe gosudarstoo i cerkov' v XI veke (St. ,Petersburg, 1884).
250-58, reproduced without notable alterations in Svoronos. Etudes sur I'organisa-
tion interieure, part 9, 348f.
n. OnJy a few local famines are noted. For instance, Nicholas Mouzalon
records a famine on Cyprus in the first half of the twelfth century. In this case
the land produced fruit, but there were no laborers available to harvest it.
S. Doanidou, "He paraite is Nikolaou lou MOllzalon apo les archiepiskope
Kyprou," Hellenika 7 (1934), 136. Nilos. bishop of Tamasia. mentions a famin on
Cyprus at the end of Manuel I's reign, MM 5:395f. For complaints concerning
the lack of grain in Athens and on Chios. Mich. Akom . 2 :41, 237.
12. A. P. Kazhdan. "lz economiteskoj iizni Vizantii Xl - Xll vV.," VOC 2
(Moscow, 1971), 19Of.
13. H. Lamprecht. Untersuchungen iiber eillige englische ChrOtlisten des 12. und
des begimumdtm 13. !ahrhunderts (Torgau, 1927), 117.
14. A. P. Kazhdan. "Brat'ja Ajofeodority pri dvore Manuila Komnina."
ZRV19 (1966), 9If.
15. A. Schaube. Handelsgesclrichte der romaniscllen V iilker des Mittelmeergebietes
his zum E"de der Kreuzzuge (Munich. 1906). 238. 245.
16. S. Studien ZIIr ~'Yumtinisch-jiidisdle" Gesclridlte (Leipzig, 1914), 113.
They used the sickle to harve t their corn, cutting away the ears and leav-
ing the high stalks in the field, protecting their left hands with rough
gloves. The were brought to a threshing floor usuaUy placed at
the top of a hill in order to exploit the wind for winnowing. No flails
were used in threshing; the Byzantines drove donkey and oxen over the
sheaves to separate the grain from the chaff. The animal either trampled
out the grain or dragged a threshing The line from Deuteronomy
25:4, ''Thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth out the corn,"
was frequently quoted by Byzantine rhetoricians. Barley was predomi-
nantly sown in Greece, and wheat in Asia Minor. Bread and wine formed
the major part of the Byzantine diet, though variou vegetables and
fruits were produced in Byzantine gardens, where vines, fruit trees, and
cabbage were planted side by side. Little is known about the yield in the
twelfth century. 17 Eustathios of Thessaloniki bragged that he reaped fifty-
nine medimnoi on a field where he had sown only three medimnoi (Eust.
Opusc. 155.69- 71). Even if he was emphasizing the exceptional size of
his yield, the figure must have been exaggerated in fourteenth-century
Greece a ratio of five to one was remarkably high; contemporary Italy
produced thr e or four measures to one. Fertile soil, warm climate, and
irrigation allowed two harve ts a year in some areas. Gregory Antiocho ,
a Byzantine officiaL wrote with disdain about Bulgarian agriculture.
Among .its dj advantage was the fact that in the vic.inity of Sofia it was
pos ible to reap only one harvest a year. 1
.,
17. N. Kondov, " Uber den wahrscheinlichen Weizenertrag auf der Balkan-
halbinsel im Mittelalter," Etudes balkaniques 10 (1974), 97 - 109.
18. J. Darrouzes, " Deux leltres de GregOire Ant iochos ecrites de Bulgaric
vers 1173," BS 23 (1962), 279.18 - 19.
(AASS Novembris JII, 5170, 521E; see also 581B). Bulgaria was especially
abundant in sheep and cattle. The Byzantines described it as a land rich
in cheese, pork, wool, and fowl. 19 Foreign observers found the number
of cattle in Byzantium remarkable. The Russian pilgrim Daniil at the be-
ginning of the twelfth century was surprised by the size of the herds he
saw on islands such as Patmos, Rhodes, and Cyprus. 20 In addition, bone
evidence from Bulgaria indicates that at least in some areas there was an
increase in the percentage of cattle among the livestock, which in tum
suggests a higher level of agricultural production. 21
23. Eustathio Boilas in the middle of the eleventh century cleared Lands in
the eastern part of the empire " with axes and firc," P. Lemerle, Cinq eludes SlIr Ie
Xl' siecie byulIItin (Paris. 1977), 22. Data concerning the dearing of woods in By-
zantium have not yet been collected. The word apokntharsis does not appear in
the index of Ph. Koukoules. Vie et civilisation byzant;IIes 5 (Athens, 1952).
24. E. Vranuse, Ta hilgiologikn keimella tou IIOSioll Cllristodoulou (Athens, 1966).
111 - 16; and by the same author, Byzalltina tmgrapha tes mones Pamroll 1 (Athens,
1980), 39- 49.
25. G. G. Litavrin in Kek. 58.
26. Darrouzes, "Deux Icttres de GregOire Antiochos," 278- 80.
27. A. P. Kazhdan, "Vizantijskij publicist xn v. Evstafij Solunskij." VV 28
(1968), 74f.
DECENTRALIZATION
28. A. P. Kazhdan, "Das System der Bilder und Metaphem in den Werken
Symeons des 'Neuen' Theolog n," in P. Hauptmann, ed., Unser ganze5 Leben
Chris/us utlserem Gott aberantworlen (Munster, 1982), 225f.
Copyr rt fTla al
32 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
of the Thracian Sebtopolii its inhabitants not only cultivated the land
and bred cattle, they also produced iron implements, bone and wood
carvings, jewelry, and ceramics. )1Inscriptions of the eleventh century re-
ferring to Adrianople, Apros, and Mesembria also attest to building ac-
tivity in the northern Balkans.l l Mesembria remained a trade center even
29. S. Li~v, Bulgarskijal srednovekoven grad (Sofia, 1970), 64. A biased ap-
proach to economic development of towns under the "Byzantine yoke" is char-
acteristic of archaeological in Sofia. According to M. Stanteva, "Sofia au
moyen age ala lumiere de nouvelles etudes archeologiques," Byz . Bulg. 5 (1978),
215, it is "impossible d 'admettre" that the.re was building activity in the town
during the eleventh and twelfth centul'ie , even though the author mentions
both a hoard of gold and silver of that period (226) and "urban architecture" of
the eleventh century (223). On th basis of a study of eleventh-century ceramics
from Sofia (twelfth-century ware . ignored in this connection), M. Stanceva and
L. Donteva-Petkova, "Suda surface habitee de Sredec au lXo-XIV' s.," Izv. Arch.
Inst. 35 (1979), 124- 33. state that the population of the town decreased under the
"Byzantine yoke"; see also below, n . 36. However, recent studie indicate the ex-
panded use of new ceramics ("pe.rhap "of Byzantine origin) in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries throughout Bulgaria: see especially 1. ~ereva, "Prinos kum
prouevaneto na srednovekovna keramika v Bulgarija (Xl-XD v.)," Arch. 19,
no. 3 (1977), 6 - 11. Very reluctantly S. Georgieva, "Srednovekovna keramika ot
Melni~kata krepost," Arcll. 22, no. 2 (1980), 51, acknowledges the existence of
the tw Ifth-century ceramic in Melnik but without mentioning their Byzan-
tine connections and without relerence to eleventh-century ware. P. Gatev,
"Nakiti ot pogrebenija
..
ot Xl - XlI v.," Art'h. 19. no. 1 (1977), 30, empha izes that
most jewelry of this area may be dated to the eleventh and twelfth centuries
and reproaches his predece sors for not distinguishing it from earlier or later
production.
30. V. Ne~va. "Srednovekoven nekropol vuv Vut:re~nija grad na Preslav,"
Arch. 21, no. 2 (1979), 53.
31. J. Cangova, Srednovekovno seli~e na trakijskija grad Sevtopolis. Xl-XlV vek
(Sofia, 19n).
32. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum vol. 4, fasc. 3, no. 8713; A. P. Kazhdan,
"Grece kaja nadpis' XI v. upominaniem armjanina-stratega," lstoriko-filologi-
feskij iurnal, 1973, no. 2, 189f.; V. Velkov, "Zur te Mesembrias im 11 . Jahr-
hundert," Byz. Bulg. 2 (1966), 267-73.
later. In 1134 the charter of the Russian prince Ivan Rostislavic men-
33
tioned merchants from Mesembria. That Me embria remained com-
mercially important is also confirmed by discoveries of Byzantine coins
in the city.34 Further Byzantine ruins of the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies have been found in many Bulgarian sites, including Pernik, Tver-
dica, and Lovec:.lS the necropolis excavated near Lovec is dated to the
tenth through the thirteenth centuries;36 the eleventh-century Byzantine
fortress near the village of Mezek (district of Svilengrad) evidently
served as a refuge for the neighboring peasantry in times of peril.:11
Often originally defensive sites later became settlements in their own
right. The permanent occupants of the fortress on the island of PAcuiul
lui Soare lived by fishing and by small-craft production through the
eleventh century. J8 Coin finds indicate that other towns on the
Danube Dinogetia-Garvan, Noviodunum-Isaccea, and many others-
reappeared in the eleventh century and survived well into the twelfth.l'I
believes these were Bulgarian towns that fell to John Tzimjskes rather than new
By:t.antinc strongholds: "'Kum tulkuvane to na dye izvestija na j. Skil.ica za gra-
dovete po Dolnija Dunav v kraja na X vek," lu.restija 1m IIarodll;ja mllzcj VamQ 9
(1973), 119.
40. G. G. Litavrin, "Tempove i spccifika na soda lno-ikonomil-eskoto raz-
vitie na srcdnovekovna Bulgaria v sravnenie s Vizantija (at kraja na vn do kraja
na XII v.)," l s l ori~eskj pre led 26 (1970), 38; Li ev, BUlgarskijat srednoveko " rad,
36- 45, 54 - 64; J. Cangova, "Kum vuprosa za ustrojstvoto na s rednovekovnija
bulgarski grad (IX - XIV)," Architekturatll IIa Puroata ; Vlorata bulgarska durinlJa
( ofia, 1975), 93f.
41. P. Diaconu and E. Zah. "'Les carri r's de pierre de P.lcuiullui Saara,"
Dacil1 15 (1971), 305.
42. Th principal monographs on Athens ar I. Traulos, Paleodomike exelixis
11.'5 poleos tOil Athello" (Athens, 1960), 149- 72; H. Thompson and R. E. Wycherley,
Till! Agora 0 At/it' lL (Prin eton, 1972). General surveys of the development of
Byzantine urban Life include A. P. Ka zhdan , "Vizantijskie goroda v VIJ - XI vv., "
SOlJetskaja arclll'% ija 21 (1954). 177- 79; P. Tiv :ev, "Sur les cites byzantines aux
XI- XW s iecle ," Byz . Bill. 1(1%2), 152- 56; V. Hrochova, Les ui/les byzalltines allx
11 ' - 13< siecks : plll?II0mell e celltri!" e 011 ccnlripetc dans 1'/h'O/utiOI1 de ia socitite byzall-
47
be drawn from them. Church buildings are more informative. The
rather large congregational basilicas constructed or rebuilt and elabo-
rately decorated in Verria, Servia, Manastir, and Ohrid, as well as the
great and small private cha constructed in Thessaloniki, Kastoria,
and e here in the province, attest the revitalization of urban life in
Macedonia (figs. 1-3). Although archaeological evidence for the rest of
Greece is minimal, the reJatively large number of fresco programs ur-
viving from the later twelfth century suggests broadly distributed pros-
perity in the province by that time ....
It would appear, then, that urban life in the Balkans flourished dur-
ing the eleventh and twelfth centuries,4\I even though some towns, es-
pecially those on the lower Danube, were destroyed and abandoned at
the end of the eleventh. Conditions in Byzantine towns in Asia Minor
are much harder to reconstruct. Vryonis ha consistently denied eco-
nomic progress in Asia Minor. In his opinion, towns declined in the
th century and were plundered by the Seljuks in the twelfth; any
revival during the Comnenian period was short-lived and of little conse-
quence.- In constrast, Tivtev reco nizes the existence of larger urban
center in Asia Minor during the leventh and twelfth centuries, and Ka-
rayannopoulos sugge ts that the traditional view of decline in the elev-
51. Tivcev, "Sur les cites," 165f.; Karayannopoulos, Kentrophy oi /wi ken-
tromoloi dy"tltneis, 18f.
52. Foss," Archaeology and the 'Twenty Cities,'" 469-86.
53. C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity: A lAtc Antique, Byumtille alld Turkish City
(Cambridge, 1979), 107. Fo s admit both "a notable decline" of the city during
the Dark Ages (103) and a "medieval recovery" (116-37); he is inclined to begin
the recovery around 850, although the scanty archaeological evidence dates to
the tenth through thirteenth centuries .
54. W. Radt, "Die byzantinische Wohnstad! von Pergamon," WOIIII/lllXSbaU
im Altl!TtunI (Berlin, 1979), 199- 223; also see his " Pergamon. Grabungskampagf\c
im Herbst 1973," Tiirk Arke%ji Dergisi 22, no. 1 (1975), 99- 107.
55. C. Fo s, ByZtllltille alld Tllrki II Sardis (Cambridge, Ma ., 1976),70 - 76.
56. C. Foss, "Late Antique and Byzantine Ankara," DOP 31 (1977), 84.
57. A. M. Mansel, Die Rllill/,II VOII Side (Berlin, 1963), 14 .
58. X. de Planhol. Dt'la plaitre pilmpllyliclIIll' allX lacs l'isidil'lIs. NomadismI' el vie
paysallne (Paris, 1958), 84.
59. A. Scharf, ByullllillL' Jewry (London, 1971), 108; Vryonis, TIlt' Dedi"e of
Medieval Helle"ism, 131.
(,opy' (jl"ted 'T a '-
38 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
60
S I ukia in Isauria a flourishing and weU-to-do. Other urce c n-
tantly mention the f undation and r c n tructi n f town in Asia
Min r.61 Und r A1exi I th coa tal citie from Smyrna to Attaleia were
r built (An. C. 3: 142. - 9, 217.24-25), a w r Koryk and Seleukia
(346.2- 3). Kallikle wri about th bujjding of cities under John 11,
exdajmjng that the death f the emperor would be lamented by the citie
f Eur pe and of A ia.62 Under John il, Lopadion was also rebuilt (Kmn.
38. - 10). Manuel I both founded new and recon tructed old c n-
ter f which only the name remained (Fontes 1:32.21-24,127.14-18;
Eu t. Opu c. 20 .69- 71; also Kjnn. 38.18). Dorylaion wa refounded
n t rrit ry regain d fr m the Seljuk (Kinn. 295.10- 11); 63 the f rtres of
ublaion wa built nearby.I>< ~ rnil< prai d I aac II f r funding the
t wn of Ang loka tron on the ite of the Id of Choma, recap-
tur d from th Turks (Fontes 2:261.4- 16).M
Th e archaeological and lit rary record of Byzantine A ia Minor
ug e t certain differen e between Balkan cities and tho e in the ea t-
rn part of th empire. With e ception uch a Ephe u , Nikomedia,
ica a, and Attaleia, the towns of A ia Minor were fortre es rather
than trad and craft cent r , a iketa Ch niate c nfirm . In writing
about comm rcial activity, Choruates refer to Con tantinople and such
Balkan citie a h b ,C dnth, r Philippop li ; h allude onl t ag-
ricul in hi r fer nce to town in A ia Minor. He mention the abun-
dant crop and fruit tre f P rgamum, Chliara, r Adramyti n (Nik.
Chon . 150.40- 44), the th fl rs in Chonae (400. - 9), th herd
in Bru a (28 .46- 49). aI 0 de cribe how Laodicaea in Phrygia, be-
for b ing encompa d b a waU, con i ted of everal cattered village
(124.13- 15). Overall, the towns of A ia Minor em to have been largely
agricultural commurutie ; they lagged behind their Balkan counterpart
and did not be om urbaruzed. It i n t dear why thi wa o. Perhap
th damage cau d by the Mo lem inva ion and the militarization due
60. . . it in, " A L tt rfr m I u ia ( ili ia) Oat d 21 JuI 1137," Spe-
culum 39 (1964), 29 -303.
61. H . GI katzi-Ahrw il r, " L forter e con truite en Mineure face
I' in a io n eldjoucide," Aktm des XI. illtem aziOllalt'll Byzalltilli ten-Kong r se
(Munich , 19 ), 1 - 9.
62. i . Kall. 113. 20 - 22, 29- 30.
63. On Oorylaio n, K. . Mpo n ," uthymi u t u Malake d 0 enkomias-
tikoi logoi i to n autokratora Manouel I Komnen ," Theolo ia 19 (1941 - . ), 529.
64. Ibid ., 547. 23- 24.
65. H. Ahrweiler, " Choma-Ag eloka tron," REB 24 (1 66),
67. E. Stikas, Oikodomikon chronikon tt!S mmlt!S tou H. Louka Phokidos (Athens,
1970); R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (HaIDlonds-
worth, 1976), 37St. n. 9; S. Savvas, "Etude de quatre eglises du XU' siede se trou-
vent en Argolide," Thealogw 29 (1958),368 -76.
68. P. L. VocotopouJos, "The Concealed Course Technique: Further Ex-
amples and a Few Remarks," JOB 28 (1979),247- 60.
69. Kazhdan, Derevnja i gorod, 213-18.
70. The resurgence of ceramic production in Corinth took place in the elev-
enth to mid-twelfth century: C. H. Morgan, The Byzantine Pottery, Corinth, no . 11
(Princeton, 1942), 59f.; T. S. MacKay, "More Byzantine and Frankish Pottery
from Corinth," Hesperia 36 (1967), 273, 280. For Corinth, also see B. Adamsheck,
Kenchreai, Enstern Port of Corinth, vol. 4, The Pottery (Leiden, 1979), 100- 104.
On Byzantine ceramic ware of the twelfth century, possibly produced on the
mainland of Asia Minor and recovered from a shipwreck off the northern
Dodekan se IsLands, R. M. Randall, "Three Byzantine Ceramics (The Walters
Art Callery, Baltimore)," Burlington Magazine 111 (1968), 461f.
71. K. Mijatev, "Vizantijska.sgrafito keramika v car Idja dvorec v Tumovo,"
Arch. 9, no. 3 (1967), 8; J. Cangova, "Srednovekovni am(ori v Btilgarija," lzu.
Arch. Inst . 22 (1959),255-59. Also see SCereva's artjde, above, n. 29.
72. M. Stanteva and L. Donteva-P tkova, "Srednovekovna bitova keramika
ot E rus pri s. Cigen," Arch . 14, no. 1 (1972), 30; L. Donteva-Petkova, ''Tra-
peznata keramika v Bulgarija prez Vrn - XI v .," Arch. 12, no. 1 (1970), 22f.
second half of the ninth and the first half of the tenth century,
later to have declined, most sharply at the dose of the twelfth century. 7
Precisely at that time, however, a new type of pottery known as Zeuxip-
pos Ware made its appearance. Vessels were fired at a high temperature
one inside the other and separated by tripod stilts, which allowed more
pots to be finished more rapidly. A large find of this pottery in the baths
of Zeuxippos initially led scholars to believe that it wa produced in Con-
stantinople,14 It is, however, so widely distributed it has been fOllnd
in the Aegean basin, on Cyprus, on the northern coast of the Black Sea,
in Antioch, Egypt, and as well in Corinth, Pergamum, and Preslav 75 -
that it no longer can be assumed that it was manufactured exclusively in
the capital. It is just as likely that new urban demands in the provinces
led to the widespread introduction of a new technique for increased
production.
A brief consideration of a few other Byzantine crafts both suggests
that Byzantium was by no means technologically backward in the elev-
enth and twelfth centuries and confirms the impression that Con-
stantinople no longer held a monopoly in the production of goods. Byz-
antine silk continued to be produced from the tenth through the twelfth
centuries. But beginning in the eleventh and most especially in the
twelfth century, silk production spread beyond Constantinople to the
76
Peloponnese, to Thebes, and perhaps to Thessatoniki. It was from
Thebes and Corinth that the Normans abducted silk weavers in 1147 in
order to establish this prestigious craft in Sicily. Decentralization of craft
skills is dear in this case.
So far as can be judged from the colophons and scriptoria that have
studied, a book culture also was active in provincial towns and
monasteries in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. n In Asia Minor, de-
pit the Seljuk in a ion boo continued to be made through the third
quarter of the eleventh and into the twelfth century,78 although after 1072
Anatolian towns no longer appea in the colophon of Greek manu-
. Devreesse mention only two book written in Opsikion in
1161/62 and in 1186. In continental Greece, how v r, and on the islands,
book production apparently loud hed through th twelfth century. For
in tance, of the seven manu ripts of eastern Medit rranean i les in-
cluded in Ii t, fi e dat between 1100 and 1204. '" Some sen e
of how many book might have b en being produced j provided by the
library of the Cypriot monk Ne phytos, an ardent cnbe and writer,
who owned at lea t ixteen lume, orne of which he may have copied
him elf.1!O Even iJJuminators appear to have been wid ly disper ed, if we
may judge from the di tribution of manuscripts as ociated through their
illu tration with the r McCormick New Te tament. 8 1
la s manufacture a1 0 continued throughout p riod. From the
xcavation at Sardis it would rn that glass was rare after 700 but reap-
pared in the tenth and ele enth centurie . 2 The only Byzantine glass
factory that ha be n studied in any detail i that at Corinth, which dates
to the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Gla smaking at thi time seems
to ha undergone technoJogicaJ changes. While traditional Roman
methods continued to b u ed, new workshop techniques also ap-
peared. ~ As were silk weaving and book production, the highly skilled
., , .
31/2 (1981.), 433f., who provide an enormous bibljography, primariJy of works
dedicated to special problem . For a general urvey, above all J. lrigoin,
" Centre de copie et " Byzantine Books alld Bookmall (Washington,
D.C., 1975), 18, who tre that criptoria ha not been adequately studied; in
anoth r artid , " Pour une etud des centres de copie b zantins, II: ' Scripforilll1l
13 (1959), 195- 204, he a group of Athonite manu cript of the begin-
ning of the eleventh century.
7 , J. Darrouzes, ilL mouvement des fondations mona tique au Xl' sic -
de, " TM 6 1976),172.
79. Dcvrecssc, ["troduction, 57.
SO. I. P. TsiknopouUo , ed., Kypriaka Typikn , Pegai kai me/etai tes Kypriake Ilis~
torias (Nicosia, 1969), 3f.
81 . For instance, A. W. Carr, " Byzantine Manu ript lIIumination in Twelfth-
cntury Palestine," Abstracts of Ihe Second All/waf BYZilIltille Studies COllference
( w York, 1976), 1S.
2. Fo , B ZIIn/ illt! a"d . Sardis , 75 .
83. G. R. David on, " A M dia val Glass Factory at orinlh," AlA 44
(194O), 302J .
. J. L. Stapova, ilL verre byzantine du V - XU' ieeJe" in Sredl1ovekovl/o
staklo na Balkallli (V-XV vek) (Belgrade, 1975), 41 - 4:7.
C pyr qrted r1 I
Decentralization and "FeudaLization" 43
indication of the hjgh quality of the lost works (Fig. 9).'\ Further evidence
indicates that mo aicist traveled from Constantinople to neighboring
states to work abroad. In about 1070, Desiderius, abbot of Monte Cas-
sino, sent to Constantinople for mosa to decorate his n w basilica.~\
The Paterikon of the Cave Monastery (Peterskij monastyr') in Kiev is also
quite explicit: Greek artists, it says, were sen.t by God's will and that of
the Virgin from the Queen of Cities to embellish the Church of the Cave;
it dates this event to the reign of Prince VsevoJd Jaroslavich (1078-93). 92
It is also commonly thought that Constantinopolitan craft men were in-
volved in Manuel I's efforts to restore the major pilgrimage shrines in the
Holy Land in the later twelfth century. The literary evidence provided by
Manuel's contemporary, John Phokas. affirms the emperor's patronage
of work undertaken at the Holy Sepulcher and elsewhere, but fails to
indicate the origins of the craftsmen employed in these restoration and
redecoration programs. The iogle exception, found in the passage de-
scribing the complete recon truction of the Monastery of the Holy
Prophet Elias "through a Syrian who was in charge of it," suggests that
at least some of the builders were local (PG 133.944A, 952B, 956C-D). In
contrast. Constantinopolitan mason and perhaps even Byzantine bricks
were used in Constantine IX Monomachos's reconstruction of the Holy
Sepukher of 1042- 48. 9 Despite a lack of literary documentation. it is gen-
erally assumed that Constantinopolitan mosaicist were employed by the
Norman kings of Sicily to adorn their acred and secular buildings. Cer-
tainly the mosaic figures of William II's 'Monreale show a dose stylistic af-
finity to the fragmentary archangel of Kalenderhane Camii (figs. 8 - 9). ~
From an earlier date, in the late el venth century, there is tylistic evi-
dence that mosaici is also came from Byzantium to the northern Adriatic
to work in Venice v~ and TorceUo.% As in the case of large-scale bronze
casting. it seems unlikely that any provincial center outside of Con-
90. C. L. Striker and Y. Dogan Kuban, Kalt:llderlume umii ill Istanbul : Filial
Excatration Report (Washington, D.C. . forthcoming).
91. "Chronica monasterii Cassinensis," MGH SS 7: 718.
92. D. Tschizevskij, ed., Das Paterikan des Kiroer Hohlenklosters (Muni,c h,
1%4),172.
93. R. Ousterhout, "The Byzantine Holy Sepulchre," Abstracts of tile Nilltll
.Annual Byzantille Stl/dies Conference (Durham, N.C., 1983),61 - 62.
94. Striker and Kuban, Kalenderlutlle Camii, forthcoming; E. KHzinger. The
Mosaics of Monreale (palermo, 1960), fig. 40.
95. O. Demus, Ti,e Mosaics of Sail Marco i" Veil icc (Chicago and Washington.
D.C. , 1984).
%. I. Andreescu, "Torcello," parts 1 and 2, DOP 26 (1972). 183- 223; part 3,
DOP 30 (1976),245 - 341.
If a market was indispensable, the master was advised to use it with cau-
tion . The typikon of the Monastery of the Virgin Kosmosotira instructed
the Itegoumenos to buy olive oil in the Aenos once a year, on the one day
when the price was cheapest. He was to buy not from the merchants,
but directly from those who brought the oil in their ships. Medicine also
was to be bought once a year (Kosm. 50.1 - 4, 54.14 - 15). Similarly, one
trusted one's own produce more than that which was purchased. Eu-
stathio of Thessaloniki, living in the capital, wa proud of the fruit of
his orchard because it was not imported and had not changed hands re-
peatedly (Eust. Opusc. 111.42- 45). In the same vein, Gregory Antiochos
believed that foodstuffs acquired at the market were of poor quality. 106
Nicholas Mesarites admired the independence of the Church of the Holy
Apostles in Constantinople. He praised the site of the church, which
though within the city was surrounded by its own grainfield and thus
safe from foreign invasion, storms, pirates, and the schemes of sailors
(Nic. Mesar. 898, c.h . 4.2).
In principle the Byzantine economy was based on money, but trad-
ing in kind was COllU110n. According to Zonaras not only money could
be lent, but also wine, oil, and other kinds of foodstuffs (PC 138.4OB).
Taxes and rents in kind were collected; similarly, labor and services were
also frequently paid for in kind in the capital as well as in the provinces.
High officials and soUders received clothing and produce in addition to
money. The clergy were rewarded with money and with grain. A medi-
cal docto.r's honorarium might consist of money and of wine; his salary
included both grain for his family and forage for his animals. A porter
was to get dinner and a mug of wine; construction workers received
both money and a ram upon completion of a church. 107
The separation of crafts from agriculture was far from complete. The
Arab geographer Idrisi emphasized the number of fields and vineyards
and the abundance of grain and fruit in his descriptions of Byzantine
towns such as Adrianople, Rhodosto, Athens, Serres, Zichnae, Serdica,
and Laris a. II" Similar observations are typical also of Byzantine authors.
In his description of Dorylaion, Kinnamos, who thought of the town as
a large one, sketched the agrarian merits of the site: valleys that grew
dense grass and weighty ears of wheat, a river that supplied abundant
water and fish (294.U - 21). PselJos noted wells, wheatfields, and fruit
trees in Antioch (Scripta min. 2.117.3 - 6). He mentioned that Cyzicus,
C pyrgr ed I
DecentraJimtion and "Feudaliution" 49
stated that after the sun turned toward the winter, the road from Philip-
popolis to Serdica became impassable the cold froze the rivers; snow
covered the earth, filled the ravines, and blocked the doors of the
houses. Even the road from Heradea Pontica to Nicaea was apparently
difficult in winter.1l2 For transportation the Byzantines used donkeys
and mules; only under especially favorable circumstances were oxen
used to draw carts. Draft horses were seldom used, though the collar
and horseshoe were known. II;} Byzantine cargo ships were small and
slow. According to Antoniadis-Bibicou, their average capacity was 8.5-
17 cubic meters 500-1,000 modioi. They seem to have been much
1H
smaller than the ships of the Late Roman Empire, which, at least accord-
ing to hagiographic texts, carried 20,000, 50,000, or even 70,000 modioi.
Byzantine ships, called strongyloi (round), were short and broad for the
sake of stability but very ponderous.
There is some information concerning travel time in Byzantium
(Ex. 5). It took about three days to reach Adrianople from the capital and
eight days from Thessaloniki to the shores of Danube. The trip from Pa-
phlagonia to Constantinople, like that from Antioch to Nicaea, lasted
eight days. Idrisi and Western travelers recorded longer travel times
than their Greek contemporaries. For example, according to Idrisi, it
took eight days to go from Nicaea to Amoriml1, but, as Anna Comnena
measured it, it was only eight days from Nicaea to Antioch. II Sea travel
was also slow; the Bymntines feared the open ea. As Theophylaktos of
Ohrid put it, they preferred to sail along the coast, "touching the land
with their oars" (PG 126.501C-S04A). In good weather, from
Constantinople to Cyprus took ten days. Odo of Deuil wrote that it was
po sible to sail from Attaleia to Antioch in three days. 116 To sail from Pa-
phlagonia to the northern shores of the Black Sea, it was necessary to
allow three or even four days. Of course, neither the difficulties of the
journey nor the fear of storms, of pirates, or of robbers could prevent
travel. Pilgrims, merchants, and artists all journeyed ac.ross the country,
112. A. Heisenberg, Nel4e QueUe zur Geschicl,te des lateinischen Kaisertums und
der KircJ,e"u/l;on (Munich, 1923), now in his QueUe" u"d Studim zur spatbyza,,-
tiniscllctl Gescllicllte (London, 1973), part 2, section 3, 46.29-32.
113. 0. Lefebvre des Noettes, "Le systeme d'attelagc du cheva1 et du boeuf
a Byzance et les con~quences de son emploi," Melanges Ch. Dielr/1 (Paris, 1930),
183-90.
114. H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, Etudes d'histoire maritime de Byzance (Paris,
132f.
115. Kazhdan, "Iz ekonomiceskoj zizni," 175f.
116. De pro/ectio1le Ludovici VII i1l Orielltem, 130.
117. L. White, MedietlQl Tcclmolo "Y alld Social Grallge (0 ford, 1962), 82-87.
11 . Ph. Mer, Die Hallplllrklllufell fiir dit CescJrichte der At/rosklOster (Leip-
zig, 1 94), 157.9- 10.
11 . E. Kirsten, "Die byzantini che Stadt," Ber; hit! ZUlli XI . i"temazionalen
Byza"tiP" KOllgress (Munich, 1958), 27 ( A . P. Kazhdan, "Gorod i de-
r vnja v Vizantii v Xl - n vV., " Actes du Xl/' COli res interllo/ioltol d'etlldes byzall-
tilll! 1 (B Igrade, 1963), 37 ( mil ia).
Copyr grtoo I
Decentralization and "Feudalization" 51
the Phoenicians had been noisier than flocks of jackdaws, while the Hel-
lenes had gone even to battle in silence. Now eve.r ything was changed;
the Celts, Germans, and Italians preserved solemnity and order during
meetings, whereas the Greeks, whose upbringing hould have contrib-
uted to their eloquence and decorum, went crazy when they discussed
th ir common affairs (Mich. Akom. 1: 183.3- 15). The inhabitants of Con-
stantinople in the eleventh century were politically effective at certain
critical moments. Their political potency was recognized by the em-
perors, who on occasion addressed both the people and the senate. l20
According to Attaleiates (Attal. 70.16), Constantine . assembled the ur-
ban corporations (somatcia) and delivered a speech in their presence. His
son, Michael VD, is said to have addressed the politai, the citizens of
Constantinople, as well as the senators (Attal. 186.20-22). Later on, when
Michael's power had been shaken by a revolt he sent a chrysobuU to the
ekklesia, a gathering of the inhabitants of the capital, that had elected
Nikephoros Botaneiates emperor. Attaleiates says they had assembled in
St. Sophia and were acting "democratically." Michael's chrysobulJ was
a failure: when read in the meeting, it elicited only disdain and laugh-
ter (256.).
Traditional forms of corporate organization, however, were weak-
ened rather than strengthened. Sources do mention corporate bodie
distinct from the senate somateia (Altal. 70.16) or systemata (Kek.
124.22), perhaps signifying urban organizations. The systematikoi, for in-
stance, were ordered by Ale ios I not to take oaths in private houses
(Reg. 2: no. 1091). Other ources of that period seem to reflect the exis-
tence of trade-related organizations: apprentices, journeymen, gui.1d,
and market aldermen are all mentioned in the text . I~I Trade regulations
as well as craft titles were retained. Tzetzes alluded to the rules crafts-
men were obliged to follow; if a master refused to comply with them, he
was debarred from his work. m This seems to be confinned by Michael
Choniates, who described a "fake" cloak made contrary to regulation
(Mich. Akom. 2:34S.19-20). But neither Tzetzes nor Michael referred to
the regulatory body; it is unclear whether it was a trade corporation or
the state. Furthermore, a tradesman does not seem to have been as-
120. S. Vryonis, "Byzantine den/okralia and the Guilds of the Eleventh Cen-
tury," DOP 17 (1963),302 - 14; Lemerle, Cinq Ciudes, 290- 93.
121. PC 126.5210; Eust. Opusc. 79.83- 90; POe,lIes prodr. no. 4, 97.115; AltaI.
12.10. The act of 1008 referring to Thessaloniki. F. Oolgerr AilS dell Schatzknmmern
des H('iiigCtl B('rges (Munich, 1948), no. 109.
122. P. A. M. Leone, "Ioannis Tzetzae iambi, " Riuisla di Studi bizalltini r ne/}-
ellmic;, n .s. 6 - 7 (1969- 70),13 .123- 25,141.213 - 14.
123. E. Frances, "La disparition des corporations byza ntines," Actes dll XlI'
COtlgres international d'etudes byzanti"es 2 (Belgrade, 1964), 98; R. S. Lopez, "Silk
Industry in the Byzantine Empire," Speculum 20 (1945), 24. N. Oikonomides,
Hommes d'affaires grecs et latins rl Constantinople (paris, 1979), 108-14, argu.e on
the contrary that gu.ilds did not disappear after the Book of ti,e Eparc". He bases
his argument on data of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
124. See the .r ule of the lay confraternity associated with the monastery of
the Virgin in Naupaktos, J. Nesbitt and J. Wiita, "A Confraternity of the Comne-
nian Era," BZ 68 (1975), 364- 68.
125. A. P. Kazhdan, Centrostrelllitel'nye i centrobei "ye sily u vizantijskom mire
(1081-1261) (Athens, 1976), 18.
tion.llf> At the same time they did not escape the "seignorial" power of
the church and of the local aristocracy. The episcopate took upon i
the functions of the city community, even defending urban interests
again t the central government. The bishop and the town were not.
then, antagonists. as was seen whenever the church and the people
acted in concert again t the central government. The sensible adminis-
trative concern of Michael Choniates, metropolitan of Athens, fOT his pa-
rishioners in the face of predatory secular tax collectors is well docu-
mented. m Further, bishops were often important in the defense of th ir
cities, as were both Michael Choniates and Eustathios of Thessaloniki. In
return for his concern, the bishop might well receive the support of the
populace. For example. when Aimilianos, patriarch of Antioch in the
1070s, was ordered to Constantinople to face civil charges, crowds in his
city frustrated attempts to remove him. llB This riot in su pport of the local
prelate was as typical of Byzantium as the riot of Laonese citizens
again t their bishop was in the medieval We t. Such traditions of politi-
cal organization militated against the development of new adJltinistra-
tive forms.
A considerable conservative influence wa asserted over provincial
1
c.ities by local magnates also. 2'I Ac.c ording to Kekaumenos, the urban
population considered such a magnate as their lord, pledging him their
fidelity and obedience in recognition of his family's past position; never-
theless they might de ert him at a moment of external menace (Kek.
198.15-202.11). The urban magnate had some jurisdiction over the
inhabitants, induding the right to punish them (232.9-236.11). It was
ev n possible for the emperor to bestow an entire city on a Byzantine or
foreign noble. At the end of the eleventh century. Thessaloniki was
granted to Nikephoros Melissenos (An. C. 1 :89.9 - 10), and Trebizond
was awarded to Theodore Gabras (An. C. 2: 151.27). whose descendants
stiU ruled there during the reign of John II. uo Often, too, small towns
and strongholds fell under seignoriaJ power... , The interests of landed
magnates and of city populations couJd, of cour e, coincide, and urban
movements were occasionally led by seigneurs. In 1057, mperor Mi-
chael VI was dethroned by the combined efforts of a popular insurrec-
tion in Con tantinople and an aristocratic rebellion in Asia Minor headed
by Isaac Comnenus and Katakalon Kekaumenos, both of them able gen-
erals supported by the local nobility. In 1078, Nikephoros Botaneiates,
also a noble general, was proclaimed emperor by the people from the
agora, including tradesmen as well as the repre entative of the clergy
and of the senate. Some of the ruling authorities hop d to smash the
rebellion, ince the crowd, they said, consi ted predominantly of crafts-
men inexperienced in warfare, but the frightened Michael VU allowed
the rebels to take over. 02 In 1181, soon after Manuel I's death, when the
throne was occupied by the youth Alexios n and the administration was
controlled by the unpopular weakling Alexios the Protosebastos, an aris-
tocratic conspiracy wa formed that included Manuel I's nearest rela-
tions, his daughter Maria and his illegitimate son Alexios the Protostra-
tor, as well as military commanders such as Andronikos Lapardas. The
Constantinopolitan population immediately sided with the conspirators.
Priests carrying icons led the mob, which assembled in the Hippodrome
and began to as ail the palace, cursing the regent and hailing the em-
peror. l33 And again, when Andronikos Comnenus proclaimed him elf
defender of the young II and marched ag.a inst the capital from
hi exile in PaphJagonia to overthrow the regency of Alexios the Proto-
sebastos, the common people of Constantinople provided the staunchest
support for his usurpation. But his alliance with the masses did not last
long. Despite propaganda describing Andronikos I as a ruler who pro-
vided people both economic prosperity and security from tax collec-
tors contemporary leaflets praised his protection of the peasantry,
who might finally lie at ease under their fruit trees the urban popula-
tions defected. First provincial rebellions aro e in Nicaea, Brusa, and
Lopadion . Everywhere magnates sided with the local populace. An-
dronikos Lapardas, commander of the Byzantine troops fighting the
Kazhdan in a review of this book, VV 33 (1972), 236. Also see his review of
A. Guillou's publications concerning Italy, VV 37 (1976), 273. For reference, L. V.
Corina, "Nekotorye voprosy terminologii srednevekovogo bolgarskogo goroda,"
Sovetskoe slavjanovedenie (Minsk, 1969), 580- 85, and K.-D. Crolhusen, "Zum
Stadtbegriff in Sudosteuropa," us cultures slaves et les Balkalls 1 (Sofia, 1978),
132- 47.
"FEUDALIZATION" OF THE
BYZANTINE SOCIAL STRUCTURE
135. N. G. Svoronos, "Le domain de Lavra jusqu'en 1204," lAvra 1, 64- 72;
"Remarques ur les, structures economiques de l'Empire byzantin au Xl' siede,"
TM 6 (1976), 52; Eludes sur rorganisation inlerieure, part 9, 373-76, 3, 142f.
j. Lefort, "En Macedoine orientale au x siede: habitat rural, communes et do-
maines," Occident ef Orient aux X' siecle (Paris, 1979), 251 - 72, and his "Une
grande fortune fonciere au x'-xm' siedes: les biens du monastere d'Iviron,"
Structures ftodDles et feodaiisme daltS [,Occidenl mediterranien (Rome, 1980), 727-42;
A. Guillou, "Economia e societa," lA civilld bizantina dal IX all' Xl secolo (Bari,
1978), 330-41; G. G. Litavrin, "K polozeniju vizantijskogo krest'janstva v X-
XI vv .," Beitriige zur iJyZAntinisclren Gesclrichfe im IX. -Xl. lahrh . (Prague, 1978);
S. Li~ev, "Nekotorye voprosy feodaJ'nych otno~nij v Bolgarii v X v. i. v epochu
vizantijskogo gospodstva," VV 41 (1980), 30-38.
Copyr grtoo I
Decentralization and "Feudalization" 59
141. The principal objections against the slate control of property have been
expressed by G . G. Litavrin, "Problema gosudarstvennoj v Vizan-
tii X- XI vv.," VV 35 (1973),51 - 74, and M. Ja . Sjuzjumov, " Suverenitet, nalog i
zemel'naja renta v Vizantii," ADSV 9 (1973), 57-65.
142. P. Gauti.e r, "Le dossier d'un haUl fonctionnaire d' Alexis l ~ Comnene,
Manuel Straboromanos," REB 23 (1%5), 183f.
60 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
was applied to land endowments given for life; 147 it did not have a mili-
tary character. Another feature of large lay landholdings wa their ad-
mixture with monastic property. Secular magnates received monasteries
according to the rights of charistikion, that is, of conventional possession
for a lifetime or for as long as three generations. l 48 Lords functioned
also as monastic founders (ktetores), establishing houses to which they
granted a shar of their riche apparently with the economic intention of
stabilizing their property in the unstable conditions of the time. These
monastic establishments may be seen in some ways as the Byzantine
equivalent of Western castle building.
Unquestionably, medieval lordship, seigneurie involving a depen-
dent peasantry and the principal forms of medieval rent (rent in cash, in
kind, and by corvee) did exist in Byzantium. Even the exploitation of
the so-caJled free peasant on state lands was associated with the seig-
neuriaJ system. But this seigneurie cannot be equated with "feudalism"
as the term has been used historiographkally to describe Western so-
ciety. The specific structure, involving links of personal obligation both
vertical and horizontal, that characterizes the medieval West, and par-
ticularly its ruling cia 5, is found only in an embryonic state in Byzan-
tium. Similarly the characteristic ties binding together people of the
sallie social layer in a feudal ociety are underdeveloped in the empire.
Nevertheless, certain ocial and economic features emerged in Byzan-
tium that resembled feudal links.
During the eleventh and twelfth centuries there did exist large reti-
nues owing allegiance to great magnates. I"" Such retinues perhaps repre-
Copyrq~
64 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
from such episodes that despite their considerable power, landed aristo-
clat were re tricted in their independence; they were not autonomous
barons but imperial functionarie who could be dismis ed, exiled, or
di po es ed at any time. This certainly led, in Ahrweiler' terms, to the
"Constantinopolitization" of the Byzantine aristocracy, with its tight
bonds with the capital and imperial court. ISS Probably only toward the
end of the twelfth century wa there formed a substantial tratum of
prOvincial aristocracy that, while not tied to imperial ervice, n verthe-
less received the highe t imperial titles.
The civil aristocracy was more differentiated than the military no-
bility. It included, above aU, the noble families in imperial rvic:
judge , tax collectors, chiefs of the chancelleries, who from generation
to generation held similar po itions. The Kamateroi, Xeroi, Xiphilinoi,
Serbliai, Zonarai, and others who belonged to this group are mentioned
in the sources throughout the eleventh and twelfth centurie . Occasion-
ally people from unknown familie were al 0 found in the rank of the
civil aristocracy. I...... In contrast to the military aristocracy, the civil nobility
originated primarily from Con tantinopie, Greece, the Aegean lands,
or the c astal cities of Asia Minor. Some of these familie had practiced
urban trades and craft; their patronym , which are sometimes derived
from the professions (e.g., Saponai, "soapmakers"; Phoumatarioi,
''bakers'') or from Constantinopolitan quarters (e.g., Akropolitai,
Blachen-utai, Maktembolitai) testified to their past. Families of the civil
nobility also included a number of well-educated individuals, rheto-
ridan , theologians, and jurists. Recruited primarily from this ector
wet" th highe t clergy, provincial bishop, and the deacons of
St. Sophia, who fonned the staff of the patriarchate.
The civil nobility's prop rty consi ted primarily of urban hou and
a variety of concessionary rights, i.e., charistikia and found r ' privileges
over monasteries as well as basilikata and episkepseis, which were impe-
rial land lea e of some sort, and solemnia, the rights to tax revenues.
Neither pecial education nor state examinations were mandatory for the
civil although profe sional jurists and counted
among the officials. Resourcefulne , flattery, and obedience, as much
as spedalized knowledge or skill, d tel mined the ucc of an official's
r. If the fate of the nulitary ar tocrats was pr carious, that of the
155. Ahrweiler, " Recherch s sur la ociete byzantine," 104- 10.
156. On the civil nobility, ee in addition to the work cited in no. 153
G. Weis , 0 tromische Beamte im Spiegel der Schriftert des Michael Psellos (Munich,
1973); B. Laourdas, "Intellectuals, Scholars and Bureaucrat in the Byzantine So-
ciety," Kleronomia 2 (1970), 273-91.
civil nobles was even more so. They could be promoted, demoted, or
dismissed at the whim of the emperor. Theodore Styppeiotes was one of
the high-ranking bureaucrats at the court of Manuel!, acting as the em-
p ror's secretary (grammatikos). Theodore Prodomos prai ed him as the
most trustworthy scribe of the young Manuel I and as the guardian of
secret . H became influential serving as the assistant of John Hagio-
theodorites, an imperial favorite. Not willing to remain an underling,
Styppeiotes "directed hi way toward the peak," as Niketas Choniates
wrote (Nik. Chon. 58.87- 88). Through intrigue, he managed to have
Hagiotheodorites sent off to "a . remote place" a the civil governor
(praetor) of the theme of Hella and the Peloponnese. A cending from
one office to another, Styppeiotes reached the position of kanikleios, that
is, guardian of the imperial inkstand. The kanikleios did not have a staff,
and his function was limit d to holding the pot of purple ink for the em-
peror when he signed august documents from the imperial chancellery.
But in the Byzantine world, do eness to the autocrat was the essence of
power. Choniates suggested that Styppeiote . gladly fulfilled the em-
peror's orders and that con equently the emperor followed Styppeiotes'
advice (59.11 - 12). Styppeiotes became the victim of intrigue in his tum.
Hi principal rival was John Kamateros, logothete of the dromos, i.e., the
minister of foreign affair, the post office, and state security. Although
his functions were incomparably more complex and important than
holding the imperial inkstand, Kamateros had a lesser role in court life
than the kallikleios . While Styppeiotes could enter the imperial inner
sanctum at any time, Kamateros had access to the emperor only during
special and limjted hours. Styppeiotes achieved his goals quite easily;
Kamateros saw his demands dispersed in the air like dreams (111.34 - 41).
In frustration Kamateros forged correspondence between Styppeiotes
and the Norman king William n of Sicily, hid it so that it was easily dis-
covered, and then charged Styppeiotes with treason. ManuelI's judg-
ment was immediate and severe: Styppeiotes was blinded and, accord-
ing to one contemporary historian, his tongue was cut out. 1>7
Of cour e, although instability was pervasive, not every Byzantine
official's career ended in disaster. In practice, many famjlies retained for
centuries their influential positions within the state apparatus. The
transfer of power to a n w emperor was not necessarily followed by a
radical change in bureaucratic personnel. The form and style of chryso-
bulls of the second half of the eleventh century remain the same despite
157. See O . Kre ten. "Zum Stur'.l de Thcodoros Styppeiote ," JOB 27
(197M),49- 103.
the end of the tenth through the eleventh and twelfth centurie . This
condary y tern, which was initially established in the most vulner-
abJ frontier areas, covered the of smaller them s. These military
fOl med the core of the Comnenian provincial administration,
while the theme system virtually disappeared in the frrst halt of the
tweJfth century.l68
Similar ambivalent trends marked military organization. As
arly as the second half of the tenth century, a reorganization of the
army replaced the them conscript army (stra tiotai) by profe slonal
who e core was forll1 d of kataphraktai, heavily armed "knights"
Chapter 1).16'1 Simultaneou Iy, the Byzantines hired greater numbers
of foreign mercenaries and began to employ new military tactics adopted
from their neighbors. At the . arne tune, centripetal tendencies were
170
C pyrgr ed I
Decentralization and "Feudalizati n" 73
towns. Yet provincial comm ree does not appear to have been weakened
by th elimination of these centers. It may be concluded that the socio-
economic development of Byzantium in the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies was determined by the general evolution of the medieval world
rather than by political successes or by the failures of it aIlllies on the
battlefield. Those main tendencies were, indeed, to tho e of
w tern Europe: the growth of (provincial) the e tabli hment of
the feudal or serni-feudallanded estates, and the seigneurial exploitation
of peasant labor. But in the e areas Byzantium moved . lowly by com-
pari on with the West. Nevertheless, the urban growth and the nascent
"feudalization" of society implied serious chang s in th social and cul-
tural activity of the empire and were reflected above all in altered exter-
nal forms of everyday life.
POPULAR TE DE CIES IN
BYZA TINE SOCIETY
It is not clear whether trousers were in continual use from Late Ro-
man times (braccarii, "breeches makers," are mentioned in Diodetian's
Edict of Prices and in some Egyptian papyri) through the early Middle
AS' 5, but they were being worn again by the twelfth century. Eustathios
of Thessaloniki several time mentioned with disapproval "the covering
of the pudenda (breeche I, known by the Romans as braccae or atlil-
xyrides." 10 For instance, in his description of the kna ish governor of
Th ssaloniki, David c'omnenus, Eustathio noted that nobody had ever
5. Comm~ntary on t"~ fliad 379.24- 25, ed. M. van der Vatk, vol. 1 (Leiden,
1971),598.27- 28.
6. Poemes prodr. no. 1, 93; no. 2,35; and esp. no. 1, 59. For a commentary,
. Vie et ci ilisation 6, 270f. Longibardos (ca. 1000) still disdained "ajry"
clothing of linen and silk. .F ta, " Longibardos," Byz. 6 (1931), 116. Authors of
the e1eventh to twelfth centurie often mentioned fine linen: Koukoules, Vie ct
civilisation, vol. 2, part 2, 23; vol. 6, 275.
7. Perhaps most obviously in the iIIust.rated Skylitzes manuscript in Ma-
drid : S. Cirac Estopanan, Skyllitzes Matritensis, vol. 1, Reprodllcciones y miniatllros
(Barcelona, 1965), e.g., fols. 12 ,SOv, etc. The manuscript has been convincingly
ascribed to twelfth-century southern Italy. See N. G. Wilson, "The Madrid
Scylitze ," Serittllra ct ciuiltd 2 (1978), 209- 14.
8. K. Horna, Analekten zur byznntinischell LiteraluT (Vienna, 1905), 10.140- 41.
9. De profectione Ludouiei VlJ in Ori~"tem, 26.
10. Commentary on the Iliad 22.9; 216.5, ed . van der Valk, vol. 1, 36.11;
328.28- 29.
seen him clad in armor or riding a horse; rather David went about on a
mule, wore braccae, newfangled shoes, and a red Georgian hat (Eut.
Esp. 82.6-8). Choniates also commented acidly on David Com-
nenus's dress, mentioning that his tight trousers (anaxyrides) were held
up by a knot in the back (Nik. Chon. 298.30- 32). Trousers were men-
tioned twice more by Choniates in ambiguous descriptions of emperors.
Rather than walk, as was traditional for emperors, Andronikos Com-
nenus preferred to ride to the Shrine of Christ the Savior. Choniates re-
corded that the first explanation for this innovation suggested by the
people was the usurper's fear of the crowd. Others sneered that "the old
man," exhau ted by the day's work and the weight of imperial regalia,
would oil his braCCJle, being unable to retain the "dirt' of his tomach" if
he had had to walk (273.85-89). Choniates also wrote of a soldier who
reproached Manuel I, "Had you been a strong man as you claim to be,
or had you had on your anaxyris, you would have smashed the gold-
robbing Persians, routed them courageously and brought bac.k their loot
to the Rhomaioi" (186.73-75). Though Choniates was clearly suspicious
of trousers as a new fashion, the expression "to wear trousers" eems to
have already become synonym for manliness. Even the liturgicaJ vest-
ments of bishops evidently became more complicated during thjs time,
with the regular addHion of a rectangular embroidered doth (encheirio,,)
attached to the right side of the belt of the prelate's tunic (Fig. II)." Avail-
ability of alternative fa hions was not limited to clothing; it a] 0 extended
to personal grooming. A considerable continuity of certain features of
Greek hair tyles from Mycenae to Byzantium has been assumed; how-
ever, a new vernacular term, parampykia, designating a curl on the fore -
head, appeared only in the twelfth century in the , riting of Eustathios
of Thessaloniki. Also in the twelfth century, for the first time since late
12
n. N. Thierry, "Le costume episcopal byza ntin du IX' au XIlr siec1e d' aprcs
les pcintures datees (miniatures, fresques)," REB 24 (1966), 308- 15.
12. On the continuity of hairstyles, see Ai. G . Korre, ' Korone' -parampykia -
/I
phJokos," EEBS 41 (1974), 128- 35. See Euslathios, Commelltar;; ad Homer; l/iadem
1280.52-60, ed. J. G. Stallbaum, vol. 4 1830), 257.26 - 37.
13. Koukoules, Vie el ciuiiisatioll 4 (Athens, 1951), 34M., 359f.
14. Translation from C. Mango, TIle Art of fhe ByulIl/ille Empire (Englewood
Cliff , N .J., 1972), 234.
15. J. Ivanov, Le costume ill/ciells BIt/gilre (Pari, 1930).
COPYrighted material
Popular and Aristocratic Cultural Trends 79
Within the elite, however, clothing did not greatly vary. In this, By-
zantium contrasts with late antiquity, when dress reflected class and
professional affiliation quite explicitly. Sailors, doctors, lawyers, and
teachers, besides senators, each had their particular costume. Such dif-
ferentiation among the largest sectors of society probably disappeared
during the general collapse of urban life in the seventh and eighth cen-
turies. Dress remained a mirror of rank only at a court. There dignitaries
were assigned their different colors, special embroideries, and distinct
embellishments. The city prefect (eparch), for example, wore a black and
white tunic (chiton); its colors symbolized "the judicial axe," the illegal
black being separated from the lawful white (Chr. My til. no. 30). The
sebastokrator wore blue shoes and the protovestiarios was entitled to green
shoes. Red sandals and purple garments were the prerogative of the em-
peror, although by the end of the twelfth century a few high officials of
the court had the right not only to wear purple themselves, but also to
adorn their horses with it. In
Court costume was not the only feature of Byzantine society to recalJ
in a rarified form Late Roman urban life. For instance, the tradition of
luxurious communal bathing, abandoned by the populace since the
eighth century, 17 remained a peculiar privilege of certain emperors. At
the beginning of the tenth century there was apparently no great con-
cern for hygiene: Nicholas Mystikos thought that having a dirty face was
shameful but did not worry about filth on other body part, vi ible or
1
8
not. To what degree bathing was revived with the reemergence of ur-
ban life is unclear. At least one bathing establishment was rebuilt in the
twelfth century and then transformed into a church. I ' Further, there are
a f~w descriptions of baths in the countryside. Mkhael Choniates ridi-
culed one such place: it was no more than a hut heated by an open
hearth; the door could not be properly closed, so that the bathers suf-
fered from smoke and heat and at the same time shivered from the draft.
The local bishop, Choniates joked, washed with his hat on, afraid of
catching a cold (Mich. Akom. 2: 235.13-19). Another small country bath
was depicted in the typikon of the Kosmosotira. There was room for the
bathers to rest; women's days were Wednesdays and Fridays and the re-
16. Nik. Chon. 438.43 - 45. On the imperial ceremonial co tume, M. Hendy,
Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire, 1081-1204 (Washington, D.C, 1969),
65-68.
17. C Mango, "Daily Life in Byzantium," lOB 3111 (1981),338- 41.
18. Nicholas I, patriarch of Constantinople, Letters, ed. R. J. H . Jenkins and
L. G. We h~rink, (Washington, D.C, 1973), esp. 32.101-3.
19. K. Homa, "Die Epigramme des Theodoros Balsamon," Wiener Studien
25 (1903), 190, no. 26.
ma'ining time belonged to men. Though such references are rare, they
suggest that the communal bath might not have been altogether forgot-
ten out ide the palace walls. Further, while the bath may have ceased to
be an element of everyday life, it . regarded as a medical remedy: doc-
tors recommended that sick people bathe twice a week. 20 Monks presum-
ably bathed less often than laymen, but typika dictate variously between
bathing twice a month and three times a year, although the most com-
mon monastic practice was evidently a bath once a month (e.g., Kosm.
66.28- 29; MM 5:369.22). In any ca e, Prodromos moc.k ed a monk who
never appeared in a bath between Easters (Poemes prodr. 52.80- 81). Per-
hap the man was following th ascetic advice to wash with tears rather
than with water.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Byzantines showed the
same diversity in diet as they did in clothing. Hagiographers, of course,
maintained the traditional ideal of fasting; their heros were able to re-
frain from food for weeks or to restrict them elves to small amounts of
bread and water. Elias Speleotes in the tenth century was said to have
eaten only a little green barley once a day (AASS Septembris lU, 877A,
879B). Sabas the Younger wa completely ab tinent during the first five
day of Lent; on Saturday he satisfied himself with a small portion of
bread and water, and in the following weeks he only took bread after the
21
communion, and even then no more often than three days a week. Had
the diet of a saint undergone any change by the twelfth century? Per-
haps: Meletios of Myoupolis, who was praised for his traditional bread
and water diet, also had a mode t quantity of wine and a simple cooked
dish seasoned with olive oil.22 Kekaumeno had a conservative attitude
toward food; he recommendea a well-balanced breakfast and no lunch
(Kek. 214.4, 216.4 - 5). Another source evidencing a conservative diet is
the monastic typikon, or rule; typika indicate that one or at the most two
meals were eaten daily. 2J The typikon of the Pantokrator Monastery, writ-
20. P. Gautier, " Le Typicon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator," REB 32 (1974),
91.1051-52. On the Byzantine bath also see G. C. Spyridakis, L'usage des bains a
l'ipoque byumtine, les origines de la mtdicine en Grice (Athens, 1968), 55f.; Kou-
koules, Vie et civilisation 4, 419- 67; A. Berger, Das Bad in dn' byzantitliscnetl Zeit
(Munich, 1982), esp. 56(, Tzetze5, a literate man and do e to the upper a'ust of
society, was not ashamed to acknowledge that he bathed only two or three times
a year cit d by N. G. Wilson, Scholars of Byzantium (Baltimore, 1983), 191.
21. Historia et la"des 55 . Sabae. et Macarii, ed . G. Cozza- Luzi (Rome, 1893),
19.1- 1l.
22. Ed. V. Vasil'evslcij, PP5b 17 (1886), 7.19- 24.
23. A. P. Kazhdan, "SkoYko eli vizantijcy?" Vaprosy istorii, 1970, no. 9,
215-18. On Byzantine diet se also J. L. Teall, ''The Grain Supply of the Byzan-
tine Empire, 330-1025," DOP 13 (1959), 99.
ten in 1136, carefully detailed the meals for the year providing the monks
with a diet far removed from the hagiographic ideal. For instance , "On
Saturdays and Sundays, one serves three plates, one of fresh vegetables,
one of dry vegetables, and another of shellfish, mussels and calamari,
and onions, all prepared in oil; one also gives them the habitual pint of
wine .... " 24 Like Kekaumenos, the typika enjoin a good breakfast; they
limit the evening meal to bread and wine, occ.a sionally with vegetables
and fruit in addition.
From less conservative sources it appears that by the twelfth century
there was both a greater desire for sumptuous meals and a greater avail-
ability of different foodstuffs. The variety of seasonings and edibles-
induding pepper, caraway, honey, olive oil, vinegar, salt, mushrooms,
celery, leeks, lettuce, garden cress, chicory, spinach, goosefoot, turnips,
eggplant, cabbage, white beets, almonds, pomegranates, nuts, apples,
hempseed, lentils, raisins, etc. listed by Prodromos (Poemes prodr.
no. 2.38- 45) mirrors both a concern with good eating and a new diver-
sity of dishes. Symeon Seth's compilation of the dietary advantages and
di advantages of different foods, dating from the late eleventh century,
also shows an increased interest in eating. 25 But perhap the new, Rabe-
laisian delight in consumption is best conveyed by Eustathios of Thes-
saloniki. With great excitement, he described a fowl on which he had
feasted: it was seasoned with fragrant juice (anthoehymos, Eustathios's
neologism) and swimming in a sort of nectar. He called it "unusual,
good, a sweet marvel." Eustathios's account is in the form of a riddle: it
was a fowl yet not a fowl; from the fowl it borrowed blooming skin,
wingbones and legs, but the rest had no bones at aU and certainly did
not belong to the realm of birds. His consideration of the stuffing brought
further delighted confusion. Apart from the almonds, he didn't recog-
nize any of the ingredients: "} could not help inquiring frequently, what
is it? To look at the thing was to suffer from starvation (literally, "likened
the mouth to suffering from dropsy"], so I set my hands in motion and
tore the chicken into pieces" (Eust. Opuse. 311.42 - 56). In another letter
he described the bird as "whitish, abluted with wine, like the sun by the
ocean, according to Homer"; it was rich with fat, tinged "by noble red"
from the wine in which it was drenched; it was not hidden with a curtain
of horrible feathers, but exhibited in all its beauty (311 .80 - 93). The sub-
ject of culinary overindulgence was also treated by Choniates, though
more critically. His frequent disgust at great drinking bouts seems to in-
dicate that such excesses were not uncommon. He ridiculed the Latins,
who consumed chines Qf beef boiled in gTeat pots, or ate smoked pork
with ground peas, or sharp sauces with garlic (Nik. ChQn. 594.1 - 5). Byz-
antine gluttons were equally dispicable. JQhn Qf Putze could no.t refrain
from eating right in the middle Qf the street. AlthQugh members o.f his
retinue tried to. convince him that proper food was waiting for him at
hQme, JQhn seized a Po.t of his "belo.ved di h," halmaia (a So.rt Qf sauer-
kraut), and go.rged himself o.n both the cabbage and the juice (57.53-63).
JOM Kamateros also. was a no.torio.US gluttQn and drunkard, who. Qut-
drank all lithe rulers Qf the tribes," swalJowing dQwn banels o.f wine and
emptying ampho.ras as if they were small cups. He eQuid destroy whQle
fields Qf green peas. Once saw peas Qn the far side of a river and im-
mediately tQQk off his chiton (shirt), swam the river, and cQnsumed mQst
of the field Qf peas on the SPQt, taking the rest back to' hls tent to. eat later.
He ate as thQugh he suffered .frQm starvation (113f.). Isaac II, wrote
Choniates, lived in luxury, arranging spectacular feasts even during the
day. On his table it was po. sible to see hills Qf bread, coppices full of
animals, streams Qf fish, and seas o.f wine (441.9- 12). The sumptuous
meals were enlivened with jQkes and wisecracks; Choniates' de cription
of an imperial dinner prQvides Qme sense Qf the atmQsphere Qf revelry.
On Qne occasion Isaac asked that the salt be passed to him. The mime
ChaJiboures, who attended the dinner, retorted immediately with a play
Qn the Greek word for salt (halos) and the feminine plural Qf the wQrd for
other (alias). LOQking around at "the chQir Qf the emperor's concubines
and relatives," ChalibQures cried Qut, "Your majesty, WQuid you first
taste Qf these, and lat r o.n o.rder to have others brQught in?" (441.23 - 27).
Everyone burst into. laughter.
While greater wealth and a prQpensity tQward self-indulgence seem
identifiable in the relatively private spheres Qf dre s and diet, the atQm-
izatiQn of Byzantine c.ulture is most apparent in the hlghly public dQ-
main Qf PQPular entertainment. Byzantine mass amu ements became
less spectacular and less Qfficially contrived in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries. RQman hQr e racing had cQntinued to. be exceedingly PQPuiar
during the first centuries Qf Byzantine histQry, even pLaying a part in
state ceremQniai. By the eleventh century, hQwever, the circus spectacle
was relegated to. a minQr role in Byzantine so.cial life; 2' its place was
taken by the carnival. In CQntrast to. the spectator SPQrt Qf the circus, the
carnival, with its masquerading, carousing, and buffQQnery, allQwed for
26. According to the sources of the tenth through the twelfth centuries, the
number of chariot races was drastically reduc d. As pointed o ut by C. Mango, at
some unspecifiabl time chariot racing ccased to be a competitive sport and be-
came an imperial pageant: "Dajly Life in Byzantium," 349.
the full participation of the common man. The riotousness of the e fes-
tival often elicited the censure of the more staid members of society.
Theodore Balsamon criticized both the lay participants in a popular
Januacry festival who masqueraded as monks and clerics and the clergy
who disguised themselves as warriors and animals (PC 137.7290).27 Both
Balsamon and Zonaras wrote that ometimes the festivities held on saints'
day became 0 lewd that pious women fled the feasts in fear of being
assaulted by the lecherous participants (PC 138.2450-248B). Balsamon
(Ex. 9) also describes a ritual fortunetelling celebrated annually on June
23, which included dancing, drinking, public parading, and numerous
acts of a superstitious nature regarding a virgin oracle (PC 137.741B- 0).
o doubt . rite' pagan overtone led to its being banned by Patriarch
MichaellIl; its obvious traditional folk elements make it mention here
relevant. Christopher of Mytilene depicts in a long but unfortunately
now badly preserved poem a procession of masked students (rom the
notarial schools on the feast of 55. Markianos and Martyrios. 2IJ In sum,
then, there is some evidence that cOJlullunal entertainment had become
participatory and more popular by the twelfth century.
Buffoonery even seems to have penetrated the Con tantinopolitan
court (Ex. 10). According to Psellos, Constantine ex was a pleasure-
loving fellow, fond of practical jokes (Ps. Chron. 2:34; no. 132.3-8;
2:39f., no. 142.3- 25). He amused himself by digging pits in his garden
into which his unsuspecting guest might tumble. The element of social
prote t that might be read into popular carnivals, however, cannot be
ascribed to the pranks of an emperor. The e may rather be pLaced in the
cat gory of inconsequential aristocratic pastimes, of which Anna Com-
nena complained. She lamented that the investigation of lofty subjects
was forsaken by noblemen in favor of dice games and similar impious
entertainments (An. C. 3 :218.14-17). But if popular elements cannot be
pecifically identified in the games played by the nobility, they can per-
haps in the adoption of pea ant costume by members of the court as al-
luded to by Choniates (see above). Popular features are even more easily
identifiable in the literary tastes of Comneni.
POPULAR ELEMENTS IN LITERATURE
Byzantine literature was traditionally \vritten in Hellenistic Greek
(koine), which educated Byzantines mastered in the early years of their
27. See Y. V. Duval, "Des Lupercales de Constantinople aux Lupercah.>s de
Rome," Revue des Ctudes latinI'S 55 (19n), 222-70.
28. Chr. Mityl. no. 136. He also describes (no. 1), the horrible crush of the
crowd during St. Thomas's festival.
31. The earliest examples of this verse form so far identified come from the
beginning of the tenth century, if they are in fact contemporary with the events
des(] ibed in them . I. ~v~enko, "Poems on the Death of Leo VI and Con tantine
Vil in the Madrid Manuscript of Skylitzes," DOP 23- 24 (1969- 70), 222 - 25.
W. Horandner, His/. Ged . 128- 31 and esp. n. 295, and Traditionellc WId populiire
Ziige in der Profalldichhmg der Komllel/ellzeit (Athens, 1976), 7f., connects the ori-
gin of political verse with popular acclamations and church chants. M. 1. Jeffreys,
"Byzantine Metrics: Non-Literary Strata," lOB 3111 (1981), 323- 29, al 0 assumes
that political verse at a vernacular and oral level was already widespread before
900, when it was accepted by intellectual and social elites in Constantinople. Un-
fortunately, such a suggestion remains hypothetical. J. Koder, "Der Funfzehn-
silber am kaiserlichen Hof um das Jahr 500," BS 33 (1972), 219, to the contrary,
denies that fifteen -syllable verse could develop directly from folksong. On
the evolution of political verse, sec V. Tiftixoglu, "Digenis, das 'Sophrosyne'-
Gedicht de Meliteniotes und der byzantinische ,F unfzehnsilber," BZ 67 (1974),
46 - 58.
32. M. J. Jeffreys, "The Nature and Origins of the Political Vcrs ," DOP 28
(1974), 166.
33. Jeffreys, "The Nature and Origins," 173- 75.
able t men of the land, leaving to her only amateurs and craftsmen .
While the e author undoubtedly exaggerated the popularity of literary
pur uits among the p ople, it may well be that a wid r urban interest
carried the spoken idiom into the previou Iy arcane ph re of Byzantine
lit rature.
That this literary inn vation wa a sociated with a cular, urban so-
i ty perhap explains a reaction against the a similation of vernacular
element in hagiographic literature. In contrast to the monastic writing
of the fourth to ixth centurie , which were commonly enlivened with
v macular element , the churchmen of the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turi tended to take a purl t tack . . The destruction of the vita of St. Pa-
raskeve, ordered b Patriarch Nicholas TV Mouzalon in the mid-twelfth
century (Re . patr. 3: no. 1032) on the grounds that it wa compiJed by a
pea ant in a vulgar (idiotikos), appear typical of the struggle
again t a demotic hagiograph . Th church's con ervative respon e her
rve to underlin the radical implication of the vemacularization of
lit rature.
POPULAR F ATURES I RELIGIOUS LIFE
While the church s omed the vernacular, it did not remain un-
tou hed by the major ocial developments of the period. In fact, because
mona tic life is relatively well d umented by the urviving typika, cul-
tural changes may be better ob erved in the religiou pher of activity
than in any other. Most notably, there was a marked tend ncy toward
atomization, with it concomitant emphasis on individuali m and, in
80m in tances, pro ocation of indiscipline. From the beginnings of Byzan-
tine mona ticism two primary form of asceti community co-existed:
th lavra, in which hermits w re loosely affiliated, meting together on
Sundays and feast days, and the koinobion, in which monk led a more
communal life under th authority of the abbot (hegoumenos). Often
these two types of mona tic life were conjoined, with brethren progress-
C pyrgr ed I
,
goi, stating that everyone was obliged to serve both himself and others.
But there were to this principle: should a magnate, accus-
tomed to luxury, wish to nter th monastery, he would be allowed to
have a monk-llypourgos, especially if this aristocratic brother was likely
to be beneficial to the foundation through his status or his grants. Simi-
larly, while egalitarianism was emphasized in the typikolt of the Panto-
bator Monastery, there were again special cases. "If there is a person
essential to the monastery, the necessity of things requires per-
sons capable of rendering the services that he renders, he can be treated
with a certain leniency, for he is of aristocratic origin or has a sophisti-
cated breeding; it is up to the hegOlwlt?IIos to endow him with some privi-
leges, bearing in mind the benefit to the monastery." ~ Certainly such
privileges were awarded. Constantine Paphnoutios, who made a grant
to the Monastery of St. John on Patmos in 1197, was given in e change
certain benefit : in addition to clothing and food, the monastery as-
signed him a servant and promised not to overburden him with menial
chores (MM 6: 134f.). Provisions were made for the granddaughters of
Em pre s Eirene Doukaina in the typikon of the Virgin Kecharitomene.
Since the girl were to lu ury and unable to endure monas-
tic abstinence the formula is very similar to that found in the Iypikotl of
the HeLiou-Bomon Monastery-their participation in the ascetic life would
be restricted to their confes ion to the spiritual father. The noble nuns
would sing hymns and pray alon . They were to have separate cells and
would be served by two maids, free or unfree (MM 5:366.1-2). A noble
lady would be allowed only one maid (336.27 - 35). Also significant is the
fact that Byzantine monks possessed and could bequeath their own
belongings.
Aggravating this privatization of Byzantine mona ticism was the ab-
sence of institutional links among communities. Byzantium did not have
monastic orders, albeit the rules of a famous foundation like the Studios
Monastery in Con tantinople might serve as models for new founda-
tions. Although monastic republics, uch as that on Atho e isted, they,
I
too, were splintered rather than unified the power of the Athonite pro-
los, nominaUy the supreme power in the coalition, remained restricted.
Indeed, ',egownenoi of the larger Athonite monasteries enjoyed more real
respect and power than th protos.
Monastic individualism was epitomized by the activity and work of
Sym on the Theologian, a monk and lregolIInenos in Constantinople at
39 . Typika, cd. A. Dmitrievskij, vol. 1 (Kiev, 1895), 749.16- 17; 742.31 - 743.9.
40. Gautier, ute Typicon du Pantocrator," 61.525- 29.
41. Symeon the Theologian, Hymllt:s, ed. J. Koder (Paris, 1969- 73), nos.
41.173, 49.41 - 42, 49.55- 56.
42. Symeon the Theologian, Chapitres tlre%giqllcs, gnostiqucs e/ pro/illItes, ed.
J. Darrouze (pari, 1957), 111.13; Hymnes, nos. 22.117- 21, 56.7- 12; CaMchescs, ed.
B. (Paris, 1%3- 65), no. 4.284 - 90.
43. A. P. Kazhdan, "Vizanlij kij publicist XII v. Evstafij Solunskij," VV 28
(1968), 67f.
47. P. Magdalino, "The Byzantine Holy Man in the Twelfth Century," The
Byzontine Sai"t (Birmingham, 1981), 51-66.
C pyrgr ed I
Popular and Aristocratic Cultural Trends 95
not only how avidly holy items were sought, but also in what disdain the
practice was held by the well educated: he ce.nsm ed the foolishness of
the monk Andrew, who consumed with a passion for relics. An-
drew had managed to collect ten hands of the martyr Prokopios, fifteen
jaws of St. Theodora, eight. legs of St. Nestor, four heads of St. George,
five breasts of St. Barbara, twelve forearms of St. Demetrios, and twenty
hips of St. Panteleimon. Christopher remarked on the monk's ardent
gullibility, which led him to transform a herm.it into a hydra, a martyred
virgin into a bitch with innumerable nipples, and a holy warrior into an
octopus. Christopher went on sarcastically to offer Andrew further relics
for his collection Enoch's thumb, Elias the Tishbite's buttocks, and a
piece of Gabriel's wing in the pious hope of being counted among An-
drew's friends and benefactors (Chr. My til. no. 114). While this image of
a monk obsessed with may Jack psychological depth, such bitter
wit and sarcasm on the part of the observer is rare in Byzantine literature.
The popular veneration of r lies al 0 affected the highest levels of s0-
ciety. Manuel.I met the tone of Christ's unction at the Boukoleon harbor
of the Great Palace when it was brought from Ephesus to Constantinople
and carried it on his own shoulders to the Chapel of the Virgin of
Pharos. This was less a penance than an identification with Joseph of
Arimathea, at least according to an inscription reportedly on the slab:
Our lord, Emperor Manuel reenacts the re olve of the Disciple as he
bears on his shoulders that stone upon which the Lord's body was
placed and prepared for buriaJ in a winding sheet. He lifts it up an-
nouncing in advance his own burial, that in death he may be buried
together with the Crucified One and may arise together with our buried
Lord ... .
This passage also indicate that relics were believed to endow proximity
to the Godhead.
Images associated with relics also proliferated. Icons of the Mandy-
lion, miraculous image of the Virgin, and other similar objects of per-
sonal devotion. multiplied. Sl The introduction of altar cloths with full-
length images of the dead Christ (epitaphia) recently connected with
the Turin Shroud ha been ascribed to the late eleventh century.
within the church, the icon generally became increasingly accessible and
immediate. Images of veneration (proskynetaria), though known already
in monuments of the late ninth and early tenth centuries, were given
greater prominence in the church's decorative scheme, emphasizing the
intercessory capacity of the Virgin and of popular saints (Fig. 16).55 Pro-
cessional icons, too, such as the paired twelfth-century panels from the
Enkleistra of Neophytos and Lagoudera in Cyprus, became more com-
mon (Fig. 17). Relics and images are characteristically associated with
popular spirituality. .
Religious iconography also displayed what might be called popular
features during this period. Christological and Mariological scenes from
the annual cycle of church feasts, as well as liturgical images, became
more elaborate. For instance, from the late eleventh and early twelfth
centuries, apocryphal subplots appeared in images more regularly. The
story of Jephonias the Jew, for example, who had his hands cut off by an
angel after attempting to upset Mary's bier, was introduced in an image
of the Death of the Virgin (Koimesis) (Fig. 18); the disgraced personifica-
tion of Synagogue was shown being pushed away from the cross of the
Crucifixion by one angel while another brings forward Ekklesia bearing
a chalice to catch Christ's blood. ~ In the sanctuary, on the wall of the
apse, holy bishops were represented moving toward the euchari tic ele-
ments in the center (Fig. 19). The host was rendered as the infant Christ
prepared for sacrifice. This new interest in storytelling, this new con-
cern with didactic elaboration, reflected a taste for literalism that be-
speaks popularization.
Style in both manuscript illumination and monumental art also
changed remarkably in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The volup-
tuously modeled, pa tel-colored figures set in illusionistic space of the
Paris Psalter and Leo Bible and the majestic naturalism of the apsidal Vir-
gin of St. Sophia in Constantinople cannot be said to be typical of late-
ninth- and tenth-century art, but they indicate what court artists might
55. G. Babic, "La decoration en fresques des cJ6tures de choeur," Zbornik za
Likovne Umetnosti 11 (1975), 3 - 49.
56. E.g., L. Rothkrug, "Popular Religion and Holy Shrines," Religion and the
Prople, ed. J. Obelkevich (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1979), 20 - 86.
57. A. W. Epstein, "Frescoes of the Mavriotisa Monastery near Kastoria:
Evidence of Millenarianism and Anti-Semitism in the Wake of the First Cru-
sade," Gesta 21 (1982), 21 - 29.
58. G. Babic, "Les discu sions christologiques et Ie decor de byzan-
tines au XlI" siecle. Les eveches officiant devant I'Hetimasie el devant )' Amnos,"
Friihmittelalterliclte Studien 2 (1968), 368 - 86.
a hiev (figs. 20- 21). In contrast, images of the eleventh century are
commonly populated with severe figures, unaccompanied by muses and
per onifications or elaborate stage props. The sumptuous illumination
of the Go pel lectionary, Oionysiou 587, ascribed to the mid-eleventh
c ntury, is typical of the painting style of this period (Fig. 22). 100 On (01.
116r is an elaborately framed image of St. Symeon the Stylite with his
hands raised in a schematic gesture of prayer. He is abbreviated as a bust
atop his handsome Corinthian column. Not only does Symeon not have
a body, but his arranged male and female attendants
equaUy to lack physical substance despite the fact that they are
shown fuJI-figure. They stand as if weightless on symbolic steps leading
upward to the holy man. This appearance of insubstantiality is not the
result of the artist's inability to model, the ubtle modeling of the fig-
ures' flesh proves. Rather, the painter's concern was with the unam-
biguou expression of relation between Symeon and his three sup-
pLicants the one on either side of his column and the viewer before
him. Indeed, the viewer is dramatically confronted by the figures; the
gold ground and the single ground line of the frame eliminate recession
into separate pictorial space. This more abstract mode has been character-
ized a "as etk." "' However, from the eleventh century on, there is an in-
creased emphasis on vibrant jewellike color as weU as on gold. Moreove:r,
in manuscript i1lumination and .in monumental art elaborate, brilliant or-
nament became abundant (Fig. 23). All this belies the hypothesi that a
n w ascetic atmosphere pervaded the artists' ateliers of the empire.
Rather, this change of style from classicizing illusionism to opulent ab-
traction might possibly be interpreted as a shift to a more popular, less
sophisticated visual mode of expression. It is commonly assumed that
il the artistic attempt to recreate on a two-dimensional plane
the three of our visual perception by means of artificial de-
vices such as perspective or shading is easily understood because of its
familiarity. But illusionism depends on many pace-creating accessories,
such as land cape setting, architectural props, and unn cessary figure
59. For a sketch of the general stybstic evolution of Byzantine art during the
period of the Macedonian dynasty, see V. Lvarev, s toria tiella pittl/ra bizalltilla
([urin, 1967), 124- 36. Also see K. Weitzmann, Gei:;tige Grrllldlagcll ulld Wese" der
Makedollisdlt:1I RCllaissallc' (Cologne, 1962), translated as "The Character and in-
tellectual Origins of th Macedonian Renaissance," stlldiL>S ill Cla~ f' ical alld Byzall-
t i /I ' Malluscript J/lUlI/illatioll. ed . H . Kessler (Chkago, 1971). 176 - 223.
60. S. M. Pelekanides et aI. , Tire Trellsures of MOImt Atlros 1 (Athens. 1980),
434 - 36.
61. K. W 'itzmann. "BYz.1ntinc Miniature and Icon Painting in the Eleventh
entury," reprinted in his Stud it'S, 271 - 313.
that actually divert the viewer's attention from the principal subject. The
difficulty of identifying scenes in the villas of Pompeii and the ease of
recognizing images in a Byzantine church is due at least in part to the
relative simplicity with which the idea was conveyed in the latter. The ab-
straction of the eleventh century was in fact the clarification of the stage
space as well as of the figures that occupy it. The subject became increas-
ingly accessible; moreover, the work was elaborated with intricate, highly
colored ornamentation, the appeal of which is universal. All this pro-
vides a parallel to the introdution of vernacular elements in poetry.
from the late ninth century, they become commonplace only after 1000.
Patronymics did not consi tently indicate patrilinear . equence. A man
could assume his mother' name or that of his mother' mother, as well
a that of his father. The widespread adoption of patronymics, in any
ca e, corresponds with the emergent ties between the individual and the
xtended family. The glorie and honors of one generation began to be
assumed by another.
Similarly, interest in g nealogy grew. The statu of the individual be-
carne increaSingly tied to the historic position of his forebears. Con-
tan tine Manas es' eulogy of Nikephoros Comnenu , grandson of the
caesar Nikephoros Bryennio ,a veritable apotheosis of nobility, included
an elaborate genealogy.70 The writer was not content simply to allude to
the aristocratic an estry of the deceased, but rather insisted that his hero
was descended from kings. These kings were not the ons of impious
god like the wretched Pelops or Kekrops, but in fact cions of two noble
familie ,the Comneni and the Doukai, who, in mixing their heroic blood,
created a house renowned for its intelligence, power, and martial capac-
ity. This fetish for lineage is rej cted by Michael Italiko , who mocked
his contemporaries' preoccupation with genealogical investigations (Mich.
Ital. 148.18-24), and by Euthymios Tornikes, who cen ured those whose
conceit was based solely on high birth .'! While the military ari tocracy
wa proud of its fabricated genealogies, the civil nobility used patro-
nymics to extol its own moral virtues, names such as Eugenianoi ("of
nobl birth") and Eirenikoi ("peace lovers").
The concern with lineage can also be seen in the monuments. After
the year 1028 the Church of the Holy Apostles the gr at Constantinian
martyrium rebuilt by }u tinian in the sixth century and refurbished by
Basil I in the late ninth century was no longer u ed by Byzantine em-
per r as their final , communal re ting place; n rather, private dynastic
chapels became increasingly popular. Perhaps the be t documented of
family mausolea i the Heroon, a funerary church dedicated ap-
propriately to the military archangel St. Michael and constructed be-
tween the sanctuaries of the Pantokrator and the Eleou a as part of the
large monastery found d by John [J Comnenus and hi wife Eirene
Copyrq~
104 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
73. Megaw, "Note on Rec nt Work," 335f.; P. Gautier, "L' obituaire du Typi-
kon du Pantokrator," REB 27 (1969),247.
74. G. Babic, Les chapeI/es anneres des iglises byzantines (Paris, 1969).
75 . Das Strategikon des Maurikios, ed. G. T. Denni (Vienna, 1981), 70.36, re-
quired of the general only piety and justice; a origin w re not m n-
tioned . See G . Ostrogorsky' comment, "Observation on the Ari tocracy in By-
zantium," DOP 25 (1971),41. On Agapeto , P. Henry In, "A Mirror for Justinian:
The Ekthesis of Agapetus " GRBS 8 (1967), 307f.
C pyrgr ed I
Popular and Aristocratic Cultural Trends 105
78. ). Shepard, "Scylitzes on Armenia in the 1040's and the Role of CataGllon
ecaumenos," Rl!Ul/e des etl/des armellit'l/lles 11 (1975-76), 269 - 311; A. P. Kazhdan,
review of Skylitzes' 5.Yllopsis historinrulll. Istoriko-filologilcskij iI/mal, 1975, no. 1,
206- 12.
79. On the aristocratic bias of Bryennios, A . earile, "Hyle /Zistorias del cesare
Niceforo Briennio," Al!Ul/m 43 (1969),246- 4 .
hav had servants or sla s. Thu , while not an ari tocrat Prodromo
had a comfortable oda) position as a mall property owner; petty land-
own r , in fact, provided the main constituency for Comnenian dy-
na ty. Prodromos should have had a career in the army, as typical for a
man of his social status, but ill health forced him to tak up scholarship
and writing (Hist. Ged. no. 38.11-40). Nevertheles , he envied the sol-
dier of John n for fighting their emperor's battles while he could only
tay at home and pray for victory (no. 17.5- 10). But Pr dromo put hi
literary talents at the di po al of the Comneni, producing pe ches and
p m for sp cial occa ion such as births, . funerals, and
military victorie ; the of pieces were not onl emperors (al-
though Prodromo delivered fr quent encomiums of John II) but al 0
noble warriors and noble ladies, primarily of the Comnenian dan. The
"ari tocratic panegyric" became a particularly popular genre from the
end of the ele enth century Prodromos had been by Nicho-
la KaUikles as mi- fficial encomiast of the dyna ty. It i often as umed
that such rhetoric wa vain and idle, but in fa tit fuJfilled an important
so ia1 task. Along with uch works as Bryennios' Memoirs it helped
intr duce a new concept of aristocratic lineage and behavior. Indeed,
Prodromos was fa cinated by very thing connected with warfare. He
glorifi d warrior far more eloquently than was requir d by mere con-
vention: the two sons of Nik phoros Bryennios were both excellent
riders, hunters, and soldi r ; Stephen Kontostephanos was famous for
hi military skill; AIexios Phorbenos was a tall and mighty soldier; Alex-
io Kontostephanos had an excellent sword; Manuel Anema was a wise
g neral, the "great tow r of the Rhomaioi." Then there wa the family of
the sebastokrator Androniko , broth r of Manuel I: Andronikos himself
wa a great hero and gen ral, an e ceUent rider, a n bl hunt r, a man
with magnificent a1 mor and splendid hor es. In a po m on the birth of
Andronikos's son Alexio Prodromos expatiated upon the id al educa-
I
tion of a young ari to rat: he hould become a keen ball player, a fine
hunter, and a first-elas mark man. He had to be trained for battle so
that he would acquire the ski11 and strength to lay barbarians (no.
44 .74- 1,171-78).
Prodromos did not admir warlikeness alone; h also had a very
high regard for wealth. H dreamed of ha ing num rous ervant to
care for his hor e , to him fo d and wine, to dr s him in ilk gar-
m nt . H r eled in de cribing the inexhau tible riche of the infant
Al io (no. 44.15 - 55): his doth were titched in gold and decorated
with emeralds and preciou tone, he had great e tate ng a com-
fortable income, owned high-roofed houses, a throng of .ervants, a
Copyrq~
108 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
crowd of grooms. Prodromos held noble birth, too, in the highest es-
teem. Again, his attitude was well illustrated in his poem on the birth of
Alexios. Any family rej at the birth of a child, but how much greater
is the celebration when the child i born to a noble family! So speaks Pro-
dromos at the tart of the poem; he concludes in the same vein, with the
hope that Alexios may grow up to find a wife worthy of his noble line.
The self-confidence of a member of the imperial family was perhaps best
represented in the poem, ascr.i bed to Prodromos, in the form of a plea
from exile addressed to Manuel I by the sebastokratorissa Eirene, widow
of the sebastokrator Andronikos (Ex. IS).*' Prodromos provided this noble-
woman, in. exiJe {or plotting against her brother-in-law, a spirit and inde-
pendence rarely matched in medieval literature.
Like Prodromos, John Zonaras was not himself a noble but took no-
bility very seriously. His comprehensive chronicle begins with the crea-
tion of the world and continues through the same period treated by
Bryennios's Memoirs and a little beyond, to Alexios I's reign. By sifting
Zonara 's original contributions out from the bulk of his historiographic
borrowings, one can reconstruct a consistent political point of view for
the chronicler. Zonara ,r estrained in his appreciation of the military
aristocracy but idealized the civil nobility. He accused Basil II of too little
esteeming clever people distinguished by their good birth and education
(Zon. 3 :561.11 - 14). His opinion concerning Alexio I was even more
critical: "The emperor did not sufficiently respect or care for the mem-
bers of the senate; rather he attempted to humiliate them" (3: 766.17 - 19).
Zonaras was a mouthpiece for the higher echelons of the state bureau-
cracy;81 his attitude toward the Comnenian dynasty was consequently
critical, although he, like Bryennio , unreservedly accepted the impor-
tance of noble blood and treated the humble citizenry with aristo ratic
disdain. He was also an outspoken defender of wealthy members of the
society concellled with protecting their property. He explained the elev-
enth canon of the Council of Chalcedon accordingly, emphasizing that
rich and poo.r must be judged alike in court; a poor man's debt must be
paid in accordance with the law (PC 137.429C). Apparently Zonaras felt
that too often a judicial sympathy for poverty cheated the rich out of
their rightful returns; he was evidently at odds with the ethical norms of
the tenth centu.ry.
More generally, it appears that nobility was praised by people from
in Antioch after Manuel I's solemn entry into the city in 1159 (108f.). Two
detachments were arrayed against each other for "fighting with ironless
spears." The Byzantine troop consisted of those imperial relatives e pe-
dally capable of "brandishing pikes." Manuel himself entered the lists,
grinning a little as usual and grasping his spear. He wore a fashionable
cloak pinned at the right shoulder so that his hand remained free, and
his "fair-maned horse" (an allusion to Iliad 5.323) was adorned with gold
trappings that vied with his noble rider's array. The emperor ordered
that every one of his companions be clad as beautifully as possible.
Prince Geraldus (Reynald of Chatillon) came to meet him riding a stal-
tio,n "whiter than snow" and wearing a long chiton split in two from the
waist down and a tiara-shaped felt cap embellished with gold. The
knights followed, all as mighty as Ares and tremendously tall. Then the
contenders in this bloodless fight engaged in battle, "and you could see
this brassless Ares tumbling on his neck and shoulders or thrown from
his saddle like a ball; one fell on his belly, another on his back, and an-
other turned round and fled headlong." Some were pale with fear and
tried to cover themselves with their shields, some rejoiced seeing an ad-
versary frightened. They rode merrily whistling at a full gallop, their
pennants flapping. "If someone wished to express this pompously, the
sight reminded one of Ares' intercourse with Aphrodite or the coming
together of Enyo [the goddess of war) and the Charites so diversified
looked this mixed-up game." Other games, such as polo, that required
83
adroitne 5, strength, and skill, were also popular. Archery, too, and
the crossing of the Euphrates, when the emperor carried a load three
times heavier than that of the ordinary soldier (269.1-15). Constantine,
too, spoke of Basil's Arsacid ance try, albeit late in the narrative, but
otherwise ignored the topiC of noble origins.
By the end of the tenth century, chivalric virtues began to infiltrate
the traditional image of the ideal emperor. Reshaping the imperial ideal
began with literary portrayals of Nikephoros Phokas such as are found
in the epigrams of John Geometres or in the history of Leo the Deacon;
th new image may have been drawn from popular, oral sources or from
works created for the Phokas family. Even the chivalric portrayal of
Nikephoros Phokas was still suffused with monastic piety; the image
had by no means been fully secularized and militarized.
Late-tenth-century descriptions of Nikephoros Phokas placed a sin-
gular emphasis on knightly virtues. The prevailing picture of imperial
was fundamentally non-military both before and after Nike-
phoros Phokas's reign. In the middle of the eleventh century John Mauro-
pous contrasted the reckless bellicosity of the barbarians and of the rebel
89
Leo Tornikes to the triumphant piety of the emperor. Nor was there
room for martial prowes in the imperial portraits drawn by Chri top her
of Mytilene. Kekaumenos, too, prese.r ved the essential elements of a tra-
ditional imperial image: the pious emperor as God's elect (Kek. 274.9),
the .fatheJ' of his subjects (284.8- 10), and the just judge of his people
(284.17-19, 274.11-13). Kekalllnenos's written admonitions to the em-
peror contained no mention of the ruler's personal participation in battle.
While the emperor had to care for the soldiers (stratiotai), the fleet, and
the army because they reflected imperial glory and represented the
trength of the palace, the author did not demand a display of military
courage on the part of the emperor himself. For Kekaurnenos the foUl'
es ential qualities of the ruler were fortitude, justice, chastity, and rea-
on, but with some qualifications. Fortitude referred not to military
courage, but to spiritual perseverance. Nor were fortitude and reason
considered absolute virtues, since they could be put to evil use.
Military attributes, previously associated exclusively with Nikepho-
ros Phokas, began to reappear at the end of the eleventh century in the
writings of historians and publicists. Attaleiates dedicated his .
work to the praise of Nikephoros Botaneiates. Besides the traditional im-
perial virtues, Attaleiate gave Nikephoros two new ones: noble birth
and military prowess. The historian insisted that everyone loved the
new ruler for his nobility and for his martial glory; hi courag was tan-
tamount to his noble origins. These virtues nobility and courage-
were constantly associated in the author's mind (Attal. 56.1-5, 185.16-
20, 302.15).
Somewhat later than Attaleiates, Theophylaktos Hephai tos, the fu-
ture Bulgarian archbishop, wrote a didactic work addressed to his pupil
Constantine Oouka , the pre umptive heir to Alexios I' throne. This au-
thor, too, required in his good emperor both military and traditional
moral virtues: "Do not think that the servant of Ares, lionlike men, will
bring you a crown of gold and a cloak of purple unless they see you
donned in armor and directing the battle." 90 Thus, Theophylaktos and
AttaJeiate shared a common conception of the warrior emperor.
This warrior emperor type took on monumental proportions in the
writings of Eustathios of Thessaloniki. This author sketched Manuel I
as an ideal knight who scorned danger and took greater pride in his
wound than in the glitter of his diadem, toiled with his soldiers hewing
stones and bearing them on hi shoulders to build fortres e, lept little,
was abstinent in eating, liked to exercise, endured readily extremes of
91
cold and heat, and excelled all in steadfastness. Eustathio was echoed
by Prodromos, according to whom ManueJ, for the of his subjects,
lived day and night in his aIlllOr, withstanding thirst, cold, and rain
(Hist. Ged. no. 30.33-35). Kinnamos also emphasized Manuel's personal
bravery and his chivalrous readiness to aid his brothers-in-arms. 92 Man-
s emed to embody the ideal Theophylaktos had anticipated. But the
increasingly military charact rization of the emperor wa not simply a
response to the political circumstance of the empire. Byzan-
tium throughout its ry had had to cope with external p but
it wa only &om the end of the eleventh century that the warrior em-
peror emerged as an ideal type.
Militarization of th imperial image evidently had a parallel in state
ritual. The Late Roman cust m of proclaiming an mperor by raising
him on a shield was probably revived around the middle of the eleventh
century. This ritual, a mark of the bond between a ruler and his antly,
seems to have been conunon in late antiquity, from the fourth to ixth
centuries. After Phokas's usurpation of 602, however, it disappeared.'))
The fact that Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the middle of the tenth
century mentioned this ceremony as a Khazar tradition 4.t indicates that it
had fallen into disuse in Byzantium. Revival of the custom is first clearly
indicated in Psellos's writing. According to Psellos, the rebellious Bul-
gars in 1040 proclaimed P ter Deljan ruler by raising him on a shield (Ps.
Chroll. 1 :77, no. 40.21-22). In a more thoroughly Byzantine miHeu, the
usurper Leo Tornikes was raised on a shield in 1047 (2: 18, no. 104.4- 5).
In the twelfth century the description of the ruler raised on the shield
even appeared as part of a Byzantine romance, .Rodanthe and Dosikles by
Prodromos (chap. 5, v. 109-11). 05 Akropolites in the thirteenth celltury
treated Theodore Laskaris' elevation on a shield as a commonplace. %It
is not clear, however, when between the middle of the eleventh and
middle of the thirteenth c.e ntury this ritual became customary.
Thi ritual was al 0 well known in painting. The theme was often
exploited by Byzantine miniaturists, particularly in connection with cor-
onation of the kings of the Old Testament. The oldest representation of
this kind is the image of Hezekiah in the Chludov Psalter, a manuscript
usually dated to the ninth century. Two other illuminations showing the
same subject occur in tenth-century manuscripts; the theme became
much more common during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.Y7 It is
93. The Book of Ceremo"ies noted that Nikephoros Phokas was raised up in
%3 when the soldi rs proclajmed him emperor, but it is unclear whether a shield
was involved in the episod . O. Treilinger, Die ostromische Ka;ser- /lml Reclrtsidee
/ladr i/rrer Gestnl/ung ;/11 hOfiscirell ZewnOlr;ell (jena, 1938; reprint: Darmstadt,
1956), 23, suggest that ikephoros could have been raised up on a shield.
G . Ostrogorsky, Zur byzalltillischen Geschiclrte (Darmstadt, 1973), 149, also admits
this pOSSibility, although he regards this act not as a coronation but as a spon-
taneous expression of the soldiers' prolluncilllllento. Others doubt that in 963 the
ceremony of raising on a shield took place at a1l : Aik. Christophjlopoulou,
Eklogc. QlUlgorclIsi.'i /a1; stl'psis tou Uyulntinoll IIl/toKr%ros (Athens, 1956), 105f.;
. Walters, "Raising on a Shield in Byzantine leono raphy," REB 33 (1975), 159.
94. Constantine Porphyrog nitus, De adm;n;strando imperio, ed. Gy. Morav-
e ik and R. J. H . Jenkins, (Washington, D.C., 1967), chap. 38.52-53.
95. Erotic; saiptores Graeci, ed. R. Hercher, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1859), 356.
6. G . Ostrogorsky, Zur byulIIti,,;sclrm Gescllic1rte, 150, suggests that the
ceremony was introduced into Byzantium under West rn influence. In contrast,
1. Dujtev, Proua.mrija Vlirclru bill ars/wto sred"ovek01';e (Sofia, 1945), 30, assumes
that this custom existed continuously from Roman times .
97. This is evident from the stem ma produced by Walters, "Raising on a
Shield," 174.
found, for example, in the Barberi ni Psalter (Fig. 26), a Book of Kings
(Vat. gr. 333), and twice in the Madrid Skylitzes. 98 Raising an emperor on
a shield seems to be depicted also on two marble roundels usually dated
to the twelfth century."" The popularity of this theme in art may be re-
lated to the reemergence of the imperial ceremony.
But the new image of the warrior emperor had an even broader im-
pact on imperial icQnography. Manuel 1 had his palace at Blachernae
decorated with images of his own battles as well as of famous ancient
ones (Ben. Tud. 53, exs. 19-20). The emperor evidently appeared also in
a military attitude on luxury objects: an anonymous poet of the twelfth
century d escribes a golden bowl decorated "in the habitual manner"
with Manuel I pursuing the defeated king of the Persians and an innu-
merable ho t of Seljuks. 1(1) At the end of the twelfth century the courtier
and rhetorician John Kamateros, in a speech addressed to Andronikos I,
spoke about a "custom that existed in the society of Rhomaioi [Kama-
teros admitted that he did not know whether such a law had been ac-
cepted by any other people) according to which defeated barbarians, cit-
ie bringing their tribute, and hunting motives were presented not only
in public places but even on the emperors' crowns." Kamateros under-
tood that all these scenes were meant to glorify the ruler (Fontes 2:
244.21-245.107). Again, on the ivory casket at Troyes, dating probably to
the eleventh century, the armed basileus is represented as victorious over
his enemies; on other sides he is depicted in a boar-and-lion hunt. lUI
Similar images are found on silver vessels. 10'l The effigy of the emperor in
military dress also appears on coins, first in the mid-eleventh century.
Constantine IX produced mi[iaresia with the emperor in armor on the re-
verse, holding a cross in his right hand and his left hand on the hilt
of his sheathed sword. The gold coins of Isaac 1 (1057-59) reveal an
even more radical break with the traditional imperial image: the emperor
98. J. Lassus, L'illustration du Lillre des Rois (Paris, 1973), fig. 25 (fol. 15v),
fig. 83 (fol. 44), fig. 99 (fol. 89v), fig. 101 (fol. 95); Cirae Estopai'ian, Skyllitz.es Ma-
tritensis, fols . lOv, 230.
99. H. Peirce and R. Tyler, "A Marble Emperor-RoundeJ of the Xllth Cen-
tury," DOP 2 (1941), 3- 9.
100. S. Lampro , "Ho Markianos Kodix 524," Ncos Hl'lIenomnemlm 8 (1911),
172, translated into English by C. Mango, Tile Art of ti,e Byzantine Empire (En-
glewood Cliffs, N .J., 1972),228.
101. W. F. Volbach, "Profane Silber- und Elfenbeinarbeiten aus Byzanz,"
Actes du XIV' Congres illternatimwi d'etudes byzantines 1 (Buchares t, 1974), 367f.
102. Darkevit, Suetskoe iskusstoo Vizalltii, 139- 54. The ethnic origin of some
of the silver bowls published by Darkevit still remains a matter of djspute.
was presented grasping the scabbard with his left hand and holding
a sword against his shoulder with his right. I(JJ Just this type of image
prompted contemporaries to accu e Isaac of suggesting through his
coinage that he obtained his authority not from God, but through the
sword (Attal. 60.3-4 and especially Sky!. Cont. 103.3-4); such censures
no doubt contributed to the suppression of the martial effigy of the em-
peror on coins of the twelfth century. The Comnenian emperors, how-
ever, continued to indicate their military concerns on their currency. 11M
Instead of utilizing military portrait , the Comneni depended on the de-
piction of the great military saints. Alexios I introduced St. Demetrios,
John II used 5t. George, Manuel I employed 5t. Theodore. 105
The new fascination with the military image was not limited to the
emperor and the aristocracy. John Mauropous testifies to the existence of
a non-aristocratic cuJt of St. Theodore in Euchaita, where Mauropous
served as metropolitan. He explained that Euchaita's Theodore was dis-
tinct from another, one mounted on horseback; he was a common re-
cruit, not a general. As this saint was not an arrogant figure, "the poor,
the common, and the infantrymen" came from aU around to pay their
tribute to him. In small provincial chapels as well as in metropolitan
l
()6
103. P. Grierson, Catalogue of tire Bywntine Coi,rs in the Dllmbarto" Oaks Collec-
lion, vol. 3, no. 2 (Washington, D.C.. 1973), pl. LIX, no .7al - 7b3; pI. LXIU,
no. 1.2-2-5. On coin no. 3,2-3, Isaac I is represented with a sword and a civil in -
signillm, the sphaira. .
104. The effigy of an emperor in a military caftan with a sword and a cross
appear . ometimes on the coin of Alexios I: M. Hendy. Coinage and MOlley ill tlte
Byzantine Empire, 1081 - 1261 (Washington, D.C., 1969), 2, no . 13.
lOS. M. Hendy, Coinage, 437.
106. John Mauropous, " Quae in codice Vaticano graeco 676 supersunt," ed.
P. de Lagarde, AblJandlungen der IIistorisdl - philologiSt'he~1 Klasse der kOniglidlen
Gesellscllaft der Wissenschaften zu G6ltingell 28, no. 1 (1881 (1882, 208.17-28.
The epic equally contains the dearest literary vision of the ideal of
aristocratic leisure: Digenis' palace provided a life of physical and cul-
tural refinement (E . 23). The four-squared mansion of ashlar was em-
bellished with stately colulIlns, the ceiling was adorned with mosaics,
th pavem nt was bright with inlaid pebbles. The palace had a chapel
dedicated, naturally, to a warrior , St. Theodore. The setting is remi-
. of the suburban estate of Blachernae enlarged and redecorated
under the Comneni, a luxurious, fortified pleasure palace whose de-
lig hts particularly fascinated th Crusaders (exs. 19- 20). This move of
the Comnenian emperors from the old Great Palace in the heart of the
city to a new, emi-rural ca tIe-villa accorded with the radical social
change wrought by the dynasty. In the same sort of paradisial environ-
ment, Digenis plays the cithara and Eudokia, his wife, sings more sweetly
than nightingales and Sirens, or dances on a silk carpet. These literary
images are strikingly similar to the repre entations of courtJy pleasures
on twelfth-century silver vessels discovered in Berezovo and in other
. n sites. Among the reliefs is one showing acrobats, musicians,
and dancers enframing the portrait of an empress.10'l Such festivity is
brought to mind. too, by the enamel dancers accompanying Constantine
IX and the empres es Zoe and Theodora on the crown now in Budapest
(Fig. 28). Grabar considers the images on the so-called crown of Hungary
unique in Byzantium and turns to Moslem art for parallels. 110 Consider-
ing not only the Berezovo ve sel, but also Byzantine secular material
that, though lost, is alluded to in literary sources, we may suppose the e
enamel scenes from court life were probably not so unusual as has been
as umed. Digenis's pastimes were archetypally aristocratic: feasting,
hunting, and, more unusually, bathing in his garden pool pavilion, all in
the company of his noble friends. Digenis's demise was soon followed
by that of his faithful spouse. The couple was mourned by their friends
and their weaJth was piou ly distributed to the poor; they were buried in
a. great porphyry tomb the stone was usually reserved for the imperial
family that could be seen for miles around. Even in death, Digenis
epitomized aristocratic aspirations.
The reemergence of urban life, with its attendant revival of the prov-
I
inces in Byzantium during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, contrib-
uted to the decentralizing tendencies of the state. This is reflected in the
culture by the introduction of popular elements, especially in art, litera-
ture, and communal pastimes. Concurrently, with the shift toward feu-
dalization, the status of the bureaucracy of the centralized state declined.
The virtues of the new military aristocracy became socially dominant,
permeating even the image of the emperor.
ACADEMIC INSTITUTIONS
The organization and program of elementary and secondary educa-
tion was not radically tran formed in Byzantium during the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. The curriculum remained es entially unchanged:
its foundations were grammar and rhetoric; its goal was the mastery
of the Hellenistic Greek language (koine) and the das i . A earlier,
schooling remained in the hand of private teacher , and lessons, al-
though sometimes free, took place in the teacher' house. Some general
structure may have b en self-imposed. Students and teacher in Con-
2
Copyrq~
122 CHANGE 1 BYZANTI E CULTURE
Copyr t 1'1 I
The Pursuit of Knowledge 123
(1976), 242.; M. j. Kyriakis, ' The University: Origin and Early Phases in Con-
stantinople," Byz . 41 (1971), 170f.; P. Lemerle, C;lIq tludes Sllr Ie Xl' siecie byza ntill
(Pari , 19n), 215 - 27.
7. On schedography, R. Browning, "11 cod ice Marciano gr. XJ.31 e la sched-
ografia bizantina," in his Studies on Byzantine History, Literature alld Education
(London, 19n), part 16, 21 - 34. Also see A. Garzya, "Literarische und rheto-
rische Polemiken der Komenenenzeit," reprinted in his Storin e illterpretaziolle di
testi biulIItini (London, 1974), part 7, 2- 6.
gence? If it rained, the haU was empty. Whereas earlier students of phi-
losophy had had to travel from Europe to Asia for the fruit of scholar-
ship if they sought philosophical wisdom they had to go to Egypt and
for astronomical knowledge they went to Chaldea his audience was
lucky enough to po sess in him the center of the universe, "the second
ether." But nonetheless, they were stopped by any condensation in the
air, by the appearance of clouds, or even by too hot a sun! The students
came late, and they thought less of their studies than of the Hippo-
drome, the stage, or money. "li you should go to any other place, how
fast are your legs, how efficient you are in squeezing in .... But if you
decide to visit the mouseiofl you move like a caterpillar, utterly overbur-
dened and with a confounded head. Your eyelids faU down and cover
your eyes, as if they are contraptions of lead." II
The pleasures of an academic life were more wistfully expressed in
Nicholas Mesarites' description of the school at the Church of the Holy
Apostles, one of the best-known institutions in the city (Nic. Mesar.
916- 18). A sense of well-being and beauty pervades his rendering of the
trees, gardens, fountains, and porticos of the academy. But he seemed
to take the greatest delight in the intellectual activities that were being
pursued in this idyllic setting. Students of grammar, rhetoric, and logic
roamed the porticos reading their notes, memorizing te ts, or calculat-
ing on their fingers. Adults as welJ as youths met there to di cuss scien-
tific problems. Physicians also gathered to consider the nature of pulse
or fever. Even c.hurch chants were taught in the e halls. Me arites com-
pared the noi e of discussion in the porticos to the sound of birds on a
lakeshore. But disputes occurred here too. Evidently when a student or
professor was incapable of proving his thesis by argument, he resorted
to cursing. Unresolved arguments were settled by Patrian:h John X
Kamateros, who was presented by Mesarites as expert in grammar and
physics. The church seems to have remained the ultimate judge.
The emphasis on debate in education and in intellectual discourse is
alluded to in other sources. Psellos chastised two of his disciples for ar-
guing: their disputes were too noisy; "Greek law and the rule of phi-
losophers" required the tranquil and quiet deliberation of a problem.
"Do not mimic the birds," he wrote, "to which Homer compared the
Trojan camp." More significant is another of PseUos's statements: he
caUed his students to peace, since they had a common task; 12 LemerIe
suggests that this common task was polemics against another school of
11. Pseudo-Psellos, De operatione daemonum, ed. J. F. Boissonade (Nurem-
berg, 1838; reprint : Amsterdam, 1964), 143.9 - 26.
12. Pseudo- Psello , De operationI' daemOlIll m, 131 - 35.
126 CHANGE I BYZANTI E CULTURE
ACADEMIC POLITICS
Michael PseUo wa appointed the first hypatos of The
fir t nomophylax was John Xiphilinos. Both were oung int Il ctuals from
an urban milieu, Xiphilino from Trebizond, P ello fr m Constanti-
nople. Psel10 's reJative h d thought to make him a tradesman, but his
mother had insisted that after elementary s hool he continue his educa-
tion. He tudied with Mauropou poet, rhetorician, and future metro-
politan o.f Euchaita as did Xiphilinos. With their appointment to high
positions in the state bureaucracy they surpa sed, in a professional
n e, the achievement of their fonner master. In one of hi letters,
Mauropou disclosed both his re pect for his former pupil and his bit-
terne their ucc . s. He r called their lofty ideals and sharp
wit, their love of beauty and respect for scholar hip. But while he prom-
i d them hi continued upp rt and collaboration, Mauropous aero ed
P 110 of neglecting their friend hip after seizing the professorial throne
(Satha I MB 5: 15). 16
The prestige engendered by these positions wa enjoyed by Psellos
and Xiphilinos for but a . hort peTiod. Around 1050 a certain Ophrydas
13. LemeTle, Cinq etude, 216.
14. K. Homa, "Eine un di rt Rede des Konstantin Manasses," Wiener Shl-
dim 28 (1906), 181.264-65.
15. R. Browning, "Enlight nment and Repre sion in Byzantium in the Elev-
enth and Twelfth Centuri ," and Present 69 (1975), 10, r printed in his Stud-
ies on Byzantine History, part 15.
16. Weiss, Ostr6mische Beamte, 70f., dates the letter to before 1042, but in a1\
probability it was written later: Ja. N. Ljubarskij, MicJrail Psell. Ulnost' j tvort.estvo
(Mo cow, 1978), 43f.
Copyr t 1'1 I
The Pur uit of Knowledge 127
17. An. C. 2 : 33- 37; P. Stephanou. Jean Ita/os, phi/~phl! et humaniste (Rome,
1949); P. Joannou, Die IIIuminationslehre des Michael Psellos und Joannes Ita/os (Ettal,
1956),9-31; R. Browning," nJightenment and ," 11 - 15; J. Gouj}Jard,
"La r ligion des philosophe ," TM 6 (1976), 306-15; L. C1u a The Trial of John
I
Ita los and the Crisis of Intellectual Values in Byzantium (Munich, 1981).
Copyrq~
128 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
C pyr rled I
130 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
propagate official ideology, police the loyalty of the population, and pro-
duc efficient lawyer, administrators, and bureaucrats (Ex. 27). Further-
more the schools were bound to an entrenched curriculum burdened
with archaic textbooks and a dead language. The system was further
weakened by its structural instability. Schools were created, then dosed;
professorial chairs were established, eliminated, then reestablished; lec-
tures were transferred from one place to another. Despite these many
impediments, the higher schools remained c nters of some ideological
diversity. The concentration of intellectuals, both professors and ardent,
meddlesome student youth, the increased interest in the natural sci-
ence , particularly mechanics, optics, and medicine, and the introduc-
tion of debate as an important vehicle of education aU contributed to the
growth of heterodoxy in Byzantium.
INTELLECTUALS IN SOCIETY
The Byzantine intelligentsia in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
fomled a particular social stratum associated with the higher schools as
well as with s holarly and literary circles outside academia. It is com-
monly thought that a homogeneous group of intellectuals closely con-
nected with the ruling class of the empire alway existed in Byzantium. <
But this assumption of ubiquitous unifOI mity mu t disappear when the
inteUectual circles of different periods are compared. As mentioned ear-
lier, at the beginning of the ninth century monastic figures like The-
ophanes or Theodore of the Studios both of whom, like many of their
contemporaries, were from their youth active in the monastic move-
ment dominated the literary life of the Byzantine Empire. From the
middle of the ninth century, however, a new intellectual type prevailed;
these men were for the most part laymen, though some eventually took
places within the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Even the hagiographic com-
pilations of the tenth century were produced primarily by secular au-
thor. From the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century,
the ruling elite was intimately involved in intellectual affairs. Among the
most distinguished writers of this period were two emperors, two lay
administrators who eventually occupied the patriarchal throne, a series
of high -ranking dignitaries, several bishops, deacons, and, with the
single e ception of George Hamartolos, no monks at all.
The literati of the eleventh century were still part and parcel of the
ruling group. Only in the lat eleventh and in the twelfth century did the
THE ASSIMILATION OF
THE CLASSICAL TRADITION
28. Escor. Y-D-lO, fol. 402; quoted, A. P. Kazhdan, "Grigorij Antioch, " VV
26 (1965), SO.
29. See 'L emerle, u premier IlIImanisme, 267 - 300, esp. 299f., on the limita-
tions of tenth-century encydopedism. See also N. G. Wilson, Scholars () Byum-
tium (Baltimore, 1983), 89 - 147.
30. A. Dain, US manuserits (Paris, 1949), 122; "La transmi sion de . texte lit
teraires dassiques d Photius it Constantin Porphyrogenete," DOP 8 (1954),
41-46; us manllscrit$, 2d ed. (Paris, 1964), 126f.; J. Lrigoin, Histoire du tex/e de Pi,,
dare (Paris, 1962), 123(,; "Survic du rcnouveau de la . re antique it Con-
tantinople (IX' siecle)," Cllhiersde civilisatioll mMiih!aleS (1962),287 - 302; A. Diller,
" The Age of Some Early Greek Classical Manuscripts," Serta TllrynialJa (Urbana,
1974), 524; G. Zuntz, All Inquiry into the Transmissioll of tile Plays of Euripides (Cam-
bridge, 1965), 262.
Copyr t 1'1 I
The Pursuit of Knowledge 135
twelfth century the tragedians and Aristophanes were studied and com-
mented upon by both Tzetzes and Eustathios. Plato wa transcribed in
the ninth century, but he was not studied until the eleventh, when
Psellos read and popularized his work.'" Aristotle's writings were pub-
lished in Constantinople about 850, but through the tenth century they
were referred to only incidentaJly.J From the eleventh century onward,
however, serious commentators on Aristotle proliferated: George Anepo-
nymos, Psellos, John Italos, Michael of Ephesus, Eustratios of Nicaea,
Theodore Prodromos, and Tzetze . Interest in Neoplatonism also re-
vived at this time. l
There was a fundamental change in attitude toward ancient culture
from the ninth to twelfth centurie . The corpu of cia sicalliterature was
gathered and transcribed in the ninth and tenth centuries; in the elev-
enth and twelfth centurie , the process of assimilation and reflection be-
gan. But there are further distinctions to be made in the history of Byz-
antine classicism. Ninth- and tenth-century scholars studied classical
texts with curiosity, but also with distance. They u ed pagan antiquity
as a foil for their own times. That Byzantine writers strove for an objec-
tive distance from the past wa shown in a criticism leveJed by Arethas
of Caesarea, a collector of ancient texts himself, at Choirosphaktes for
amhiguou ly interweaving the myths of the Hellenic world with contem-
porary reality.C3 Even the biographer of Emperor Basil I, whether it was
Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself or somebody else at court, consis-
44. On the Jjfe of Basil I, 1. Seveenko, "Storia lett raria," LA civi/tn bizantilUl
dill IX al XII sec% (Bari, 1978); on Th odo ios the Deacon, . Criscuolo, "Aspettl
letterari, s tilistid del poema Halosis te Kretes di Teodosio Dia ono," Atti dell'Ac-
CtJdemia Pontaniana 2 (1979),71 - .
45. Herakles: An. C. 1: 16.6, 36.14; 2: 24.18; 3: 110.24; Alexander: 2: 105.2- 3;
3: 217.21-22. See Ja. N. Ljubarskij in Anna Komllina . Alcksiada (Mo cow, 1965),44.
C pyrqrted I
'38
ages ' hr,ou .,g h. com.p arisons w i .:h. m.y thi.c al .h.erlOS, ,e vents from antiq'uiy~
or la~n.ci.en't :ha.b'its~ T f!Sc- . _~p'igrams as. a 'whoIe fo' .m .he so caUed. .His fo~
Ties, an imm.cnse :poe:m wi. h.out any' . ~,ofce,abl.e s,tru.ctu~e' , in w :"'c h. 'Tze--
t~e'S tr-eate ev erytnin.g from. history an,d gle ograp,h y . 0 myt:h:s and :mo.n-
ume ts~ He seems 'to ha.ve slmply enj~y ~.d th.e q ee' r ; ' : "'ng:.oi - stange
"nam .'. 0.0,
~~ I.
' .. t . e "inth ,a nd e .fu centuri.es, t:h en., the' c'- assicai. :p ast i ad been .
l."-ega ded as a1!lurlng b ~t al~e . ~ B," the e]e ent an . . tvletfth centurj,es this
ambi.g.u lty s ~ -ms to h.a.ve ~~~ .n. am ~H.orated". Ind<ed,. 'n. _' h 'e :e ,cen."tur~
Byzan in.e id,e':n: .mfica_,m ,o:n 'w i h t .e' eUe '"c past: became firmly root,ed~
.' ... . . .' .. I "I I '
THE BYZAN INE R ADI G OF
I " l '. . . . .' " '. . ".
>.,
_, . _ : .' ~:_. ,',. ','i' ..... ....: .'.. . ''- '''1 . . . , . .1. : ." , ... : : .. ,~ .... , ... , .1... I,: _" .. :. 1 ,~
.ges s' that th":s ,a nf'q'u aianism " as cl. s ~Jy' rela-te d to t ,e repnE!;ssi ve politi-
cal ort odo~ of t h.IE empire~ .:'. hfch. i~ndu.'c~d a. -ca,c uum ~ . tw - -' n : -'~.ali:ty
and cr,e'a ti : e a-ctiity- nclassi.cism. W's s safe a~n.d oo:ns =q.ue .- t .:y po'p"ula ....
Su pport for' such. a. h.esis may' c:-. ~ .ouDd ,m n 'w or,i s, uc '. a Timotheos.r
or' A,bout .Demons w'h ich use1d to be ascribed. to p'"e- ,os.. 7 T 'e piece '. : as,
j I.
writte ' ~'n the fo'- .... .of a. ,d ~ .cusjn between 'M IO' ':"-iie '-' ds.,.. 1m.o / hOls an.d .
Thrax, wh,o met :". ~ Byzant =u m (te., u Co ns :.: . ; ". .'1'. . l., Pr,e ssed 'b y'
Timoihleo:s,. Thrax d,e scribed the p actices of t '[ e Euchites, "' eretilc'" 'w h,o
in.d ulged in eat,i . g e.xct'e m.e t/.. in. :incest, in the sa,cr ~ fi.ce of ne'wlJO'm in-'
fants t and in. ,d.'e'vii w,o:rship'., '. corlveT ~ atio.n. 'w as ... ought to . . e n,d I . . ,.
on.y by the thr ' 'a t of rai '. . In ts .'. arm, i s lan.gua,ge I .a~n.d. i: s' co:ncerns, 4
T'":11l'of.heos .ee ~ .IS a ''!en to the . --. t ure .. :a't p':--od'u ced ~t. .h,e Id .-a)ogu,e form
was de .~ . . ,e d from works of' L uc ian a n Pia.:o 'w hic'h the By.z;an"tlnes. l
m:u .c h ad.mirled; th ~ ~ ,ub'ect rna' t ~ r s . an.' to the sixth rat~er thaj to'
th.e , lev, in th or 't hle twel 't oentury~ The ..... ", tes~ th '~ G 'l ost ICS~..arn,d the
. _a........
v g'e .. ..' U
~ -ULIJa'b
I ~
.. a nt
. t-- 1 ... . n
V t- e-', B. ". .'t..'o:. ' ]h
' -'" I'e!'d ' '(:!
1 "I~ "e'"
. .
t-
' .
o'0" "n"" e- d'- 1:" I1'-I-h.. .e
....
" - IIl:IIX , .a...a
: ~ &~, a'n
Y a
' '~. a...t .... ~
, . . . . . . . . . . U I'~'
roni ms. T:motheos i_.n .d Thr,ax~re 'p ac,e i an epoeh - ein. pa.ga ~sm
w'a'S S:_-r a. U.ve .-ss e' an:d w hle n a revival . . f th,e' 'exae,. . . . es, of th,e' Dio'n y" iac
.. Y[[!lt l. . ~ mlg"
il9 '
.. ..': ,, :, '~/ .. .t f:!til"' . e
.
.... ~ .
:. of" 11"'~1 '. r ;, .. d'.
. lIl:II,v.......... lIl:IIc. ..e
. ~ ,.'
. .
:, ~~' . . ,. II!.-A II!.- 1_
_.
10~ 13.. ., Gauli r', I.JL ': -. .,- m.onibus,' uos 'udo- sUos/ R'- B 38 (1980) . 05 ~
94.. ". n"'. s P:senosi's a:u th.or, hip ao . 1\-d . : s .... ' work, t o . . .. lvi, ~ :fth c ntury" H .e I .'
Notwithstanding the fact that the Timotheos i not the only piece of
B zantine literature that might be cited to support Beck' upposition,
his explanation of the empha i Byzantines placed on cla ical literature
has weaknesses. Beck him elf has recognized in Byzantine political ide-
o logy an ambivalence whereby both resistance to autocracy and domi-
nation by autocracy were legitimated. The orthodo y of political thought
in Byzantium must not be xaggerated; cons quently, concern with an-
tiquity must not be treated imply as a sign of in I alienation.
Rather it may be suggested that Byzantine dependenc on antiquity de-
v loped out of a need to find ecurity within an ble oci ty by
creating the illusion of cultural continuity with the Hellenic past. The
r pr entation of and Thrax (or Achille or Alexander) as
contemporaries was not an inconsequential pa time play d to fill a 0-
cial vacuum, but an attempt to e tablish constancy amid the insecurities
of Byzantine life. Furtherillore, Byzantine imitative lit rature did not
a oid vital contemporary questions, but used traditional themes, classi-
cal image ,quotations, and antique expression to comment up n social
and ideolOgical phenom na in the Byzantine world . Their art was in a
ns an art of allusion.411 Once this is accepted, critique of Byzantine
soci ty become apparent in man Byzantine work . In War of the Cat and
Mice (Katomyomachia), a parody by Theodore Prodromo , the under-
ground exi tence of the mice by the au thor may r fl ct the Byz-
antine ' sen e of political oppression. Herbert Hung r ev n proposed
that the king of the mic , Kreillos, represented a typical Constantino-
politan demagogue and u urper (Ex. 28).9 Antiquity was bound even
more tightly in contemporary issues in Timarioll, a dialogue written pos-
ibly b Ni hoi a Kallikl ,a poet and physician at the court of Alexios I,
or by another person u ing the nom de plume Lucian (Ex. 29). 511 C rtainly
it wa from Lucian that the author cribbed the plot of hi narrative,
which involves the hero's journey to the underworld. But th etting (the
fair at Thessaloniki), the people of HeU (including P 1I0s and John
Copyr rt fTla al
140 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
Italo ), and the event that brought about their downfall wer all drawn
from contemporary Byzantine life. ~l
The allusive commentary on current affairs that the literary fiction of
th empire masked with antiquated vocabulary and traditional
wa thoroughly unde,r tood and appreciated by its r ader . The sophi -
ticated knowledge of the clas icalliterary tradition among the educated
allowed an author scope for exploiting even subtle modifications of form
and sub tance. S2 Though often 10 t on modern readers, uch manipula-
tion of the familiar texts of antiquit might weU rouse emotions or sug-
politically . v id a to contemporarie . Of even in me-
di at Byzantium such aUu ions would have had a limit d audience;
only a small minority would have been able to savor these scholarly in-
nuendos. But the inherent liti m of this mode of expre ion mu t have
contributed to its aead mic attraction.
Clas ic.al culture did not remain monolithically intact in its transmis-
ion to th Middle Ag s. Th Byzantine fundamentally modified classi-
ci m to conform to their pel.uiiar cultural effort for stability. Instead of
analyzing the of character through individuals' reactions
to event, the Byzantine wer oncemed with the id al re ponses of
prototypical or symbolic figur . For instance, Christ's Passion (Chri tos
Paschon) is similar in forlU to Greek tragedy.53 Thi work, moreover, de-
pends heavily on line from Euripides and include also quote from
A schylus and from Lykophron. However, the of the Byzan-
tine pie e differs radically from that of ancient tragedy and e pecially of
Euripides: in Christos Paschon the protagoni t, the Virgin Mary, reacted
pa sively to the dramatic e cnts announced to her by a eries of mes-
Shift from rrow to joy occurred as disjoint d reaction to the
51 . Even in highly d .rivati e erotic romance, images drawn from the con-
temporary scene are employed time after time: A. P. Kazhdan, "Bemerkungen
zu Niketas Eugeniano ," JOB 16 (1%7), 101 - 17; H, Hunger, Antiker und VyZJ1n-
tiniscller Roman (Heidelberg, 19 1),
52. A. Garzya, "Topik und Tendenz," 306f. H. Hunger ha noted both th
antinomy of strict imitatio and the rich diversity of detail in Byzantine literature
nd the ten ion between imitation and originality: Byzantinisclle GruTidlagen-
forschung (London, 1973), part 15, 33.
53. On the dating of th Christos Pasdwn, A. Tunier, Gregoire de Naziance, La
passion dll Chr; t (pari, 1%9), 72f.; J. Grosdidier de Maton , " A prop d ' un
&lition r .e nte du Christos paschon," TM 5 (1973), 363- 72; more generally, H .
Hunger, " Die byza Uteratur der Komn nenzeit, " Anzeiger dcr phi-
lologisch-historischen KJasse der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wis en clulften IDS,
no. 3 (1968), 63-65; S. Av rince ," izantijskje eksp rimenty tanrovoj fOlmoj
trag <iii." Problemy poetiki i i torii literatury (Saransk, 1973), 255-70.
C pyr qrted r1 I
The Pursuit of Knowledge 141
narrative of the Lord's pa ion the foreboding of Juda 's betrayal, the
f ar of crucifixion , the lamentation over the body after the depo ilion,
and the joy of the resurr ction. The outward form of emotion rather
than the dynamic of action and passions were d scribed. Antique liter-
ary devices were absorbed into a purely medieval mode of expression.
COPY grted m
142 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
57. I<. Weitzmann, Greek MytholoKY ill ByulIItille Art (Princeton, 1951); "The
Survival of Mythological Representatjons in Early Christian and Byzantine Art
and Their Impact on Christian Jconograph ," DOP 14 (1960), 43-68.
58. K. Weitzmann, The Joshua Roll, Work 0 tile MJlcedollia" Renaissallce (Prince-
ton , 1948).
59. H. Buchthal, Paris Psalter, esp. 23.
viv,e ,rr-om ,t h,e :la'te mn't h a'n,d early t,e'd ,t h c,e'ntur ~esj l't :is - ely held 'tha't'
, :0 m,oonmen'tal. em, in ,at 'ty'- e " that' ~ '" cont-e'mpora ,', ' manu,-'
~' mages
scr ~,pts fiO Indeedl' ,~t, :seems ,a-s fhoug'h r,ela,tlvely' few :ma.j-or .foun,d iltioin s
w,~ re constl'u,cted d" 'f ,mg ,t h,,' :m iddl,e d,lE!ca,d,es ,o f t- 'e' ten't h loon,tul)7' (see
' bel,olw~ p,", 198),., ,N: ,e .rtheless, the -, ,exa' pIe , - "", "!,d te ' t"-ce "ltury"w~ 'I , 1
p,ail'ntin,g _'ha,t may fIll this, la,c una cl,ari le:s o-ur po -'n,t ,a bou:t: cIa,:, -", : j ,
style',., N10 w ,t ha,-th,e ,fr'escos 0' the "" ew' Ch,u rc' ~ of To:k ab KiU;se in 'G,or-eme'
Valley, Ca,p 'p 'adocia, hav'e bee,n cleB_n ,e d, -they' can,be r ~ cognized ,f or what
,t h,ey' are': ,6o'philstica 'e dt, high~,uali.t _," W 'O', ks '- ,t: with stro, g m,etro ,I,
:pol ~ ta'nco "D ' ' " (Fig; 32) ,.,,61 'T h,e' c]assilcizing figu:re s"tyle' of th,ese
ire ,Qols is c],o se:l y re]a't ed, to su,c h wor.:ks as -'h,e Leo Bible . Yet. th,e masie'r 0'
th,e ,N ew' Ch,u rch, 8v'o id,ed, in, ~odu,cing into :his ,imagl' ~ ,s la.o,y ' ,o f 'th, ,o the'r c
c-
betb!r :se ~, . e ' th,e ir fun,c tion as ch,o rch nih This evid,e 'n ,oe ,oo'nfiIRts I. ... , .. . ' , ...
,t he' illlpression made by 1. ~xury codilc,e,s a d iv'o ry boxes fua't in th,e Illid,...
ten,th cen,w 'ry artisti.c 'patronage was domina ied 'by 'he' C,o nsmntn 'D"-'
po.li.tan, elite,. 'B'u t i also s, ~ggests ,t'M ,t a, SllIl1.P' iiied" an-ti-iIlu,siloms,_ c _rea,t'-
me1n t of bll~ge8 'w as, 'r-egard,e d as, ,m ore appro'p riate' for -the l,e n,d e ,ing lo,f
'C h -s,toIogi,caI truthsi:m Ii i 'co'm mu '. al :setting~
In oo:n-tras't to th'e oon'tr.i.vl' ~ d, s' y'~,e chara,cte,r,iS'tic of som, ~ 't enth, '~_ n,t ury'
manuscripts" sty' e in the 0,'1owin,g centuI}' seem ~ a. em'body' 'val-u,es. of' a
bros,d,er' 'C hr,ig _ian, cul,t ur,e: th,e reali'_Y' r =' dered W '8 S no '"~ :n s'tura ~ bU'I: di-,
'v,m,e; th'e' a,c tions,:r epresen, ed 'were no ' . isto lea 'b ut,u v'e sal... '- ,he ani ~ ,t I.
0 ,0 longe'r s,'trove to excite ,the' -vie'w'er"s :interest 'tlltOU,g h, il' 'us,~, onis, ti,c con,..,
'v,en-tio,ns,; ra-th,er :he a't temp .d _'10 presen't- ~ s- c],ea'rly' as 'possibl.e' t-h,e ,d,o,g ,
ma,tic ,t ruths h,e W '8 S ,depicting" P'hy.siical spac,e of':r-ece _in,g -:Ianes ,a n,ld, a,t,-,
mos,p ,h e .ic~ azure w 'as repla,c ed, by ,a, -t,r,a'n:scen,d ,le" t spa,ce of ,t he g.old
grou'n d' : 0 r ' by "h
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,i.:rolm :s,h.a,dows WI ,mckering hlg:hlig~ ts w'ere r,'plao~d bly au;ste~ ~ ima . =-:5-
lo,f h'u manity, abstra,ct' in.. 'h,e clar.ity of' thei d,ebne,~ _,tion (fi,g~. ,33 all,d 23) 'F
Th
-
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::' In 'g ' o-'t 0'-"-,nI- l"'-'n-'~ sty'-:I\10 b
,_' . . >'- -,
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".'~ h ,_,,'fiii;1 -. ~ ':,I '- i :,: -,.-" I " , "~,. -..Il: '_-., .
1
-, ,'_ .1.,',_' ',: , ,: , I".
art of' th,e 'te ~ .I ,' ,ee'n . ury ca 'b es . . . . . u d,e stoo, an,d, ,a,p 'p ' ecia c,e d f m ,
, a" Be ~'pt ir'u ' , ~" afo - , f Id '--o ,m ivol~y ' "' g- , de:l --'x ~' w,o rks in, 't he
scenza, Ma I , . " . ,a B:isanzio/ t Corso dl cultura' sul,ratte Rave,n --'Q',r e ,f' ~ iZa~tt,t i'''t!, 2,9
(1982,), ,31..,
'6 ],. A,~ W~ Eps-t m M""d:s ,and ,Cave ' ,in: Bymn,ti'n . Cappadocin (Durh.amll'
l,
~ C ., . 983)..
minor arts the art of the e.l eventh and twelfth centuries is most fully
appreciated on a monumental scale in the mosaics and frescos of great
foundations of the period. This is not a fortuitous shift. The works of the
classicizing illuminators, like those of the classicizing write.rs, had a lim-
ited audience. The monumental art of the eleventh and tweJfth centuries
was adapted stylistically to a broader community of viewer .
The esoteric style of the mid-tenth-century minor arts was short
lived. This is not to say that the artists and patrons of the eleventh and
twelfth centuries rejected the artistic inheritance of antiquity; on the
contrary, that legacy was absorbed . A new balance between abstraction
and naturalism was exploited in the vaults of the great churches and on
the illuminated manuscript pages of the period. The mosaic programs of
Hosios Loukas, the Nea Moni, and Oaphni were all rendered in a dis-
tinctive tyle, but they nevertheless all represented variations of a syn-
thesis of dogmatic abstraction and humanistic illusionism. 2 The isolated
figures of the narrative Biblical sc.e nes are flattened by outline and by the
geometric treatment of drapery segments. They are set against a shim-
mering gold ground that defies temporal or topographic localization. Yet
the proportions of these figures are consistent with life. Their actions
have the clarity and stereotypicality of ancient drama.
The dose ties that of the eleventh and twelfth centuries had
to the classical past may perhaps best be demonstrated by contrasting a
Byzantine image with a contemporary Romanesque one of the same
subject the Pentecost of A inou and that of Vezelay (figs. 34-35).
Vezelay was a great FreJlch pilgrimage church;6l Asinou was a small
Cypriote monastery. Both are, however, decorated with works of high
quality of around the year 1100. The figures of Vezelay are superhuman
vessels of ecstatic inspiration, pure expressions of divine will. They are
not men. Moreover, the whole image is splendidly anti-rational. The
relative size of the participants, the relationships between the figures
and the spa e they inhabit, even the framing element, which is a series
of pendant scenes, have nothing to do with nature. The Apostles of the
Byzantine work, in contrast, are rendered as organically integrated fig-
ures. They are individualized men, each with his own hairstyle and
beard, each with his own mission. The physical integrity of the figures is
62. E. Diez and O . Demus, Byzantine Mosaics in Greece, Daphni and Hosios
Louklls (Cambridge, Mass., 1931).
63. A. Katzenellenbogen, "The Central Tympanum of Vezelay. Its Encyclo-
pedic Meaning and It Relation to the First Crusade," ABull 26 (1944), 141-51;
C. Beutler, " Das Tympanon zu Vezelay: Program, Planwechsel und Datierung/'
Wallra/- Richart.z /ahrbuch 29 (1%7), 7- 30.
Copyr grtoo I
146 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
the an nymou Great Synopsis of the Ba ilikn but al 0 a regi ter of the im-
periallaw of the tenth century. Thi compilation i found in everal edi-
ti n by diff r nt auth r , of which reflect considerable care and
cholar hip in th ir textual r vision of the emper r' riginal dicts.
Furth r, veral monograph were i sued that treated specific legal
problem . There are only two rec rded legal deci i n a cribed to the
tenth century: a certain . Kosmas dealt with problems of land
divi ion and with th right of paroikoi on their allotment. In contrast,
from the eleventh century onward, a number of juridical treati e ap-
peared, treating a wide variety of ubjects ranging from the difference
b tw n pr m ditat d and accidental murder to the regulation of agree-
m nts, debt, and th parate property of a on under the guardian hip
of hi father. me of were anonymou; orne pr rYe the
name of their author , including Gorge Phoben ,Garida, and Eu-
Rh maio . A new of the eleventh century wa juridical
textbook . Michael P ello' c ntribution, a deliberation on legal tenni-
nol gy written in ver e, is of limited ignificance. More important to a
study of the p ri d i The Practical Synopsis, written by th professional
judge and hi t rian Michael Attaleiate . M Thi work, dedicated to "the
mo t pow rful aut krator Michael [Vill," i a historical urvey of the law
ning with th Roman "when there no imperial mon-
arch, but very y ar two c nsul were elected by the enate, that i by
the mo t noble archon f Rome, and by the whole demos, in order to ad-
mini ter both civil and military affair " (Zepo ,Ju 7: 415.20-24). The
la t legi lati n taken into con ideration by Attaleiate i the " . Ba-
ically Attaleiate wa concerned with anci nt R man law. He even
started his work with th traditional tatem nt that "all human being
are either or fr e p r on ," adding that free persons have no mas-
ter above th m (Zepo , Jus 7: 418.1-2), a principle that overtly contra-
dict d the m dieval reality of odal dependency. Further, n after
1034, an an nymou tudent of the judge Eu tathio Rh maio pub-
64. or a urvey of legal work leventh and tw Ifth centurie , se
P. Pi I r in Hung r, Die profal1e Literatur 2, 461 - 72. n the regi
of th imp rial edict, ee . G. Svoronos, La Syllopsis major des Basiliques et ses
appendices (Pari, 1964), 173, who onn ct th CT ation of v ral v r ion of it
with the activity of the law hool in the mid-eleventh century. Hi ugge tion i
hypothetical. W. Wolska-Conu , ilL' 01 d droit t I'en ignement du droit a
Byzan au Xl ' i I : Xiphilin et P ello ," TM 7 (1979), 13- 53, in contra t, at-
tribut certain I gal wor (the cholia to the Ba ilikn b John omophyla,
Meditatio de poctis l1udi , etc.) to John Xiphilino . On th Ir ali e of P ello
and Attaleiate , L. W nger, Die Que/len de romi Irell Reclrt (Vienna, 1953),
710- 13.
tospatharfos Roman,o.s. Slderos.r ,alle,g~ng ~'ha't' :m, oo,m,pllicity w,i,~h the ,Eoca],
"]'u d"'ge'I h
,',
o ...
.' ..:...
I .. : ',: : . ' 'h'ad
,,:"', \ ' d. t'h e'm 'Jl.
' rtliI""ice ...... se'
I~UJl. 1
1l..U ~] a,.hel
..:', ,]1., ', . . . ,_.: ' . y
'l . '[ ','-. '"r. proper!
I, '-., .' , .... to
" 'hi~m E
' UCl!'t' at"'I!.....i:-s'. pu,ti',"
~.:I [..1 . "I II! I.' ' . 0 1 ....: ~uu ~ ,"~'
the bur-d,e n, 'o,t :p:roo.f 'o n, the peasan, s . .If _'h,e y ,oo,u),d :n ot ,d,emon:stra,-_ ' ,that
they' had ac,c eded to the trans,f,e'' ,o f pr-oper~y 'u nder ,p ressure', :S kleros
wo Id 'b e all'o w,e d 't o pay the price 't '- at h,e prolm~ sed the . etum fOr I, '! '..
their la:n d, an,d in a-d,diti,o n iin,terest fro:m the :perj.od, o,f' th,e:ir a,greement., If',
:h,ow'ever/ thle y Illanaged to :p'I-ov'e tn8),t thei ~ 'cess:,on, 'W,o,s unw,ruing., ,t h,e
transfer 'w oul.d, 'be' :i nv,alidarted,., Again, certain monks, ,charged :Skler-ols
with, unla,w ,f U[y I:, .. .1 : ". a piece' of la'n,d tba'_, be].on,ged to, ,the'I r mo,n as
1,
't cr,YI and a p,r,ies' ~ a,cc se " Skl,er,o.s o.f having :s .ruck h-m 'wi-t' ~ ,8 w,h ip',.,
M'aria" Skleros":s ,da,u,ghler, was r,eco:rd,ed,,as dema'n,d in,g' :paym'ent' fro'm a
ce ta 'n ;'m pove'I s ,,e d pa',tr.ikivs Pani'b eriols Wh.o '~ as, in,d,e'b-ted, ,t o her',., I '
t'h e e'n ,d , sh,e' r ~ c,~iv,e,d, th,e M,onas't,e'r y of 'S.' _., Mamas in, :lieu of mon,ey'~ T,h,e
- .t ica,c ies ,of judgm,e t ,a re dep'i,ct'e d in a , oih ,e r case:
,A bis,h op died., and. t:h.e ,spa;tha:romna'idatos w'h o 'w as his netghbor [and as,
a~, n~' 'Ie
'-, :c..,!
""g~" ....' h'~b~' o'.\I"li'' ..".." . 's"se' '., :s'-.o
. ~ .~ 0 I'.
I1,.,.:bts.
:.."m:-.,e' '.I;'r ~ill'[I, o
''n
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-'~' ''h
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~~"~'I)~'
.I~,h ~ ~ '~,
o'p,~,r~
I;;J
p
-"~' '''iO~p -~ e:
: ,," ,' :.: ~ ~
~ r-""',
hr'~
1 .aln
"'"',-~ ,"'Dp.\-~'
1Iio~,L, eu,
th h
: " .. o
'!(;' , .. , ' . '. ' ; , .il'.:oon'
.. 1l ,and e)i'~ t..
bn- o'p- ' sl'a~ ,'
,~ , r~~. 'WlI' vesc~ , sea
. ' .' )'I!...,:il ~ ' _ .i:.h
~~,'i"II'.:.JL.'Led
..... "'...{)
~< ~ '. l'''-
I:.W - ,It
O;J[ 1Iio' -' [',ere
'ril:.h
( ~ ~ 'b. ~'sh
e' !I '. ~ ~ '~~s ; ~
~ , ~'
for glo kt He fou-nd a bag,.,'W h,e n eventually :he was asked" he' brough", ,.-t
back em,pty. Ihe slaves, :h oweve , :infor.rtlil d [o.fficials] i'h at the bag had l
,cor-ding to Ia'W:1 ar ' 'n.ot, pe'r nn,t ted t,o ,S,W'eali'.. ~,;rl ,a:m not ICQlnd.e,m ned/' ... .
.. . , .' Th: ',. ;.is' , .. . . : UYau . a '" .. an,d ,.,~th
'th.e'm ' ... searChed fo ' :gold ' yoo ,t rustd '. he'm .. ' 'ta in,g '
s't antinape'l. Eus' athilos Rhomaias, und se", 'e Ko' ' ege'll/" lOB ,2 2 (19"73), 1.17~,43;:
'D ,. SimOI\;, RechtsJi nd-u.n:g a:m Ibyzardj'n:isch'en~ , , ,ichsgri'chJ (. ,-:rankfuf ' a ~ . <,'. 1973);:'S,., jl
'V , :I . ,, ~' Fe,ira . I So,urce' for .' _' ,.ce :His,' .cory OlE 'fB,yz:anti'he Aristooa' SOCl,etly
:in 'th,e' F'irst ,HidE of , ~ e Xl h Ce1n tury/' ,Near Easfern N'u:mismatics, lc ~,nogrQphy an'd
History., Sfudies' in' MO'NO,' ,of G., M'.il'es (Beirutl 974)" 279'~,,84 . ,c.
'
't h i'og .. 'S'"InceyOluI h,.av'
" " '.1. ":""
e a .' . d
. . . . . . ,"
,' ""
" t' , ~ m a,s", , a".d, , 1,,;, , " ,s s S 18 "d
,r, ,', . ~ . . . .
I'.
' i ','
'
'.- ,' . ~'
I c~':propriel 0 cS:I' you n.vie to accep , their oa' h "tha, 'YOU have taken 'm Ol ~
,gold and not" on'- y this amout.., . 'Ia'- , '. YOU! ' '.' '- bisroln~d.oing' I .
and, . " it" you w,o uld not' h , '1 ' .' nte'f 'd. ., ith slaves i :to ,a n, alien ho ' .'
and '." ckd ~ .. 'l '.- 't ing ,."" S " d cidt\, ,-' I,@ slaves s.wor .' in}
oa'~h
1' : -" '. ' d'_ J,'h e" ,s,
~" , ~'ln -. pa fL-
numAUnw, ,t.,.. ~'i'd. ~hn
1, .
,,j;,... , w
"- -:,a
. s,
" ..--,,;JI-.,---'-,-d
~onLU;: , n. .','l-and p-.. -"",v.-', b:,a-:- ,c. ,.fi, . IU . . --'t
'I ... t'l... . . ' iI
"
c
F .. '
-'I" .
,
T,he ,Peira p're.serV'es n,o t o:nly' th" U:v ~'ng' unag~ of I. '.' 'gal p'I,a,c - ice In th,e eJ~v'
I ~n' th, c.-:ntury 'b ut ver[iI~ cul~r 'QSa;ges as 'w e ' . For examp' "~'I' 'w 'bile B,U,-
s'tal-hios w,as ju,d, _.ng ,t h,e' ,ea ce 0 " two offi -' -lSI 0 " - e ,o f W ' - ',0 -- was '~ Ie pr-o
to.spa' hario,.1 L ~ 0 " pnl:fotJ' tarias of' ,t h,. gen:ikDn!' the '.""" -' 0 I
1:
s' ta'te~, th,e' tw,o ,a,dversar.ies "~"" ,: " a't,ed,w,ords,," 'W hil,e on .~' ,o f ,t he de-
'"'
fen,d an Sf abu.e w,as relatively mild, ': -eo, called his opponent at siw indler
,a n,d a son o,f ',a b,l t,ch,(6,1. : 6) 'E vid,e n't t th,e :5 cretary' ,o,f thle!' tr:ibuna - .'. :nOlt : E
-:h rink f,r o,m ]}ecord~'ng: vu' gar ' .' '" .' ...... . '.'
From the leleve . f c;e'n tury' 0 'w,a rd, canon ' aw~, like secul.,
at,t e':ntlv.ely ,studiled,~ Around 1.090, th,_. lawy,er' Th,e odore '8 estes comp -'- ed
a :n,e w V -rsion of 'h,e . omocanon :in , ,,,urteen C'naprer: I 'ea - -fully inc 'uld ing,
,-': I Ie'" J,." '.. I' .. c- o ..dJ . ; ,.i.'L
UI le G""---,' '..":...... '. . ,'I . ,,'
.. -,-
l' -. ,e'
. .'.-a' "nlI. ll , I'!l.}',lI.,
l""iII"IililL"'
a~ ""n
'" an "- 'bI - ,'I'I .. ~ .
':... , a:;b
. I .' I '. I. '
v ia,te d , fO,l111 , 16(" La,w yers Q1f t ie' "twe '. -, I' C tul)' .' . . . 'l ie d .... " . ma'"n c .
't,e xts of',mno,n law, t'h ,e' :so-ca -'i ed .ur, of "he . . . postle ,. a . ' 't '-',e ,c anons of 't" "' e
c,h U~ - con'n eil! ,a,s., 'well. , -.: ,....... n n., ',: . .. .' ~' o'b ~ ll " ,., : ch:urch
'ws 'w e ~',a ta,c ked and I1efu,ted"" h ' tollooln ,t empo'r ,__ '~ secu~ 'I > - C
,
,- I.'
lar I.egitsla,t ion ,and to Iclas -,'" etl w ,tings, by' --,en 'uch a - A' lexilo;s ,A..:risten,OiS'i' C
John ,Zo,naras., ,a nd " '. .:.. '.', Balsam,o'n~ ,'.. "e' 'w as ,- Iso a mo'v,e by can,-
onists ,to e,x,_Joi't ,t h,e ex .'geses of lec,cle,sias"tic :re,gula,tions for _'h ~ir own,,-_ 0-
"ticac- nd -;; U' ~, ,.' .', -,g ,t - -am,e i), .- :'al..l' ',' . "," .' ".'~ Zo, " ~ ~,- s .... '.. "a 1-' ,1-,- '1,
a. ,iO
.~ ldAO'1'~omll a o
'01-"'""
' , .'. f'
c. . ':.'h. a
,~, "'"" .ana' -a dem' n " .' .g ," . ' _. tw An
" - n~ v ,', a' -l"ti"!'I"a -I"C', pnw
l
, v '' 'e-, ~'I .. '~'.I' " . -, .. - ' . - .11- I .- , ." I ~ i;;I!' I ., . .. -,~ ,. I " j '
.' . :hile' 'BaJ.samOIO, v-oic; d th,.~' poli,t ~ cal. ~. osil' -i ;" - o.f th,e ,em'per,o f', suppo,r ting
th,e nnperial ~ el'ogati.: '..:5 o.f the 'CQ'm n'e nia , d:ynas: y'. 'Law, _'h,e~n'f also
:s '~ ems t,o eX'hi'bit th,e typical in,_' ~gratio:n, 0' inherited, ' tr,a,diti.on~. ,a n,d , co,n-
't em,p o'E":r y con, " rn,e, ()i,E th,e el,ev _nth,an,d , twel th cen,turie:s.
Z
By :" "A' ". TI '. ESC"" E .. C
'. . , ..... " - . ' '. . '. . .,-.... , . " ...... '-I . ' , . ... - ,'I. ,...... . - .I"
,c', . -, t 'trEil,di:' ~' . .In , B,y za:n 't in - sc olar, : ' ~',:p' a I'd .' rt
In ,assunUa,.mg tth. 8 .-
apparent-:y also' ass'u 'm ed .,o:m ,e thing' o.f its ra'- -io . alism~ P~rhaps th,e best
,. .'I
, le'.c'-t .""- . . . .' -
B .
. .
" - . - . .d--.I-,' ,.c'.'' ,a'r. e
te
. ,I ". "-nun
I . .....
I. " 'd' ," . a're-'-a.s
. i .,
.
'- ., ..... "
.
. ' ,. Ic" ta"
,t s pre ...' .
I' ..
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.
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stud "'Ie,s, w 'e e a,d ,d ed tOI t "'e' recel le d '. . . o,f '- ass",cal .'of'ks,., A tle'x,'t
,
66 H 'i G ~ Beck,t KJrche, :u:nd t,hfiJl ri~he' Li tera;tu'r im Bym:n.fi'n,ischen R ,ich ( . . . u'"
nicb~ 1.959).#, 1:46,"
,aSCIi ., d 'to P on til ,r oUt u:m a,t h ', ' , a,tical,"" ,discipUnes" ,a it me ic:;-
geo"1 .etry" :lolgic'l ,an,d music, was. p,r odu,c ed, in the eleve ' th ,centu'l1'~
. Psellosi's t~e'atises D 'D , algebraic
symbols, an,d, th,e' mystical significan,, :' of
:n u'" 'I'be '~s. also , : '~: o,w ed t,h is t" orough adapta'ti,o n ,o f la ntiqu,e, oft,e n ,""', ' eo-
'pla:tonic" id:eas to conte' 'p o,raIY Chri ,:tian .""" '., ', ."ct"ve ~ .til To ,t , ,.":8 ,e nd he
suggested,th~ee a,pp:tica ~ iio ~ So for mafh,emat",cs:::fu.sit, practica;:second, a~
stra,c t, as a medi,u m, connecti'n g t " e w'orl' , s' of sense' ,a " r-easo:n,; third"
'h' I'O,g ,t,.C.....'m1
tL,eo ,as a ,means o'f", Ic.ontemp'I, &,JJ1lg
" ' 11.., d
tJlle i ne.>'
,'" lV, , :'U['thl er '>
"'F' (th: ~Ug"h
in,dir '~ c, :) ,e vid,e ',ce 0. By,z antin'e' ', matics. may be d,e,:r iv,ed from visi- I',
tor:s.l' d,e scri pti,ons of Co' ' s:tl:ln in.o p,le'., , ",.~ ona~do of ' ,iss,,., w:h,o 't r,av'e led ,t o
the capital a ound 1200, me ,sev,e ra' mat ',' ,e'm af'cians w:h.o ins:'ru,cied him
,m, dev.is:i n,g al,ge"h r,a"c :p'f.ob,Iems.,'69 On,e' important rna ova-'
t 'o,n ,a lso occUlTed: ,he trod:u ction, 'o f . . ,""ra,bie' n 'Inera'ls in the' tw,e lfth ,;i
century~ :Excepit' for zero' tary' O"~ II. te.n th, l, t:h,!:se' appe'a l ~'n, a OO'f1tme
. ok,of _.~" U id :in. '.h . . man'u scri,p t Vin.d o -',. ,XXXI, 13,.,'10 ........ ' ... !: e t 'e', .e essays, 'I
and ad'o ptions d,o ,D,o 't sh,o'w ' a ,gJle'a t ,a.eat of 0 .iginal'ty ,0 '1 so'phis ' ie'aito.n,
thley imply a, familiarity' wl'th cla,ssi.cal ,m e't ho . . s of :P ' o'ble so 'ving, a.s,
we,D, as a, :modifica"tion. o.f ,t he s.u'b ject t.o suit ,co .temporary' medie'val,
.
" r'e~ ~ pg
_,,1_, . . _. w. __ 0'''' n' 'S'
V~ 1 11, . : [- ' .
T,h,e new ,aca,demi,c i '~ter-est ,~n, ma .'h,ema, ics h,ad its cou:n:t.erpart in, la,
',eviv'e - "'n'rere,s ' ., . . ,al,e em'y an,d ast ology~ Whi e th,e' tenth, century did,
not, co . trl
,"- .
, ~ bu , , t,' e very m ,u ,c'h', to astro.n.oml.cao
: ." : ]' --,
.' '1 "'k n,o w'1'e d'g:e, Sch0 , ar . of" th
-,.,'-' . ", .- ~
, e- -'-'" I"" .. -: . ': -'-,- '-,' ' : ' .. - -: . ~ ,- "'.' ,. -1"- : -' -', ,,' _: .J: ," I' ... [ 1'-' . 1- '. '. 'l' ~ ' '. '-',
e],e 'v enth century a,e,ive].y ' s,_u,di:. d bot ' th,e 1;10 n ,cient .as ', r-cnomie'a l tradi-
"t"I.on ,t ln,d. mel.eva,
' II .' 111l as t rollO'
11 SY'. 'T'b:e- ~: t'" t~ G',r> ' 'k'i, a~ ,...
;fc c.-~{,m.men,f,a:ry 0,f' t 'h'" Ie grat, '~',
tro,n omer Theon '.'.'a tr,an,scribed "n 007~8l and a con.c:ise summary' 0,1
He'phais:tio:n's fourth,...,een"tury ast:rolo,gj,cal s ' 'rvey 'w,as wn t ',eln ,:i n th,e elev,~'
e'n:t'h centu:ry~ '1 ,
h,e Bly zan, iRes l how~'v'er, 'weJ1e' nOI. :res' ric' I ~d, '0 th,e ' '.
G:r eek,astr,o no,:m'ica 't r,a ,d 'tion; ,t hey also approp'r"'ated .. . . ~ SO,'UfC ~ S;; An
'. {.l,t'UrllnS
'. - '
.' s,- nschafi
- - '.-
,". "ten In
, l.'
,.A' lfer-
"
I
.... . .. ,. . ... . l , ' .- I .- . ,' . -0-'" , - ' ' -. -: -. - ' .
CMR., 0:1. 4, part 2" 27l-",;-7 ' ';: and .' ':s J'iByzanz,. ein M"'ttler, ,a.1!l-ch, "in Mea t ,E!-
maf - ,ZWlSch'e n. Q,s:t' undoWe~l.,~'; . ~ eitrii,g zur G' schichte der' Arith:m ~tik';I' ed"
Ko.. 'Vo , .:I ( . . '~." . ich" 19"78)-;, 35 ~53 .,
68., N,., ,5'.l].l1off" ,I , > i. . Tradi,tion. in. Byza:n z 'u ud ihl' , Forneben bet
N"" o ~,il'us. 'Von.:K
,,: ikJ
' " '" D'" ns J(', uzanus~I'UJ,
u,es"r.. b'l"dum (M" . ' 81I1Z., 19'. ,6'4 ',' <);I '23 ~ ; 00'
, ' ,.
69,., 'V;G,g I1
.
. . '.,' '.
II!IP. - - _. '- .- - f o. I" I
P o. . .
' Me, " '
"70. . '. ,. anne:ryI " ,. : ,mo.n~es .esen..' .q.u :S . . . 0 . , OUSi!', ..... :." .' ~ ..... ' .'
t "p'
- . . . ' .
. (~ ul l' 9 ' '
2 0'
I ..
,
~
'
2 l '
00'- -'
, c' ,,' l l \ '. -. - , . .
1
I - .- . .: :
(Le ',pzi.g", 1'974l, :xxv., Por ge .', ," : remarks. on .yza,n,- 'ine a,s:' ,tOlogy of' ', he eleve ,~,tb i
,a nd twle' ' Ih cen! , .... F., BollI' Sternglaube uti'd' Sternd'eu.hnlg (eip'zig 92,6).;1' 33 l l
,a nd sp., A. Tilton." ,N'L 'astI\onomi'e' byzanf'-:. (du V' a u XV~ siecle),.';' Byz,. 5'1.
( 98 ) 6.- '0 '1'2
.'
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an o,O,Y .,,,m o1l.lS SCi,'h,0 la,:;:t '. 0 "f' a G '," -r'ee,'k:,". man,u scrlp_ ~ ,t --,r o d 'u ced";, m ',_,
10~""~ d- ,'-~ r~ 'w criti-,, -
, ,
. . ] ;(,,!,O;'m
c" ,ru " pa'r-~1;'Oo-'-.ns 'b': etw
- -'~'e- 'e
~ ,_,,,,_'r :, -n P-" to
- -' :"l';e-" m' ,~,.y a
'_ - ::n
-~ d
~ '1 '~'~'m
~,~~ . : ~ - e-r~n~/" (D g
- ~ -' od ',I
'~ Ar 'a"b)', a-Lst,
_,"
D -" 'u "
~ ,,,"'"
': . '-. -,~J r ~. '_<__ ': " ", I, ~ ,- : . _," ", .'~ '!!' :_:~ !I # ' . I -, .'. I
iI"'iI -,
m"fS., ,AnD h.,r ano:n,ym,o,-~ -_ '- yzan.-, ~'n,e a ~troln.omer, wh,o&e' tra'c t w'as :pub~,
lishe'd,:i n.,t ' e 10705, :n ,o '" o:n1y 'uS,- d, t:- ," 'w ,o rk, lo~f a, certain Haba.sh .~' ],-Hasib,
(t1~ 850) but also,,a'ppUed, ' rigonolllCtrical methods in. his calcu1a io'n s fo'l '
,,hie firs,'t tim,e "n B .zantlu'm"
,AI , 'h' ,em'y ,alSo.
,',e .~ ' t.llv'e'd' Th' e '0 ,_-d"est' ,I -'~'ch~ = :nu,,.ca]' rna -~ 'U,sCtl..P I M
t h' ' ", ,2- OIl
~. ~arc, ~;,', C ,i '
da't es fro:m ,t he te'n th 'or.' eleventh century,., PseJlos a,d .'d ressed, to Patr"a:r ch
Mic ' ale' e oo1la ios ,i l tr'ea-tise o. . ow' ,t o ' I .... " e' ,go,1d " . .'. : b.a,s~: m,e tals.,., I ' '. .
',10 , Ie ' .' treat Ise by a ce ".~n ' .' .' seems, ,o f ~a.ter' da~ /~2
' II I'
By th,e tw,e lfth centuty' an. interet :i n as'trol,o gy w'a s q,ui.te' fashiD:na,~~le,,,
~ n.' II had t-he - ad'"~ c p"If-- onu -~ '~ ',ntly -- - p r-- '-" se
' -, ~'~' n ""n-~ ted '1,i -~ 'th' ~ 0
-' O' ~ 'Dr
~ - 0' f- hi' ~ 0-, _,-, .,':t.
JO'.' I"h
, '" . I I I.,
I
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monas,t ~,c ChU'f C"' j {h,e :P an.-t o:k r,i l,t cr (Fil,g:" 14).,:M an'u:e- r's 'p'I,eoc-cupatio,n wi 'h,
s 'r-01.og was, ,50 pas 010 a, e" la't ' ~e' "''' .s crif c': ed fO'~' it by a number of
pe.opie, " ' duding' G, ykasl B'n d. .. . 'n na '. . . . . . na. . John .K ama' 'Ie'ros d'e di-
ca,- ..d. to :Man'u,el [ a :.' ';' .: trea't ise 0 . t' 'e t "'-'elve s,;',g ns of ,t he zodiac, the
.. 'e,a.v e,nly 'bodi., S'!' an,d, -terr ,:c.tial db;,'w :i1banc. s s,u ,Cb as ,e,a rthquak,es; :i "
noted, which c'o ns, ,'11- '0 -8, were plOp'",;'0' . ~: loT ' -,,'. ;'t -", camp -'g 5 an,d
w ,ch 0 ,:' es fore to I,d dlrou,g h,ts" ci. . ., . . ar, revolt/ or a sca:rci"t:y o.f '. ~'nle ,., 73,
Des'pi.te' its prop,:h,etic w'_ akness ~s, '. '.". .,: .' _.... Juonlopoly' . .In, ,. s:. fon,om~
cal kn.ow~,edge a;s . ~ : . iits ser,iou:s in.v-esti,ga,t io,n ,, 'W riters, like p'se'llos an
............. a ICo.mn,e.n a th,e :m ot: part:. e .' ge ' 't" . ,e'~ ' r"'d [, of ,a stl ,g y -ith
1-. .1 .
re' 'Ie re " 'oe:s ,t o 't h,e' Iocca 'jona -.Iucce>::e. of 't:r .n .o'mer.s, w 'h .o se' :k u,o,w le ge
..'. ' as:'uficient:,to predict t .. e' ma . em,e.n,' of ce'le:stial ... ' (E'x" 30). I .
Thou,g h ,t "e 'prevaIlent medie a] view sa .':. ~:h,e 'w,orl,d ~ ".s, trip . :Ia:yered,., I ..
with h,e'a'v,e n, a'b ov'e I ' . ell below;- a d, e ~rth. iln t -,e :m '' .' dIe, SDrrle ,a.n ,c i.e ~t
:"dea ' C'0- 'n ee. . g the ~ve' se w-'e-'- e re'- - "'ne"'- 0'" .. a,the-' - re-"' at:q'u ', 'e" -' Ph
:.. [
.
.- '
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.
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,-
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t '"o s had de ',c nded the' image ,' the ,,' 01" d"s spherical st . cture' ,~nd. late
t-h'1- '-s, sam'e 1,'"d' ea w ',as ,d": 'evellope
0 11 d~ 'Ibry S_:y,meo '--e' S '~,h ,'. M~ :,I:,or,eo v'e r M ., h,ae1. [
~~, ~,J.e ,ta'1- j
ikOSIS, ,e noo -:i'um on Manu,e'l t comparing the emper,Q[' -to tb.e sun as -the
f-'oeus, 0." th ".' -esej1' even :s'u gg,e's ts th. a' 't ie a 'C'.le.n t ooncep Ion
' Ie' un ., 0:f',a, '", h ~-
H~,ocentric .system w'a s 'm o, , . 0 ' :somle" 'By,z antilles (Mie -. I' Ital.. 178.,2F - ,30) .
' .....lI~; lI ..
. twmOS S . se' f" t- s s " u', e pmts agal . to t'h
'I' 'l 'e',a p .... en'l' "f'.ac"li'ty .' '.'I h I'
' . W'
hi, ' . .. ,. ' I ,, -
I
I
.,n "s :n a'l,ch,e:lny, F" Sh,., Ta.y:lo-r'" /; A SUIV' 'Y' of G,: . ek . . ' 1-
72. F,o . dev - op
ch ' my/' .lour,nal of.Hel'l'en:ic Sfudis 5.0 ( 930)" 112foJ 122t :H:un.ger hochsprachIiche j . '.'
73, J Ka'i' at-erQsl' . -isag-'g:e' . ias t e L" Wejl ~ 1 (Lei,p,zm:g" .'908); M ,. .A,~ c
,'.
:miceskoj' :r ukopisi .lzves:.tija'- .- '. nauk S' S-RiP' $@T.' ,r 2Jl, nos,. 5- 6 ( ,927)'J' N
'
425 - 32; H'u ng'e r D,te' hochs,pmch-1.icn'e ,pr-o/a' Li'terutu:1"' :,. . 'I 2,4.__ - 43., J
Byzantines appropriated the past for their own use. ' The spherical im-
ag of the universe is preserved in a Byzantine textbook known only
from later manuscripts and therefore dated only vaguely to after the
eighth century. There the cosmos was presented as an egg: the earth
formed the yolk, the air was the thin membrane surrounding the yolk,
the sky was the albumen or white, and the heavenly spheres were analo-
gous to the shell. 7S AstTOlogical observations also led to the elaborate de-
scription of the cosmos as an internally coherent unit. The earth and
heaven were thought to be bound up by causal links, by the "threads of
cosmic sympathy," that provided a basis for the belief that constellations
and meteorological events such as great storms were reliable predictors
of human destinies and political events. 76
Byzantine geography presents a similar pattern of development. In-
terest in the physical structure of the world both inside and outside the
political frontiers of the Roman Empire was evident in the fourth to
sixth centuries, as reflected both in detailed descriptions of pilgrimages
and in sober accoun by merchants, such as the Expositio totius mundi et
gentium of the mid-fourth century, citing the principal harbors and the
wares that might be purchased in them. Perhaps mo t famous is the
sixth-century cosmological and geographic treatise by Kosmas lndiko-
pleustes, the Christian Topography, based in part on Kosrnas's personal
observations during his travels and in part on administrative and eccle-
siasticallists of provinces and towns in the empire. This intere t in geog-
raphy disappeared after the sixth century, at roughly the same time that
urban life declined. Theophanes' indifference toward geography and to-
ponyms is typical of that epoch of contracted horizons. 71 The short itin-
erary of Epiphanios Hagiopolites, dated to the eighth or perhaps the
ninth century, concerning the route from Cyprus via Tyre to Jerusalem
and beyond that to Egypt hardly attests a wide or sophisticated interest
in geography. But a change in attitude toward the subject became evi-
dent in the tenth or perhaps already in the second half of the ninth cen-
tury/-: ~ ff -,'ing 'w ith 'h e collection ,o f ' .~ 1 geo~1 : . "' t,e",'--s" ,~s:p .-
ciaU,y ',h,ose ,o,f 'S trabo a'D,d Ptole ' y,., 't hie' ,au,t h'm s' , ~p' of Byzan -jDe scho '"a
,o:n S-tr.abo is, still ,dis,p 'll,t ed; ,th ~ Y' hav'e been 8,ttribu"ted to' ':." 10 ' JO I,
,
S an
I .. .'
, "tin'" e" F"orp
' "hy'~o" g-e-'m"' S' ,.. . -' 8" W '
..
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.
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obsolet,e ,a n,d antiquatt : info'rmatioo. The ,e : n,ed B:y zan'fin ; " ~',. Ie ~ol
lo .'.' ' ;. ,g cen,t uries .... , an,d Ic ommen, - ,d 'o n, anci'\1!n,t g".-)gra,p,h er,s;, th,u s",
ma 'li"il y~ q"u
' 'o , H
' ta'' .'an
' Jl, I/" v ', ' : , ,"S
"- f-''r~m '" 'Il ra' ','. 'a''r-"e . ,', m
' ,e. , ' : ' . " , '- Eta
.1,., ~. IU ~ -.',t" ''t'..''' ,. j!"!io'm
" ,0;:;'
ill!'! . .Ii
.., - 'm'e , ~ '- oo'n
' nta'r I :.'1'"
'b
' o
_' :,' ..- ,_, '.. ' . . , . ",
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. .
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geographic excurs,u se:s s'u,c h as 't'h 'Oise' 'b y Mi.chael Glykas o:n, ,t h,e' :natu)}e 'o f
r "'
:, 'ers .
on
.'."". Indi
.
'- ~ a or -
on
.~., ' t"h
..
' e N' . '
,,: I , ' ,I "' [
~ e"'s - oods
...
.
.
':' T' 'h
"ere
,: ', ,. a'i so
',,' su:rv~'
. . ' ,-
.'.
I~ V '" 80 - e men
~~es
.. .
'.' ,
'..
' ~
I .'
'. "'~."
. I - ."
I.. : . "
- " .'
'. ".. "i'D
I."~ '
""
.
~
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.~.' '. ".,
. . .
.. " .,
.' . " I
'~",' .', " :',,,,'.' ~. "
I .,"
',' . : .1. . . "
. 'J
. "
1-
" '' '._ .. ., - ,
t~,on o'yzan"t:in,e travels to r-emote cou' 'tries ,su,c h, laJ:S ,egypt" In,d ia 1 or
E,hio'pia (Scripta 'm;in., 2, 10..,,2,-5-; a so see Sa:thas" MB 5 ,: 372.22 ~, 2.4).., In co
Tzetzes ,an,d in, many histo:ri,caJ. writin,gs, geogl'8,phic notes 'wer-e bas:: d,
o'n , looln t:empolar:r ,observa,tion,s ra :her tha.n , being crIbbed, ,fr-om an'ci.en.t
'" ,t le raty "r,a ,d iti,Q,n s,., Thu .', T,zetze.s. explained ,t hat Lake Maeof . . .as ' am,e d
n
'/Ka . 'w hich meant' lithe ,city of fiis,h"1 in, "he tScytbian ,Ian,. .
'I .' ... /'
guag'e r an,d ind,e ed 't he wo d, seems. to be of Peeh,e -,eg ori8lrl," '~ I 1177 ,a
certain John Pho' lls, we t on a p'"' gJimagle ,t o :Pale.stine", In :h '' s report' ,h,e
desc:r,Ub~ d Antioch as ,a sp~. len,did ci~, t e 'bnI' lanoe' ,o f w'h ~ch" howev,e r/ , ~~~. !
L ,-
ILa d 00- ~ - 't a:fUs
"~en ~ , -.. - h ~d
~:,e . 'O,,"ji
-''''',f~ ~lm
,-, ! ,- - ec'I
and IV
i '' I "" ". '~
e' 'b !!ilil"ba-
... ' . 1ii.:liin "".'1'
.n:i. and' .. i'" H'!I
I .... a, -Ii::!'
~. o":,me'n
= .,-
tion ,e d v'a riou;s si.te;, m, ,he vicinity' An'll , includ~'ng: ,- e :8 .' .."e 0 ' c'
Kastalia /,'-'h e' "'~',famous 9u,b urb of'D,a:p hn,e',u th,E!'Black Mountain, S,k ope],os"
and ,t e Orontes ( "G, 13a. 9,28,f.,). 'T,he' r'est of the .~ ,e:scriptio,n :is scan _y, .in-
VOI
, .',. g I''!1.' ,_'t"le" :"more
~ Vl'! -[,_' .' ,_' th an 'a,'1-16t."
.,'- ,: ' ',no"
- of 't-,ow ~ ~. -r
.:j:: 't'fu --t': '~',il. ' 'l;~
' ~' IO;("!l-:ilI.
,. "-IU,U::; ..... d
: ..'h so. ' ...c.,.:
~ ,~ ,.' ~,,-;a' ' ull1ed
<. i:'l,,t 1Il:i'li" i:'l' D
,Zc~-: .- an,d then l the city' of B.lrut" a ' r,g ~ on,e'" .'-'ltb a n,u m,ero!us,'POIP'U-
~'t,
latio,D, SUrfloun,d ,e d b:y many mea.dows, ,a nd, embeIUsh,e d bly a pretty' '. a .-
oo:r. ; ; ; F'u rth ,f ' is Sido,n an,ld its fa- ou:s ha --bor 'Dldy-'us (932.C'- 'D ),., N
'
:Mixe,d, :i n, with this. ,catalogu,e were also refe1rence's, to t ,,e Bib ":!caJ e ents
.a.ssocia,t ed, with, :specifJlC' s:i.tes"" TraveI.o,g u,es.,,. "too", became p '. pular . '. "t ,e
tw,e l-t"1 c,e n,t ur,Y" Nlch,o'- as 'I ouzalon 'W . te of hj , "p JO Cyprus &0111
Constanthl.olpl~'", ,a trip so fo .tunate that it: only ' .:k -e'n , day's with th,e
he],p '0. ,t'h ,e 'Tr ~'nitY':
.. .. 01
I
I I..
I
I . .
.'
. 'G '. I
','
..
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:H i-, perception ,of th,e' van-e'y' of Je i,m o' w',a " e' . al Yperson"a ::
The' heat -of" ,', e $'u:n 'w 'as sO' bur,nin.g:
Tha:'., i t 'pelne'~ra' ed 'e v',n in t.o th . ',rain,.
SIo,'. 'ly, ,t he o,b s . ' . . eri's pemonal pe'I specfve found a p,( ,ce . ex't, to a . tt. .
quarian, . r,a"dition on .:he 'w ritten, pa"ge.
:"yzil' ' ..11:,e a so 'v e me,d into ,a, '. t d:Y' of ,'" ,ell' u:a nte I~ist I . ,
in su,c h o'bse'lrvatio,n i :. '. ee" 'n ,Att'a1eiat,e, ' de . aip' itO" 0 " Cons,'an':' "e lX's
me'nageriie", wh"Ch, i ,clud,e a g:' affe (kam ' l(Jpa~dalis) a 'd ,~I'" 'e ,ep', ant.
The llatter ha legs f 'k e .". e p" at of Atlas; t 'e ;'0" .. ts of its legs. 'w 'e-re so
tigh.', that ,he anima ,h ad to res: by I'ea "ing aga~n.s ., a 'tf'ee. ~1 ,h,e el~. p,hil'ntfs
ear;s, which were ,as, a ' ,g,e as a "'00180 '. " .' , -shiel' move,d cons:t ant y, a&-- I
se':r ,e d, Ata ,eia",es,~, ror ,fe,a r of mosq, -.i.toes;: ~'o " :1 : 0 'f!' wer'e' ,t o 'h ave fu ~ I
its w ,a,y ' in:to the' 'b e,a s"s ,earl t:h,e e],e phant wo'u ld ha e ~ .. erlSh,e d f' elm tel'-'
,r or'" An in, ,e'r~st in, ,the ma't= :ria' 'w,orl~ ,cantin'u,led to' 'be' com,p ',e':m: .nted
Wl" "'."h' f'0" .'. 'I' '0' T'le e'Il e'm e"n,t
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., "'n' s 't~," un
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pr," ssio,n o'n con,t emporaries that "'" wa . ti. 'e d also "n t ' e eie'. e ' h,~, I
o", ln tury edii . ",o:n, 0, . ,""morth,=os o.f Gaza's book On Quadruped A :tdm'Q',ls . .
,w ,/"tt' n in ab "t 500 ,o n, t 'e exo' ,ie bea:s ts ,t n .',t lil '<d, '' n , n,d '' a,~, Arab ~ a'f
E,g ypt" and L ' ya i '... ,' ', "c'h this not-e was a d"d ed::' i'i#'l n our ' ime, bO .h the's e l ,
. ea's'
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a,:m arvel to,' - h,e people :I n th,, the',ater (Hippo .~ ,'. " " .) of 'C onsta " m,o'ple',.,""'~
No ' 0 . ~.y' 'w'as ' '. a . U.ll:. c].os,ely' scru:inized" b, ' also a eri. .',cal, ChrisI'""
tianized in, ,e rest i " Aris,.;otl.e w'as 1" ~ vi-v,ed! ,a:n ,d ca,u s .~ s of :n atur,al ph,e n,o m,-
,e~nia, w'e re ,e'x plo:r ed aJ.U " ,d isc , ssed,", P'se 10s,"s writings contain,e d a, n,u m ~ e'r
of these ,e'x posi,t"o:n ' ... Why' ,does, f nni ,',g ma.ke the bod,y ' 000 ,e'r, th,o u,g h,
'mo'~ ~' o:n ~s' . 'u:p posed to' cr,e ate wal1ftth? Because, explaL' ed ,'sello:s} fe- 'n ,-'
ning: ,emo. .'e's, t 'e' a" ~, .,.. at1l1ed by f e' bod,y ' .' llom, "'.'ts viti .i,t y'. Proof: in,
baths,f. w'h ,e1re all ,t'h,e aj :i '. h, t ,f annin,g' does nat p~od , ce 'oooln,es,s (Scr(pta
m . 2' 2''31. 8'" 2'S) A , ',' : ki ... '", h " -.;;; .
" ," f l ,.
'fI '" g"a-,''I1'n tw
. IO. -", 'n ]'"ds. o f' v:....
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damp a ' ~d falls, b ."ck, to ,e'a rt'h as ,a"'n, or ~ ' a~ll ,h,e .'. ,. ', "'s ligh , and ,for.ms
it .' ~elf into. 'm eteo .s, and 'a lling . tars (Sc,ripta mi'n. .2: 222.25 - ,223.'18)., Wh:y
is [ig)l:t nin,g s~ ~~n, before' -th'unde,r is h,','ar,d,? 'B ," ca,use t'h,e eye 'b ulges ,a,., ,d
tb,e ea ~ s' o :~ ,0 .... ~ "," 0 Set: i PselJ:o ."s,[0 0 ' temporary ga.v'e a~. oth,er an,- I
84,~ H 'Q,t ,n a, "'':H odoipo , "ko' , n 3,28,.,87 ~, 8 .., F,o,[ ' th,e ciations that f:o]]ow in ' he
tet~ 333,.289 ~ 93'1 333,.283~ 84,.
85. .. . . Haup' , .I c.xc : ta ex Tim,ortbei Gazaei libris d,e anima '"'bus/'t Hermes 3,
( 8(9), 15,10- 3.
'...
w '', " v "' and 'b'']e'ed
o mwnoo -:~ , " t'h
' \i.:
am~l .IIO',1!l e. ' c!Ij e~ f 'ary
;oiI~ ~ ,; ..' F bru
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".: , ~.~ d'~ ,~ . ~"., _'~ m~:
" '" _'b
'L e
-~ r~- ._, '" '-- , " '.:. " , S
'- e - -
(Ke'k"., '244f.). Th,e':n, a cha'n,g,e CO,l lt,e ,s . In t ~,e tw'e lt ce'R ' . 1:.';' " edicine'
'm i,gh,t be' tre'a't ed satiri,call.y, an,d,it I s..,m,etimes,:hard,"t,o ,dl ~ tin,gui ' ~ : h wh,o
, ..... m 'o re laughed a't ' ,t hle' verbo an . prete tious . .... I oC" t ~.: e ga ~'
rulous vi,c tm ,., ]he' au't ho ,o f ,, . Ti'nnzrion . idicu . , , ,t h,e' :f am,o us :med~ical,
,a uth,o rit",e s, of an"tiquit,Y as weI) as'I ];S med",eval con,b~lm' . 'H "p'po"" ':.1, " . :
,crat-es :i s Pi~ ' sented, cla,d, in a, funn:y Ar,a,b co\s -,.~ me; Galen is ,d,es crib ". d ~S
hiding .i '~,-~, 1}em ~ te '.' .... ' ,1 has, "i y ' I" ., ' g'.'" gaps ,+ .' h"s boo,k O,n VariOus
Kinds of .' ~,ever; ;,-. le odo e' 0 ' .' . .' ~ 15, c ."catured as a holy healer a:s, II, . l
n a'w'~ ~'''e' an
,
l
. I . ~" d' a-tO, Ia
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P,~odro'mo in the same veo". , " : ', ' ... b; ow,n , :s ufferi, g ~ :i - , '. ha d .
,I'
l,e ss,,b an,d ,of th ~' ex ~ cuLti,oln,er 'w ,it h th,e :p,hilantbJiopic',on,e of _.h e' ph:ysici- .' :
' : ~'h, C" . ... ha d thew', ',', ,a nd le,J s' w''.th '; 'mimed pa~n" to~ I'
't re,at8e' on t-h,e ld ietary ,a,d, ',," a id, d",,' . ,a a "et of'
fuo ~ s't ~ffS'T DatlIDBste The Care of Pr-e,gnant'Women a:nd l'nfa'fl.:ts", . .'" . . I ..
W
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'-',loll, ilf:Wl"fta
E"!'I'I ........
I,!l;, . 11 m'edi
JJ, ' '~I '" 'callJJ, m" ....s" S~' b,y' p~' ~e ~: o"s<, ('": ~ 'v 3' ' )1". -,
.. c~ C"!I;: , ' I , ~ 'V ~.Ii, I. .. '. '.' I i : 'I~ . .. .., , '-. ,>. \A~ ' .
, .
.
is, ,t he description of 'the ~"' s,p'l . fa,cill ties, ' ' ... ,d i 10'- D"sl ' u ..... at,"' on
carte fOI' t.l e ' . ' .. , Monaste~ ' This 'm onate . . . hOi ""tal ';'1 .,d ,-' ,' -' .'
8,' ., 'G". I~de8tai ~" Le' sa'tire Luclanec' hi.' di ..' ooof-o' r-o :~O< , <Q/;- A ,.urn 2
(l94\'7)~, 17.... , J'~ Dar,\Onzes,. Geo:r ~ es ~~f mmitr;ia To,rnik ,. I ,t f.. ," d,is-o.ul"S .
1970).1 1641,..t 225,.'13- ,l4, 29.l.,27 - 28. 'O n 'th,e " i:m'(J:rfv.H see afbOVl~ n ,. j
88,. M.,-'E ~ 'Brunet.~ Symeon S'eth;- . d ~ l",en,tpere,u:r M"~'chel DD\U'CQS- (Bar, I .' . "
dleaux,t 196,9);' G,. G., L~ta" rin" u 'izafjs, ij m ,e d:',c" ]d ji ' tat XI--"X[\{' 'V V,. /f' VV'
31 .. ,971.)1 :256 . . >or _su:r v yof . . ' 'tr ra - . of ,t tl' . run'-' ,~'. rough .- ,w,elf"h,cen- I
tur,i .S'I :s e 0 ,., 'Temkin." ,;,iB ,. z :n.tin ' " . . , dkin ':: '.. ,a dif 0 ' , ,.' ' -.' 1 ici : ' /, DO'P ,- ~'
I
1,6 {1962 ,)! 95<- 1'15<; Hun,ger'~ D,ie h . , . n.~ ' Lt "',mture' 2," 305- 10., I" . .
89., 'p~ Gutir, yp'"loo . du . . .' ~"~t Sauvle u' ~ PaJr1J;tocratur/ 1 ,R,E',B 2 (197 1" c# ','.
8-12,;; , c. S., 'C ode .' S , '~ "I P,i):n toct,a,' or, .. . . " . I dtca], '. I. ,n i 'rl:f .'h , ."','-t' .
Cen,' ~ '~ ~ry A." .'. in. Go(nsta , ..... 1' ,Bu,ll ~ Ii'n of ,fhe HI .' ,ry- 0 ' - " . d'j c "" 1 ' '/
fifty beds, some of them with special functions: ten in the surgical ward,
eight in a ward for severe diseases, and twelve in the women's ward.
Every bed was provided with a carpet, a felt mattress, a pillow, a coverlet,
and two blankets for the winter. Special mattresses with holes cut in the
center were supplied to immobile patients. The patients were provided
with mandatory hospital apparel, including shirts (chitones) and coats
(llimatia). Their own clothing was washed and rehll'lIed upon their re-
covery. Linen was examined every year; worn pieces were mended or
given to the poor. Two doctors, three interns, and two attendants were
assigned to each men's ward; two doctors, one woman physician, six
nurses, and two or three female attendants served in the women's ward.
There were also doctors and surgeons for outpatient care. Doctors' sala-
rie were paid both in cash and in kind (i.e., in wheat, barley, hay, and so
forth) according to rank and position. While the doctors and assistants
got monthly bonuses, for fear of their despoiling the hospital's dispens-
ary they were allowed neither to have a private practice nor to see high
officials. The hospital had a special school for doctors' children. The hos-
pital of the Pantokrator was certainly the largest in Byzantium; similar
rules for smaller institutions do exist. Such organizational developments
indicate an exploratory practicality bordering on innovation, even if
within a very limited sphere.
The practice of post-mortem autopsy in Byzantium marks the greater
sophistication of medicine in Byzantium than in the contemporary West.
Scientific dissection of corpses is attested to by two Byzantine writers of
the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In drawing an analogy between a
spiritual healer and a physical one, Symeon the Theologian noted ap-
probatively that doctors both in the past and in the present investigated
illnesses by cutting open corpses "in order to study the tructure of the
body, and by so doing they would under tand the internal construction
of living men and endeavor to cure the sickness concealed within." '01(1
INTIMATlO 5 OF RATIONALISM:
THEOLOGY AND IDEOLOGY
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries a professional class of intellec-
tuals began emerging, and interest in ancient literature and science grew
broader and more intense. These developments contributed to rational
skepticism toward inheri doctrines, both theological and political-
particularly because, as Orthodo y was a prerequisite for office, theol-
ogy and government were in fact functionally as well as theoretically re-
lated. Intellectual often applied their 'in logic to sensitive subjects
outside the bounds of politically insignificant, academic areas. Herein
lay the grounds for tension between intellectuals and the establishment.
As mentioned above, even PseJlos, a relatively conservative scholar, had
accusations of heterodo y directed against him. He was a rationalist, op-
posed to occultism and ma,gic, demonology and superstitions, astrology
and prophecy. He went further, believing that the mind was capable of
grasping truth through rea on well as through revelation. [n his de-
bate with Keroullarios, Ps 1I0s d fend d cientifjc investigation of the
co mos. 9~ He cautiously avoided, however, any suggestion that logic
might be ri orously applied to theological issues. While he might have
allowed an theological syllogism, Psello recognized that God
existed above nature and beyond logic. Despite Psellos's circumspection,
he lost his academic position becau e of the religious irregularities of his
thought.
Those with less self-restraint suffered even more serious conse-
quences. After Psellos's di grace, John Italos beca"1e Itypatos of phi-
losophers. Though John is commonly referred to as PseUos's pupil and
did, in fact, attend his lectures, he had from the beginning fundamental
disagreements with his profe or. His uccession to Psellos's chair inter-
,means o.f' th,e :self-ofierin,g (p,ro.sagog,e) ,tD the " a'th,~lr,., If' , : :L ,to 'be'
beli,eved" Sot,1! ich,D,S, exchang~d the, not-,Oft of the recon,cilia,tio,n, (ka,tal-
,~ge) 'o f mankind wi,~h God '_ hrou,g;h, ,divinl~' g"B,e _,' fO,r the noli,o n of an ex
chang'_, (.a1l,ftdlagti) of' subs,t anc,e' (B':ilil,., eal.. 388,~3,-4) ~ ,-,h,e ,m,o.~- -aI -~' -came
a 'p artn.e ' of' God.., ,a n lde'a that: "- "'.,' ,,'- , i -'fu "a't,e d Nich,o[as, (.L~goi' dyO'
29' ~,4 -5')., :Fina y, Sot,eri,chos ch,aU,e'n g,ed, trans, ,bs,:a:n.tia,t i,oD, the te'n ,a l
d(l,g nta of th,e Eu,c haris ,;: he ',' ", e,n:Uy ,- gar-ded, the _- artakiri,g ,o,f th,e h,o st
simpl:y' as 't he 'r eena,c,t m,eln ,t of ,t-h,e' Last S' ,,' per',.,99 Sote iC'h os wa,s C'O,I il'- '
,d, 'e mne
,'-,' I","d
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RI,'~. e" t"":''''',e' -, ~''',c' , '-',el , " , '"- fa, ' , 'I'''' "
i::'! " " , _ " '
,d it,es.) 'w 'as im,prisoned" bUrl ~_ ed" ,8'n,__ lbanish,>d,'t,o a m,o - ,a.s:t,~ Ir y fOIl ' ,atta,C '-
'mi 1'00 ' Ma
... " nua 1-1' '~~'tIO'10',0oiea
1
, ...... : .~ """ ppa,
',a o '_'' 'i""V"!u'
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UJ.U " ~. a"~p ,'~ s
.~ ,~, ',,1 '. . ,_' " , J _' Ii " ::- -', .. . ~_ ,,,g
. ;' . . l I,.,. ',I~,,-,'W . : .
fam' passlivel'yE , ~ . . . '.,.-.. . ' to, Verses Wrj't,ten:i'n ,a'i'I',;- a ,oo,mp ai~~ t co:m,posed,
:iin th,e ve'm a,cu1ar and ,ad,d r,_:ssed to ' 'h,e e,m pe'r or, h,e 'w rolte ,il. trea:tlse' ,o n
, ' .~ . e' d" vine mys'te -,res" ,; - whi,c h, he d ,e nied ' he im:per,ishabH~ty o~' "_'h ,e
'eU
I "'i'h- ~,"" '~' ~:...1
m ~ n t-s ~" d- rt",.d'-lCUJj,
I' ,, ,,: ....I.lS"I.....' .' ": ,,~', I,' _ a-n' ~
-~ 11e~ d ~ _"'he~ l~'" d',e-, ~-, o,~,
~ f- Y'h -,_.~ res
c'
- on of t-'he
'I,~,UD' ~ ~ ..,1. ~ ' :",1 ~ '_'_ .' _'
,j:.'!
tles'h" 1]00
It may'w,e:1 h,ave 'bee - ~ a-r -iaU:y ,i - re'actio:n,to -'h,e .". ",:he'r.'etical de ,.,elop-
M ,'C ,n ts .ha ,eertatn :p ro,gramrfrlaf'c eM -,g,e,s 'were ,e'f i'ecte - i , -'h,e 5cnctu:-ry'
d,e cora,t ion, 0 ' '8 yzan'i in'E!' cl:lUlches . In a, numbe ,o f ~ ccl~sia;stical fOl1:nda,-
1 l
[,
- ~"ms decOla't ed" ,t h,e ' ,t e ,t w'e.1ft .'. c,e ' hlty, "", cl . d'i , g :8 t. Pa. te Ie " .. D'n , at:
Ner zi, St.. G " ,. a't' ." ~ ., . " , th,e Virgi EIeou:sa, ,t t, Ve1luEL" an,d St,
Nicb,o:Jas ,a,t :PrUe'p" all :i n :Maced,o:nia'J' and t " th,e' Church of ,t he Archan,gle l
in :Kato Le,fkara .in,'C'yprus, 'the , nfa_,- ,t Christ is ,r-ep,r-esent,ed, a- p'repared,
for :s acrifice ,o n 't he 'w'all o.f the' apee duec . :y be -. :" -d .-'h e at ., Iir' (F:". :~ 19)~ lot
1M' " .... oc;ent:Lalt~b of' God 'w 'a s,depkted,[itle'r ,all.y as, the' snbs;ta'n,ce of 't e'
hos,t~ Thus, th,e Ort- Od.o,X, 'posl,tion 'o:n -' ,an8'ubst- ntia't"O'R W ~S drat , ~ - ~,-,
c'ally':rende' oed in t ~ 'e fi:.:., _Fa orname,n't ,o f the C' .urch,", These images co'm'~'
pi-eme'n t: not, Qln ly !h,e cen'i-r,al eu,charis-tic -'turgy, bu,- also ,t'h e rite '0 '
pro,t h,e,s is :m,w'wch,,t he :special].y' plre'par ~- br"a - :is :9 - 'bj-ect,"d, '0 ' ~ . his-'
l
tOT,ical passi'on, be'iore '18 'use as, hos,t "',.. -t .e service" '~nl As p' ev" ausiY'
99 F'O! the ref' Y' by Nicholas o.t' M,e noneJ' B:ib.l.. eccl, 355~,4-,'6,; also ,'" ,. ,dyo
1
'
.
61 4 27
I
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.
1"1 _
.
"
1'"
,-
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I!-
10 "'1 G " Ba
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.. .~ .' .'. . ' .
,t"j:...... ' Sl ~ '( - ~ '. - ~ ~ - 'Ia d ~ -
C!, . . , Ai'Y'll' - - 'b
~JJ, lr.l '"o. Ogl~, u:es, ,e' _," ~' l_ c,~Oor ~e.s, l i;iwlses ' ~y,z. .
,...II -- 'I' t-
,a nlines, a'u X'[I ' '. ". . "' 'Le~ , 'eve -'~ '-,S .... t dvan-t I." .... , . :t '.' ..... , t,
l" Amn,os/'~' Fruhmi't ' elalterl':iche Sf.udien~ 2 (1968)1, 368,- 86. The ,ch:urch ,a'_ Ka,to
'Lefka -a is un'p ublished.,
'102,. R,. Bo,m ,e" _,' us
.co,m:mentai'res ,by,%4nti'ns ,de I d:ivin" Li,t,u:r:g,ie ,au Xl ~' au . . . . . V '
sikle (Paris, 1966)-;, 22,7;: R., :F. Taft" The' G:'r-eat EtI;;tr~nJct!+ A History of Gifts' Q~Hd' ,Oth
Pteanaphoriod Rites of the ,Li,fu~ o{,St,. JOO:" Ch rysos tom:'. . atkan City,., 1977).
pointed out, church dogma was made increasingly explicit in the figural
decoration of the church in reaction perhaps not only to theological con-
troversy, but al 0 the ri e of popular r ligiosity in the twelfth century. Ill)
Even the tentative theological rationalism of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries stimulated a series of fundamental logical questions that chaJ-
lenged a faith grounded solely in tradition. But this variety of heresy
was peculiar to intellectual ; it was rarely found outside the academic
elite. Another form of heresy, dualism, was more widespread. This pro-
longation of the Paulician and Bogomil heresies infected all classes in By-
zantium from the educated physician Basil, burned at the stake by
Alexios I, to the anonymous soldiers and peasants in the Balkans and
Asia Minor. 1001 Two important points of distinction ben-veen these later
appearances of dualism and their earlier occurrences have been sug-
gested, though on little evidence: that it had a more urban character in
the eleventh and twelfth centuries and that Bogomil "perfect" were
concentrated in certain mona teries. l ~
I06
In 1140, a special council condemned the Enthusiasts and Bogomils.
The basic tenets of the heresy were found in the writings of Constantine
Chrysomalos, who according to his attacker claimed that government
official worshiped the devil in their obedience to the earthly archoll. He
also denied the vatidity of the liturgy, proposing that individual salvation
was not dependent on the sacraments. The Council of 1143 condemned
two Cappadocian bishops; 107 they were accused of preaching pure as-
ceticism, calling on their pari hioners to abstain from intercourse, meat,
mHk, fish, and wine for three years. They evidently insisted that tonsure
was the prerequisite for paradise. They rejected the cult of icons; they
denied the occurrence of miracles; they allowed women to participate as
deaconesses in the liturgy. The suppression of heresy obviously took a
church (Logo; dyo 8). He was outraged that Soterichos dared to publish
hi "barbarian" theories just at a time when the empire was threatened
by barbarian invasion (Logo; dyo 44, 70, 72). And certainly church doc-
trine was not the only subject of rationalist reappraisal in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. The imperium also was scrutinized. Byzantines
never formulated a theoretical alternative to the monarchy, but criticism
of the emperor was an int graJ part of Byzantine political ideology (exs.
32-34). I II This criticism, for the most part, took the form of proposing
ideal imperial types that, in contra t with a present rule, might wel1 im-
ply a negative assessment. Such an ideal might be derived from a past
model, like Constantine the Great in Theophane , or a near contempo-
rary, like Basil the Mac.eClonian in the milieu of Constantine VII. Often
the pTevious emperor wa idealized: Nikephoros 111 by Attaleiate , Alex-
ios I by Anna Comnena, Manuel I by Kinnamos. But in the eleventh cen-
tury, another mode of acceptable criticism was introduced: the denun-
ciation of the office of emperor, or of emperors as a caste.
Psellos provides the best example of such criticism. According to
him, emperors were addicted to flattery and could not tolerate fTee
speech (Ps. Chron. 2: 147, no. 18.5- 10; see also 1: 153, no. 74.21 - 23); they
were guided not by the common weal but by their own will (2:59, no.
179.8- 11). While some emperors were good at the beginning of their reign
and others at the end, none was good throughout his whole rule (1: 130,
no. 27.1 - 4; 131, no. 27.31 - 32). The evil of some emperors was generated
by their own character; in others it grew from their dependence on
worthless counselors (1 : 58, no. 11.3- 5; 2: 52, no. 163.7- 10). The evil in-
herent in imperial power inevitably led to the corruption of the phy ical
and moral health of him who wielded it. In his ell ronograp!t;a , Psellos
wrote as though emperors were predestined to failure a failure not
marked simply by unfulfilled promi es and unrealized good intentions,
but also by physical decay. Dropsy, gout, and ill humors worked upon the
rulers' features-they appeared as corpses before they were dead. Psel-
los's indignation at imperial pretension betrays his skepticism regarding
a divineJy cho e.n basi/ellS emperors were not content with their exter-
nal signs of power, the crown and the purple, but sought to elevate
themselves above humanity; they assumed divine benediction (J :153,
no. 74.15- 21; 2:83, no. 1.7- 10).
Psellos was not the only one to emphasize the emperor's human
frailties. John Zonaras, for instance, also questioned the possible exis-
tence of an ideal, paradigmatic emperor (Zon. 3: 767.12-19). Once nor-
mal weaknesses were ascribed to the emperor, a demand for limitations
on hi autocratic powers naturally followed. A medieval society was re-
mote from constitutional restrictions, imperial autocracy might be mod-
erated only through ethics and education, advisors and critics. Masters
of rhetoric, indeed, composed not only official panegyrics but also cri-
tiques aimed at the emperor. Attempts were made particularly by the ec-
de ia tical hi rarchy to modify the imperial po ition on theological and
even on political issues. Ecclesiastics stubbornly opposed Alexios I in an
attempt to protect the church's right to dispose of its own property. Il2
John Oxeites, patriarch of Antioch, dared to censure Ale ios's entire po-
litical program. l1) An anonymous churchman, perhap Niketas, metro-
politan of Ankara, demanded that the emperor must be instructed by
the bishops, not the bishops by the emperor. II. Further, he insisted that
the prelates' power was above that of the secular ruler. m He prai ed Pa-
triarch Polyeuktos, who opposed emperors, and condemned the em-
peror who insisted that those resisting his power committed sacrilege
(254.U-1S; 240.4-5). Finally, he quoted John of Damascus: "King are
not to legislate in the church" (248.15-16). Where Photios had devel-
oped a theory of state control by two equal powers emperor and pa-
triarch the anonymous writer of the late eleventh century proposed
the creation of a council of metropolitans and high civil dignitaries to
guide the emperor for the benefit of the empire (212.30-214.6).
Criticism. was implicit even in laudatory speeches. Eustathio . of
Thessaloniki, a panegyrist and partisan of Manuel I, on several occa-
sions criticized the emperor's action. Around 1166, Eustathios insisted
that the capital was crying through his lips for lack of water and demanded
that the emperor see to its needs or else endanger its citizens. In many
instances, Eustathios called upon Manuel to abandon aggressive mili-
tary policies, denouncing war as a bloodthirsty evil. To dig pits for en-
emy cavalry, to poison wells, to sow alien fields with salt, and to scatter
iron caltrops over foreign hills he called despicable acts; he suggested it
would be more noble to build defensive fortr sses. Eustathios even de-
112. A. A. Glabinas, He epi Alexiou KomllclwlI (1081 - 1118) per; lIieroll skellol/,
keime/ion lea; hagioll eikOIlOl1 eris (Thes alonikL 1972).
113. P. Gautier, "Diatribes de Jean I'Oxite contre Alexis I.... Comnene," REB
28 (1970),5 - 55.
114. Darrouzes, Documents itlMits, 38- 42 .
115. Darrouzes, Docllments inedit ,214.5- .
n.ounced Ma:n,u e -" s atl,e;i~," pit ' to ~ eco,gnize t 'e God, of 1:slam,.,u ,A cur,i o'us
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,g ui:s -. 't'- emselves from, "th,e ir l'barbaric"" ne:ig'hbo,:rs ~ The con'ce' tual ,a s
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'm .' .II
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(1968), 71f.,
.~ li~ j'., Da, IOUzeS, ,uLes d . .' 'm en' .s byzan ~ ;ns du. :X1 ' sj.'ech~: su't :Ia, ptimau:te
romain,e'l R,c'B ,23 1 (1965).;1 791- ,82,a
i"I
BYZANTIUM AND
ALIEN CULTURES
only possible heir to the empire of the augusti. He properly the "lord
of the entire world" (SkyI:123.88- 89). The reality of the diminished size
of the empire was never admitted the Basili/(a, for example, included
rulings relevant to Egypt, North Africa, Scythia, Syria, and Illyriout't,
regions long lost to Byzantine power.'
In the popular imagination as reflected in the Alexander Romance, re-
gions beyond the borders of the empire were the breeding ground of
monsters and myths. Their populations were unnatural either in their
actions or in their appearances. There were Amazons, the fabled warrior
virgins; kings whose transportable palaces were drawn by elephants;
unicorns so large that thirteen. hundred men were unable to move one of
their carcasse; as well as men with dogs' muzzles, birds with human
faces, and giant centaurs. Hagiographic sources reflect the same imagi-
native tendencies. According to the Greek vita of St. Makarios of Rome,
monks passing beyond the frontiers of Persia encountered strange feline
beasts, unicorns, tailless apes, men who lived under stones, and fero-
cious androgynes who wore arrows on their heads instead of wreaths. 6
Though Byzantine for the most part were ignorant about foreigners
and basically uninterested in becoming better acquainted with them,
more extreme negative r action are not uncommon . The degr of d ri-
ion to which non-Greek-sp aking peoples were ubj cted by cultured
Byzantines is best xemplified by Theophylakto ,a ophi ticated Con-
stantinopolitan sent in about 1090 by the patriarch to oversee
the Slavic diocese of Ohrid. 10 This city had been the capital and cultural
nexus of western Bulgaria until its reconquest by Basil n. The arch-
bi hop repeatedly denounc d his flock as mindles mon t rs and toads,
slaves and barbarians reeking of How absurd that they
dared to mock Zeus's bird, the imperial eagle! Theophylakto lamented
hi exile among aliens and his loss of the comrade hip of hi intellectual
equals (PC 126.508B, 30BA, 5410, 544B, 396B- C). More generally, the
Byzantine simply attribut d tereotypical vices to foreigner: the Scy-
thian were cruel, the Armenian perfidious, and the Arabs treach-
erous. II iketas Choniate , for instance, denounc d the Latins as gee dy,
illiterate (literally, as ha ing an " uncultivated eye"), gluttonous, and vio-
lent their hand were alway ready to pullout their sword over noth-
ing (Nik. Chon. 602.5- 7). He pre ented them a given to driveling and
to gross expres ion of ganc (164.60-61 et passim). Even the false
Copyrgrtcd I
170 CHA GE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
C pyr qrled r1 I
Byzantium and Alien Cultures 171
Copyr rt fTla al
172 CHANGE IN BYZA TI E CULTURE
ity for thirty-i year. A a reward, his retirement within the church
was provided for: in 1037 h wa ttled on Athos; he received the privi-
lege of eating at Protos The kti to 's table, or, if he preferred, he would
be served in his own cell from the protos's kitchen . His servant was fed
with the brethren. After th death of the protos (who wa of Armenian
tock), Nikephoros would be bequeathed an estate. 20
Th e attempt to integrat the borderlands were never entirel suc-
c s fuI. Both the settled populations of these frontier zones and the
newly introduced aliens maintain d their ethnic identity.ll Large part of
Bulgaria retained their Slavic languages, their own churche , and even
their own literary cultu,re de pite Byzantium's efforts to subsume the
new territory. SimIlarly, the Italians and the Armenians remained reli-
giously and linguistically distinct from their Greek overlord , continu-
ing to harbor a desire for political independence. While the aristocracies
of a ubject people might be hellenized and lose their cultural associa-
tions with their tribes of origin, the mass of people tubbornly main-
tained their traditional custom .
20. Actes d' Esphigmenou (Pari, 1973), no. 2. On this affair, ee A. P. Kazh-
dan, liE figm nskaja gramota 1037 g. i dejatel'nost' Feoktista," Vestnik ErevaT/-
skogo universiteta, 1974, no. 3,236- 38.
21. la . Ferluga, "Quelque problemes de politiqu byzantine de colonjsa-
tion au XI" ieete dan Ba " Byz. forsch. 7 (1979), 5sf. On the problem of
bord rland, ee H. Ahrw iJ r, "La fronti re et Ie frontieres de Byzance en Ori-
ent," Actes du XIV' Congres international d'etudes Oyzantine5 1 (Bucharest, 1974),
2 -30, with comments by Z. V. Udal'cova, A. P. Kazhdan, R. M. Bartikian,
A. Pertusi, . Oikonomide , O. 231-313. ]. F. HaJdon and H . Ken-
n d ,"Th Arab-Byzantine Frontier in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries: Military
Organization and Society in lh Bord rland ," ZRVl1 9 (1980), 116, a1 0 empha-
iz that frontier region were djffer nt in character from the central territories
of th . empire.
22. . Cahen, " La campagne d Mantzikert d'apres Ie ources musul-
C pyr qrted r1 I
Byzantium and Alien Cultures 173
Copyrgt I
Byzantium and Alien Cultures 175
and twelfth centuries in the West trade grew enormously. The great cen-
ters of cloth production were established and banking enclaves began to
emerge. Western European commercial growth had a significant impact
on Byzantium. The flow of goods in commerce and people in pilgrimage
during the eleventh and twelfth centuries resulted in the increased visi-
bility of foreigners in the cities and even the towns of Byzantium, as is
clear from the description of the annual fair of Thessaloniki discussed in
Chapter 2. Concessions of trading privileges were greatly sought after.
In the eighth and ninth centuries trade wa developed predominantly
on the frontiers. The Bulgarians were very active traders with the em-
pire; the denial of their trading privileges was even a pretext for war in
894. From the tenth century on, trade with Kievan Rus acquired special
importance, and a series of Russo-Byzantine treaties were concluded,
the latest-known being signed in 1046.)(J Rus had their own quarter,. their
own church, even a cult of their own saint, St. Leontij, in Constanti-
nople. Their affinity with the Byzantines is reflected in the Russian pil-
31
grims' descriptions of the New Rome, and by their establi hment of one
of the most influential. monasteries on Athos St. PanteJeimon.12
Culturally more intractable were the mercantile states both to the
east and west that sought trading rights within the cities along the prin-
cipal trade rout s. The Arabs had special quarters for their merchants
in small towns as well as in major centers such as Thessaloniki and
Constantinople. Archaeological evidence suggests, for instance, that a
mosque existed in the Middle Ages in Athens.3.l A large mosque was
opened for Moslem worship in the capital in 1027.3< A description pre-
served from 1189 remarked on the great number of worshipers who
gathered there. 11
Best kno'WD, of' tn,e,se comm,e rcial enclla . e. within, Blyza:n,~_ ium, how,..
eve" w,e re th,ose es'ta,bliflh,e d 'b y 'the' Latins, m ,os,'t :nob),bl.y .:' ItaHans,,,
,A lthough Ic nnt,e mpor "ty' i,g u es may 'be' le"a,S8erat,ed/~ ,t he La ~: 'n, co:m mu,-
m"H'."'eo
:': C'" - ,~ - t ~,~ O',~ 0, 'P
,',~,: I,i_ ons,Ian, m ,:
mO
" ' Ie.' lIl,;Se:Il
"'" - -'~f'" 'Ieill.-~,
W - ~ef"V O':"li'ab' ~B S~, ,L'L': ~ ~ f" "
Vi ' ~ ,J ~ .' ,Il'~:, , I U 1' ~a,HUIOcii 0 " .,Ies'sa ,g -
Th ~ - - ~ I ~ PD - I" 0'
',1 1..,::.. ~U
'UAJ I" "V[:' 'n
- ";:;1 ' '&..,.;.d~ S't;vty'I,.. &t..o ~ sa~'n~'.l.:d' ,Tl..ta,
i "~ : , .S: ,l in ,t h
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. '_ ,[
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:F,araj ,calcuIa;ted the"'umber o,f j', : me~Cha, ..' ,'. :' the c,a:p'ital ,a s"ll, J ,'1[. 1.'1
excess ,o,f ,t'hiirt,Y -t'h,o'u,sand,.,3i' Accordmg t'o Wster,n d "', S" twe1 n ty'
th,o u,s an,d . e.n,e tia'n ,s flie d, ' 'h e Co:n ;s tanlin,()po]"" t . 'n, hos,tiUties of fhe 11605;
supposedly 'm o e tha [ Ie :'. f ousand Ve" ,e tians .'Iere arrested in B,y zan,
tinm, :m, 1.1'72,. -, 'T h,e' Ge , .' ." annal- ,o,f C'afaro r la,t e more .... ' fi,g'-
, ~r.es" numb~ ,ring hie' Pi ~ ans and, . ." in t ~,e' uro:y,a] c+,t y'" as one th,o u-, ' I . , ..
:s and an,d,'t m ' :hund " d r, .s ~ 'ively (M'G'H ' S'S .. ', ':33.)..ha . the n . mber'
0, f;' , . ' . ith,e empe . W '8 S S . ,gn]''f ~cant- ,'n " "t'hl e' ed!V, '1: e1 ~ and
n th ' l~ft'~:'h
l t'YIe'., ~ .
ce'nturie~s , ojo 5, :p Iau:sitbl ,';: the exten't' of their' lc ultural im'pac't ,o:n h,eir b.o sts is,
I.ss, e8sily' meas, ,ed,., i
, . ~ ese 'ta)+"a n merca,' le com " '., ',' ~ties, rec-e . . e ' " .' ' ssio:n s in,fe/t um
:f or InUi"tary ,an,d, nava ,as ~' :istance ,far iate'[ ,t, an " R ~~s~ F'= t Venice ob~
't amed,,a :f ay'o red,peaj, oj o,n , 'w ,i ,t'h ,'. ,privi .'.'g,e of ':bout" ' 082 ( :. ,exaC ' . :.:,e is ', C ,
" no . . t, pJ}oven
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ies"., Th,e iI' commu'nitile s certainly' :h ad the +'f o,w ,n Latin...ri'l e 's an,c inar ', s.,, '"
Sc' . ,.. [ . ,g'e nerally as.S'UDlle' 't hat ' .,e,se co . . .' :h ad a ,a ipp:I -'n,g' effec,t
o'n t'h,e 'B yzanfin e ,ee,o I',amy, b'u t by .'. ;, ,d lo ing: th~y ten,d to i'm ,. 05e' D'n .:h 'e
and "tw ~1f h ,ren,wries
[, 'I econoillic pers., '., ~ve' '0, " '.
,e en,l . ,c eo't ury; W h h e '1've
' . le n J' 1 "'Iet '" aln , an,' dG .'_...1 - ...1 exe'r ,CJJ;se
.'. '-enoese' btueru, .' d' 'p O,'~.'ILI'H ,- II
cal an,d , ec,o nomj,c' .", . [. '.,'.. of Co,n " an,t in,o pie ,t'h roug'h ,t h,eir ronnol of
,t'h ,e :Strai'ts,. In 'h e .,' ,eve,n 't h an,d , tw'e:Jfth" . "n,'t unlE!,S ,t h'e Stralt ~.' . w le re s,'. ill
un,d ec ,t h,e impe~iunts control. During that:;sam,e' pe ',',od, ltaltsn, ira,d ,e ,a n,d
36;; W,. Hecht, ,Die byzan.f,iniJdre A'u5Se,npoU 'ik, 35;: C. Brand;, Byzanti'um CDtl,-
fron:t ~he Wes . (Ca ~~ Mass,.,J' '1968)11' 6' ,hat ' his figure canno' be j ,. '.
1 " . ,', I
.......
I~ uD1
1"" ......
lIlrc' ; 'f '
' t ,
they . e " . co ,s p CllOU,S, ,e. ". ID,
-: ..... ,', '
. ,", , '.' ~ . ~. . . . ( ~. ~ ~
1'- ,~~,
',' ~, , ' ~1 1
~ m
.~ !, ~~
"- -:,
' ,. ." ,~
38
1'1
.. ., MGfl
' '.' . ,-, < S'S' .. ' [~'4 ~, 7,8 ' . ' .'., 'F. B'0 0 . n,,~e'
....." '' 'Th . IF ",
.O' lii
oj," r I", . .
I
_
' , . iiiif' .,-.
v'e
1,1. '" an ~ d' ;,:1
I,' U ... - 1,1:
,K:' V 'I .
.
t' ": '" .
.'. .... . '.
'. .'In C "c, ~ -; t'e-a,'~ ,dflop,
' -'-DOS "~"~~" '. '.I e ~,u ,Ll!.'ih . C' ~ . ._.' f': t','I-""", X i 't ho
" e' . lI!ose 0 " . lit:' ,...... . . ,I,.,.....
, , n,tury:, J'
ce
['
o
, ,( I,urHSl' O!f 'H."e~le',rue
. -- -,-,--
'. S't, 14 d.~,f",
!,II ' p' .
,j ' ,"
eB ... , (19'
-2 ,-
,"0'
,)' ;, '8~
1
. ' '.,ojo
"', . . . ',' . ... : 1 . .. . ., ' I '.'
. .., A,,:lertuSl,eneZ18
39, p . "
- ..' . ~,.
e . sanzm t. __ .' neI seCD I~~O ',.X
.' . ,!II .,
,.. ,I '" ~ lA
,' -,...
. 1lI
~,' ,Ienezm .f!
'. .' d' I' m,l,'11'e ("...,e n,
.. .. - L. . . 'I.
' _
. ,-.
' '. .- . .-
I -,.,
-.,--
. I .-
. .,
-'$
.r-II" . .." .- . '. ,. . . . . ..' . . .I . -.!
, "R J ' ~ ,
.~a f" ~' IL
~ es , .. , .. ,d'e'C!' 'I"t"iin
.lv,.' ". .,s' I~a
~ 0
.' 0 ". .'~!Ill\~', C ~ .p-. '.. /," REB ,4
~ArlI.o tantll'n o ~, ~ IQi UlI,~ _ ~ _~ ~ .~ " ~ _
(. ' ..
#
'1"." ....
"' ~ '7'1.'
. -' ,:
" .
,Alexios I's ,p'nvUege 0 about 108,2 and tho ..', f at fOI- 'lowed '. ': ,ot: .' :"i.':.'er 1
fu.' . n.-'da
I I'
'~ - '~ ta
..' men ' f ,-,m , t-",,'h- e_' ."uSSo-
__ y ,r-o'
. f R' B,y~z8.
..... , - n- ,t-me
"- . ,.. ' ,a,t' les.
. " ,'U
- - .'..
- '~
0f': th, ,e .,._ n t'"h cen.. w':, ry,
....'.. ': '.... "1 . '. ' . ' .; ' . L' I " "I'
t . ' .
" r
_e. .. ' . ' . . .
t' e . . . . '''[ ....
to have' p,ro.fited .f rom comm.er-c ~ al f 'la.tions 'wi ~'h Italian commun.es 'by
.' '.' l'l.ng
se.. i .. . .... ., pm d. D'c e.'. as
... . grain.
. . .' ,. .,m....eat, '., - a. , ,d....' , _.
[ . . . ..' .' C-"
. ne" <
af '" ,
'.'" a.. .'.d"- .~ I. . I . . I' . . . . I ' I .' . - .
c hants w'e_ ~ m.o'[I ~ ' h ,o stll _' t owaro We'Stl~ rn.ers, alth.o . gh. tb.eR' loolm peti....
tlon E W ,BS, n .O. Y'et d" ama,g tn,g or ev~n l'dangl,r ,ous., I'm :permJl.aVOl " l l f' fS :8h0' ' n . tlo
these aliens .il.d gh.t ,e'xacerba'te t he enmity of. t ' ..... "m:p erolr's subj. C -'S,I' '[bu t I.
probab'y discrepa~ncie,s
in. CU.s.tom. an,d . cree1d. did .more to, cause' :m 'u rual
intolera . oe'. 'I'tl.e :frultfuInE!'s s of Ital.o Bly.Zan tin e' .:' .rerC' ' an,ge W ,8 S t ' ow...
eve r d''eIlcate
.- "' '. .)'.ya~an(~e
'b' '1"
,. ' :-:- '. - ".-:
j . ' .
' 1'"'OSS O.f-eqw'
d. ~ A..' s,l.gm. f''llcant
iI. .".-: .
~ -l."'b'~ r.l.um.
- '-'-"., . d- O01-
,-
OCCUfi ... . .Y
',. ' -:- '.-- ..... :-:- . . - ' - ' --:- "'1- " .-.- .1.-:- '.- '. I , . " , ' " ,," ," - -'. '.- ... --.- -- . . . "1'- -.-- , " , . '-'-'"1- '"
T' RAD ITII O ,: : "N ' "A " 'B AR"R"I''E,_ '~ RS:-
1'"::"'11'"' I', : ~'.'.,'" ,:.. 1 1 . t. :_.: ........ ".. .. '1 :,...... : :: .... , .
lh.e incr,e ased social tary.l and comme.rcia]. co .' ta,ct -, betw,e e'n 5y'- j ' ." .. , ,',
,
zant1.um
-,.-
an,d" aIi-e,
..
-,
n cuI-,
" . ~. :.tuI\ ,~S ,;d"ur "ng t'.- . ' e.,.event
',' - --. - '1'
-- ,hl. century
,- - seem..t'D h
., ave
,-,' " -,-I ---- .. I -----,-. I', , ' . . ." " " . .... ,".. .....
led ,to thl@. re,akdo,w n of'some of the tradi io .at ba :ier, dividing By.zan'-
.. . society' .fro,m t h,e ,c ultures ey,o:n .d its,borde s ~ P,e 'clp:S ':. J:~' mos,t tan- I
.gilbl,e eV.i[d,enc ~ of his 'cha'n,ge in. la.t. i . ud...~s toward ab,e'n s is, in . . a,' . ~age
prac.ice. l fh,e. t,e tl.t h c;e~n.tury Constan.tine VD had p 0 '1 'b it ed '~ arr ~ ~, ~ .'
betw .' I.. . .'
... _ . " d . f' "
,.. ..... een. .B.iy,zall.t ne pr .c'e sses ,a n ._.orelgn ru e rs., exce .tl.on ,- ' .. ere
- I .. ' ..
.. " . .. '. . . ' ", ' . ... I' , ,,' : . . ..' I" 1"1 ,'.. :!II' .... ' . l . . : ... ' ", ....',,'I
Maria, Rlo manos [ '. . nosts grandda . ghte 'i as ":s w -fe . :En 989' "the b tl
per"'a fa ~ly 'w as a.g ain ,ob !s'e d to dispatcb. ODie of "ts m =mbers", t h.e 'u n-
wining P.r.m.ee,l s Anna" Basilll"s sister;- to 'V ladimir' of Kie'v in return for
his tnUi.t ary assis,ta'n ceF I ' th,e ,n uld dle 0 :-. t' 12' same century,. Theo. . hano,
.- .' .. ,t- 'h
anD '. ~ .
,--[. er pnncess" was,.maIT.l.ed. . t'
:0 "h I - .. G--' . .... . .- :.
. ' '0"tt:, . '111'
1,. I.e~ e.rnlan empe,r or . '.' 10 Jl .'"'
.. " . C-': .-:-- . . . - ,'! . "1 1' '- ... ..... '.', T
" - h .. ,C.-
~g
[ ' . . c
t 'h e .a
: ~l. [ ~ :r.anth
!I; '~~"
,1,. __
1 ~an,"'
~1 ';~"!II' IIr.~ i .' "h.a
11!'17 IL',' ~ I amperor~
~ ,!.:,',:.:'.-.:. :....] ., c.
. - :':- _ ~ ,''1.....
S',', '-I"" soug. .. I Ii:... ..t. . t''_ ' 01
-L.L., S-p,-" o~'', :uC! Q fI-om
. 'e~'1i2 ' ' '-~.
Q ',-::i, W
" '....,~
11, th'
[_ :m
"-::,~
I', ','
the empir ,., Mar.ia-Martha, t'h,e' so~all.ed Alan, a. Georgian p' .-~ncess w ". 0
COnd()D .. d. ' ....... s .' . . a1 of ' . . ...' .,"." .. ' predecessors:: D Ooolen ...,!he B,yzant.in . 1 .
19
.
"')
0/ '.
"II 2 Th
~, u ~, " .
) j .
;
e re'w ere, .
"; .,.'. , . '.' . ,e...... .' .,n.ga .. ' ,
.I~e. sUC 'h
~
' . .. . S., I.
From the end of the eleventh and through the twelfth century for-
eign dynastic alliances became gradually more common. Although it
never took place, the wedding of Constantine Doukas to Robert Guis-
card's daughter had been arranged; a dose relative of Nikephoros m was
betrothed to a Hungarian king or magnate; 4J John U's wife, Eirene-
Piriska, was a Hungarian princess; their son Manuel I married Bertha of
Sulzbach, sister-in-law of the German king Conrad Ill; Manuell's second
wife was Maria of Antioch, a.Latin princess; his heir, Alexios n, married
Agnes-Anna, a daughter of the French king. Conversely, numerous
women with imperial connections were betrothed to Latin nobles from
the middle of the twelfth century to its dose. Manuell's daughter Maria
married Ranier of Montferrat, the emperor's niece Theodora wedded
Henry of Austria, another ni c was given to Baldwin III of Jerusalem, a
third niece married Stephen Arpad, and a fourth niece went to William
V1ll of Montpellier (Ex. 41) ..... John, Manuel's nephew, had two daughters
who married the Latin lords Amory of Jerusalem and Bohemond m of
Antioch. The Angeloi dynasty continued this new trend. Isaac n chose
as his second wife Margaret of Hungary and betrothed two of his daugh-
ters to the foreign princes Tancred of Sicily and Roger of Apulia. One
can easily attest a shift in attitude toward foreign alliances by comparing
Grumel's geneaJogkal tables for the Macedonian (867-1056) and the
Comnenian (1081-1185) dynasties. Of the fifteen marriages noted on
4
the first chart, only two represent the alliances of Byzantine princesses
with foreign ruler . The second table includes twenty-six marriages, of
which eight are between Byzantine princesses and foreign lords (31 per-
cent) and six are between Byzantine princes and foreign ladies (23 per-
cent). Even if Grumel's data are incomplete, a radical change of Byzan-
tine policy is evident. Not only had marriage become a fundamental
instrument of Byzantine djplomacy, but many of the prejudices against
aJien cultures had been mollified.
More complex and less successful was the attempt of the empire to
43. H . Bibicou, "Une page d'histoire diplomatique de Byzance au XI.' siede,"
Byz . 29- 30 (1959 - 60), 43f.; A. P. KaLhdan, "Iz istorii viLantino-vengerskich
sv jazej vo vtoroj polovine XI v.," Acta A/ltiqlla Academiae scielltiarum Hungaricac 10
(1962) 163 - 66.
44. K. J. Heilig, 'Ostrom und das Deutsche Reich um die Mitte des 12. Jahr-
hunderts," KilisertulII und Herzogsgewalt j", Zeitalt r Friedrichs I (Stuttgart, 1973),
229 - 71; V. LauIent, "Le sceau de llu.>odora Comnene, reine latine de Jerusalem,"
Academic ROil lIIa iflc. Blllleti" de 10 seetioll izistoriqllc 23 (1943), 208- 14; W. Hecht,
"Zur Geschichte der 'Kaiserin' von Montpellier Eudoxia Komn na," REB 26
(1968),161 - 69.
45. V. Crumel, W c"ronologie (Paris, 1958).
46. -
R. Guilland, "Etude sur 1 administrative de I'empire byzantin.
Le curopalate," Byumtina 2 (1970), 220.
47. A. P. Kazhdan, "Slavjane v gospodst uju tego kJas a Vizan-
. imperii v XI - XU vv.," Slavjane i Rossija (Moscow, 1972), 32.
48. Kazhdan, Armjane, 146- 56.
49. Aristakes de Lastivert, Recit des mall/curs de III nation armenienne (Brus-
els, 1973), 27.
SO. A. P. Kazhdan, "Vizantija i Uparity," VizAntinOtlt!dteskie etjudy, 91f.
. -, d~ B-'I yzantlum",
lte -, '. pmd oee.d a, Lat" , In t-:r a:n sa '1 t"- on Of'" ' ,j,Ul.e
:L t"
5eCJ.on .' '.-
on Vllnt, 1
c ~ ~ture' from th,e Geoponika. It 'w-oul,d ,., ,howe'V'e r, b ' ~- 'w~on.g to suppos~-'
th "eO t"6
-, ,8,t-, SCl, l ':,C b r va't'",o n, m.ov'ed-. ,o.n1:,y :tn
ose, " o'n 'e' d "c"lon~ Th
-.- lre ' e :r apllty
,-l d~ " -
w ' th wille id,ea '_ ,o oncernl ,g: - a u' 'e c"'" ru . -ted cal'n 'be' ,",; . ,_. gi 'e d f' ,o m (h,e'
h yste:r '" a. ,t-ha't' .sprlead, across f ",e' Mediterra-ne,a n ba -. '~ n jus:t befor,e- 186,. As~
'tronomers ,for cas:- t'ha'_o,n d\,e fiftee'n ' 'h,or six:Ileen'th of S ," pt ~ mber of that
'UP,
IJ ~',
a', sevle n 'p.,'- anets 'w Oo' ,d u.n ite U ' d,e-r he .si.~
c-'
a . of t e Bal ~ ' .,eel causmp: 10
ca tastro'p,:h .-..,S on ,earth. La. in, chro:nu~ le'r s Ii ~ ' Ia'te: fhat S:p anis:h" Sicilian, a.n ,ld,
Greek as.tro~.o'gelsl ,as 'w ei .,as J~ws an.d Sar,a.cen-s , sent ~ter.s h rough.out
,t he' 'w'Or~,d w 8rnin.g of' the co,m in,g disaster" Nike'tas Chonia-tes ,oo,m -'
7
I
mented- 'W. t - '. ..' ...' I, . , .dlSda . In '()n h ! .ow te' ' emperor an d . t h:, e CDnl-'
't esans of c: o ~ sta - f ~ .'p le PI' ~pared f'o ~' the - 'oioc-a . st by d "gging' hOI s' in I
'l 'h gruund I'ik.e ants or by I\em.ovi -',g 'w ind,o wpa "e'S from t'h,eir houses
.(,220,.,23- 221,.43)" 'Le -s dra,ma,tica lYI Arabic cur-es we~e q u,lo ted.by' Symeon
Seth. in :h is ditea:r y book,.
'Byzan in, s be', ~pn takin.g an, i tcr t ' in :0 .0:-. -scien'tifi,c ,for-e'i.gn 'wo~:ks
also., S-ymeon .eth, again! ,.. od,e' ed,h "s f,ab1ie St'ephan:it-es and 'chnela't,es o'n
"' h
-I~~
e A -~'b
. . ,~ ra. -I~~'IC
"'b '~- -k
lI ~OO - Nt
~_ v ..... l"l--
:t a; um' ,D"lmna-11-::. ThO.
'" s 'w ark', oon,c ern,e d . p,' " 11 Wl"1
llmarlJi,y' .'"Jl.l
1....
t h-,e s,1'y ,). ac"k a IS .Step,:, ' h
anltes an,'d
,C' .. oleI d
' ates, an . t' h.'e,r ~ 'n.-tr ~ ,g u,e s a,g amst t'hi: lei
ojo .. ,
c le dulous and cowardly IG ,g L,"' ,o n an' his ~e -a~n,e S,,' i supposedly ,a,
para .le .for '(h,e' insfrucfon of 'B,y zantine' co ~' b;~sans. SB, ,A t fu,l!' E!in ,d o ' ' th, C
eJ,e'v 'en.th, 'cen . :ury~ Micba,e l -, n,dr-eopoul.os., per,ha, ' 8 like ..... ' .' 10m on --, o f
the' easte .n -' .0' d,e' ' provin,ces of he le mpir,e'.i' t ,a.nsla, ,e. .i n 0 .... ..', th,e 80-
cal ,e d Book of :the: Phi'lo.- -'opher S:yntipasJ' ,a. col]ection. of oriental mo.ra izin,g
1
tales ,,59' Again, Ar,a ". a d, .Arm.en.i~ .n , el,e ments are notioea ble in, the D'~-,
gen's, .-.. : "tas epic .' weI ~ 'W ':'le ,Arab sO' . r~es had p'r-e'v"ously be ' n 'u,s ~ d
a. most exc 'U S vie' y to fill sc . .f {j,c ,and ph'Hol op itc g:aps. in, ,t he B,y 'za -,
, t~ ',es,' mo -led,ge 0 "- th,e ir' ow cu tural, inhe i-ta:nce l specif,e a ly' orie_,' ta'
I
gemes,and s'u,bj.ec -s in.'b~'re' sted the' 'Byza ' ti . 'e:s ,.' . the e ,e ve . t'h and.'t w'e' fth
ce - htries" Certaird.y! sciie' tific an,d , descr,l tiv'e' wo :k s l lre "hie' Arab V;iu,ti-
cum,. a -... al'n ual f . r tra elers writte1n,'b _ t'h,e' geag IB,:pher A,b,u Jatar Ah .. 'ad
36." K., Vogel, ,u By.zan't 'n- ~ Sch:~'nce'llf CMH1 vol. . " :par '~ 2, 2.73~. 281 , 286;,
Ch.~ :H 'askinslj The' Renaissance of ;t.he TWel{fh Qn;tu ry ,( . .' .'hr, ge'" 1'93-9)~ 2.9 ~.302~
57., :Rog'e, of H:o v'eden., Ch~onical' 4 V'ols,~, ,ed., W,. Stu.bbs I',0:n'1 1868,- 71}"
vol, 2.'/ 290,~9 , ; B , ' . abbas, 'p :@!r()'burgens,~s, Gesta H'e,nric.i .11 ft' R,rcaridi II 2
volls.,,, ed~ W'. Stubbs ,( .on : on ,864), vol... . 324:~, 28,., ,A lso see Rigorou.s", ';'; Gesta,
l
Philippi A'ugusf~, ',. Re.1:-ue:i'l d' :; histarin's .des' G,a:u.les -:,t de In fra:nre 1.7' (Pa:r.'S", 1.8,78)"
22.. On th> ori n- al in ~ U ....~ on . ,yza tine astlionomy,. see above Chapter ,4
and :n.~ 71..
38. ' S:t,ephan i,tes und lch:nela',tes (9.' nc'ldllo~.ml' 19(2).
5>71'iJi ., V".' E'.rnc).:te~
:x. dt ,;!, 'liM'lCI~elll '" , ,z.' apfl~l
' b _"'" ~ '. .;A-;n,dreopu].l. l'I"b, t , '.,Syn ilpa," 1'1 ,". . _r. ,;AAUweml;
:[..",..:r '"''"
ibn Ibrahim ibn Gubair (d. 1009), were translated during this period. 60
But mythological tales seem to have enjoyed the most lively interest.
While folklore was gathered on the eastern frontiers, hagiographic
material came from the western borderlands. Despite Theophylaktos's
disdainful attitude toward his Slavic flock, this archbishop of Ohrid com-
posed a eulogy in honor of the Bulgarian Christian martyrs of Tiberio-
polis. M Further, in his vila of St. Clement of Ohrid, Theophylakto docu-
mented the highly developed Slavic culture flourishing in the region .62
Later, in the third quarter of the twelfth century, George Skylitzes, who
served (or a time as governor of Serdica-Sofia, compiled the vita of an-
other Bulgarian saint, John of Rila. He also wrote a canon for John of
Rila's memorial services. b3
Although the most detectable foreign influences are superficial,
more practical or substantive .reactions to the presence of foreigners may
aJso be identified. For instance, the Byzantines seem to be increasingly
aware of the advantages of knowing foreign languages. Tzetzes insisted
that he was capable of greeting Latins, "Persians," Alans, Rus, Arabs,
"Scythians," and Jews aU in their own languages (Ex. 47). Whether he
was able to converse with them further is another question. It does
seem, however, that bilingual Byzantines of high rank became increa -
ingly numerous. Attaleiates mentioned the magistros Peter LibeUisios, an
"Assyrian" of Antioch who had had both a Byzantine and a Sarac~n
education (Attal. 110.22-23). Gregory PahJavuni, an Armenian poly-
math of the mid-eleventh century, mastered the refinement of both the
Armenian and the Greek cultures. Anna Comnena remarked that a cer-
tain Adralestos, quite probably a Greek, knew the "Celtic" language
(An. C. 3:117.25-26).
Although a concern with alien tongues may have emerged in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries, language remained perhaps the greatest
single impediment to real cultural interchange and mutual understand-
ing. The linguistic problems faced by the Byzantines, even at the court of
the emperors, are seen in an episode recorded by iketas Choniates. For
a reception of Western envoys, Manuel I employed a certain Isaac Aaron
t ba.t 'h e Byzantine .. ~ ' a,d to share with th.e armies of the Secon,d C: . sade'
the,blaIne' .for the ,skirmish,es be'tw,ee'n them,, ~
llie :n ,e w s _nsibiJity for' .he dis. in.ctiv,e trai:ts ,ort ~'n,ld ~vidual io-r-eigner.s.
.fo,u n.d .m lil't-eratuFe' has. some pllr:aU.e ls :in "th.e figur.a l arts ~ Wh.e .~ ,a liens a re
portr.a yed ,as s,u ch _h.e y may' be r-end'e r,e d with. a surpr.isin.g: . ' .... '.' ......' ,. ,y,
refl.ectm.g the .artisfs sens ~ti .~..i.ty' not nnly to distinct C' .' .... ,a nd do,'; I' ." I .
Lng 'b ut a 'So' t o c-hara.cter.istic features., For i:n stance, th.e E:f -i.opian i.n. . ...
see- 'e wi r 5 c. , esto'f ' in. the M.enologi,on of Sa j . U w:hich. ,d laJ.: to j
a.bo. t 000#. ~.~ow ~ a ,carefu . c :linea. io,n 0 : ' blackhysiognomy' (jg~ : )9) .
'B '1'. -''k
'l lac
I ":'1 '.~'..'] ar.t!i
~'_. a'.Ifl lso
,'=-1 :" .1 .... ,: d-epl
: ~. ,.. ...c;..."d'1 ."n
I.:. L,~. '. t-l!...a Pe'n'
..~I[L ~. : . . . .'t., a.. 'ong - "' i:.t- oi-hor
.. t...ooo '- l.: ~ .pe'
( ... 1!'\ o'n'l"'f'lC"
I.- : ~ II .:.-. . .
:.-."0 : .. : ... a ~ -. ~ [.: :; . '_'~~ ' ~
"tion:s of h,e na._iolns to' w'hich .h.e apostles we,r ~ s -_ nt/' th.o u.g h.:h.ler e e thni,c
fear ures, are mor ' schemca _"caLy' f"'8~ ' d .. ~ "'u rther, m. politicaU.y sen-
81. ive' con.tex'ts an.,artist Ini.g ht C'ar.i.catur,~' . . oppon.e:n 't, as seem tal ha'v,e
been :h'e case' with the . abs" 67' It appealS hat t .'e BY'zacn:tin,es w'cre cog-
nizan't,o.f .ra.cial differl. n~e, a:n.d cou1d trea t t h,e:m posi:f v'e 'Y' or ne.g at've y
as cir,c umstances required . . In ,all,. it seems .h at by thle tW'e lf 'h c" ':ntury
th~ . .B'_. '....zantine '. . '0 '.1.'Id .'. . ..'h~a d b~'. ee : :su. illy .~ ' d T''h
rna dl" .fi"e" lu M:'ban
'e" jjI'IL " ns,',"
w .,re dHlerentiate d a .:d. .,. ". ", uajzed; .'h.e y ha posi .ve as w eI as
n '~gfative ,char,a.c ._ ristics,.. They 'm ig'h i eY -n be ,c onsidered 'u se ':. t o' t'h e
empi .,e as 'warrio:rs :m,crchants, and diploma'. s .
l
U l .'B
i.. '.:' R'EA-C
" 'H A B LE BA R'R"[ ''R'5:
I'.' '. . " .... -' . : '. . . '. . ) .., ' '. . .... : :. . I :. .. ,..: .
Wh~le the n h.eri;t.ed prejiu dices of Byzanti . m s.ee: '0 ' 'aJ've be "._.-'
.'hak,in 'b y ,t h,e' economic an,d.:m ilitary rea "iliesof' the elefv enth and t . elfth
cen tun.e s, t. . e .' . 'p act of alile n cui tulle ..n t. . ,e' oll d ,e'm p':'re S . auld ..'.0 ' _' be
over-estimated., 'S,hifts that t,o ok plac ~' :i o.th .,e upp er "e,ac' .'es of 'h ie socie y
d.o n.at se ~:m to ha.ve .f undamental y :infl"u.e - ce . 't he b'r,o ader . h.y ,hms olf
tile in By.z ant" u m,, m ,o ng: the p~p'u ace' "the t ,adii"tio'nal wOiJd.d v'" ~ 'W " as
-' nafrected 'b y th,e' '. . ..... 'w roug' t by c" :cums, sn.ces'0 :0 . tch."~' state
65.. I ~ I... U.s .'. ':'. VIZan:tijskij' pistdli! N'f J;fa' Akom'ined' iz Chon (Bt~ p'_ .ers-
burg'l 1814);, S1f.; .A. lP~ Kazhdan;- uEce :raz 0 Kinname :i . :iki.te Cbo.niab~'.t .BS 24 /I
(19631, 25 t f
'66,. J" Devisse;. The .lftUlge o/,t,h'e Black in Wes t'ern Art 2 ( . , ew Yo k" 'l9?9) I' '. 6,.
F'a l the' leda.t 'ng of the M O.o.hlglDn /, :s '. ;'. A ," C'u l ' ~~ ... Ps tel' 0' . 'Sa 'U HJ 1' 1 .Art~
llenetQ~ 3D . l977}~9'- 1."9.; .3 (1918),,9-15.. Fo,r' the Pen: '. C<lst G abar, l, .'. U ." sche
; ron,o.g raphiqu ~. d . ~a "en tecbte./'P' .L:for.t d'e ltl: fi'"n d: , l' A:ntiq:u;'t''' ( . a ~ 'iSil' . I... '.' I
61 ~: ,-2.7.,
,67 V.. .. . . . '. . i ,I . . .. : . a " . Ar,a.bs :in By.zan inc JU.uminations./'" L . . u-'
sean 83,(1970), 16,7- 8l.
68" PaUmal oppune.n.s mi,g ht .a1so be ca "ca ", .~d.. e most '. e ~.'. ,ex-
ample ' '8, t he,vol'ume of :forged min.utes I',rod.u,cc. by P. otios of t h,e' ch. reh CO " '- ,
,e.'i- ,-n
. W 'h" 'h P . ch I atll',.OS :u,. ;, ca ..., ca'h lr,t_::U:
'.i 'lie - ~~ a.tna~ _ .. gnc
....J : PG
"".1.. ~~.
i::.'" l'lr"
~....: A
.' ..... ~ O
~ ~
he met Jews, Arians, and Nestorian (PC 130.1333B). Thus from the very
beginning, Zigabenos attempted to create the impression that Muham-
med's tenets were nothing but distortions of Jewish and Christian creeds.
When Muhammed's wife complained that her husband turned out to
be not only poor, but also sickly, he managed to convince one of his
friends, a heretical monk banished for his wrong beliefs (kakopistia), to
r veal to the indignant woman that her spouse's iIlne s was by no means
a common one, but rather a malady resulting from visions of the arch-
angel Gabriel, God's envoy to major prophets. The woman believed the
fiction, changed her mind about her husband, and proclaimed to other
women that she was married to a great prophet. "In this way," wrote
Zigabenos, "the gossip spread from feminine talk to the men and ac-
quired the image of certainty." Zigabeno refuted the principles of Islam
as misinterpretations of Christian teaching, "full of hair- plitting and
marvel-mongering," and borrowings from the Old and New Testa-
ments. "He presents Maria as Moses and Aaron's sister, who delivered
Christ under a date palm and lost her spirit because of the sufferings (of
childbirth). And he presents Christ as speaking to her from her belly
and ordering her to shake the palm and to eat some of its fruit" (1348C).
Among the moral precepts of Islam, it was marriage practice that most
arou ed the indignation of the Byzantine polemici t: "He legislated that
everyone could take four wives and a thousand concubines, as many as
he could feed" (1349C). For the apologist of Byzantine monogamy, this
was a swinish or canine lewdness. The idea of a holy war against the
Christians was labeled by 2igabenos "a murderous tendency of a mur-
derous prophet of a murderous people" (13S2A). Further, he rejected
both the Moslem prohibition on drinking wine and the Moslem picture
of the universe.
The theological questions raised in dealing with non-Orthodox
Christians were much more complex and consequently much more in-
dicative of Byzantine ways of thinking. Historians have traditionally
focused on the dramatic events of 1054 as the culmination of East/West
theological controversies. In that year, the emissary of the pope, Car-
dinal Humbert, disappointed at the progress of negotiations in Constan-
tinople, placed a bull excommunicating Patriarch Keroullarios on the al-
tar of Saint Sophia; Keroullarios in his tum excommllnicated the legat
of the pope along with his companions (Ex. 48). This exchange lent a
new bitterness to anti-Roman polemics, though denunciations of the
Latin church had been commonplace since the days of Patriarch Photios.
The Byzantines' list of Latin heresies was a long one. It included using
unleavened bread for the Eucharist, fasting on Saturdays, shaving the
face, prohibiting marriage among the lower clergy, rejecting the venera-
tion of images, holding that only three languages Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew were appropriate for the liturgy (TrilinguaJism), and, perhaps
most important, adding "and from the Son" (Filioque) to the Creed. Butn
evidently the dispute of 1054 eemed less momentous to contemporaries
than it has to historians.7 Psellos did not even mention it in the Chro-
3
72. Reg . patr. 3, n.o . 870-72. KeroulJaries develeped the sam range .of
ideas in other works, particularly a collectien cenventionally entitJed Panoply
against the lAtins: A. Michel, Humbert und Kerullarios 2 (Paderborn, 1930), 208 81.
73. P. Lemerle, "L'orthodoxie byzantine et I'oecum~nisme m~dievale," Bul-
letin de I'Association G. Bude, ser. 4, ne. 2 (1%5), 228- 46; republished in his Essais
sur Ie monde byzantin (London, 1980), part 8.
74. S. Runciman, The Easten! Schism (Oxford, 1955), 64.
75. V. Grumel, "Autour de ve age de Pierre Grossolano," EO 32 (1933),
22-33. J. Darrouzes, "Les documents byzantins du XU' siede sur la primaute
Romaine," REB 23 (1965), 51 - 59.
76. Cencerning unleavened bread, Ja. Pelikan, Ti,e C/,,;stiall Tradition, vol. 2:
The Spirit of EI1stern Christendom (600 - 1700) (Chicago and Lendon, 1974), 177:
"Azymes became so important in the controversy as the justification for the 'real
. ' ... Azymes becam both a useful pretext for the political and per-
enal conflict and at the arne time an appropriate fer the religieus
and doctrinal differences."
mas at Rome until the early eleventh century, although the legi timacy
of the doctrine was recognized much earlier.n The Byzantines objected
to this Western adulteration of sacred tradition. Bishop Anselm of Havel-
berg visited Constantinople at least twice, in 1136 and 1154, for debates
with Basil of Ohrid, metropolitan of Thessaloniki, and then with iketas
of Nikomedia.?1I Basil defended the official Byzantine position on the
Filioque, unleavened bread, and the theory of papal supremacy both in
his discussions with Anselm and in his letter to Pope Hadrian IV. '" But
there is some evidence of a softening in the Byzantine position. Accord-
ing to Anselm, Niketas of Nikomedia was prepared to compromi e
by suggesting the formula, "through the Son," rather than "from the
Son." iII> Furthermore, in the middle of the twelfth century, Niketas of
Maronea, metropoHtan of Thessalooiki, seemed prepared to accept the
Latin wording. Niketas, Bessarion of Nicaea said much later, fought for
donkey's shade, for he allowed the Filioque but at the same time regarded
the addition to the Creed as unnecessary (PC 161.329A). In other words,
Niketas's position was a political rather than a theological one, as he im-
plied in the preamble of the dialogues he wrote "to olve the contradic-
tion that arose between us and the Latin ." Rl His theology smack of the
rationalism of the late twelfth century, admitting the possibility of ac-
cepting notion either not found in the Holy Scriptures or even those
used by the heretic Latins. Niketas went so far as to r cognize the hier-
archical structure of the Trinity and quoted the Latin a saying that he
was not going to introduce two principles, but rather he assumed that
everything proceeded from the One, from the Father, while the Son
played an intermediate role, linked directly to the Father and acting as
the intervening medium between the Father and the Holy Spirit. In this
connection Niketas employed several similes, one of which reveals the
earthlyes ence of the Fi/ioque dispute. The Latin was made to ask rhetori-
77. For a general discus ion of the Filioque, Pelikan, Tile Christiall Tradition 2,
183- 98.
78. J. Dra eke, "Bishop Anselm von Havelberg und 'ne Gesandschaft -
reisen nach Byzanz," Zei/sclrrift /urKirc/rellgt'Schic/lte 21 (1901), 167 85; N. Ru sell,
"An elm o f HaveJberg and the Union of Churches," Sobornost, vol. 1, part 2
(1979-80),19 - 4l.
79. J. Schmidt, Des Basilills aus Acllrida, Erzbischo!s von Thessalonicll , bisher IIn-
edierte Dialoge (Munich, ]90] ),16- 23.
80. H. G. Beck, Kirc1le und tllt!ologische Literatur, 313f.
81. PC 139.169A; on him see C. Giorgetti, "Un teo logo greeo del xn sec.
precurore della riuniiicazione fra Rorna e Costantinopoli: Niceta di Maronea.
arcive covo di TessaJonica," AIII/Uario 1968 della Biblioteca Civica di Massa (Lucca,
1969), no. 117.
ca~ly 'f th.e :r elationshp 'b eit ween the bas '"ie.us.". t arc:~ :/. ,a n . st,raliates " 'm~
p'ied a ,d iarchy. Of course it ,does, nOit, ,a s th,e' stra,fiotes obefys both. the' ,e m....
lPeror an,d. th ~ taxia~ch. : the ,e' -:pe' or, th,e
w:h ile th~' taxiarch. i;s s'ubject .,0
'!li'V'lI)'"a'och rematn . th'e s'ource o~Jr actlO
~ . :" "', I, :'. " I .-.: nan ' an
_'
JI. ' ~ auth
- - or l~' 't-...y. : f'or
.". I' ':',- ... ,t";, _ .
. ~ ~. : : '1.,:_ sln" W"'...tes :82
,:,, : ,' ',- I ' '~_:', ,' . . '.1 1'1" '. '. I, :." I~I
ell .-:J;. lr l~" I ~1.~. lI!
N'k e .-as, apparently a,c cepted., for th,e' . ak,e perha.p s of a 'p 'o' itical so'u tio "';
th to. 0f'~: h"I.erarc lea
.' . e Octld~.e n t aI pe,:rtJepllo, .. stru
..Ctu . l le:s, as sanctl -,. .Ied'- . , b
- y
pseu.d.o,. . Doln.ysios., .Niiketa.s 0.__: ... aro.neia w,a.s not alone ~'n h ~ s pro,... La "'n
reli.giou.s feeln,g.s: ~i1s .yo .n,ger COin . '.' m.p o.rary Niketas 'C hon iates d'-d. no
:r egard th.e 'L atins as, :h.e re'--ics ..;&3
The' ,dialog . es ,of N."ke:. s of Maron.eia scm .' indica.. iio,n. 10.f
'w 'h y' the' q . estion ,o f the Filioque' bec ame "he. center o.f ,a hea-ted con ,r-o,..
vle~y in By.zan. ium" .he . ~a re o.f t -e Tr"nity' ha.,d 'b een the focus of co ~
t rove s.y' in the 'C hristan ch.urC'h s-nce :its found at io.' ~ Interpretat"'ons of
th e intene.Jat ions .'. ":ps .of t ',e -'h ree :m ,e mbers .of the Godh.e ad :for.m 'ed. -'h e'
.substaa.ce ,of :her,esies fro:m Aria ~ ism ,0 Iconoc asm. ~ . " The ,e -pha.ss 'on l
-
:su'b,t le ,d .'e finition in . se theo 'ogilcal debates, inc~.u.' in.g 'l'h e FiUoqu~e
q'uest"' '. . 'as, ap:pe.ared obscm'a nt 8t to some' modem "isto' ~ans. Ear :y
sch o]a .s con'a !m ,e d - t:. By . . tium t ended. 't,., . ,e ride th ,e, culture .fo Ie-X-
:p e,:n ding so m 'u c,h inteU.ectu.al energy" o ~. :su c. t 'i8ing ~ssues,.. Beginl' ~ .g
.1" n~ '_t- h' e. ':0 _ !Ii - - -
n'",~ .n
~ - - t' h-- - - -
- I e- - ---- --
- '1.11- -- - s - ----- t- - - - - d -- - - - -
- 'h"- 'I .
c e'n ~ ury/ ' -J. ,se PJ.lOliJJ.e m . 'w ere : r-ea._'e~ _ :m o re serlO u S:-,Y -
'I - -
'
d ,o ctrinal co'frav,e'r~ .'es 't end.l c:d to 'be rega.rd~ r ' . S' . . bolic " .__.gc-,s. of
s:pec'"li c port ica' co.nee.r ns., C'e rta -'nly t" e F'i'lioque re:p'f~sented a pow,e r
,struggl.e between. tb.e Greeks ,a:n.d Latins concerning ps'pal prcroga -"ves
". reg ard to doct ~ ~ . ~e ,.85 But it :mi.g ht be further S'u,g gested tha -' t hese' dsl""
pu ,e'S re '" ect,e1d. ,differ-e -,ces .i n .fun,d ament al cultural v .a u s~ The La n
82. _.'.. .' :F,e,s,'~a, di Maronea. e :1. SUOI _:ia]o,glli suUs :proce,ssio1ne d.e'Uo
~~Niceta.
Spirito Sa.n to,/ Bessa:rion.t; :ser., 3.A'i 9; no., 11.9 (1."91.2); 101 ~28-33.
83 ~ H,' us ' s t:errns such as, homopisttOi ,
(, .: . Con.. 66..25 70~ 20) ,. fau.fop #
. .
i'sfoi
(.238 . 8)1 <0 ' homodoxon ( :'1'6. 94) .a nd,. as a matter o.f fact~ "snores th '~ ' d.ispUb~!'.s,
a.g ains,' the' La' ins.,
,84" H ...A.,. Wolfson;- The Phi'Wso,phy o/' the Ch:u:rch .f a:thers (Cambridge , Mass,..,
;i1~:h .30
]~ OL:A'\ .'S.'f'." , 'J' M:"ey,
''"........ I., ."; '.
. e.n d; 'O' f:u, U"'1 . ~P7n
Y, ,,~rht."e' ''''' - - T .'" ,.~~og'y
t.,"' ...... l ~ ~ . ,1ew I~ . . v: '1 '. (
:1.,0(1'. .9 7AI)' t 18'
~ k, ,.. ..':I:. 3',"
~ -'-
r
85" Re.c-ent his'w ,riograph"y ,emp:has~Zle,s. ' ~h,e :[poUti.c~d subs;Jan,ce' of :reUgious
confli,c t. E,~g .." .M:~ Ja .. 5:10 ' , onmov (S""u~umav)j! hl'L e schlsme de '. "ReCke . .'.
z:n;.
" t . enm: tioina~es:
"" , ~
a.. lila: ~
tU.mle:re
.. Jii....l' ,dJ: 1.ml!:rxt.sm~ ,.:6 (1' ,., l'l58)
?\ )~ , t 64 - ' - 68 ' : .'; .R'u nCllman. ! "1I"'L..... 'r:'i
J..fU: &Q'S,:ern t
h-' lsm:~,
::.c
S ,. "'~II'S''.- ~~ .;: . . G 'B : e~.1
1'
..,.'1..
... ..
.
:m a.rUiuUCn .."U.
ueT' K
,;i'."..1 , i\~
!.rcn;engeBmz' c ' te:/ '.' d. ...... At::
~;~~, " h v..... .' piJ! .f H ':: ,''~ G
.' ,II'
ck.~ , t a ." vot 3 part .' (, j'reilbur-g and B 's J,. 1966)" 46,,- 76;
1, . Bohm@r'". ~D'as
:SC'hisu~ta von ] OS4 im Lieb, e der by.z antiniscbe- :" . fran "s . -deu t : . en - : ~ . e-
A . ,.. (Le
.. ung,
h . .- ' .f
If C - . .. . t~ '- d ...'. . ..
~.p.ten.. e.r or .fnare.,
...St SCf,LJ "l.. ,. K ."' ZeUlf'.
"., ,. t'.uQ.
"
_ f
....t: .
m ,~ -" ' .' ~ l ,ll:n)' "3''17' 3''6"",
~ 1pJg" . 7U:1 .l i ' ' - ' -, .',
'_~. J
O .' ur,ewlicz, " S' -'C,dsma ;L. "
wschod . '(..W
~ "'~"' . fUQ' . ,a:rsa.w ln6 .: ) A
~ . ~.' ~g' " 0ppos.l"lng appfooa.c .-." In W.'iIL.."'
-'n. t ': ..' ..
I ...L
I.-J1C~i "
:he IIE~ls;tem sc.hism is consrdelced 'to be a purie: y' P' .". . , " '. and. t'he 0')0 g[lcal.
l
"
probl,em" is,- pres n.tedl by p~ Shena d Th ,,Greek lEast and' th .Lati'n West (London., l
86. Panoplia, ed. A. Michel, in HIII1Jbert WId Kerullarios 2,62.1; quoted in Peli-
kan, The Christinn Tradition 2, 197.
" : , , ',.
.
', :,
. '-
"
.
I" N
I
, ~ ~, ,,'
'. '
'B YZANTIN'E
,
'.',
.....'
, ' ''.,U'
,' -': 1.':.' _, _,'. _' '. [ ':', C _ L'T'U 'RE
. . . . I
I ._ _ : '
.
.----'.,-:' ,.- .
111 c...c.
,.I" OU, W 'h:M;U,
. . .L. ,IL:'OCUS _
d- o,n
'.. - :m terpre
- ta-. tJon,
-'. ,o'",e f th- G ':os:pe1- ',', ' -., "n'"M-'',Y F'
' ~a ...
ther is gre,a t'e r than, 1"'" (lohn 1 '-,::: 28) ~ Th,os _, explana'tions this text ,tha't' 0,'
held that:Ch , ~s.t' 'w ,a,s,,I/Iess,n' fu ~' 'n ,t'he,Fa,th:c ,r se,of his 'capa,cilty, t,o as-
sume human ,f or,01 in (h,e incama,t ion a - d to ,C l?S- Her with, h,. manit .' "
''Y~,i, ~, 10
'LI>~ --' ",un", d "~ .," .,.-' orth"""..l
IU' be ., . ,I\.N,Q X, W hil
, ,',' ,e- th
' ,' OSIe'. "th' at. em,
- p ,lL laslZe: " d', h,e' 'd' ';' e m
_ 'I VID. ,;. _CI,:
Christ ,a nd the' coequa ~ty of , F'ath ~ r ,an,d th,e Lo,gos an,d,ins,- s'ted,on
co'n ven'fdo'n a lathe -' :Ia -'ub 't an't" ,-.[ ,'. .,'. ,o f C~ -, ist to, 'h uman"'t y 'w 'elle
fo,u ,d to 'be :h et,e,r od,ox,., ' 7
'T h,e tw'e lfth, ,t:e'n ,t ury 'Wile;;, :n ,o , just a peri,o d,,o,f schi;s,m 'I' b'u t also on'l! 0'
revived ,th, Q,iog cal, oon,_ acts ~ I:t was by' :n.o ,m,ea 5, fortuitous ,t ha't John of
Damascus was ' ", 'c ov'e re. 'by the' Wes;t' in the tw,e,[fth century, 'or 't ha't
:n um,e..,ous 't ransla'to,rs 0 Gr'ook appe'. ..' I a'. 'h at 't 'm e, :i o,clu,d l g . . . '..'.' ,o f 1
Ber,gamo", Ja,cob the ". lelRetian.. B, rgunld i'Dn of' ' 'sa, an,d ,a th,ets,.>' The,se
co tact -' we -, .[ ot 'U' ited . .1sphl'f',ca't ed, th ~,.llogian " ., Duars,jc' h ,=~ ';sies
in ,th,e 'W",s,t' ,Inay :ha.ve ,' ..en , ~timu[a,~ ~ - by' ,a,dhe1 re,n'ts, in, !h,e B:yzantine
- ~.['s .' D!I,~a,~ u- 'w';IaDS,
-1,: --
.I'
Bo - - "' )"S,- .'
.- ~.gpm ill - - -
"a'n ,-d 'O lIoh h d h d a :P,IIl2i,'c:e
li .' ,-,e 5 ,' ,a ., a
I
..1 .' ,
,
.
,,
: . [
"'n B,y zanti.u:m " Furth,e rt , 'W et'eJn h'er." ti .,s 'W I ' k ,o wn, 'b y th,e Gr,ee,k ,
ord CR~ t'har: (l ,tera -'f!'- lithe pure'f').., ,'" -,: ['es, f ' m Byza 't, ium .
w ,e re rec,~,
'0,8 ' 'i zed as, .aving: play'e d a . +': .. polr tant r,o ,e 'm,,t h'e Cat-h': [. :m ovle m'e:n 't: for
'IIlSilnCe"
.' h
" N; -, - '.' ) h
t ,e . ' U1SIIlLOP . I,q , 'ta ..". , .. 'w 'o. appear,e ', as ,e
J'I'L..: L d th (j'J '
'1- _1 ,
su:p reme, aut'h ,o n,' . .' a't: ,t he ass.embl . 0 " ' .' '.' . " . ' eld " . the tow~n of' S "",
= e -.',d e' C'a raman,in 1:6'7:i" ,ame :f rom 'C onotan +'no'ple~ Som,e (l- 't he .:--'ys-'
te,r ious u,se ,_,n ch'u rches of ,A sia./ ' - hich th,e, E'u ropea - Cathars consid-
=red~ as m,o d_='I s, W ' =r ~, lloc8' 11 ted"In P',!h,-il'" ,C)"d e,'II,P'hila" BU'1-I'g,a:n a, a-_d'- ,D"a -'mafla ~ c
,
iii iii
, :n,e cted with 'the,5, avic ,ibe o,f t'h,e' M,elmgot in,,t h,e' p .l.o,ponnese),.'
Despite ,t'h ese, conta,c is" fu,o ,d am,e':n ,t al socie -. [ di . eren,c'es, b~tw'~ en,
'he01 o,gi'caI, dis" t~'nctilo:ns" , but:
the :Eas.t and t - ." 'W est ga .,e . "'se not 0 ," y' '0 C
a SCI 't o .. '0 ,-' - II . a' . : . in,,"': , . a ,d 'r e t - . ,:,
t',ou, g'ht~ The 'W estern ch ich was a lPoten't :p o' -'0 ". 'b ody'" ~,th ,e,al :,-. "
,87~
On th,e Council of ',.,,66, p~ eta"" en, '[)'a s KO'liIzU v'-, n Konsta , no .' 1
1166 'Ond die', .. . 'i /t B:Z' 481'955)1' 339 6~l.. . '.. aJsol A,i , .'. . .' I~H 1
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Copyr grtoo I
Byzantium and Alien CuJtUles 195
94
barrier between the laity and the sacraments. The imagery of the deco-
rative program is recognizably rational, representing an unraveling of
the divine . Pantokrator, the Almighty, depicted usually
a a bust in a great medallion in the central dome, "leaning and gazing
out a though from the rim of heaven" (Nic. Mesar. 69). God is super-
human but still clearly the prototype of our own image. Below in the real
patia) hierarchy of the church are the ordered rank of the piritual
lite: the Virgin, prophets, apostle , and familiar . . The style of
the icon, like their arrang ment, is reassuringly under tandable. Al-
though idealized through ab tra tion, the figure in Byzantine art are
r c gnizably human in their proportions, expressions, and interactions
(Fig. 33). Jeons never appeal to base emotions. Secular art might be criti-
ciz d in Byzantium, but there wa nothing in Eastern religiou images to
in pire such spectacular denunciations as Bernard of Clairvaux's.
What do these differenc in religion show about their respective
cultures? There were, to be ure, different relation between the .
believer and God in the a t and in the We t. Latin tended toward the
in titutionalization of piritual life, jus t as they tended toward s trong
communal structures in th ir material and political xi tence. This in-
titutionalization in th church ultimately became oppre lve, just as did
outmoded political and ocial forms of organization . Old modes were
shattered and restructured under the Prate tantism of the Reformation
and the Catholicism of the Counter-Reformation. The absence of vi"cula
within religious life in the Ea t perhaps meant greater individualism.'"
But be au e of this relative fie ibility of the state religion to accommo-
d ate the individual, the r action to traditional practic ,whe n it came in
t fourteenth century, both less dramatic and 1 eff ctive than
that in the West.
94. C. Mango, "On the History o( the Templon and th Martyrion of St. Ar-
temio at Constantinople," ZograJ 10 (1979),40- 43; A. W. Ep tein, "The MiddJe
Byzantin Sanctuary Barrier: T mplon reen or }ol/rnal of Ihe Bril-
ish Ardweologica/ Associatioll 134 (19 1), 1-28.
95. On the acces of the individual to God in Orthodo ty, V. Lo -
k , "The Problem of the Vision Face to Face and Byzantine Pa tri ti Tradition,"
Tile Greek rthodax Tlreola ical Review 17 (1971), 253f.; Vision de Diell ( umatel,
1%2), 118 - 25; Tile Mystical Theology of tire Eastern Olurc;11 (London. 1957); In the
'mage atlli Likenc s of God ( w York, 1974). Also see M. Lot-Borodine, La deifica-
tion de rllolllllle scion La doc/rim! des Peres grecs (paris, 1970). 177- 2.
COPY grted m
196 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
the gap, but typically these exercises were undertaken by the emperors
and their minions. Political purposes molded the theology of these men,
or at least so it seemed to their more conservative contemporaries. But as
the cultural differences lying behind the religious ones remained un-
changed, these attempts at reconciliation came to nought. In religion, as
in other areas of society, the influence of foreign cultures was largeJy felt
only by an intellectual and political elite at the core of the empire and,
through direct contact, by the provincials at its periphery. Despite the
economic and political pressures on the Byzantines to become integrated
into the European system in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the tra-
ditional prejudices against foreigners persisted. This residual disdain to-
ward other cultures is nowhere more clearly articulated than in the con-
servative position maintained by Eastern Christian theologians.
inces and in the capital; new or refurbished work such a St. Mary Peri-
blepto , 55. Kosmas and Damian, and St. George of the Mangana in
Can tantinopie and Ho io Louka in Phoki ,th Nea Moni on Chios,
St. Sophia in Ohrid, and Daphni near Athens in the province . This ap-
parent change of arti tic emphasi from th minor to monumental arts
may, the n, be related to a broadening of the audie nce for art imilar to
that for lite rature.
1. On the book a ' a luxury object, K. Treu, " Griechi che ch re ibem otizen
al Quelle fur politisch e, ozial und kulturelle Verhaltnis e ihrer Zeit," Byz.
Bulg. 2 (1966), 139; . G. " Books and Read er in Byza ntium," Byzantirle
Books and Bookmell (Wa rungton, D .C. , 1975), 3.
2. O n monasterie built by or w ith the h elp of peasants, . A. SkabaJa-
novi , Vizantijskoe gosudnTstvo i cerkov' u Xl veke (51. Petersburg. 1 84), 433(. Also
A . Guillou, "L'organi ation de I'ltalie byza ntine aut~u r de 1050: de
la m tropole aux egU es privee ," Le istiluziOlli ecclesiastidle della "Societas Chris-
tiana" de; seeo/; Xl - Xll (MiJan , 1977), 314- 15.
Copyrgt I
Man in Literature and Art 199
(an image of the Virgin and Child) particularly ravishes me; as a bolt of
lightning, it strikes me with its beauty, depriving me of strength and
rea on .... I do not know," he continued, "whether or not the image
reveals the identity of its supersubstantial original; I behold, neverthe-
less, that the layering of paints reproduces the nature of flesh" (Scripta
min. 2.220.19-221.13).
Michael Choniates showed a similar appreciation of physical reality
in reviving Zeuxis's ancient formula for artistic production: the gifted
sculptor fashioned the image of an ideal woman from the best features of
local beauties. Through careful selection from nature, the artist con-
trived perfection (Mich. Akom. 1: 171.17 - 23). While this notion of crea-
tion was obviously a topos drawn from antiquity, its revi.val in Michael's
work must reflect something of his own attitude toward artistry. That
Byzantine writers drew parallels between the visual media and literature
is perhaps most touchingly demonstrated in St. Neophytos's preface to
his ascetic canons, in which he compares his words to the painter's pig-
ments being built up to form the image of God:
You. brethren, in my desire for you to be ascetics by practice and by
word, .r emember the work-loving painters who, desiring to complete
the drawn image, not sparing colors but laying these on thinly, en-
lighten the image, even binding in the colors. And r, according to the
similarity of the e [things). [find) many between colors
and from the festal signs. from the catechi m, from the
letters, from penance, and from the constitution of the typikon. So in
place of pigments, presenting a depiction by means of the canons, in
this manner we ascend anew with the aid and grace of Christ to the
beautiful archetype through the image of God, from whom we will not
be separated.
And again in the vitae of 55. Christopher and Makarios of Sicily, written
by Orestes, patriarch of Jerusalem (968-1005/6), the art of painting was
used as a simile for mona tic lite: "Painters, while they are compiling
images on icons, look intently at ancient models. The brethren acted in
the me way: when they would create the beauty of virtue in them-
selves,they gazed at St. Christopher." 6
An eloquent suggestion of the artists' interest in real models is
found in the anonymous biography of the Peloponnesian saint Nikon
the Metanoeite. This holy man died during Basil II's reign, but his vita
appears to have been written a couple of generations later. 7 The story
goes that a certain John Malakenos, member of the Constantinopolitan
senate, desired an icon of the deceased Nikon. He commissioned a
killed painter to make the icon, but since the arti t had never met
Nikon, John had to describe the aint's appearance. Despite his efforts,
the painter could not produce a satisfactory image. "Even though he
was highly experienced in his vocation, he was unable to make with pr -
cise similarity the image of the man, whom he had never seen, only on
the basis of a desC"Tiption." He was frustrated in his e.fforts until aided by
a miracle: a monk entered his house and asked the cause of his distre s.
After the artist explained his problem, the monk declared, "Look at me,
brother. I quite resemble the man whom you are to depict." The artist
looked at his guest, and indeed, he was amazed by the identity of the
monk's face and John's description. He rushed to his panel to draw the
features of the thrice-ble sed, but when he stopped for a moment and
look d around, the monk had vanished. 8 There was, then, evidently a
new interest in natural reality, as is reflected in elaborate description and
in the effort to find a concrete means of conveying impressions. 9
Not only did the treatment of the object in literature change; subject
matter did also. Hagiography, the leading literary genre in the ninth and
5. J. P. Tsiknopoullos, ed., Kypriaka typika, Pegai leai meletai tes Kypriakcs histo-
rIDs 1969), 94 .
6. His/oria and LAudes SS. SabaI.' 1.'/ Macarii, ed. G. Cozza-Luzi (Rome, 1893),
84.29- 36. See also C. Van de Vorst, "La vic de S. Evarist, higoumene a Con-
stantinople," AB 41 (1923), 295.7- 9; 296.3 - 6.
7. Vita of S. Nikon, ed. S. Lampro , Nros Hellenonlllemon 3 (1906), 189.27- 31.
8. Vita of S. ikon 179f.
9. The resemblance between a real saint and her icon is also emphasized in
the Life of Eirene of Chrysobalantos: AASS Julii VI, 629A-630D.
tenth centuries, 10 t its vitality from the econd hall of the leventh cen-
tury. The last great example of eleventh-century hagiography is the vita
of St. Lazarus of Mount Gale ios (d. 1054), compiled by his pupil, the
kellarites Gregory. 10 It consi t of a set of short fabliaux full of in ight into
monastic lifo The vita was designed to demonstrate the
triumph of piety over demons and crooks, but it imultaneously pre-
ents the variegated character of the many brethren at th ir chores. It
a1 0 reflect upon their naive beliefs and uper tition .
Ossification of hagiography ets in de pile th fact that literary fig-
ur such as Psello I Nicholas Kataskepenos, Prodromo ,Nichola of
M th ne, Eustathio of The saloniki, and John Tzetze worked in the
genre. II Kataskepenos's vita of Cyril Phileote , written soon after the
saint' death at the beginning of the twelfth century, is typical. Every fact
in the biography is presented amid numerous . . quotations: sche-
matization queezed all the life out of the essay. Moreover, hagiography
wa scorned under the Comneni (see Chapter 3). Leontios of Jerusalem
s ms to have been the onJy twelfth-century saint contemporary
vita ha survived in Greek (apart from Greek monastic saints of Nonnan
southern Italy). Similarly, hymnography declined somewhat in quality
in the twelfth century. Few hymns were written; tho e that wer ,includ-
ing some by John Mauropous, I2 tended to lack expre ivene . This may
be explained partially by the fact that the liturgy was "canonized"
in the eleventh century: IJ further ornament wa evidently considered
unnecessary.
While hagiography and hymnography grew effective as genres,
romance became increasingly popular. Byzantine writers of the twelfth
century d veloped their theme in accordance with antique tradition,
COPY grted m
202 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
lites' prose tale Hysmine and Hysminias. ~\ Prodromos's Rodanthe and Dosi-
kles and the romances of Niketas Eugenianos and Constantine Manasses
probably came later. The romancelike plot of Nikephoros Bryennios's
Memoirs might, in fact, have been the first of the series. Although
Memoirs (written in the ftest quarter of the twelfth century) was pre-
sented as a history of the late eleventh century, it was cast externally in
the f01'111 of a conventional Greek romance. The marriage of the future
emperor Alexios Comnenus and Eirene Doukaina forms the core of the
tale. After overcoming many obstacles set in their way by their families,
"the comeliest youth wedded the comeliest girl" (Bryen. 223.5). Thus
even an aristocratic chronicle was part of the developing genre. A new
sensuousness, too, if not eroticism, appeared in Byzantine literature,
corresponding to the new popularity of literary romance . For instance,
What Did Pasiphae Say When the Bull Fell in Love with Her is a progymnasma
written, surprisingly, by an anonymous cleric at St. Sophia. 16
The plot of Prodromos's Rodanthe and Dosikles depended in part on
the ancient novel by the third-century Heliodorus of Emesa and in part
on Makrembolites. When Dosikles met the beautiful Rodanthe, she was
already betrothed to another man, and he.r parents did not wish to break
their promise to him. Here again, as in Nikephoros Bryennios's tale,
family obstacles formed the pivot of the romance. Dosikles kidnaped his
beloved and fled with her from Abydus to Rhodes, only to be captured
there by pirates. The pirate ship on which Rodanthe was carried away
14. S. V. Poljakova, 1z ;stor;; v;zol1tijskogo romana (Mo cow, 1979), 36- 55. The
date of Philip the Philosopher, who composed an allegorical interpretation of
Heliodorus's Aithiopikn, are disputed. B. Lavagnini, "Filippo-Filagato e iJ ro-
manzo di Eliodoro," EEBS 39- 40 (1972- 73), 457- 63, identifies him with Phi-
lagathos, the Greek writer of the twelfth century from southern Italy. H. Hun-
ger, Die Jux:lIsprachliche profane Literatllr der BYZil ntiller 2 (Munich, 1978), 121 , dates
him to the fifth century.
15. S. V. Poljakova, "0 chronologi~e skoj posledovatel'nosti romanov Evma-
tija Makremvolita i Feodora Prodroma," VV 32 (1971), 104 - 8; Hunge r, Die
hochsprachliche profalle Literatur 2, 137-42.
16. H . G . Beck, Das IlyZilntinische /ahrtausend (Munich, 1978), 146.
ca.p :sized:,: s.b [e' was .e.sc le d fr-om the wr-ecka.ge to, w'hich she c1.ung ool:y l
t o['be loa.d .into slave,r y' in Cypms. ~. Dos' e,s in the :m,e'a nt ime was to 'be o.f-
-re. ed.. a;s a sa,c r :. ce to
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spa.c e. . Throu.g hout tb.e ,g enr .., even wh .e n real p,la.ce~s :p~ovide th.e .. 'ta.ge'
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5,tra,teg()s, a ~~ d : : " himse' f was de scribed a hav~g been b,rough .: up'
.
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18,~ '. '. ' ,'" sc,ri,ptvrre.s 2/ 370 chap 6. 3,- 35 .. 1
The close connection between the narrated past and the experienced
present was exposed in an exceptional letter written by Psellos to a cer-
tain Macbeta.rios, droungarios of the vig/a (guards). "I compiled my Chro-
"ographia," wrote PseUos, "and mentioned there noble men, among
w'h ,Q,m yo,u ,'ve' got fitst pla,ce" as ,a man of lofty mind ,a nd ,o f lo pen speech"
and, as my fr,i.e'n,d . 'But y 'GU a're offen,dl'ng 'm'e',. 'What' shou -,dl I ,d,o ~ OW,?
I
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p'}.ed,se' but y'ou. must stop y'o ur ,a ssaults" {'Sa tha S,l' ,M,B' 5 : ,352, . ',~ 1,- 14 an,d,
2-5-2,9l~ We have tb,e means 0,ji . d,g in,g Psel ,o(s"'s sinc ~ rity': Mach,e1 ta't.ios :i:s
not :m ,e n,t ioln ed in ,t he bext of the Ch:ron(Jgr:aphia ~ H'''s. name was deleted;:
apparen'it. y ,h,e d '.' n'Oti-: cease' In
. ' .'!"'dl '. ,h". lS ,o,uu.''e'ns ~ s to . .t:h- e au:t. Of',., I,
h-I
:Par,ado . ~callyj Pse] 'o s's 'w ork, does :n,o t seem, t,o have influm,c ed :his
near ,oonte,m '- or,u ",e.s Zo ' ar,a s an,d ,:Sk.ylitzes" In,,fae , Sky' itzes p,rocllaim, ~ d
,h imself t o 'b e r ,h ~ o'phan,es,' .su'ccesso.r Lik'e 'T heop .anes, Skylitzes r,~'
c,o rd,e d ,t he 'batt!1es" ea th'q uak,es, and pla,g u,e s tha,_ beset By,zan"ti~ ~ m.,
Only at: ,t he end o.f th,e' His:to,ical Synltps:i's, {tid . .e compose sev'eraJ 'ex'"
,cur.s,u ses ,o n 'v,ario. s ,topics in,elu.din,g, fo,r ins't.a:n,ce, 'the ethn.ograph,y' ,o f I'
the Pec'h en,e,g s, and the Seljiu ks,. T,h,e 6,gur ~ s of his narra,ti.v'e ar-e' in an'y '
case' ,t wo-dim,e.nsional; ,t h,e y are presented 11a Iy as, eiith,e~r good or ba.ld ,.,
Z . o. ,n 'a"pal,S''s' H;,c;t.n,l.'ltt'l E',rn';,t.l'l;-:iifle-' 'w"'alC2! m
" ..- . , _ 1__ A-Q . } .: . r "~ ~ . IJL-H . . U II "'I . - ' ' O. ,l ,iCI, a'm"b'tl:'O"U e a'n d
.. ' .g .. . ~"_. ,, ~ ." .. " . _ ,~, .. ~. 'm''0' reo 'l eam
-; _' .. ~ ' '.-;:11 I',
' .. "ed' ''lL'''h''~'n'
0'" ," ," " ,_,-,' ': . .'. ~ .' ', . . [ " ::: ~ : .g .
5:k,y:litzes' work,. ,eov'e ring th,e world,ls devel.opmen't fro,m the CIie'atiion, 't o
: ,.,-~:8 A,"D'~ ,>i' 'W ]'th- -_ 'm 'e ous, I'e'e
11 II f ;ences, to a:n ,C.' le ' t.. au:t'tIIO.r,S;: . .,
J.t, ,] acs,, 'k h[,Q'W- "1
ev'et, a, 'a itica'l. . fr,a mew'o r:k . BU'l th,e ,annalistic app':roa.'ch, ,t o h~sl""
tory' ,o f ,t h,e chr,o niclers wh,o wrote af'ter' PseUos 'w as ,already ontm'o ded".,22
,'te 'Zo'n a as n ,"t "'e twelfth ce'nturyl' 'universal,chronicl~ s. w,e re ,no ,l o'D,gel'
,a seriOIUS genre 'but ,a ,literary' pastun,e ~ 'E v'en"ts were Ye,r.sifi,e d, as in, Co,n ,-
s'tan m,e . . . . . . anas;ses,i Hfs:torictd Syno,psis ,or i 'h,ey were inte,t lnin,g ied wi, 'h l
....l.ilU
'U ,...lact ~ c or t-: h
,-, -'.-,I. 1
- eo'I-:oO"iii"l. . a~ I .:
',~,_, :,~ o,"" . , ,', . : . S,-t ,as "'n ,M" h 'I G '"'.' '. ,'yka'
,~'_'lc~ae" < :S i :Qfi!!'Ii, C
' hit"nM;,
. ;""li".
i:'J' Eve "n
: ......... , . Jl.lt~ :~ '1IJ.,.
'fua. ly P'sellosts "new his'w ryn was ae,c epted, by 'By,za "e his"to'r " . ' S 0 '-' ! ',
:ro'w s'p _ctrum, ,of form,al poss",billties,., 'T he' CQ,n:ten:t" or icon,o g,a,:p:h y of'
:m.o'Rum,ental '"mages w'a s car,e'fuU,y clrcu~mscr.i'bed 'b y raditio.n., Ne'v er:..,
th,eiess, pain'n ng :-,o es seem ~o, offer at le,a st c .- 'e :p ara els to' cote' . . , ,
poraneo ! s d'e . e ,o p'm en,ts in ,l ite,l 'ature ~ For ins't an,ce, secu 'at' t'h ,e1m e L as
discussed :m,Cha'p ter ,3 , 'beca:m 'e" iln,crea.sin,gly :p - ominen.t' ~ U'n forluna,-lely,
because of ~'he' viciss,t udes of history, VlrtuaU:y :n ,o -_'h in,g re,m ains o.f' th ~
f ,.' ~CO " a '~ d
mosaic}s ,t h,a,t 'o.ne '' d , c -', rat, d, pala,c es and pu,b tic'
'b uildin,gs"., ,Allth'ough ,rom, the writte'n :50'urces itt a .. pears t "at th'e" fig,UI,aJ
ela,oo, ,at"on of' secular s,t ru,c rures 'became ~'mportant., ,e,s . eeia :y in 't he
tw'e lfth ce tury~ :i t goes w,i,t h,o ut saying fha,~ ,t h,e' e richE-tent of .. . . .' ..
22- Th,e :influence Q,, 'I h,e city' a .. 'als o.f Constantinople' ca:n. be tra,ced i -~, Byz-'
.: .. " h"'sto ~,cal 'writing:un'til. Sky'litzes:: '.~ Sc'lue~nerl Studien zu den. BradreQ' Cn:rg.-,
nib: (M:unich~, 196'7),,, 123f.;: Die ,byzan.fi"ni6ch'en Klei: .' .' . :lken 2 (Vienna, 1977),t 4S".
23. P. Magdalino and R. Nelson. 'The Empe ror in Byza ntine Art of the
Tw Ifth cntury." Byz . Forsell. 8 (1982). 123-81.
Copyr grtoo I
24. W. Wagner, Cnrmina graeca medii aroi (Leipzig, 1874), 8.172- 77; E. Le-
grand, Bibliotheque grecque vulgaire 1 (Paris, 1869), 4.106- 11.
25. Wagner, Carmirla 4.76 - 78, 12.270; Legrand, Bibliotlteque 1, 1.15 - 21,
5.138- 39.
more important than that between people, and the emperor was revered
a the living image of God. Nevertheless, the Spaneas indicates that hu-
16
26. Wagner, Carll/ina 4.65- 66; Legrand, Bibliotlteque 1, 1.12- 14. On the Span-
taS, H. C. Beck, Geschichte der byZJIntinischen VolJcsliteratur (Munich, 1971), 105- 8;
N. PapatriantaphyUou-Theodoride, ' ''Spaneas' kai ' Logoi didaktikoi' tou Pha-
Ii rou," Hellenika 28 (1975),92 - 101.
27. Kek. 208.21 - 28,218.21 - .22. Kekaumeno often use the word "friends"
(pllitoi) to deSignate vassals (242.7- 9), subordinates (298.21), or allies (166.20-
21). These " {riends" are not, however, to be trusted (270.14 - 15, 306.7- 11).
members. For its protection, the family was segregated from society and
highly disciplined. :z3 He insisted that children must love and respect
parents (244.23-246.12). He worried continuously about familial honor
(220.5- 11, 226.24- 25, 228.29-30, 244.3- 4). "Do not forget your rela-
tives," he admonished his readers (222.32). "Pray, lest your son, your
son-in-law, or brother becomes your enemy" (220.5; see also 244.1).
All in all, Kekaumenos's concern for the family was conventional.
Equally traditional was his conception of the individual's position in re-
lation to God and to the emperor: all stand submissively before both di-
vine and secular authority. But the intensity of Kekaumenos's emphasis
on the individualistic self-isolation, on the escape from the dangerous
world, on the rejection of trustless and unfaithful humanity for the sake
of the safe microcosm of the nuclear family was determined by both the
author's personality and the social tendencies of the period. As literary
pieces Kekaumenos's Advice and Admonitions and Symeon's sermons are
of a significantly higher literary level than other works of the genre: side
by side with trite indoctrinations they include short stories and edifying
episodes; Kekaumenos was very fond of tricks and ruses that, in his pre-
sentation, resembled the stories told by his contemporary, the historian
Skylitzes. The shaping of characters, however, remained traditionally
flat life was considered to be an interplay of good and evil, clever and
dull people, and there was no place for hesitation and inner evolution.
The interest in human behavior reflected in literary works had some
correspondent in the visual arts, especially in manuscript illumination.
Gospels and lectionaries illustrated with narrative scenes from the life of
Christ became increasingly popular in the second half of the eleventh
century.19 It has been established that the rich cycles of the eleventh- and
twelfth-century Octateuchs were contemporary inventions rather than
revivals of now-lost Late Antique archetypes.)(! Illustrated copies of the
popular seventh-century treatise on monastic life by John Klimakos pro-
28. Kek. 226.7-8. "Do not be cruel in your house. but let aU those who live
within be in awe of you" (Kek. 240.15-16).
29. K. Weitzmann, "The Narrative and Liturgical Gospel nIustrations," New
Testament Manuscript Studies, ed. M. Parvis and A. Wikgren (Chicago, 1950),
151 - 74, reprinted in his Studies in Oassical and Byzantine Manuscript lIIumiruttion,
ed. H. Kessler (Chicago, 1971),247-70; "Byzantine Miniature and Icon Painting
in the Eleventh Century," Proceedings of the XlIlth International Congress of By-
zantine Studies. Oxford. 1966 (Oxford, 1967), 207- 24, reprinted in his Studies,
271 -313.
30. J. Lowden. "The Vatopedi Octateuch and Its Source," Abstracts of the
Sixth Annual Byzantine Studies Conference, Oberlin , Ohio (Oberlin, 1980), 22- 23.
. ~ fe a"ted ~ n fee 'e e1lt-'. e,e n . ' Y (Fig'" 42).,3'1 n ,CD S;.'. a:~ .. ts bega:n ',0 be
enframed 'by scenes .from ,t heir' 'lv,es an.d of .' h,eir' pos.'th.u mIOus :m ira,d es.,
ve n a his ory, ohn Sky. l ' ze - ,chronicle, was ela'bora.t.e Y' ilIu:st -aed in if
'h
~._.e twe
..
' If"It h cent. -, .ry,. ., A.'. -':_.gal_.
[' . . ,
. .
,.' 'I'-I " '. '...
. ':
h_.e __ eas v . s' a..
" .......
'11y expr- ~.sse d~ "n.h ,',
t _ese wark 8
j
,
__ .
. . ...; ., . '_1'," '.~. ',. - i '. :..:"'"." "_i .,','._-,'
,
'. ,':..: .. ~ ':..'. . ' 1.' 'I"
W. : '0".... v f: : C
r- k-'s . ...... .'::--. .-,!s '''p...,h' ,Q'
1 .,t ,o ~ f: . . y:f.,..: il!-e.,- ''''' ,',33 ..
T' 0"-.' .'
. . '-: .. ~I, e ,a p .ro - ...... ' . 'o ,arn'. t, f 'u
.
~. c-'
.. n ,Ci,
. "0' . .' .-' . "" ..,
"tiona:ry' :n. -the '0 0 ~ rt of 'Consta:n:f n.e :IX, 'wriJ:ng both pan.egyrics. ",ot 'h,e
. '~ mpe'r or and :rer,g 'o u:s poetry.,. -, '. '.' ,t:h e sa'-~- e im.l h.e w'a s e':r-e':m , l'Y:s en-
oS ti
,--:
_- e .lnequ.'I't
~ . [' -: '" -
_J.es 0.f th
~ " -.
__ e eXlS
~ " .. :. '
.. tin _.' g SOCla_ . 1 0 rd
.. ,.ero, Wh
:.:, ..- . 1"-'-"
' '. Iy d
.... .
._ 0 peo.p I.e W h
- "':'1 I ~
.J ,0
;. ,( ~ . I . ' -. ,- . .-:: .: .-. ,.- ,,- ,-:: - ,I ': " .' : ',- - ... - .-. .1 ","-1 ,',',' .... -.
- t
u.es.- .o 'n 0 . ... H-' ! ' - G
'''' '. - - d' -
. .. 0 .. :.
n,e'w oo:n.-ern. :f' ~ or :u m an.. ty, - 'b I', ot- t-h e '.. ...J.
w :: l''dl a 1,a n SOCle . y., 'T - hi. s sa . e
teviv'a l of a:n .,t hropomorp - i.e v'a lues wa s :r etlected in .... .. . evel10 p n.g ~ . terest
in th.. palpabJ.e reali.ty of p ' .C' ys ~ cal s .roundin,.- . .
A" B'STRA:.,IC-'T[O
. ", ." '.
, N::' T
,"
' '0'- . ", ,'. .,. ..,'. ". " ,
.:. . . ' : ~. ,
'. .
_U:R: . . L IS-. M:
'.
:: ..
"e't ween t "'e s eve:nth. an:d. tenth centuries. li.terarv h.le ros a.n.d ant !:~ ~ ,J
h.e os, W. ~ Fe ~ te e,oi_ ypical. :p~rso:nifilca" "'ons of virtues ,a:n d vices,.. Dra'w n
3 -. J,. ' .. Ma tin, T1J'" ll1 ust1tl'f,j'on .of th _..Heavttd:y- lAdder or 'John Cl':tlnncus (. . ". c :-
.o n, 195 ..,
32.. S -e a - uve l Cha.p'rer 3JI' n,. " ..
'
3 ' '
0 "" h" . F 1-1-' - ., .t iIT
L e P'- es-" d~'l C
, ,:I.e~ :- '..r.!l.;j;(O '. rn
-ilf!olL."""fo u ' ' .' lt ~ an' 'I...
o . co ma ,O
1_' '/rIi,
.. ~. ....
3
... .. ..". '1 '. :1 . -. 0 J:e .:1, . . .1~ ' _.~ 1 ",~
,a
- .. - '/1
35 . - f . :" ,t '.1... no..~ ", _ osa." hrujl ' , " . 3 = _
A C ~ .. , ii~' - ": -_... . " .1 d"
p O . .\~~. . . . . u.n .llza.n 1 0.1- b : .. - '
\ " it .i I' -c
..... .~~" ne conz' . , a' -7' (19' .....0-' 4)..~ C0 .'1iI., 25 . ' :_ '9 c","
as either good or bad, the e figures lacked the depth and ambiguity f
p ri nee. The two-dimensional nature of the characters was foster d
by social separation: the subjects were drawn from the p Ii tical and
piritual elit s f the ociety emp ror , patriarch, or saints with, re-
spectively, foreign ries, heretical opponents, or dem nic per-
secutors. Perhaps because of the popularizing tendencies of the culture,
as well as because of its new mat riati m and intimation of rationality,
writer from the eleventh century onward concerned th ms Ive more
with humanity and its setting. For instance, the prominent merchant f
Seth's Steplwnites OIld lehne/ates defined life's es entials in terms of his
economic independence, of ucce in his undertakings, and of the r c-
ognition of that success by his contemporarie . Give alms and avoid dis-
J6
a ters that was the formula for a comfortable life. Familiar everyday
sentiments, his pre criptions for happine seem particularly appr pri-
at for a m rchant. Thus S th not only concerned him elf with worldly
character but al 0 attributed to them attitudes entirely fitting th ir
tate.
P ello perhap b t di played the e new attitudes toward subj ct
matter. His sensuosity and his appreciation of material life led him to
write of the charms of a beautiful landscape (Scripta min. 2:219.2-12; ee
also his ekphrasis of Olympus, Sathas, MB 4: 442.13 -443. 27). He went 0
far a to e pr s hi d light in the physical loveliness that God could
cr at out of dust (Sathas, MB 5: 76.26-28). F r P ello ,th oul and the
b dy rival d each oth r in beauty, each having its ingular delight. H
even argued that pe pIe, having originated in matter, should not disdain
corporeal things (Sathas, MB 4:308.12-309.9). Further, he criticized
those II treme philosophers" who dedicated their entire attention to
the disembodied spirit, discounting entirely the physical form. And in
fact P ello devoted considerable attention to the d cripti n of
hi character.
His lengthy p rtrait f hi daughter Stylian is typi al: h r head wa
neith r t large nor t 0 malJ; her face was round; her eyebrow were
not too arched or t I ng; her beautiful eye shone like stars, wer very
large and a HttJ slant d, re embling buds planted near her n e; her
y lids w re as fine a p megranate peel; her no e delicate with
pi a ingty pr portioned nostrils; her mouth was framed by lip as bril-
liant a preciou stones catching the ray of the un; her e mly mile
e po ed snow-white teeth that re embled parI and gLitter d like crys-
tal; her ch eks' color was that of a rose that withered neither in the
winter nor in the fall; her e quisite neck wa the hue of ivory; her curling
36. L.-O. S(berg, Stepilallites lind relit/elates (St ekholm, 1962), 151.4 - 152.5.
hair feU in golden locks down to her ankles. The rest of Styliane's body
wa . treated somewhat more briefly. She had beautifuUy proportioned
hands, pure as newly carved iVOry, and tapering fingers; she had well-
developed breasts, a narrow, tightly belted waist, and hips like the Aph-
rodite of Knidos; finally, she had shapely knees and legs and comely
ankles (Sathas, MB 5:68.26- 72.17).
The naturalness of PseJJos's physiognomies should not be exagger-
ated. P ellos's own conception of beauty wa nominally derived from
antique canon of proportion and harmon of part, but most elements
in his description are, in fact, strikingly similar to medieval artists'
conception of the human figure. Comparing Styliane's description with
the portrait bust of Empre . Zoe in the south tribune of St. Sophia in
Constantinople (Fig. 43). one may recognize the same exaggerated con-
cern with the subject's eyes, the ame ense of geometric precision, the
same dear definition of the various parts of the physiognomy. Further,
in both the mosaic and the literary images, as even in contemporary nar-
rative scenes, the figures are frozen in time. unmoving.
Though Psellos may not actuaUy have been looking at Styliane when
he wrote his canonical description of her, she is no more idealized than
the literary heroines of most ages. Some of his male figures. also. are
conventionally idealized. Certainly this is lrue of his portrayal of Basil 11
in the Chronographia:
His eyes were light-blue and fie.ry. his eyebrow did not su llenly over-
hang hi eyes nor did theye tend in a straight line. like a woman's but
rather they were well-arched and indicative of his pride. Hi . eyes were
n jther deep-set (algn of knavishness) nor were they too prominent (a
ign. of frivolity). but they hone with a brilliance that was manly."
In these instances. it is not the originality of the description that
is significant, but rather its prominence in the narrative. Psellos was
actuaUy more naturalistic in his portrayals of sickness and deformity.
where he finally evaded the limitations of physical stereotypes. The
. eriously ill Constantine Leichoudes was marked by "the signs of
death" his temples grew sunken, his nose pinched. his eyes hollow.
his breath short and erratic (Sathas, MB 4:417.23-25). Romanos m.
too, was transformed by He resembled a dead man: his face
was swoUen, his breathing fast, his hair falling out (Ps. ehron. 1 :50.
no. 25.3-9).
Mor important than Psello 's interest in his subjects' physical ap-
:p earan,ce was ,.-'is a,t tle'm :p lt to exp,l o,re in,di.-':~,id,ual 'p o. ~ . s~ Pe':r hs'p s ,i
his i -~ ch,na,te, ra,tionalism an,'d :" ~Sl respect. for h - m, ~~,ty led hh,l~t tal s,mo'r,"
,co,m pl ::x concept of' char,Rcte ~ :I n any ca _e; ," d[e' :" ',ela"t" ons of pe s - n,~
,ali'i y w,ere' olf ie '. ,m ,o re subtIle' ,t ha - his p:hySrI,cal .' ."...... . .~' :, fo,r ' ,at :h is
S't'e-- '- ,- '0'- ..IlL,. -.. -'llO,
. I -. -
.
'. -, C-'~
U .'
I.' .
. . . . . . ,. .. ,. '.
.
..
. . ,. -. ' f'o" -.:"':
.., ' .->-" p:'':' -"
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III!"
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.
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"
'
.,
. . .
.1 . ~. . I I ' . .. . . . . .
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..
.
.
Pse'U,o,s ,even io've ~ted ' -is her-o ~ w"l .' con:tra.di.ctory fea.tu:r so; a n ',,1. .'
,e xam'p]e ..... s'u [c h cha.r a,ct,e1riza't ,o:n ~ s' :h is ,d ep'iction of' John, Or,p,h anotr .
p,h os :m, the Chrol1iogfrlph:in:'i' At _'h,e onset, PseU.os s:ta ,=d ,~ha-t '''som,e o,f
John,'~ , d,~ eds a l :~ prai ~ ew,o,rthy/' aJ,-th,o , g.h, n,t- , ere are at' ,e r' t ""'n ,gs ,a,b out
h- 'I"'I~' ]'1"' thO,' a,t c~'!i1o'n-~""'0' It
.. ~ , ...
' C'"
'_ . -, !lillo.'
. ' ~'. 'Cll'i,th' g''( ~ '; "Or'a
- ,g .-, :a., i ",- ,"
-' l ~ , -p, "..--rtva" I~ ,. " ,JO
,'. , , _ ~' h
-: ' ,-,
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n",'W "' 'c :- s: m
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. Jl.V _- -'.-," U . " . l'~. n
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.~-,
th ,' e'x,e cuti,o n of' his d'u,tj" s; he Wlent 'tIOI : xt:r, ~~'mes of ind'u.s.'t ry i ', th,e '. er
I .!'" . - , , a
:Corm I.
' n-'~C
__ ~ . o~. hi ""s o 'b':~li'l" ~ a-- ,t"o"~''" S ..... "0' L'
ID '- f"
_~ o.' _ " __ . .I . ~. ) _. " 1.1' n''g'
J. .. ',: [.e
...... '~ IS' ,ro~ ~ii9d
_,1_ '. ~.,I . !II
-C h' i ~ n- o
_ '"
~ t ir.n B" 'U a
.. ~ -__'--J.L .. ". Is', '..'a_.~: ,L.~., ',,_
', IIJIrJg ... ~ . " ~ I. . ' : [_ Jl",~" ' ,.1 _
'm
','C
hav,i,o r,.,, "e persecu,ted, t'h o\s e w'h o li.ved e" pecta.b Yi, who p:- seed th..if
,t im,e in,t .,e ,ex,e rc.' ..... of' virtu,e', or 'W 'I o, nrich,- d, 'h,eK' mm,d wi 'h, clas ~i.cal
ire,Enning,. Th,~ s .~' m[ons-trou,g, _ra"'te, w'[ere worse' in, ,oom'bina,_ 'ol,n,. . ohn W I_- S
mOle' ve'ng,~ful ,and sus.pic",ou.s . - . h,[e'n he had, had a. few glasses of 'w ine:::
Uhe' w[o uld car,efuJ ,:.' w 'a'tCh, "'ow ea,'c h ,o f ,h is, 'b oon lc om,p. a:~' 'Ion,s- 'behav,ed,~
. ,
Afterwards, as if ,M ,d rCaug "t t ,',Ie'm, ~d,. . han~ ed':f h,e w'o'u_d, :submit
:1
t-h ' .e,m , to - q,u,es:t-,.,. l,o nln,glf ,an,~d"exam n,e 'WLlta,t. ,t h,ey L,n',a,'d sal:. ~d
j ,
an,'", d dI,o :n , In . th" _., ,e n
drunk,e,n momlen s,., So that: ,they came ,to dread . 'im drunk ,e ven more
,than,,th,~y ,drea,d,e'.~. him,sobet/~' .'
The' :".. ", g'es, ,o f empero, ,S and, lempJ'lelsses conj,ur-ed, 'u,:P' 'n ,the ChroHO-
, dgr, ' Ii" P
~ftL-t:t'I
i, ~Hrn: '~,'_,i;J:
'- oDs""e",, D
~~IO' . I"''-the ~ e" ep 1ic g. ....a'n
--r-- t"'h . I.
': d~ eu"I", o,.14. t-.'h ,,'e' p',. c:!'
". " .' ~
"'" ' . , 1oiCiud
., ", ','.'.',
1 '.'''
n ':tq
0-' ... a , '. . a '_ ,_
',
ue h-ero ", ',~~' ',,1 :. ,
,0 f ' II.~:'~ t h an,'.d" ten't ' 'cen,'t ury ,''h-, I , :tlOftl'" s nor' tJ:lJJe
I' -
;l . .s," :p 't" r,l tua'I'', gr,i Ul,d.~ ,@ur' 0]~'
'the' a :, :yrs, ,m id, W 'O'D ,-- ',ort. :'1 5 o,f the ' a, "' ,o gJaphi,c tr,a ditio ,; 'i
lemerge as 'belli:. .. able b,uman, , gs~ T,h,o .~ . t the a ', ~ 'X, oif I . . '. p _' e I , ... " ,
[d ~ 'tan fo" ,a B~y.zan.tme ' . .' him ,a sYl1lp thetic t . :,a,t m'e,n 't :f rom
,P,se os, 'w 'h o re,f ,' ained, f,ro,m :passin,g jud,gm,e nt [o n :h im" The w '"t .- r"s-
v8,g,uen,' sa in , ~ . , ~sse:ssmlent of -th,e' empe n ' ,ap'peared -to .' ,ch :~~ ~r,a,ct, ~:, ,is-'
'tic of ,a, :n cw; [e.s . . m,p'ly ju. gm[e,'ntaI at,t itude 't ow,a rd hum n",t ~ . ,C o '
s't an tme ., 1"
s w [ea <', ..' may .. a . e t........ IUt:en, ~p .. sed,'I''t,o -, e re,a,"d ers:i ,JrIUJL' ....:...l,: __ ...
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mOl,e' imp() '. n 1y, t 'e' v,"Uain's of h,e r nana,tive w'ere,-ndow'ed wi.th,d,eprt'h
olf character ,'v'e n, 'wh':n, ~'hey were' S'-I ,o wn 'w ith virtually' ,n o red,ee'ming'
fe,a, UTi' ~~ S:
_ _ ~ :: as ~ m,e
_ ~ tio
_ ~ ,', n,~d ~', e~"
_ ~ ~ r,
_ ~ ~ ,Q
""" 'r' R"~ o,-.-'b
~~, -,' 'eIt,- G ', . ,':s',.;"Iiard " u .a
, .. -. h,n "- i-a,~f....'iI~.. e:d:, ,~. e-~.~- em :- ' -" . . :1 . t
.
:h
p'i re' in :'h ,e [0805"",was, desc ~, ibed as a'n , ad,v ersary wlo rth'y 'o,f A],e'Xl'os, ~,
Anna,I's :n arr,a.tiv'e 'w 'as, a so e -' iv,e1n ed by {h,e en,ern,y"s, plots,. ,A t, on,e :p oint}'
for insta,n ,ce, Robert G'u iscard's son Boh,em,ond,,e'vad, ;d ca,p ture 'by t ~ ,e By-
za -.. ~' ~,e'.s, by rei,gn-ng: dea 'h, (Ex,., 4:9) ~ "To :ma e' ,ms d,eception, :real~stl'c" h,e
~, a,d, 't he stinking carcass 0 '" a cock paced 'i ... h' s coffin alon,g side him~g,
Bahe' ,on,d/s,"'ng,enu ~'ty' was ma'tched,b,y ' his gli .~ .:.d,,f or pow'eF, 'w 'ea.lth" and
,,i' 'i -,a ry S . (lees!;,, Significant-y, ,A nna at' , ~ :m:pted to p,r-ovid,'e' eve.n :her- ". '. ~
l~ W s- W
-::io'~-n~ "'.',: : .....~l''. ..h
~ m --[o..~ ___ l. . ~ ..:.: th-e
t[''ve~- s~' :lI:or
~. .I-~.I~:- --r gct"OlI1S
:~: '1_' ,':':i" _
_I" ~il' '--=. B'. o,',. hemo'nd~ 's lii"'!o't::ro""ouiil::iness. :" ........
y .' i_, of t-'_h o
I,' : -, : " ',,'. ;'1,: .. I: ~. . IY ~. I..-- .. ci' .,. ~ " ~ '.,~:
':"h ro'n e of 'By-:a f 'l l s,'t,e'm me f'r,o-m, his [a,c k of :p osse'ssions in ItaEy',"
E ,e ve'n th,. ., an,d ..'. ,el '~ h~ce 't ury' p'a inting a~:SQ shows M nc e'asing' inte'r~
'es:,t:' ":, , th :' e P'h
I " YS1C '.' al,~ .'." , '. ~ D U ~ I"~: g t- h ~" e ,'l~ a,bE! 'n :l'.n. th 's rI~'y '-,e'n ,-:,'h- , ,a nd~, e,ar -y c, .. , "
,e leventh ce1n ,m 'ies, mo'n umen:t a art 'w as characfer,j-ficaU;y abstr,ac ' ~ ~ w'o-
d '.'
~nllenStOn, aJ fl'
~ ~ ,Jgur, es ,oc'Cuple . ~ a. equao~'11,Y' t1 ~~ ,at pllctuJle' 'p.'1ll,ane . A . . , . ,-ta' - 'n-~' ,ed ' I,
,a -~ ',ys,is 0 " o.>e' ex() - ple . us s ffic'e': the P' eachin,g of Joh the Hapt'"' ,t
'!
:m , t,h,e Old
,~._. r
.~,,' " Ch
"1
~" urch -I, 0f ' ToIe'all. Ki1ise, GOr,-.me, 'paIn,' ,ed In Ie ,e'arl.y' te th
...... 1 ___ . . . . . -: .... _', ..... '~' ~ .. th : ', ~ I ~ __ . __ - . _ ~ _ -, .~._ ., . --'J ~ ..., '._"
,e m't ory (F,g. 44)., This 'm age a-p'p ears, as 'p a .t of a dense' Chris'wfugiccd,
narraf"v'e set: in sequen tied. :re,gjs:b:~'r5 :i n th,e 'b arrel . .a,tilt ,o,f th,e' na.v'e T,h e' ih
sea _,e '0 , the figures w,as limi-t'ed by the he ~g' t of' t ,e' re,gister an. th,e'la,ck
,o,f d,ep-th of -the sta,ge spac,e " In c,o ntradicfon ,t o -the' commo me ~ ."...... '
oo':n,ven.t ~,on, tha't: ,di,cta,t,e's 'h at' :size' correspo:n ,d ,to socia - sta'm e,", John was,
,d ,e:p icted a8 sma.llle,f ' than .h,e peop,I,e' to w,h.om he preaches beea,1 se' he oc-'
CU,p .'!l" ,es th ..' , ,e ,s am,e p"] ane ,as th ." e ,a.n ,ge,I 0.,fib .~ e p.revlous seen,e . Th e d ep th -m
1" .,,' ,'. . . . : _.~
,~
t';-'" ," .1 .--:- ", . . .- , '.' . . -: - . ,.-: ' ',' .. ,::- I : '1 .'.:' ("" 11 . 1' ..... : :-. '. I (' ...... ,~
0'
'p:l i 'd 'by' -the o'ver ~ ltppm,g 0 - .' ~ "e 't'hree, 'g,u es o , ohnl's au' ence' is e",:i, ~ ~ ;' ,-
nated by the plaoEe'm e-rrtt 0 " th,e ~ ~, fi . e ,e'gs,., Further, 'b ot,i t John an,d, his l
,au,~ d-len,
' r e' a,c' :', sub,"':stance ~ ,I h' k-
.. !eU" p h . IYSiI,ca 'f'-'orms a e- g,e nera -zed and' --tg; ,i '.' - '1Iy
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ilO,
... I~
not ,distinguish,ed, by' 'h,eiir features ,t, ',ey all hav'e very' arg,e ey'es and
e,'1:o'ng;a't'e,d n,oses -,bu '. _'_~ O:UJLY . . ..'~ 'very :mlnlmal '. '. 1" Y'b.e 'Y ,~d':S an dh ~ Jur-s'
' t,1 y,Je : . Th ,_I,' ! . ' __
'pa'tt _ ms of 'W _ i _ , ~ ' :hi,gtdignts on, t ' -,e ,d rap -ry' do not model. -the figux-es,
bu,t sim,p ly d,eoo' ate a d flatten, th,em ~ 'T,h,e limited, paletb:!< - gr,ay an,d ,
gr'ay ~'On w 'l"'''"h
I:."::: ' I :'-'cr-/~Ii:.r ' 'Le '[., aal'
...... -~'t'h CO'li ...
...... ~ or!:,-cii;f I''.'.'S~' s~ o~ '- o-'. mo ,~;CIn ou,c- "'n -ii ~ va'
1. \ .. :" ~: "'~" ..... l~' u '. ::- ' '.....
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,C-O'~ ,t jbutes ,t o ,' h,e' ,e Hmina,H.o,n o.f spa,ce',., The ,gr.ay groun,d ,:is n'o ~,ess on the'
s,u rfa,ce than, 'h 'e' ,d ,u ll ochJl!e',. ,A sunilar a't titude 't owal,d , :spa,ce ,is O,u nd in
th,e oth'e r :p \a intings an,d mosaics of the la't'e' nin't n and e,arly' -ten't h, cen''-'
, ... . ~ ., 0
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.,- ,n. t~ ;5, 'e pISO e', ' ~ . unger, '.le I.yzan,bn.I;Sc . " " te, atu -, er . . . mne'"
.- -, ,~ .~ ,. $ ,- - ~ ~,~ -~ ~ ~
0' .. '0~ " , - -' .' , -- ~, -, ,~~ ~ ~' ,- '
Copyr grtoo I
Man in Literature and Art 217
C pyr qrted r1 I
,Ma: - ~- L
, ' i'
-, -,'
',', 'n ,m , '" te'r a,t ure an ', A
'I d '
~: ''_ rt
-~ ~
,219
be,h ,e'a ded Empe -,0C' 'e an m.ons:t;e~',., ,Accordi -g to Ch,o'nila,tes, John, w ,as, IS,
ba,g pac'k ed with,fl,e'sh; ,hi~,' 'bulk rle quired a " ' " " , ,dIa ' n by " ~ " ~s--ht, h,orses;
:h e' wa ', a b 'azen calf 'worshi,p ed by' an un"t ,inking mas'S (N'ik" (~:hon~
Orat. 104,., 12~, 27, wl,t,h ,an a1 USlon to Exod" 32 :8)., T "e ,a ut or i s;is;ted~ha,
it w'o,u ld be,,e asier f,ol[' a ca.m ,e to go -hrou,g h "h,e ey .~ of a ne ,d th,a n .for I,
this h: many'' ;"'b bed [:megap,leuros a n,eolo,gis,:m,] o:x'" "10 :m,a,s'~e'r ,-'he le':m pire j
, a tt'..h 1
...
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the' ,elie ' e ima"ge" .an,d r 'etor'cal ttJPoi' of e'vil: uJ u:st. as a migh.ty' cedar of
Leban,o:n,J' 0 , 'Lo'r d, John, feU 'w'h ,e'n h,e 'w as s'i ruck by f 'O Ul' ,axes, "a, bin _o,f
the' Vara:n gia'n,,g uar,d s' :poleaxes],;: " ke the Emped'oc'~ean ,m ons ' ,e tt h,~ '.' :, f-'
~shed by your swol,'ds" ." ' 50' f~hryso 'e ' c- "',ges aUudec d also to the class,ea' fable
~ " whilch 'Iankeys busy' a'trent,." ting ' 0 .~~,ect a,k""ng 'w ,e'r e' 'Surrou ',died a "d
captured 'by' .~ unters (S,.10 '~, 6. 5).. T,h,e similarity of ' "e"", "'ages in th,ese
t"h:.
" r ,e-e ' o,r"'ks'"U;, 5trllng~
. '. . .' ." " :- : "."
'"k'" '".
'T" Ie a ,th,OF;S s'," ' ", 0 f' h
: ":-. . . . . . I"
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,am"
.. ' . -'.", .,' ,," -..'., .-. '.- '. : . - .- 1' --: - .-: '., _ .. '-, ~ .- I:. '.- I' ,",
an Em,p edoc),e'a n mOllst.e of monkeys'J' of _h,e fooUs,h CI'OW'd d' AI 'holu gh, I'
glimpse:s of' actual ev " ~ nis ,a:f! , loc,cas,:ionaUy afforded,,, these ,acc:ounts ,ar-e
d,e '- 'lliv,e d o,f ,co,n ,crete l ,grap,h ilC'ren,d erings 0' ' time an,d pla.'ce.
,Me:sari,t,=',s' ,',~ ~ scrip ion of Jo:h' t'h,! Eat's :r,"vol' d".'c~'e; ed ,'" ',' ,',e : ly'
:f rom ,t hese t ,aditiona11y ',' Iet oricaI, rea ,m,e'n ts o,f a, poii.' 'ilc'al event., 'W,h:"Ie'
N-",',":)"'k"'ep ho
'~. ,os ' "' :' soerges,;', 'b N'I"'ketas ' C- '" . h '
~',lonlatt!'sJ ani"d Euth,~:ym1.0S '.' ''T''' ""oml~k '" ,es.
:p ro;v"d'
"~ __ ~
, 'a,c ts 0 f'th
le d',. t.h-i,e f- I
'' ',e occa,slDn.r
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r.
ted' '_ 'hi , ~ s ;~ ,'n
0 . _ . . o. ~ _. 0.. _, .,-, -,-
1
-.-, .,--,
'w i,t , ' the imm,e diacy ot reality'. He ,m ,e'n ,t ion,e1d s:p e,cific peop,l,e' involved in
,th.e a:ctions,and gave 'e't h'n "',c nam'e s an,d r~~ated '_ opograp,ruc inM'rmatio", ~
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sh, ,e eps'k', ln ' ' " ,'" an d f' ay'e d s,', ' if'",t attempte , d~ to ' cu,t d
,I, ",~' own t. 'h'ie Imper,l a I' '. '
crown, ',:,'h 8ln,gJn, ~ g ', e ow' t h i 1' ' th-:, e sp ' le'n d"'d
.'f ' ,C,,po.!.a '~ l ,~'~, ,',','J
C''h'ur-ch' \ 0 ,"f S S'. op,'h
' ~'".' t: .. :c. ,,' '"ia;
:m int :laborers ' ~th 'h e "r sooty v'sa.ges,; dusty feet, ,,,n,d stailn,e d tu:niC5
p,f od,u ,c ed th, .~ golden,stream t'ha,t sp'r "ad throu,g hout, t ." e ,e:' "p'ire" 501 Mes '~
ri.tes w,as a1ive' to the 5tra , ge j' ,,. xta:p.ositions t' 'at Ie offers, 'he ,c arfu],ob-
serv'-, ~,; his p'"' pl.e have la, palpa'ble :re'la lity en,tire:i! a'bse ' t'in 10' n: <es' ,or
'C h,o nia'tes/' (ilfoo' ',"sh Cro'wd~r" Siimila : y" :M,esarites:' portrai , of ,t'h ~ vill,a in,
:h as ,far more' 8,u ,b stan,ce ,~ 'an t 'e' fa ' ", t ,fla't an ,iher-o of hiS, co ~ te'm 'p o- I
49,. J., .,' ',' S~ , " S ,', sc(lu'r s,d' -ut' yme " orni~es,'~" 1(,'.13 .26 1
" (1968)., 66~ 19'- ,
/I 1
'''In 6
,~, ,,, : 111,"' ,8".. . ] Ig.
',:''7 4 .",~ ' ~. ~' ','~' g. ~ ,,~ 1,
defianc~ ~ ,o,f '-h,-~ ' ,can,-,' -' of 'O,y.zantI- '_' i,oo- ,0 gra -, 'hYI' :h e portray =d ,t -e
US'U f,p er fro:m th,lf 're,ar,; he n,ot,ed J-, " ,':8 bla,ek" wiry' -'air, b,'s ,a't sh,ouil.de,rs"
tb,e :t1eshy na,p e of -is D,- ck a ,d." .-_'ted, th,e im ~=r, a'_ -t' r-on'e ,s, n ' app:y
b'u rd,e (27 ~ ' , ,~3)., A 'p'p ' a,c 1 "'- ,g ,t h -, ' 'e'a t' ,f powerI M ,-, - [fit , ~ 'a - ,d
i
! ;c
-' at the rebel 'w 'a 'ex it,D S, ,e d, w'P,th hl - "-,'. :s mped over his .- a,b by
ches't'" a'n ,d , -'hat 'h ,e ' "'as,'unable,,t o answ,' r,the 'l'u le 'tl ,' ns p " t to (28~ ' ~ ", "'e ,-
'13) ,'" ,
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was anrea,d y d,efea,-t,e d" , :" -;" " : '"' , elf '" - the ',' -' . .,,' of ' ' - utas . The
'u . s,u rp _,r sat ,o:n, th,e~- oor; ',I e ,-- ad ", '" asid'e' -' is " ~per.ial - , bu,t -",',ill I'
"' :n,o,n ,e 0""f- 'h- .'.' coni'"iem'pO,r,arl.I, ..',. w 'o rk--~ l' J'0 h-Jcn ' F-,a,;.!~, sept
In, '" h- et w 'a ~ '1
j -- ,t an I c
The Id eve:l opmen't' of a new Una,t o ,a ism in 1 t;era,t ure and ,a.r t w,as, ii
' m-
'tertwin,ed w ~-th ,t h,e' goo'wing prommen,c~ ' 'Q1f th,:, artist's personali. y' in hils
w 'o,r k'i' ........ , an,d ' itera,t u ~ aSisum,ed ,- ,greate:: e~ -,oronaJ-:-o ,~te :t, . 'r in,g:
,t he ':"I,lth and ten't h ,ce .'. ,. ' ies,i' :'he au.tho, .s..i' m 'n tion -'0 .... ,.. . e -, e", p .. ,"
"ph'as - -, - he ob''J"ect"'Vlty 0 -' 't'h- e"' ~o' d'uc:tl"ons andI dep" "c~ed'i -h e'msel ' e 85
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,:i:f;,t : d,0 - . their :p erso,n a .s ~ paraf :n ,from '-'h,e ir :s'u,bjects" 'Sim larlYf :n e'lth,e r
f '. _ a tl-t: :n "o r' {h,e, pa,t:r-on fi,g tt 'ed v'ery' pr-o . :, ~'~e ' tty .- t'-ile p 'r , .,g rams o,f
ninth,- and tenf -cen,'tury ch,urche,s~
Th'i: si nt8,t ion, chang_,ed" Es'~cial ',y" in t ' ,e' ,-~- ,elfth cen -= ' '.: ~ . , m s - m ,r"~' l,
c
_g . 0 sign th,e ir"work _ 'T,h _,~ do,r _' A, . . ' . 8, w'h , painted f :, eel, ..
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':. " be'. ,a, of' th,e ' ist,r a .. f S-'" N o:ph,~ tos , ' . n,:,'t o,nly
si,g n,ed, his w,o r .:, there bu, :m ay' aJ .o I av,e' .f't ,a... ,ed",ca't,.~I,,.. insc ,j,p rt i,o n, ~~,t c
't h,e Ch --1"1: - of the Vir:~ 'I to a L , .. ' ,. r8,, '-' Certain),y' -the S,l y-:'},e 1 '
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-, . oV' IV ~, IX . .. '. /~ An:t,i ar.s:t :" i '.:ii..", ~ ' <Ii',....,. ( . .~. '0 (lOW" -,'9 7)" 263,~ 20
,53, D,., .' I' ,>nna. '<fa i' . . , A ,G:rdd' (.Ni~osia,j1 1978)J"
6,~ ' '1; C'~ ..... . go and ~ ~ . i SJ' c . . . ,. Ii'';' er,Dl''ta,ge' of St" ,-. . 'e ophyto c' ,. nd 1.1.
~ -
~ 'U ' ,
. ,teraU11~ and'~" Arl'
_ r. _ _ ._
,22,1
~
~
of pain,,~ in,g :jjn, ,the 'two ch'ur,ches., :i~ , so :sbllilar' 'that it :may wen 'be 'by' ,t b,e
santle hand,", .,', nfortun,ate,Yj ,t ' 'e' artis,tic pe1tsonality of 'o:n,e of th,e :m ,o s't: fa-'
:m ,o ,u s Byzan,.'in . ,o f the ,. ' . . . " E'u a .." " .' : 'j :p o .' ' . t , .
S, :m,ct; ,a s nO WOl'k , 9, . "ves ,t hat ~'I .'.:-.' ' t be' ascI'"bed to 'hiul w",t h a-ny c' r~
I
'tain,t y'. Eve .'. ,t h,e now'~' ost ima,g e :'n th,e Ch ". n: . of' ,t 'h 'e' 'Holy A ~. ostle:s, :i n,
[
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'D la vid,,-': Neve'r theless i , l "e ery fact t "' at :N icholas, could assume 'b at ,a
'p ain,t er d,ep'. " bhns .~if pro:m in,:= ,n,ly :i n ,mosai,c in,d ca't,_ s ,th,. ch,a n,ge ~n
the' artist's a'Hi-tad,., in,,the m -'e'I Ith century' . .
m
,Pat rans, whose :p srti,ci.pati.on, in .' rustic , '. r-odu,c ,ion 'was, :m u,c h, ' -- ,o:re
mtimate' ~ , the : ' .... ,ges than i . 's,today; became in,cre,a:singiy' pr,o:m"-,
ne'n t' ""n ,t he ,elev,t ntb and twelft'h cen:turie's " ,'.~ v-en, "nd ". "d . als ' , a r-ela'-'
, tiv,.~ 'l,y' :Iow social sta't us begl'R, t,o ,a,p pear c ' o.rtrayed, ,in, ,th,e na ., th,e' 0,'
ch,u rch,es, ,t'ha . th,e'y' ha,d, subsi,dized,. 'The p'r"'est N~kepho,ros., ,an,d , 't h,e ~y'
:m .a n,Bas,i j" ,f ur ins-taoo=', 'W'=f.='depild -' ,mth, ~ , con,en of ,th.= rock,-c " c :u rc",
1o," Karanlllk ,." ,:".. in Ca'p ' . a,d.ocia :i - "to-e ,of fhe"~ I~ .'. 'D th c;e~n,'tu1J'
(F.~g,~ ,4,7);' -two pro,v,i n,cial, mtl;gis"troi (a 'f"t1,e ,d,efia,ted ~n v,siu'" by the en,d , .~. f
the' el,e venth, century a ' ,d un. . ,d at co'o t ,~ . t'h,e" ;w,e l r :'b);, both, rulm,e d
.u..1..,'_.'h,0 '[109" W ~ f~ ' 'f _'.,f1 ~ -.~ nbL
,'-N"'.::-1 ='
1"
. d' Wl'.'_,. h' ,i.'Y1....Il ,e l'. t f','aml.ut:S "'11 __,
In th
-.' .-,ell''.' r,;. s,p. ec't~l'v'e E
,C:hme" 'es :i n,Asin,o u,:i n cyprus (11.05 /6) an,d ,,E(as't or,i a 'i n Macedo,:n ia ( .16Osl
70,s). ~ :Perbaps most n,o w'rio ' 'S 'w,as .'he case'0 '" St. Neo:p,'- ytos,. w:h,o :i '. ,the
I
late twe' fih ee,n'tury had himself por ay'e d a - leas - tw'"ee',;' 'b t " e,rha,'c;s
e.v ':n t-,I ~ .' tim .S 'm, ,th, ~ ' d,ec-o,r,i:l,t.io:n, of' :his nkleis' ra n< ,ar' P:ap,h ,os on
Cyprus, . , +,g ,~ 48) On,e of these po 'raits'f an, "mag,e dle':p icting' Neop ':ytorS E
to' h,eave'D by,t 'e' archn,ge" s~ i . 'u niq . e "" ",t h . bEl . (,F'i g,.,
4,9)", :,",-'o'r-eov'er" I , i .' . had ,e'n ,a-' '-a' ,g ed his. roc'k Ott't, ,c hur,c h in
8u,c h a w ,a y ,tha 'by . . . IS; ' excav,a ted passage' conn,ecti -g 's etr-eat 't o i' :
.h,e 'v,8 ult of the c' ' ape'l. he .h,. ,sj,cally a'p:pe,a r . ,e~,t to c ' ist ",.; 't c'
un,d ,ers,'tan,ding rafe' :i - m,e dieval 'w riu' ',g" , ~ .; . g 1.0 .'. his ai .~ e ' as
.. '. o~ 'D em,u s,,' ,I t , i- ss. 'Watche'rl ;, Ein ElkJ3rungsver.s:uc'h ,/f' 10,S 28
iioi
,a'" d 'I ' nsaip' ' '.. '. . S ' pp '. , .... . S , " ,' . in.
." . .. ." ~ain,ted
'Ch .' , ' , . 0-f' C '. 'Yplrus~, JAB (j, : 9 - ('}' 9'.t::Wln 1
,....I 9'7-,,;)1; A, " "W'" E'pstem
,U "'Pf"h J.,' e 'u:::.A~'
;,u.ue~ '~' 1 zan-
Atil' (l(l
j .
H'e' Chuli!i.i"!'hes
tl"::",I~
1 j . 'iL,"'; of Ka:"5-- t,o- r,, ~ ,. l!R
'. cc: '
" G ".'- -' I1ee
,I. ',f ' d0- 'a.
" k'." ~ ".< ace ' : .. ' .. !.' ,'D
' .. ' -' '' .'S . n"d ,m 'puca;
I':; ,. ns., I .
bald as a pestle, but at the same time his beard had grown enol mously,
blooming like Alkino 's orchard (an allusion to Odyss. 7.112- 16; PC
133. 1251B-1252B). In Prodromos's writings, the author's sensibilities dic-
tated the subject matter (Ex. 53). Sometimes his observations were amlls-
ing: he mocked a dentist who to deliver him from a toothache;
the dentist slit Prodromo 's gums, attached to his tooth a tool large
enough to extract an elephant's tusk, and broke the tooth in half. Pro-
dromos called him an executioner rather than a doctor; though small as
one of Demokritos's he looked like an ogre to his wretched pa-
tient. 7 But. Prodromos could also write with intense feeling. In his
monody on Stephen Skylitzes, metropolitan of Trebizond, Prodromos
gave a moving account of his reunion with his old friend Stephen, who
returned to Const.antinople from his see 0 desperately ill that Pro-
dromos at first did not recognize him on his litter. Realizing who it was,
Prodromos cried, "your beautiful soul has cast away its former chal Oling
body and attired itself in a new one!" and began to sob. Stephen, barely
able to speak, told Prodromos of his "arduous Iliad," and finaJJy of his
ret1lrn to the Queen of Cities to be healed by the best physicians avail-
able or to die among friends in the motherland. Prodromos's person-
ality shows through in his writings. Moreover, he perceived reality in
.light of hjs personal experience. He even humorously suggested that the
emperors had won their victories in order to provide him the oppor-
tunity to traverse the world in afety.{<)
A perva ive sense of personal involvement, a in Prodromo 's work,
was also found in other authors' writings. Prodromos's contemporary
Michael Italiko began to describe his pet pa'rtridge in a traditional man-
ner by classifying the sped . But he broke off hi objective analysis
with an exclamation: "Who cares about aU these zoological detail ? My
own poor partridge is dead!" (Mich. Ital. 103); he then gave vent to his
feelings in relating the sad tale of the bird's demise. But it was Psellos
who best demonstrated how high an author's ego might aspire. He
57. S. D. Papadimitriu, Feodor Prod rom (Odessa, 1905), 268-70; G. Podesta,
"Le satire Ludanesche di Teodoro PTodromo, " Aroum 21 (1947),12- 25.
58. E. Legrand, "Poesies de Theodore Prodrome publiees d'apres
la copie d' Alfonse I' Athenien, " Revue des ttl/des grccques 4 (1891), 72.
59. L. Petit, "Monodie de Theodore Prodrome sur Etienne Skylitzes metro-
politain de Trebizonde," lRAIK 8, no. 1- 2 (1902), 13.211 - 34.
60. Hist. Ged. 305, no. 18. ote also his words addressed to John H: "You,
the emperor, were starved for my sak , for the sake of a slave, you weTe starved
and I fattened, you were frozen and I lived in warmth, you dwelled in the open
and I under a roof. The mighty Comnenus would toil, while wretched and
humble Prodromos lived lux uriously" (315.185- 91).
boa ted of his eloquence (Scripta min. 2: 81.18-20, 160.3), of his promi-
nence among the literati (289.3-6), and of the extent of his fame. Celts,
Arabs, Ethiopians, and Persians aU admired him (Sathas, MB 5: 508.11 -
19). A similar vanity was also evident in his historical narratives. PseUos
lacked earlier historians' pretense of objectivity; he not only put himself
in the Chronographia as an active participant in the events he described,
but he also voiced his opinions in his incidental discussions of religion,
philosophy, ethics, and the l.ike. Psellos probably aggrandized his role in
cont mporary affairs. While he held important if not powerful po iHons
in the courts of Constantine IX and Isaac 1, he is unlikely to have been so
intimate an advisor to the emperors as he claimed. But his presenting
himself as an integral part of his history reflects an unprecedented self-
consciousne s among Byzantine writers in his time.
Psellos's most paradoxical self-revelation occurs in his biography of
St. Auxentios, a Constantinopolitan holy man of the fifth century. Not
only has PseUos's text been preserved , 61 but the Metaphrastian vita, the
source of his information, has also survived; consequently, it is possible
to recognize Psellos's additions and corrections to the text. Psellos com-
pared himself to his hero they were both, for instance, very fond of
music and consistently remodeled features of both Auxentios and of
his companions according to his own self-image and the images of his
friends. One of Auxentios's associates became the phylax of imperial
epistle , like Leichoudes in real life; another was a teacher who ascended
the patriarchical throne, as had Xiphilinos; and a third lived on a rock
(petra) an allusion to John Mauropous, the fourth member of Psellos's
eleventh-century intellectual clique, who was a monk in the monastery
at Petra. Further, Auxentios was given traits that Psellos imagined him-
self as possessing. Auxentios, a modest preacher and wonder worker,
wa transformed into a counselor of emperors, an economist of genius
who saved Constantinople's trade from a depression, a refor mer and
philosopher whose ideas were remarkably similar to those held by the
author. Even ome expressions used in the Chronographia to describe
events in Psellos's own career were introduced into the life. But such
self-indulgence was not limited to the v ita of St. Auxentios. In hjs en-
comium on 5ymeon Metaphrastes, also, Psellos drew parallels between
himself and his subject. I.n another encomium, on John Xiphilinos, he
expressed his fear that his audience might blame him for indulging in
self-appraisal while writing of another man: "I am afraid that they will
call me selfish [philautosJ. But I just cannot help returning to myself time
and again" (Sathas, MB 4: 430: 22- 26).
Nicholas Mesarites was active in the events of his day. During the
revolt of John the Fat, Nicholas helped protect the Church of the Virgin
of the Pharos, where he served as skeuophylax, from the depredations of
the usurper' partisans; he later composed a narrative of the occasion and
of his involvement. He explained that he wrote the story because at the
time of the usurpation his throat was so sore from his exertion that he
1il
could not tell his friends what had happened.
Through a comparison of Nicholas's description of the Church of the
Holy Apostles with that of Constantine of Rhodes written in the middle
of the tenth century, the new personalization of subject matter becomes
obvious (exs. 54 - 57). poem schematically described the
church .f rom the top down, then, by a simple enumeration of a few feast
scenes in the order in which they occurred in Christ's life briefly alluded
to the building's elaborate decoration. In contrast, Nicholas sketched an
impres ion of the great martyrium, its idyllic etting, and its splendid
ornament
in the order of his own wanderings. The same Christological
images that Constantine saw a flat emblems of truth Nicholas described
as emotionally charged fragment of time. He not only saw Lazarus's
body brought out of its tomb by Christ, he even smelled its rotting flesh
(Ex. 56).63 This autho.r was itnposing his own temporal perspective on
the world around him.
The empathetic quality of Nicholas's description of the mosaics of
the Holy Apostles is, in fact, al 0 found in contemporary painting. From
the mid-eleventh century onward, artists began to increase the expres-
siveness of their figures. The angels of the Annunciation in 55. Marina
e Cristina in Carpignano in Byzantine-held southern Italy (959) and in
St. George at Kurbinovo in Macedonia (1191) stand at opposite ends of
the range of this development (figs. 50-51).64 Both Gabriels were de-
picted as moving rapidly forward, garment waving, and as making
similar gestures toward a Virgin. Yet the earlier rendering is
stiff in contrast to the later work and lacks its ecstatic emotional content.
The intensity of the twelfth-century fresco is not simply a matter of elon-
Copyr gr!::x
226 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
67. Nik. hon . 100.43- 45. F. H. Tinnefeld, Kalegoriell de, Kniserkrilik ill der
byUWlillisc/lell Historiograpllie (Munich, 1971 ), 160- 63, has ascribed to Choniates a
one-sided, negative opinion of Manuel!.
. For, discu sion of the tragic qualit of Choniat 'writing ", A. P. Kazh-
dan, "'KorabJ' v burnom more: K voprosu 0 sootno~nii obraznoj i lemy i isto-
rite ki h vzgljadov dvu h vizan kich pi atelcj," lz i-torii kuf'lury sredl/ich ve.kov
i Vozroidenija (Mo cow, 1 76), 3- 16. or a contrast between a tern a nd Western
attitude as embodied in history writing, see A. P. Kazhdan, "R bert de Klari i
jkita Choniat," Evropa v srr!dllie veka: I!KOIlOmika, politika , kul'tura (Mo cow, 1972),
294 - 99.
Gopyr gt'ted a
230 CHANGE IN BYZANTINE CULTURE
the eleventh and twelfth Q nturies. Once realized, this new anthropo-
centric awareness was not quickly relinqui hed. Even the economic and
political disruption of the Latin Conquest of 1204 did not eliminate this
new sensibility, although what "renaissance" might have occurred with-
out the brutal dismemberment of the empire i a matter best left to
counter-factual historians.
Filst, 'w hile we argue f ' at 'B y'z antine soc",ety underw,e1n.t cha~nge w.i:t hin.
his. perod, we do not deny' Ic ont inuity. N 'o doubt 'pe ,e n ' ". fea't o ee, I.
w'e re typi.cal '0. B:yzan"tiu ~" throug' out t l' e' millennium of' its e'xitste'n.ce,.
,:"'-"d~'.' .1n
an., ", "d' ee,- .-c ' d'~,I'.1 some
~ ", ~',~ '- '~'~ '--: ',- -
ellemen. s:~ ' 1"~'lf 0 .." 'h'.'-' e',- : C .a.sSllca
.'~: '1'. h
'' erl
'~ '-:!:t-- : ,, ",,"" '. '::,,,!,, 1111.Y In
.a ge, especkW.
alr"i 1' --: ' ; ', , I":' ," ',' ,',
I
I',
uity" Such co' , "I ", , i"ty' is 'certai ' 'y worthy' of :S "ud'Y'b ut i ~ s' ',' at:t h.e s.ubject
lo f this '/'," ' . Our le:m:phasis on chan.g e may be 'b iased, but euc h is. ,8 :n a.t u.-
Fa reaction
". .. ~ ' te
to 'h'l
,-.- d-.,eep1-.y Ingram.
.~ ,', "
." ( .- ... .. - .. e d". assu,m .p t . o . th a B.y.z antln.e cUI.t ure
~". , .' I " . .' -1 ',_ '-'1- I' ,.,', ',' ',' '" :-.... ~.' . . ;' IJ ,.-,
1
. - ~ .. - . .' . . . . j , '-'1 ~ 1--: -! . I -I. ~ . -:
',
hI.uman.
I .
e.r,s . On. th.e ev.ild~nce o.f ar an.d. i : rature, it a'pip ears tha. 1ta.', --rei hu. . I I'
IDanity wer-e les'S ofte.n than befor-e as,s umed. t,o '-. in. oppositi.on to on~
.-: ..
,
- . .-. -,
,I
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ano h. _f a.n d, ..more O..fte treate._,. as In., e~hvln.e an . comp.. . , .. ~
.- - : .,
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A,gain, "there ,e an b :~ no q.ue~sion as. to h.e r-em.e n.d .Ous :influ.e 'n .ce exert,e d
b,y' ancien tEa' jt-o ns in this cultur,a r-eas'"e -8m.en'l, b,u t the ,c-a:ss:ical. tra-
.-
'
dltl.on.,
e W'.I Sh to emp,.'hasize
..
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zan.tines 'u sed a.n't ~,qmty' n the esta . js.hment.of ,~h.eir own values,. TIl.us,
' : 2~
23 " ' , I ' ...... .
,_. _. iIf'11-!IiOI
II;; d ~n
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: "' I~;if"!!, m
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'__.l.U.JJ, ,_' _."a' 'l'll. ~
i:!!' i . . ~' y l~, "_ 0'" ,If'" CW
p.ontI'i'iliI~'r m" o..'_' d'.' ee'
~ ~., Ila.U r~~'l1
.',...." ' ........ Ig jl e x;"'p
'_'.' ' ~ , :r.;D~IICJI"O"
I ', ,ii. ~~ . _I ..'n
",' . '"
~ !
fr,o m, th,e' ,i n r,o duction of' 'v,erna,cu' ar ~'n:~lo . ~he rarified r,e'aLit of B:y,z antine'
. ' ~ rature' "to the' 'prar"cera '"'0 . ' of s'teatite pp'l yla,et,e r"es ;me ge . >,' lh, I
ar ~:s' 'Jocr,a '. ~ c mod,e s "fro ' 'l 'h e' in:troduct ,o n, ,o f c' :"v, I ' i,e . . . tlo "he
v'e n,e ra': on of ".I "'g, tIy" ' al,r t,y rsl " fha't, '! slf ' ,'ction:s may appe,a'f arf~
flew ,10 th,', ,en,ti.ca.1 schola'r. Our ap'p f , c ~ a,ti,o n, of' sUlch, dev ,lo'p ments"
how'e ver, can, o,n ly' be b ' DUg' ,t i . to forn ', 'by' t 'l eir 50m,e'w hat arbitrary
~'s . ~, atio,n ,
Th 8, Byzantin,e' :parad,ox,n,~ eds, clari 'lca'tion . Th,~' cha:n ges,orf th,e' ele'v'-
c" n," h cen,t ury m',us,t' be seen a,gaiinst th, ~ , 'ba,ckgronn,d, of' 'h . ,cen,t r,aHzat1.on
and ,codifi,ca,ti,o n Q,f ,t he' ten't h a ceo' ".','~ in w:hic~ _; lor b ,itter 'r W ' ,r l
'l 'h e
'm ,periaJ con ~' at 'C'oo.stantmo'p1e o've . he ng Y IdOl :'.' 'I,re 1 h'u man
'1' "1
a,c ti . ":,y.. I ' 'brief" 'p rf ,e v :"1 ." d. Bot'h the urban d,e :le' 'OP' lentsl 'n "t'h ~ .
I;
p ,ovinCie.s, and growth ort lui-,fundal, es.ta,, ~ 5 ', p,riV8't'e 'pow,~,r in,
I.'
:[ll...e
.11 ' ,1""""",
iI"'"a1lt'
...,I,li,tu'r ;las u .'
. ..P;;,. d','e'r ....~on
' ..' ;Qi:4~l e ' r'a "H!""o'""'n;', ,t'hre'.' . 'a
I, IQ,Ii,Y. ~ ,Iiol::.w;; irn',,-,,'
,..... n ad:.... p:'e:"., ' if""-P:S',t "'V, T"h,D
r'-:l",'a l a;;n".' to ,I~" c'-:L.! _ ,: / " '" 'U
' - 'i"\_,
" ' ; ; I,
."1 ." . 'to sugglest "tha't:B'y ,za ti,u m,'m,th .eleventh a ,d 't wle lfth ce . 'hi ",e,s.,was
ripe' for ,chan,g ,',., O,ne ,o.f ,t h,t!, facto'r s ,fomen't ig:cha ',;,ge " .' the emp'-re was
h .f\
i,
I," b' ~,'akd
.
_ ow,~, '"n o
~ (" '~ e In...
~, t'h lU:n""'W .''!'iK
a.'n, :t'. 'I'.'
1,_' ~' sol"''3It
. g ,' ....
lO
'" ' I" . o'n :" 'b y jl.he a'ril!"'n@"~'n
' ....... ....a
J&,U'O U., ,...~ 1
'"' . :, "' 1. , . ',II,
0' ,th,e :imperial. ~ urt' :i n,,t'h,e .. :n ,t h, cen't ur y,., Th,e Byzan"'" . 'bec811 te more r
closely :rela.t-ed, to 't h,e tl Wes. '~e . a ' ,d Eas ." r,n n,e ighbors /, ,a lthuu,g b,"'h,eir :m,-
't eaction freque'R,:ly took "th,e oo'r.m, of' ,r eli,gious dis'p,u.'ta,t i,o n,., T,hese .. . 5..
'pu"tes" howe ..,er negB,ti[v,e' . ,eff'ec _QI . the d, stiny' of the ~ ,m'pir'e :ma.y
i '.
ha've 'b ee I' " ha've 'p '. fVed 'u s e.fu, .for hilsto ,i ans,, 'h ey heI:p''u s grasp ,t h,e bas"c
differ,e n,ces 'behveen :n,eig' bOI~'fI;g . . : ..... \ '" ,t h,e' ,:, id,d1-e ,A ,g,es. Certainly
'8yzanJ.u:m,'w a'5 'b y n,o :m eans, a'n, 'n legra't ed soc"e' y . . n,o r was th,e West in
I
an.y' way uni'fl,e d . . . ;eerthe.less-,;, ,at n mbe ,o f .,~ iffer-en,ces,between th,e :E ast
.. tb,e' 'West eme~rg' ',I aI,t'ho1u,g'h genl~~ Uz '. tio,o'S, can, IEil . ' ays, . ' q'ues.
="' on,e d Din the basis of specJificaUy local :in ves;t "g:at ~ . 'ns,", Th.e fo1lowing
pO~'n'ts seem.bJ be th.e :m,ost :significan.'~ :: B .' '. - OC :. y W'~ S -;~.~ . ~ .. ~ , ,j I, .' .
role in th ~, East t '. "i ln, In, th'e West:" F'u d ~ er', oib,e r sodal micr-Ois,t l u,ctures
,re'm am,ed embryo,nic" Blyzan.tin, ~ ' soeicty, ~, id,n,o t '.~ VOl 'v ~ a stabl ~ ,j;. I,
cal . 't 'l; cto .'e" '" t a;,t h,e r retain,e a:.' e: ab e ' ' :'. '" " . Con:se l 'I '
q,u e -. dy, ,t h,e ' . ,'"D,g (;' ass, no,t ,acm. ve ,t he .... , '" '~Y.f' le ven aln kl,ea , un:"l Ii-
,t ha't existed in ,t h'e :m ,edi-e'v,al 'W'~ sf'.. Th ~ :rol~ of the st .. :tel' ,a nd of 't il . ,-;,m ,-
per,o r ,as ,t h,e poH,tica] embod;o.m,e'n t o,' th,e' ,sta't'e'i 'was,"mm,e'la"ura -ly gl ~' ~ 'te
"
~
n '8.'y'z ant um Th II - ". po -'e r ' f.~ t . e s ate w
'I . ' ... - : .. ,." .
1I
~
'I '
..... ,'I ' "
~ ~ 'a
. " ' . , ,.....
- n"
~ s, .~ e~ ~v'.e~ 'r~ c.: ,~ a~ 11, ~ - dbI~ YI" ,~..d: ,e~ p-~ '~ ~ -
'. ' . , " :'- ,' '1-' .. , ;. ' ~.. " .. '~ .~. (79
'D ' ~':"- I. ':, .. ,
d,e nt ,g rou'p s ,o r institutions in ,h,~ East so much as it w ,as in th,e .'e -'t.
W,h~ '_ caus "' d, th, . ra,dical diffe,re,n,ces?' Wer-e '_ h,e y inh'"'rited, r~ ~ . :", - j,v' :~. :y
ir'D,m . tble G'r eooOrien'tal ,a n' La't"" part o f he Rama, . Emp"re?' We~ 'cl
,t'h,ey aea,t ed ,d:u rin,g: th,e gr a't :m igr,ation,s of ,th,e ,ear'y , . ' ." ,Ag,es? ,O r
.. as a ,~o.:mm,on h,erltag,e' tra "s.form,~ d in ditter _nt ways? This voluml"'
d,o es not p,r ~.t ~ n,d to off er' answe,rg to 'h ese 'b,asic . I.:, ":" a tho~ "' h, pe~
ha,ps it :is no inappropriate ~'or us to,end 'w i h,th,em,.
Copyrighted rlaterial
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'tw'een ,889 ,and 1,280 sq'uare' met-en1,. Seeds fOil' :sow~g fou an t'llis e ' '.. :
whe'at", 260 mwJoi' modio,s her,e as ,a,:m ,easure of. 'volu:m,e conv,e n,t ionaliy de.f"ned as
'.. :'. poun~d~ Sl;:
40 1 ba-~ -I;e:YJ 150 , . < I niOWiJO' A i'";: 'b ' ~eans'J 5 ,.... A"" :seed
- ;mvtdO~1 - ~~ so,'f'fl_ ax, .' 5 mo~d" fO'., .. ., . '\/ iOk es
,o f wit,lett" buffalo 't wo and on'e' yoke o.f' oxen are found there and, given ove't [ 0
,AI
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w "' t h
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,cemed, non,e, since t'he . . . have aI ' died out . .' '. Pa:roilwi [depend.ent pe'a sa:n ts] on
the e,s, a'te' o.f Baris,:: ~ .' G'e or,g e 'T:sikos 'h as his w 'f@ Anna . his son, John.; an
al' otmen't , one ox, tl'ktemon (" he :poo, ., ,9,1: ca":e,gory' 0 . peasant . ~ the ellev ---.. th
-
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11' f
- liS
tax ., ".h " , nom;r'.swmta, -, ., , ....Ct......,
frenanns,-ha:-.s lilS
L ,'" .',Iit.... A'
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The [ _mae'l ites,occu.pied the' w'hol,e country a . ,d p.- undr d aU the' p'lac ,S the - :,.,
I . fa '.. ~, .. , :s,t .' dc,,the inhabitan:ts not' on Y' those who d,w ,e:,'I: :'"n, ~ownsl' bu,t
also those who found their abode in the mountains. What a terrible tragedy one
could observe; what a plight became manife t! Many Christians at that time ate
the fle h of their beloved children the teeth of parent did not feel di gust at
doing what the Jews who were charged with the murder of Christ had dared to
commit. Children also the flesh of unlucky parents, and brothers their
brother ' Even wives were not safe from this evil; even they would .f ill the
stomachs of their husba . The famine wa severe; nature assaulted and de-
voured itself. Such was the great impiety that the sun could see in this region.
His/aria et laudt'S 55. Saba~ et Macarii, ed . G . Cozza-Luzi (Rome, 1893), 13, para . (writ-
ten at the beginning of the eleventh century).
Ex . 3:
THE FAIR IN THESSALONIKI IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY
The festival of St . Demetrios has [in The saloniki] the same significance as the
Panath naia in Athens and the Panionia in Miletus. It is the most considerable
panegyris [meaning both "festival" and "fair") among the inhabitants of Mace-
donia . Not only would the local population a semble there, but people from
everywhere and of every sort would anive. Greek come from every place, as
well as the neighboring tribes of Mysian [Bulgarians) who live as far as the
Danube and the land of the Scythians, and the inhabitants of Campania, Ital-
ians, Spaniard and Portuguese, and Celt from beyond the Alp. To put it pre-
cisely, the shor s of the Ocean ent uppliants and beholders to the martyr, so
greal wa hi glory through the whole of Europe.
I for one, originating from remote Cappadocia, had until now no personal
e perience of the event and knew about it only from hearsay. So I desired to be a
spectator of this Ight and see everything without exception. With this purpose I
climbed a hill located nearby and, sitting there, could observe the panegyris with
ease. It. looked like this: tents of merchants were pitched in two Lines facing one
another. The lines ran a long distance, leaving between them a broad lane that
allowed for the rush of the crowd .... Other tents were set up off this lane. They
fOIIIled line , but not very long one , as if they were the short legs of a
crouching reptile. . . .
Loo.k ing down from my hill I sawall kinds "of fabric and thread" [a quota-
tion from Heliod . 10.25), of men's and women's garb produced both in Boeotia
and in the Peloponnese and carried on commercial ships from Italy to Greece.
Also Phoenicia sent many an object; Egypt, Spain, and the Pillars of Herakles
produced the bt.'St implements. Merchants brought all these things directly from
their countries to old Macedonia and Th . salonlkL But the Black Sea sent its pro-
duce first to Byzantium (Constantinople1 and therefTOm it was brought here and
adorned the panegyris. Numbers of horses and mules carried their load from
there .
Pseudo-Lucian. TimJlrion, ~d . R. Roman o (Naples, 19'74), 54f.
Ex . 4:
DESCRIPTION OF A LAZY MERCHA T
While aU merchant ... ru h to a panegyris in order to trade and make a profit,
he alone among them all . .. remains sitting before his house, watching them
by going full speed to the pancgyris. He not only remains lazy and indolent,
but wastes his time with carousing and harlots; he does not run to the market,
but tarries day after day .... Or he does arrive at the pancgyris with the other
merchant , but they, having brought with them [sufficient) gold, begin dealing
right away, and they buy products in order to make a profit, whereas our man,
who did not bring any (money), run about in search (of omeone) from whom
to borrow, so that he also might participate in trade. But either before he finds
someone to lend him (money) or immediately after, the panegyris is over and he
. no profit. ... Sometimes he arrives with money, but instead of dealing effi-
ciently from the very beginning he roams around the tent of the tavem keepers,
cooks, and other petty traders in victuals and tastes here and there, eats and
drinks, and squanders his gold in drunken revels and . . . Or he
wanders around the whole panegyris visiting both acquaintances and tho e he
has never met, from his place or from foreign ones. He observes how they are
dOing, but he himself does not buy or sell .... While other people, looking for
profit, do not pay attention to robbers or the other difficulties of a long trip, he
would be frightened; and even though they [i.e., other merchants] ask him to
travel together (with them] and promise to protect him against every danger, he
prefers not to follow them, not to join them in enterprise at the panegyris .
Symeon the Theologian, Traites thtologi'lut:;; et ethiqu ,ed . /. Darrouzes, vol. 2 (Paris,
1967), 386-88.
Ex. 5:
JEWISH COMMUNITIES IN BYZANTIUM AND THE DISTANCES
BETWEEN THEM
o Jews live in the city [Constantinople), for they have been placed behind an
of the sea. An ann of the Sea of Marmora shuts them in on the one and
they are unable to go out except by way of the sea, when they want to do busi-
ness with the inhabitants. In the Jewish quarter there are about 2,000 Rabbanite
Jews and about 500 Karajtes, and a fence divides them. Amongst the scholars are
several wise men, at their head being the chief rabbi R. Abtalion, R. Obadiah,
R. Aaron Bechor Shoro, R. Joseph Shir-Guru, and R. Eliakim, the warden. And
amongst them there are artificers in siJk and many rich merchants. No Jew there
is allowed to rid on horseback. The one exception is R. Solomon Hamitsri, who
is the king's (Manuel I's1 physician, and tluough whom the Jews enjoy consider-
able alleviation of their . For their condition very low, and there i
much hatred against them, which is fostered by the tanners, who throw out their
dirty water in the streets before the doors of the Jewish houses and defile the
Jews' quarter [the Ghetto). So the Greeks hate the Jews, good and bad alike, and
subject them to great oppression, and beat them in the treets, and in every way
treat them with rigor. Yet the Jews are rich and good, kindly and charitable, and
bear their lot with cheerfulness. The district inhabited by the Jews i called Pera.
From Con tantinople it is two days' voyage to Rhodosto with a community
of Israelites of about 400, at their head being R. Moses, R. Abijah, and R. Jacob.
From there it is two days to KalJipolis [Gallipoli), where there are about 200 Jews,
at their head being R. Elijah Kapur, R. Shabbattai Zutro, and R. Isaak Megas,
which means "great" in Greek. And from here it is two days to Kales. Here there
are about lifty Jews, at their head being R. Jacob and R. Judah . From here it is
tw'o days'!' journey 'to th.e island. of MytDen.e; and tn,ere are Jewis'h congre.ga:io'ns
:i o. ten loca6. jas on the "... .. Thence it is, three days," V'oyag'E! to ". '',liand, of
'Cbms. where the e ". e l
, abOlll't .' . Jew's'J! ~ . c1 ..... .. :gR., ' .' 'H:e man and . . .. .-
:t- 'h aI ..I, ,et!'e 0 ;';' he
IJ.'" ,I:...t''.r'I ,'.' : 'o,m _ Two daiV\t
Ji' :!.!.' . ~kliOis
i
",' ill :fr
~:,,"
:.1/ ,. ,g-rnI!l'U ': ',', 'w
-',hl"i""'
':' h :::m'!:li;'
~ :
': II.'!!;'lli' ~ Ii obtam
_,,1.' ': ,
U;~l i' ,~ .! ~
Q. . ,:.., ~: '
' .ifli i ,..... ~ .._ ," IQ.' .' ,': . :' '("~ '.~,~ .
'OIl.e ,t o the island o.f'Sa , . . " .' ' .300 J1e w.s" a't, the'r . ,e;a d be ~ 'ng: . Sh,e - 1
'Fro'm Sarno! ," .- ,s' thre. :. days to, Rhod .s., .I:h .,r E tbere ,are ,a.bou.t 400 '.' e ' s, t ih eir I
. 19(7), 14.,
Ex 6- .
,
',. . iii . . " iii
.A . HJIGH EST TITL,E S OF THE T:E i, TH: A:N'D 18L:E.VE "1 TH CE:N 'T'U :RI:ES
,
C'aesar .Nobelissimus, :K ouropala.t es,
(possibly b I .- :n.ot :n ecessari y Ie,la: ,"ves)
Ma.gistr1JS 1(lV!agister')
Anthypatos I(I'-ProconsUl U)
Pa.froo.os
x . 7:
'W ILLIAM OF 'T'V:RE D .N M .A .N UEL, [l'S lP'O . ICY O:WA 'DI
'W hen 'La -d Ma .. el ' ",ed, hat ' ost .m.pe' 0 ' 0 "ndef'ble" .' '.1 . ~. be.. ".
was suo:: .:.' d '. d a.cCrording'lo'both.his 'w it ,and th . 'law by' his young :SOl'll
.AleQos'l 'w 'h o .... hardly r,e ached. his thirteenth year., . " .' Durin,S the reign in
God of the former beloved emperor, the Latin people found favor with him due
to the emperor' trustfulness and vigor. He even disdained his Greek manikins,
who were soft and effeminate, and, being a man of great generosity and incom-
parable activity, gave important assignments only to Latins, taking into consid-
eration their fealty and strength. Because they prospered under his rule and
enjoyed his generous liberality, the noble and ignoble of the whole universe
eagerly collected around him, as around a great benefactor. As they accom-
plished their service quite well, he was induced more and more to appreciate our
people, and promoted all of them to higher ranks. Therefore the Greek nobility,
and especially his relative ,a well as the re t of the populace, acquired an in-
satiable hatred toward our men.
PG 201.857f.
Ex. 8:
THE EMPEROR'S CONTROL OF THE ARMY
On the day dedicated to the memory of Prokopios the Martyr [J uly 6, 11671, Kon-
tostephanos arranged the army in battle array and he himself donned armor and
took up weapons of all sorts. He commanded that the other (commanders) fol-
low his example, led out their detachments and arrayed them in the best possible
way. He took under his command the central part of the phalanx, thedght wing
he gave to Andronikos Lapardas, while other taxiarchs headed the left wing. It
was the strategos who appointed them. Other phalanxes were also arrayed, but
set a little apart from both wings, in order to be at hand when the time came to
succor the toiling troops.
While Andronikos (KontostephanosJ was arranging and positioning his
troops in such a way, someone arrived from the emperor [Manuel] carrying with
him an imperial epistle. In . epistle, it was ordered that IAndronikos) with-
hold from battle on this day and postpone it until another the date for the
postponed battle was indicated in the letter. The strategos took the paper, but put
it into his bosom. He himself did not pay any attention to its contents, nor did he
reveal the order to the lord who accompanied him; he diverted them from the
point (and it was praiseworthy) by talk about different subjects. The reason for
[the emperor's] prohibition was the fact that [for him) this day was ominous and
absolutely unpropitious for martial events. So it was that the emperor made de-
cisions concerning the most important actions (which in fact must be deter-
mined by God's will) on the basis of a constellation or the disposition or motion
of the stars, and he obeyed astronomers' words as if they were God's tablets.
Nik. Chon. 153f.
Ex. 9:
THEODORE BALSAMON ON FORTUNETELLING
Nouml.'llia [literally, "new moons") are the first day of the month. Jews and
Hellenes used to celebrate them and to pray while genuflecting so that the rest of
the month would be happy. God said about them through the prophet: "Your
New Moons and your Sabbaths my soul hated" [Isaiah 1 : 13- 14) .... However,
-the d.em onic' habl' of .k in lin,g bonfires and sea .ching :f or goodl om ' n's has ben
p,t eserved to t'h e days ,o,f Patriarch. Mlehae" [11.70- 7.8 ' I t if) '. , ., . : ' hypat-os' of phi,-
:ioso'phe.r,s:r ev'en, :i n ' ~he' [Qu.een, 0 " CI,',les,. On, the' evening of June .23 men ,
'women .... ould ga,,h ,e on the' bea,c bis o.f' the sea or in ,e er ain hOlls .' $ and they
r
'w oiu ld dr,e,s s th,e firs't. .bo,n :l gir~, as ., ride'~ . . r hav'ng supp ' and dance "'n ,a
Bacchic fn!nzy~ mav', g i' , . circ'le,s,and sh ~ utingof they wo:uld pOUf' sea 'wate'r:i'n D ' a
braz n vess' ,~, 'w ith, ,a, narro " 0' "'t ' . I' <0 ~ them '.'
',' i, cast there . :Bome ob-
Ject,. They 'would 'begin. to . uestion the ,girl a,bou.t goo.d. ,t hin,gs an : about" "1-
'" onesl' as :" s'h e had acqUired :from Sa.' an the .pow.' li' of ':reUin,g th ~ ' fu.ture .
She 'w,o uld 'take' ,at' random,from ,h e' 'V esse' "an obj,ed;' [fllom ,'mong: 'hose,'f a't itald
b " . C .9;, ' ." and mak,e' ,a, ,. ' .. oOn, while th,e crazy owner' he,ld 'the thin'g ,and,
Ilisten,e d to his p,r:oc'l aim,e d fu.ture'l w ', " t ,. '.' ". " . "g'. t '. T fOrtu ,at, 10 .'
hJ~ 'm omi ',g" they would go ' :0 the sea.s,horel' d nCi[[l'.,, :i n chorus ,a.nd accom'p a..,
, " . b. tth ' g:" -' . a ' ' 'g ,:cuope " up' sea 'W~lte ' in abun.dan.c-e t,h ey would '.~ our i ' ,
o . Mo -',over, dunn,a , the whoie mg-h,t f -ey' would bu:m, , ~ ay-:-:'.~-
on tn'e ll d.wel1+n",s, ~ L~ I. I.
Ex,. .',0"
T:H,E,A llRlCAl G,AM:ES AT 'TH,E PALAC ' 0 , :, ""' C'" '. R o' ~ (1200)
Thew ', ., " t,<o,k, pla,ce Jus:' b ,fo L :, t., b fat e -i -,law, ' peror [
~'
:UI]I . . ha,d,:n.o des,b,e to a'tten.d h.or ... ,rae ' :r ' '.. ' t 'Ul, ' new,~y mal["ed roup'~,e u,r ged,and
de, ft, d ,d ,game',~ The ~mper,or tried b) a'p pease' con.tr,a dictory .' 'es" ,s: h , 'W ' t"
:0. '. 'U'l:\, '., to ' 11 ', Q '.' 'a t PaJa,c-e nor to th,e s'ta,diu:m [th,e Hippodrome' but ralher or-'
d,efl~ ' th,e ' ra'oes, :m ov ,d 't o the . a1ace of Bla,cbe':m ae ,a nd q,uickly or,ganiz:ed a pe'r-
fa,n nance 'flere'. ",e 'bellows, of U'le ma-ny-,fl u-,d organs, :[0c,a:ted, in ,the paia,ce
,c ounyar,dl 'w e,r e used as 'tu:mpos-ts [0- tlit,e' racing' chario '5]" ,a nd a certajn en ~
nuch l,e1t us omit :h is name '.,as disguis.dl as ,t ' . e h of -he cUy,. :He 'w 'a s a I." .[.
r":ch m " OC1:Up'ying an :b n.portan : off ce and was . . .', d. a'm ong: ' h~ ,~ . pe ,ial
'. .' . A wi, - r-,w o:rk,was d.~V] ed that in. the ,em ' cular is c- ' . dl a 'w oo : ,' ~ n I
actors,; a,n d navin,S , alcJe-n off the .. par' h"'s 'Vlestments h,e appe,a:red. as a m'Qpparius
1 e st 'r '. I ' for ,-' .. ' - 01 se" a,ce ~ ]. Those,who -" ret ~ 'nddl to be' con'tend@rs,'w 'e re ,n ot
peop ,e' ,o f 't . e -, ..' k ' to of tbe (,ammon. stI~eets'i bu "young: nobles who had just
,v own. '~heir' firs,'t b ., a:r ds" ,'he ,e mp ~ror' and the em,press,;! Ute'i r distinguished rela'-'
,ives" and, the,u '.-: pe ,~...1e'v retinu ' w .:re spectators ,f d "lit~'s ,t h,e atrica] and,la.ugh: :"..
c"
,ca.uS[n.g: ga'me. ,N 'o body e:'S . was, '.' 'owed .' . '. As "he m,omeni: (C ctm,e for 'th ,c nn,-
t, . ers to r.a.ce . ' h,e' eu:n uch disguised as ,a, rnappar,i:us: came to t'he ,c-ente'r" :s,h aw'e.
his, ar .':s, naJked 't o the 'e,1lbows,,; , . .. . ut , , .... " .' . sUve Icap on his, he,ad,,, Thrice ,.I
2'4.:-
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....
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T' , .,
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II:'f'liill", ,.,
EX'., 11:'
:M IC , " "L PSE ', ,OS ON TrE .
', -' ,. : ' ' .' E'L' lAS" 'L' 'E'TTER TO A .
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in,g ' Or "',". e,rlty, neilher toO p~sse'Ss i' , 8:or' toO think abou.t ,earthly th ~'n,gs", bu.'l toO
tran.:'nd an
prae,tical. virtu,e ' and, aU lnte'D,octual ornament and, tra,vlersi~g be
'. ion aC!' .... ---.JII '1..
~r;,lUi,',
g I!.I~ . IU ..... Gnd' and
iJI~IC:,I"Il.U '1," :.. to .IIJl li JVV,r -i;n I~ ne'
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t'ni.nrir -- .1/." u ::r .&hlS
1l...,.... d.aC!'I' ~d
._'IU-_'. UI_ ~
,I "I e' ' and__ .. _;.__ ~'.,- '_ .':~"_ riI ~',I ~ .I I:_: ~~I.',. ~: _ : .~
'the' I[)cck'h:o.' not in ,o rder 't o, " ..'amin. wha't 'lll,' . distance is
j . 8, and I ", . ' .
.. -nlei' nor' to unde'''~ 'tand n.o,w th,e famous Ocean. s,u rroun ds, " :IE! c,ontine.n.t', nor
t,o in'Vi s,ti.g~ ., .,w 'h ich,,' thiop,i ans dwe'~. in the East and w'~iiCh:in he Wes' . Bu,t,his
g,oal w,as 't o conte 'to , , 'Ie-' or .,.' your bays "." some ,goods fl'OiDil aib-road., Hi] ,
w ,ay' of ~ .' is [tha't o,i ,a] va,grant;: ,a s a, matter of fa,c-t, can, ca' , :d : ph" ,o sop,h ical
' I'
since P:lam .is said. 'W ha ." e pas.ed CharybdIs t ,I_'tee 't: es and, 'l ha:I' many . 1_ i,
have' ClOSS ~ .' ~ the, strait' of' Sic'"Y'., Pia;to", however met the two ' land
, ':' " t . L a n pruB,ting ("om h i s h Yi' ,h e woul,d. hav' ,been, sold 'i nlo, slavery
. ' it '.. " fo. ' '." of; fegina,~ ":ho ' . ' im,i :Slia;s,met " '. olf a
diHel!en,t' . ,d,." :r a 'he " like' the ,-, -6JeiloCW' :18 'w'h o e( -tertained Od.y :8 eus, 50 tba,t
w'b n :he,came' back., had som . cymba:sin rus hands and Ids, 'tl1l"'ned
to li~e an ' ~ ,. . ,cro,w d '0 'his, Fell' ~ v'e,g, startled danCing
.E. ,I 1'.,'2',I
o!
- .
'.
' . : . !t.
Il-:>'I' n~e souls, serve Goo" ,a.n ,d '. hose 5,. bjiect to ill '.' '. . natun! SQtVG . .. UlIDOn,.,
TIloere w,as n ~ t until :r ecentiy ,a hird :s brut ,the, ,.... . 'EUas :intr,. . d,u,o d, ),ti'l
:sm,ce he . '... ' not Fend;i! to IG od 'w'n t " God's 0' ', Mammon 'w '- _at is Mam,-
but,gives to both parts a, fl,tting:s,h a" ,: to God his . ,. . ". bah .'.t, Otur' 'h oly
mDn~'s,~,
anchofl but to' Mam'mon/,,- th the force ,o,f his so,n l and the limbs,olf . 'i s So _ c , , _ 'i ,
to ", out tha.t: .>bile praising [God. h.e fomica.t es :'n.hi " :min.d, and. aft1er a w h.o le
,,t:
day [0 :(' Ucentiousness;. he begins to, a,c', with pie~y. Forlhw:f '~ he' :s h,eds e- ,s,an . . ,
,i> ediate,'y r p is 0 '. . is pas ~ o'ns~ ';' .' ..
. I ' ' . . and ' . lO W' . cn y two
abodes th brothel ,a:n . the :m onasINY.
Sc,,.,ipla ;m'i'u., 2,: 1261,.
f 'x', 1.3:
DESCRIP'IION' 'O F T'H E E PR.ESS .Z OE (102. '~50)
'The' tasks that 'w omen :n.or.m:naUy :per.fo.t.tn .-..ad :no app -a] 'W ' .- a:reve ' .t~ , .Zoe ~
hands n,ever' '... ' themse:- ves wi.' .'.~ 1 a. djjsta ~.,. :n or did eV'e r work at a '00, . 0 '
,a y a th,e l' fe ;: ,~ "in,e' oecupa mn~ " more' s ' = r" B " ng~ she aft . .. '. d. scorn..for t he
: 8.'U tiful df ,SS..S of '. "r':ra " . thou"g b c annot t n ' h th r ' .s,h e was sO' n. Sn,gen.t
in the pr im,e _f HEe,. C ertainl .::in her 0,1 ,. a.g e shelost aU de,si lie t,o ,char.nl!~ Her' one l
and [only can -ern. at t -"'s ,- ~, ,e 'l ' ','he thing on w,' i,e- s ' .s,pe t .~ h .~ as
I
:
an
b,laCksmiths to,iiI for' round the roo. 'w'ere, ' urru~g b . ' , ":er.s,.. ,,' has.t .of' lb'.m.
f
-.8ch of h.e r servants ha.d. a particular' task ',0 -: erfo.rnl: one was ala. ,ted the dlu. y'
I
of . '.. : hie perfumes, ,a noth" r of' mIXing' them 'w hile a third. ha.d . some oth.el' l
. ,o f Ul,e same ' '. In win.ter, of' . . . t'h,'se opeI .t ions were d.emonst-..a . y
of .sO ', lie bene' it~ as the ,g t,eat h,e at ft,QI'-- Hllie' . ' -, .. ': : t w ,a - th , . . .a ir, bu.t
in the summer--ttme t ',I,e o,thers found. the ', empera.fure :n e,a'r ,h,e 'br,aziers at' ,os'o
unbear.a, -:I.e , .ZOe he" ~ I however.~ s,u noundd. 'by .. w I b - dygua ,f the: ' ..
"'lI'
C'.~sr w'a s a.p p . ~. tly' 'U .. 'fleeted by t' e ;scare ' ." ~g he,a t .. :1" falc both '.. ,a nd her '1
'a.[ Y 'p a'll"l;P' a " ', .' ,.' , ';"A ',,' . . '!Ij;.!l1
Ex, 1-4:
DESC .. IPT 0 ' . .. 0' . -' A' NI' ' .. A. DA
'. '.' .'.
A.'. 'S""S" 'N""A"
',-"',
.. 1 .. .
, , '. . , " , ,'",., ",' . ,I'
" -,
. .
','
.
,
.In t'be pas,'., wme,:n. Anna Dala.ssena was sliD.looke u:p _.n. as a yo.unger woman.,.
e:h"" h a d' m. . , . '..... d' , "I!'..
~ . . I " h-. ,e_ a _-. on.
_ . ou~g' sholllldl@s" ' ~ t o the
y ."
'Y' . .
.
.~ ,~ , I'.J ' .
AJ~
.
~" n. 0: .1
...,..," . . , ' . A I1
d.
_ u. _ ~ I",
-
_ _ _ _ "
'iI d A'
' .
c h- - ., ,~d- .
h[,.r . a,o e allo,n ' :r eveale ,. .. nna.s lneren vllrlu,e an : . ~ r,a.Vl.t y,.nt, as
'l B ,"f"
'. was .saying" once' he bad. .J~lZed po,w er' :m y fa.' he~1" :r esenred for himself the
stru.g gl.e s and har . :ab . of' Waf w ;',' :sh,e,'became so bJ speak. an .. . . ..... . bu.. l
, I
h, :mca de h.eJ.' so . fJeign. and [;; ' ..... ,a slavle' .. ' and did . ~ hab?v\@f' ... 'c-{)mmanded ~
He , ' In--e
,"
v[:''- d'
-
:: ber' - ex
-.
" oe'
" . ed' Ing)' y and '
- '"
I .'
-
-
',..
-
on .'r f~'o:r a' d" .-,..... . .. ' w' as" ... .-,-. c
":' ~
- - "
: .
,',
.'. . .
, " ..-
,"
"
.
.,
. .
"
. '.
.,
.'
-
. [ '.
. ... .
. I : '
'
I I
"
. . . .' -.' .
. .
~. . -
H'on for' her) . His righ.' .. ; a'n d , ,.... ' '" ..'v led t o h .[' se .. ~ ". e;: 'his .~:ars liste1ned. to "er
b~d.din, g ,. In aU 'lhin,g~ b ~ W,as enm ' y s; bse .. :e t f :. factI' to' he~ ',' ,ishes,. l can
snm UIP' "lh.e whol . si'tuati.on. 'tll;US:. .-. as in . 11, ory theemp '.' urI but she had I ' al
powe'l'. Sh.e w,as the legisb.tol"', tb,e' compl.ete or,ganiz ' .. nd go . . . ,'. , . ~.
CQmfinll;ed. he.r arrangemen ts, wri', ,en ,a nd. un wri.t tlenJ the :fOrrll.er by his ,signa.-'
l.u the latt,: by his .' pok.n approval. Q'n e, :. ''.gb: . say ' ~hat he was indleed the
l
instrum :n't (yf . . :p awer: h. , W,as not" . . ,. 'p e '. '~. .Cor all .~ '. e decis ons .a nd ord ~-
nance of h' . m olll, T ' atis ' .Jm, not :m erely as, an obedient .son, but as. am. a't;o>
l
tentive listener to her instruction in the art of ruling. He was convinced that she
had attained perfection in everything and easily excelled all men of that genera-
tion in prudence and understanding of aifairs.
Anna Comnena, Tht- AlaiM, trans\. E. R. A. Sewter (Baltimore, 1969), 119-20.
Ex. 15:
PROUD PLEA OF AN IMPRlSONED NOBLEWOMAN
83 High and low J am coming against offense and derision,
The West and the East are full of my torments,
The islands and the sea have beheld my shame,
Those first of the Princes, then that of the Leukas.
A C.i uel dungeon waited for me in the Great Palace,
And now [have found another prison in the Blachemae . . ..
104 I know my appeals will leave your soul cold,
Streams of tears are senseless and moans useless;
Let your messenger, armed with a sword, appear
To commit the execution and free me, the ill-fated,
From aU anxiety and trouble, from tears and trials;
Grant me your mercy, such a small mercy....
217 Let the judge impartially scrutinize my case,
Let him pronounce the sentence in accordance with justice,
Let him condemn me, could he have me convicted!
I am a conspiratress and enemy but who is the witness?
I have been plotting against the emperor but who has ever heard [me)?
Let the slanderers speak publicly,
And if they prove their lie, let the Pantokrator
Smite me from Heaven with lightning ....
305 In the hearth of your wrath I was burned,
In the hearth of your fury you tried me,
But there is no base copper in my soul, only
Pure ilver. What are you searchjng further?
s. D. Papadimitriu, "Ho Prodromos tou Markianou Kodikos," VV 10 (1903), 155-63.
Ex. 16:
FROM AN EPITAPH FOR EMPEROR JOHN II
Beautiful purple garb swaddled me
and the symbols of supreme power
me from my tender boyhood.
The lu t for victory hot through my heart
and taught me fllSt to ride and to draw the bow,
then gave me the two edged sword
and trained me in the hunting labors-
to kill the bear by the stab of the spear,
to smite the leaping leopard with an arrow.
His'. Ged. no. 25.12-20.
Ex. 17:
MORTAL HUNTING ACCIDENT OF BASIL I
It was August and the Emperor Basil had gone out for the hunt, into Thraee,
to the neighborhood of Apameia and Melitia . Finding a herd of deer, he
gave chase with the senate and the huntsmen. They were all scatter d in every
direction in pursuit, when the emperor spuned after the leader of the he.rd,
whose size and sleekness made him conspiCUOUS. He was giving chase alone,
for his companions were tired; but the stag, seeing him isolated, turned in his
fljght, and. charged, trying to gore him; he threw his spear, but the stag's antlers
were in the way, and it glanced off useless to the ground. The emperor now,
fmding himself helpless. took to fljght; but the deer, pursuing, struck at him
with its antlers and carried him off. For the tips of the antlers having
under his belt, the stag lifted him from his horse and bore him away, and no one
knew this had happened. till they saw the riderless. Then Stylianos, caned
Zaoutzes, and Prokopios the protcvestiarios showed them all what had hap-
pened. They aU began running hither and thither, and just managed to catch a
gJimp e of the object of their search carried aloft by the beast. They gave chase
with all speed, but without succe s; for the stag. when the were well out-
distanced, stood panting and breathing hard, but when a rush brought them
nearer, straightway bounded off to a good distance. So they were at a loss, tin
some of the Hetaireia. as it is calJed, cut off the tag from in front before it was
aware, and scattering in the mountains, put it up again by shouting.
Then one of the Farghanese, managing to ride alongside the deer with a naked
sword in his hand. cut the hom-entangled belt through. The emperor fell to the
ground unconscious. When he came to himself he ordered the man who had
de.l ivered him from danger to be arrested and ordered the cause of such inso-
lence to be inve tigated . "For," said he, "it was to kin me, not to save, that he
str tc.hed out his sword."
Vita Euthymii Patriarch 0 Con tantinople. ed. and transl. P. Karlin-Hayter (Brussels.
1970). 3 - 4.
Ex. 18:
CONSTANTINE MANASSES 0 HUNTING
People invented the riding of horses and hunting not only for the sake of exer-
cise to strengthen their bodies, but also to provide delight to their hearts and
excitement to their senses. They are excellent actions. making men haJe and
healthy, extinguishing their every sicknes and raising them to life again. They
are also excellent for preparing men for warfare, they teach them to ride, to
purs ue. to hold a pattern, and tlot to spring forward out of Jjne. They teach
[men] how to move straight or left or right. how to give their hor es free rein and
how to urge them on with . loosened under flre. One could call them mod-
est exercises, recalling greater deeds. This battle is not man-slaying, this Ares is
ironless; his hands are not stained with gore and he does not grasp the murder-
ing spear. They are really excellent, and s em unpleasant and undesirable only
for those who do not love beauty.
E. Kurz. "E~ dva neizdannych Konstanlina Manassi," VV 12 (1906).
79.1 - 15.
Ex. 19:
IMPERIAL PALACE OF BLACHERNAE
This King Emanuel (Manuel I) built a great palace for the seat of his government
upon the ea-coast, in addition to the palaces which his fathers had built, and he
caUed its name Blachemae. He overlaid its columns and with gold and sil-
ver and engraved thereon representations of battles before his day and of
own combats. He also set up a throne of precious tones and of gold, and a
golden crown was suspended by a golden chain over the throne, so arranged
that he might sit thereunder. It was inlaid with jewels of pricele s value, and at
night time no lights were required, for everyone could see by the light which the
stones gave forth. Countless other buildings are to be met with in the city.
The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudeia, trans!. Adler, 13.
Ex. 20:
IMPERIAL PALACE OF BLACHERNAE
In that place [in the comer of the city by the landwaUs and the Golden Hom) the
Palace of Blach mae, although haVing foundations laid on low ground,
eminence through excellent construction and elegance and, of its sur-
roundings on three sides, affords its inhabitant the triple pleasure of looking out
upon sea, fields, and city. Its exterior is of almost matchless beauty, but its inte-
rior anything that I can say about it. Throughout it. is decorated eLabo-
rately with gold and a great variety of colors, and the floor is marble, paved with
cunning workmanship; and I do not know whether the exquisite art or the ex-
ceedingly valuable tuffs endows it with the more beauty or value.
Odo of Deuil, De proftctiont Ludovici VIl in orimtt>m, transJ. V. C. Berry (1948; reprint:
1965), 65.
Ex . 21:
A GIRL SEDUCED AND FORSAKEN: EPIC OF DIGENIS AKRITAS
When I came to it [a spring in the waterless plains of Araby)
I heard moaning
Lamentations with weeping and many tears.
The mourner was a girl most beautiful. ...
She, when she saw me, up she jumped at once,
Wrapping herself about in decent order,
Wiped with h r linen the showers from her eyes.
And gladly thus began to to me: . . .
"My own country, young man, is Meferkeh.
You have heard of Haplorrabdes, the emir of aU,
He is my father, my mother Melanthia.
I loved a Roman to my own despite,
One whom my father held captive three years ....
And miserable I, occasion found,
Much .riches seized, went off with the deceiver ....
We arrived a,t t his .ro\u nmin.'w'h ich ...,' '.. ' :B oo',
For' three days here repos,i ll,g ,a.n d 't hlee m:gh"ts l,
ir:'y,
,~ ......
2:2'
1
of
,I.
A" ,'"I:I'R
, L
, p.O
IG ~I'R
. ~ ,A
, " . S . K'''~N
.,' . ,& , ': (",,'I ~ . A'LL. H'A
F'R:. O..'J:,Y, '" " 'G,'I'O
, , "'.I G :,. . '. p"
.' R.. A . 'H.:' ,'y" ... ) .
- - - - -- - " !.I " - -" - " " - - - - l!! "
Sa:r l ' in ' h,e m ,Q,m ing Lazarus ,g ot a'w ay ,frQ,m, 'I ner,e an.d ' co '.', the :road to,w ,a'r d,
Chonale (" . t (;o}.os 'a e .in. Asia Minor'~ ~ On 'rus way he m,et s01tne people'
from 'C'a ppad,OCta wh,o 'w ere' a~so ,going' 'to 'v islt ' ,b e' shrin,e of ' h,e ,A rcha:o g'e '
,Laza " ""
,. m ,a'0.0,u , , Hllse~f., and ,olne
. . ... s told. the
-, " : ~. ",".
'. d t'h, '" gr'DUp ~ h. er W ,8 S, among " , ,a
, .. " . . .,.. ," '[
'i
[" "~" - , " . ",. ,["","
i
. . ," ! .".... _., ' " I ._. . I I. . ,- , " .. -,. , , .
girl 'W , 0 w,a,s :m,oa:ning: and la'm e.nting gra'vely 'Wll,:'n Lazarus s 'w be . ,.. in-
quired ,a.bout the C8/,use 0,1' be' w'a ilin,g.f and he 'w,as, t cld by some' 'people' tha," SHe
:had been, ' an,d, led a,w ,ay 'from, he'l" na'tive :. and an ': ha', she, ha,d , 'ak,e n
w],t h her a su.bstan,tial :s,u m of money on. the a.dvlce of the imp os: or ~ 'T,h e' dece V'l~r
, ad' "",
I La, 'Ire
... .','' h[Ol~r-- - 'i"\inDy
i1I'!ii
.It,ll .~ " 'o-,n- l adl
lU I ~, .. , .11,'e- -- , ~ -- ' d
... .....,. . I "]1,' - l"sa
"- pp I .,
" m
--'ea'--e-"d ,P ,u' ,S
. Q '',--- 'e '_',,- a' . 'a"'lll"inCJF
.. I,' "'. .... J ~'i~e n
" ' "o
.''''
,. Il
: ,,. .... " . If! "I"!, } . ." ',
only 'beca.u'ge' Q - -this &,. -d" , :. " 'q ,,'1- :: '. f , "_. f CaJ ' f b ~"'- g cU,- ',~a, '-,.' '- ry .,
:siluJe she W ,I lS ,a virgin" When lazaru:s ', aU this he' a,p p oached. :h er -~ .nd
CURve '< ~ d. 'wi'th hex ,a nd can.vinc~c- both her and-j with hel[ bel. he~[' com, ~ anions ,' j
, ,
'_ -;a'- he wouhi ta'ke' ca. ,," of ,r- unJ,th -'ya - "v,: --, at Chona , '. A -d '0 h -, did~ 'W hen
,n~y arr,lved a.' the' ci.ty" he fO ' d some 0' :,'h . - reiathr'e s and en -, uS:-'ed beT 'ro them
in ord -r to :I erurn ,-,' t,'O her na' lve p,l a,ce an.d ~o h.er- par,e1ilts. ,.,,,"wever, the' evil
spirit" the leal. foe, and adv,e -' ry of the goo '- , sa'w It',a'- Laz'a rus" ioo' 'O,g KU-
Christ"s gr,a,ce, not:'onl,y li,e':m am,ed undamca ged by his evil ,a:rrows,.r but alsO' guard,e d
' he girl. The,,cie'vil cou] - nO' ' 't olerat, thls de:f at and v, ntmed 't o ' . i p'- oy anotheI
'0-" ......'. ,"n' or
.. U I
..;'10....
-;[. ~~ to ' ~. '. "'''!:Iim
,I..~ ~1 ~I oIi""'
'1 ~.f~ ~JlIl-.as'
"-.~1'h
"'jJ' j" 11'
U, 'fIi ll'a'
"""lv.,. :."I~ " ..
n -'"," ~ . : .. ,t o'')"'1 d' ~ ',.-, 'h ' - '1'1,;~!lt.
-- ,,'h' ~ - d , I..
n>'I",-i<,
.. .-..I . '. . . . . .-,
cam,e or 'Laza ' s st'o od :in. a come'r of 't h,e' pa:r]or and prayed to lb . ' Lo~d." and ,a f ' 'f
tha,t lay down il1 . " ri,g ht o'n '~'he srPt The ev"] s,p iri , sent to bim ft, certain
'w ,oman" in the' s-ha,p " of a, :n.un, who S' arted. ,to in.cl,-.. Lazarus to shame': .- i -'l e '-
course., lie, however! ,as,if he w,ele escap'.ng a. ,fwe'j' :nstantt].y .." u'p ' and 'wUhou.'t a
'w ord,lef't, th,e p.ia,c e'., When he eaRl'e' to anal ~er 'pla,ce; h _ . " ,on. God, bes: ' ech.-
in,g lllll1. to re'l,ea~e him from ,tt@ ", "' ... ' .' a'r ts 0' ~ evil ,a'n d tQI fur.nish, b"'m a
smooth road t,o ' I:U! . ' 'net
F'r om the Life of Sa! -,t Lazanu; of' 'Galesi.os, wriUen by a certa'"n Gr ,gory, his ' . I-.
in. ' .. , th e'ntuty,. ,A ASS , Nove~nb[", I ( '. 'r uss Is, 1910)~ ~ . -lA- C'.
23,: E~',"
THE p -". AC'E OF A "
" 0
.
'
.
'. " ..
,D
- ,IVlOld' Dlium'
::: ".:I' OEhlJ. '!(~ 11...,... :5h~ : ow,eA~I 'WJl "'f:iwu
L ,-
' a 1'-I " J'
A nd
'." :',
q--v '- d h. . er
,p ,a-:o'_,
''''''' 'nd ~ ke L .... -
- ~'hi'-
, u:__ ni;).;'
, ~ : I :: a ;,'. , ,I ller
- ..W.lSuom
,. -..04 - -- / ,
His com'~ ng t,o ' -" e 'Br,a hman ~, the,n 'w the Amazons"
,A nd . ' e'ats, o.f 'h,e 'w ,"se A'i@'xander"
'A d- ,'ILll ,os'. s, :m ore, :ma:rvels'
'n 'I
i OUl.l'lbu" 1,'.... 1- d- b
. . '- rave ,, r,.,
M~\ses :hls, Uliraclesi the plagues of :lEgypt,
Exodus of the J 'w s, un,gxateful m LmJl . l
'B ot, In length ,a:.. d '.,:, 'bre'a dth 'ha ' "n,g gre-a,' d:im,E! ns,ion..
- le rein he, built ,a ,g lori,ous 'wnr ".~ ,a, .' " mpL '
,I n ' .. name OlE Theoool!e' the sain'!' and, mMtY,f .
DJemnes:
:0
Airites" ed., ,a nd
1
- -
.. M::I'av..ro:g:o d'a''to 2"1'9':' 23
r
'-
" .
..'" - '
I .... .'
I
' I!'!'!I
. -
'
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Ex . 24,:
' "'" . C-' O:' '.. I"N' ... ".. A- IS DE"S'C
N
'. .
. ..'
.' .
I I" R' ~ 'T'ID ' ~ 0:" . ]TA-' L
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. . ...:. .
_,
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. ...:.... " .
. '
, _ : ; ; "" _ _ .- '. :. . .:
'
1 1 h ,
. . . . .' ' ., 'baJ 'b ,. _.
Ita .os, ,a. ,;'oug"., ,e w ,a.s,a . .: . 0 , se, ,0Si!' was una,_.e,w t. '. .: ~ _.r! c. ar lCj!i stu..Pll,_d
'.
] '
I th
.......
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f'
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......
. ' . .
.--,p.-e.ram
te:,m
.' i' . .-- .--en
. - .-, " t 0- grasp
", . ."- - th ,-" ,e p 0.- ~(Jun
.,'.. - "115 0 f,e P'hM'"0 . oph YI ~ ven In
- d' _' trut
..' " '. " t'h,e a,el,t- 0 f'
. . J"', . . ..', I ", '.. I ( ". '
I
...
1
.. ' . '. I '.' " !I!! " .' . ' .' I , I ', ..' . . :~ . .. "
nlin,g be u '," r 'y r~ ected the ,'.' ,i'l"cher's :". ing" '. nd, ,a n ' ttl of '~ ',me'rity an
ba wolbar,
. . Jl I.
-" IC ,f 0-1-1
-",,' b-'-'" '1-" -, . . - -",' b-" 1,'_ ,-, ,- tu " '" th
:.'y~ ~e,: eVl n.g even, . ~ roVE!' s _. _.y _. -I;, ,_,'
-'! - ' '"eX'C' _, 1'!1
' - " 't- h
Ld " , 0 t' ' , ~ '
'_ '____ t,
ro(B l UI' c. 'h'
' :"'[1' ,
.iL,'[..
very tart ranged him elf against the great Psellos. With fanatical zeal for dialec-
tie he caused daily commotions in public gathering as he poured out a continu-
ous stream of subtle argument; subtle propositions were foUowed in tum by
subtle reasons to support them .... When Psellos withdrew from Byzantium
after his ltalo promoted to the Chair of General Philosophy,
with the title, "Consul of the Philosophers." He devoted en rgies to the ex-
egesis of Aristotle and Plato. He gave the impre .sion of vast learning and it
that no other mortal was more capable of thorough research into the
mysteries of the peripatetic philosophers, and more particularly dialectic. In
other literary tudies competence was not so obvious: hi . knowledge of
grammar, for example, was defective and he had not "sipped the nectar" of
rhetoric. For that reason his language was devoid of haIillony and polish; his
style was austere, completely unadorned. His writings wore a frown and in gen-
eral reeked of bitt mes , full of dialectic aggression, and his tongue was loaded
with arguments, even more when he spoke in debate than when he wrote. So
powerful was he in discourse, so irrefutable, that his opponent was inevitably
reduced to impotent silence. He dug a pit on both sides of a question and cast
interlocutors into a well of difficulties; all opposition was stifled with a never-
ending string of questions, which confounded and obliterated thought, so
skilled was he in the art of dialectic. Once a man was engaged in argument with
him, it was to escape the man's labyrinths. In other ways, though, he
was remarkably uncultured and temper was his master. That temper, indeed,
vitiated and destroyed whatever virtue he had acquired from his studies; the fel-
low argued with his hands as much as his tongue; nor did he allow his adversary
merely to end in failure it was not enough for him to have closed his mouth
and condemned him to silence but at once his hand leapt to the other's beard
and hair while insult was heaped upon insult. The man was no more in control
of his hands than his tongue. This alone would prove how un uited he was to
the philosopher' life, for he struck his opponent; afterward anger deserted
him, the tears fell and he showed evident signs of repentance. In case the reader
may wish to know his physical appearance, I can say this: he had a large head, a
prominent forehead, a face that was expressive, freely-breathjng nostrils, a
rounded beard, broad chest and limbs well compacted; he was of rather more
than average height. His accent wa what one would expect from a Latin youth
who had come to our country and tudied Greek thoroughly but without mas-
te.r ing our idiom; ometimes he mutilated syllables. Neither his defective pro-
nunciation nor the clipping of sounds e caped the notice of most people and the
better educated accused him of vulgaIity. It was this that led him to string his
arguments together everywhere with dialectic They were by no
means exempt from faults of composition and there was in them a liberal sprin-
kling of solecisms.
Anna Cornnena, The Alaiad, trans!' Sewter, 175-77.
Ex. 25:
JOHN MAUROPOUS, SPEECH ON THE VICTORY OVER LEO
TORNIKES (1047)
o man, what an enOJ'lIlOUS die you are endeavoring to cast! You are about to
struggle over your sou) itself. The danger is horrible, the attempt fearful. You are
falling among swords, you are leaping on the edge of a precipice, your narrow
path runs between life and death. Halt, 0 miserable man! Where are you dash-
ing? Stop, if you have any reason, avoid the steep and slippery road, avoid the
risk of falling, reject false expectations. Remember, the future is not secure, your
reckless affair is full of peril. Even your success will be shameful, albeit it could
seem pleasant. Your will be a usurpation, the act and the word itself
hated by all people both of the past and of the present. But if you fail, you'll be
finished, you'll be thrown down into the abyss of Hen. Everyone in his right
mind would prefer the humble but secure way rather than a vicious and deadly
ascent. Is it not pref rable to be in the rank and file without being hated by any-
body, rather than rule over all and be detested by everyone? But this foolish man
does not answer; he does not give his ear to anything. He is inflamed by his
passion, he is drunk with his hopes. He utters, "The die is cast." He doses his
eyes, and drawn by the force of his desire, he toward the yawning depth.
He take off the monk's habit, unnecessary and undeserved by him; he puts on
lay garments he, a dog that returned to his vomit [Provo 26 :11), he, Leo, the
Lion, who turns out to be a chameleon, accepting and changing various colors,
he, who is unable to retain only one, the last and inimitable color. He replaces
black by white (the [imperial) purple is lacking yet); he becomes bright after hav-
ing been gloomy. Nobody could e.xpect this: a former monk, he is now a lord,
longing for an even whiter ve tment, that of the emperor, to be laid upon him
and to distinguish him, contrary to all expectations.
John Mauropous, "Quae in codke Vaticano graeco 676 supersun!," ed. P. de Lagarde,
Abhandlungen der hislorischphilologischen K/as..~ der kiiniglichen GescllschDft der Wissen -
scholten zu Giiltir.gen 28, no. 1 (1881 (1882, 182, no. 186. #18-19.
Ex. 26:
EULOGY BY GEORGE TORNIKES FOR ISAAC II ANGELOS (1193)
o Emperor magnified by God, I had already desired to eulogize you and just at
that time I experienced the same thing as those who, for the sake of investiga-
tion, make the beams of their eyes match of the sun. They, howeve.r, are
unable to meet painlessly the brilliance of the sun and turn their faces aside. This
brilliance cannot be perceived directly because of its exceeding brightness, and
therefore they attempt to catch the sun, the leader of the stars, in water mirrors~
in this way it allows them to behold its halluless and kind visage. This way con-
fOJU1S to my intention: to behold you through the Light-bearing and shining wa-
ters of the river Jordan [an allusion to the Feast of Lights commemorating
Christ's Baptism), so that, 0 Sun King, your deeds and your rays were seen un-
diminished and the luster of your victories appeared in brightness. Let the good
Jordan be at this time for my speech what the dear air is for the eyes ....
Such is he, 0 my listeners, our master and emperor, the common good for
all, the much-compounded benefit, the union of virtues, the unity of all grace,
" the good gift from above" that "comes down" upon us from munificent God
Uames 1: 171. He has the full right to be called a genuine king, not.a false one, for
whom the marvelous Plato sought but was not to find, as he himself put it, ex-
pressly saying that he had never the model and archetype, but only the
image depicted, outlined and fOlllled. In this regard we are more fortunate and
successful than this wise man, since we have obtained in reality the king whom
he imagined in his dream, the king whose appearance is more delightful for his
subjects than all visions. Nobody will remain unsatisfied who ha the chance to
view his sweet face or to listen to his conversation; to perceive him i equal to the
of honey, for he actually urpas es in the pleasantnes . of his tongue the
melodious and "dear-voiced orator" of Homer (Nestor; niJ1d 1.2481, whom I pray
he will outdo in longevity.
Fontt'S 2: 255, 279.
Ex. 27:
MICHAEL, NEPHEW(?) OF THE METROPOLITAN OF A CHIALOS
ON THE TASK OF TEACHING PHILOSOPHY
Let the Peripatus praise the almighty King. The Academy is to join it in this sac-
rifice, as well as the revived Lyceum and the majestic ancient Stoa. I beg you to
reject and e pel as aU that is rotten and unsound in your tenets and to
collect and embellish that which is skillful, refined and supportive of the truth in
order to refute falsehood and to undo idle talk. Let the smith's mallet hammer
the iron and transfolln it with heavy blows into a useful thing; let the bird pro-
vide the archer with feathers to be fixed in his arrow; let the serpent lend its flesh
to phy idans in order that, being attacked by its own blows, it becomes weak
and ineffective. This the emperor's newest invention, this is his tribunal
rooted in ancient rules, in antique institutions, and which, like the net of the
Holy Gospels (Matthew 13.471, is to be cast into the material sea and to gather of
every kind, in order to adopt in a proper way that which is pure and genuine,
wherea aU that i unpure and unholy ought to be spit upon as worthless and
dirty garbage.
R. Browning, Studies on Byzantille History, Literature and Education (London, 1977), part
4, 189.69-84.
Ex. 28:
CRITIQUE OF THE ESTABLISHMENT: THE WAR OF THE CAT AND
MICE
CHEESETHIEF (Tyrokkptl's 1
What does it mean? Do you dare to menace him
who dwells in heaven and who prodaimed to the immortal :
"I will hang the great chain down from the axis of the world
And puII all of you up with my mighty hand" [an allusion to Uiad
8.19 - 201?
LARDEREATER [Kreillosl
o well, I have menaced him a thousand times.
I talked to him about my life,
about my pitiable existence in a small corner,
in utter gloom and darkness.
I am trembling with fear and anxiety,
the poor knowing no pleasure .
.I weeping and bewailing in despair,
striking and scratching my chel'ks
Ex. 29:
A SCE E IN HELL
After a short silence my good guide said: "0 stranger, I am baffled by your
boorishness and lack of knowledge of simpl things. I wonder whether you
know that all mice are the earth's litter and that theiT tribes appear at the time of
drought, when the earth gets cracks? As a matter of fact, it is more proper to
regard them as an underground population that has filled up the dwellings of
Hades rather than one that lives up there in the world. They do not come down
here from there, but they climb up from us, from the bottom of the world to the
surface. So do not be astoni hed that mice live among us and that they are so
tame and eat th same food a we do, sharing none of the apprehen ion of the
fi Id mouse. Can you see how manifest is their joy when they look at this old
man eating? They are e ulting; they move their jaws and lick their lips with their
tongues, as if they are more mfeited with fat than the old man himself." What
he -aid was the clear truth, a I could observe while scrutinizing the mice. "Do
you noti e ," he kept .aying, "that they are concerned with his beard and only
wait until he falls asleep? As soon a they hear him wheezing, as he does in
slumber, they'll come to lick hi beard, which has been washed by rich juice, and
to gulp a bellyful of all the crumbs stuck there. They live on that, and, as you ee,
they are well fed ."
PseudoLucian , Timarion, ed. Roma.no, 67.f .
Ex. 30:
AN A COMNENA ON THE PREDICTION OF A SOLAR ECLIPSE
AJexios saw through the Scythian fraud: their embas y wa an attempt to evade
the imminent peril. and, if they were granted a general amnesty, it would be a
for the underlying spark of evil to be kindled into a mighty conflagration.
He refused to hear the envoy. While these e.xchanges were taking place, a man
calJed Nikolaos, one of the under-secretari s, approached the emp ror and
gently whispered in his ear, "Just about this time, Sir, you can expect an eclipse
of the sun." The emperor wa compl tely sceptical about it, but the man swore
that he was not lying. With hi . usual quick apprehension, Alexios turned to the
Scyths, " The decision," he said, "C leave t.o God . If some sign should clearly be
given in the sky within a few hours, then you wiu know for ure that I have good
reason to reject your emba syas uspect, because your leaders are not really ne-
gotiating for peace; if there is no sign, then I shall be proved wrong in my suspi-
cions." Before two hours had gone by there was a solar eclipse; the whole disk of
the sun was blotted out as the moon passed before it [August t, 10871. At this the
Sc:yths were amazed. As f.or Alexios, he handed them over to Leo Nikerites with
in truction to escort them under strong guard as far as Constantinople.
Ex,. 31,:
O ,E
, . 'T
": "A " y. .' p:, R,0Ec"'S
n "" ' ", C R,IITP
"'~'. Jl
"TIO.' N:
'"'
': 'S
:
IC:u,cumbers anglouriR ]J' 'w'hich fOlulerly were caned botUe-g,ourds, [,sil;ya], ,a're' cold
and, :fluid ,a,cQJord 'o g toO the :seoond de,gree' , mIX't ure of oold a ' d fl'w d,'s 'vtrry'
and (J:ieaites bad, Jub:-es,. ,A mong tthe : ':,ne :s hould, . hODS: the sman
ones., TIl y ,8 ' d ,' ~ ,t ak,e n . ;"th ,3 , Be'v ,e re :f ever will ma " e
I' "," " ' 't em,-
:pera't"ure ,more m'~,at ad and SI,'"i"H'IIi, ; ,':"
~~.' LPlcanby 'I
nru"'l d,e r',. ',H~" ,o wle,ve.r, t, ~: eU"
,. cons:l ant U;8 c
course,. Tb,e dried, seeds of. cucl1mbers ,g:a in la, c,e rtiun warmth.. creat . . a con ary ,I
A' BO
.' BIJ1= rE~'R'
, , , ~
.1.
~
". ,.," "
.
Bu , :1' i , ha'n noniou ly warnl a'n d :nutritious" It, :is fur' f , J~ ",un:gs. ,and ' ",
chest: . . helps, to discha ge' .sali. a out .of th,e'm " It is, SE!'rvicea,b le aga:inst' '
IOQU,gh p!}oduced by cold, or dryness, U:sed in su ';',clen"t qna' fties" 'bu ,ex SI I .
lates [the' e' ,acua' ion of] the,s'tQ'm ac " Th,e ol~d.e'r :i t is, ". w,aom1.er it ..... ,Cio.m,es" a:n d ,m
It is, :m or" n.utritiOtL ' 'than any ,oUv,e ,o it I,t, promotes di,gesHon ,clnd :perspiI:,Q ~OI1,t
, speciaU, :in' , 'bl , ' . .' ..,:U ,cures 5wuUen g"an.ds ,a nd 'hlmo,rs 'w :hen,
s :"" ued O've' :-them] an,d ,a' "ev*ates ,children/is,pain. d,n ring' t "e bing'., If used e '", s-
s~v'e 'l.yl '"t .: ' . ~ ', ., C8nses naU'S ,8, and l.oss ' . appeU '., In w ,a mlel" bellies i,ti' is
,frequerrt" Y' ""ans "~ r,med ,.'",:00 a li,g,ht ml,e'. 1
THE, C,O> C ."'PT' 'O'F IM,P: ,R 1AI. P'O'W'E:R I ,. T .: :E TEN'T'H CE'<TU'" "CY'
The Almighty rs,h all ,co 'e l thee wlh his shield t ,a nd, thy 'Ctea,tor ,sha'"'", endllle
'with, un deutandt",";: He shaU db~ect thy 8, . . ~ pS; 8'nd, :6 ," :all '(I,S::ablis '". "ee 'u ". on ,a.
sure ' , '. 'I :'. . ,' "'. . Thy 'thr-Ollte :s,haU 'be, as the sun, be/J'o fle' Him, an.d .,''6, .' ySI . ' .
'be . toward t'hee; and, :n aught of hanu shaU ,touch th,ee" ,fOI H,." I , .
ch,o sen ' he :. and ", ' 00 apart rom thy mother's "\'Q,m bi and ha,t h ,gi. en, It ,",
th," e His,: . ,as ll.mt~ one , .. , .'. '" above aU llitCR and ha,f h set 'thee' as a l'wge j
, '
"" 01
" :.
d
I. .
" ." f' 0
~o'lld Ii"p_
},I! , 'loll, "~ a~
un, h '! :.: h,,
"~'il.: ,. -d
,a,l " , ,;,, .
~ .,..~; I!, " "
"':'.II1j; up "n
:1 >",' . I
,mountain, :" ~ ath,H,e ~:,ai:ed. ~" "Jee' u,p;, tha,ti' the " . may' [bring' to '. their gjfts
and,"thou .IIUt,Y1es,t''be adored of "h,em t a', d'weU upon " ea "'h~ :Bu:t Thou, '0 Lor,:
m,if~ ~ G' .0
':.:>, : ~' rul
W ' ' o~n ':" ' ~aL.'::d
~' : " 1U1" 'h
~ U,,'
~ "'"' "" n ......
" .t!iid~" l,t.'_
fllil.~ ,: or"" .. :'~r, ,'.. .... ,h;Wirn.
.n:II.I, ll"n
, ,'h!'1C:
la!' wafV'
..... '.....;," ' ."" h.....
'!JI '""" T 'I.MlAi "" .
Thee' '. ' '~ ~gottel~ of " J ' . : : . the .c''si,ta:tion,of Thy face . t,"" a d,
. I'" and ',j ,e u' ..... :i nclin d 't OI ... ' ", : ' I ppUcati,ons,., May Thy hand, ,COlYer Ji" ,
and may rule' ' ... '.. '.' ,o f tnl,t h, ,a nd may ',hy ig': t hand 8, ~ ',e bim;: may his
. . " b . ma , . " '..'. t: before tOI k. .p' thy . . " May foes "all beion bis . , ' 1 ' .. '
:fatJi!, aon d his ,e nemi,e s lick ' he' dust.. ~y ,t he' fdem of is :raoe 'be' shady .'. 'Ut I '.
of many 0 " .sPlrin.g" ,and. the :shad,o,w o,f ,his frui.t COiV,@r tn, 'kingly m,ountains,;: :f Ol'
bY' Th,e@ do- ' , ': . ruI . :~, g' .orif)rin,g Thee,fore'V,er' ,a nd ever.,
Constan,tine orpbyrogeitus.. ,De administmNdo im,-_- rio~ h',a ns '. R,. ," 'enkins, (Was'-,- -
i'ng,ton"" D. C." " 96,7), 4," ~
,
- - 3' 3'
Ex "
' . ."1'
.
: :
If
I lfl
K:E KA'U 'M : - : as,,O N FEA'L T'V TO THE EMP", -,' 0 ''-
If someoo,e ..volts ,a nd 'p roclaims himse' " em,perol"',., do not suppo,r t his i c'h ,eme"
bu,'I' s'tand, aj,QO from, ,h im'i .If you. ar'e ,able w' wage 'w ar lind assa.ult the' 'U:S<Ui',p e -,
=
.fJ;ght" -on behalf of t~he ,eim peIOf' and the 0 _ . '. peace,., If.' you ar'e ltnabi.e, s'l a "d
~. loof fmm him, ,as ha,-,e said aJlreQ, dy~ and tog, ther'wi.th your peopl,e seek a fm'~
'c-mas", 'W ~ te to ,t he em,p eror, andl try '_ 0 serve him to the ' '.' .-. st of your capaci.ty~ in
am,e . thB't you and, your' cm]dnr-, and your :p ,. op:ie' 'be' r .ward,e d,. [f you hav,e o
". nd, t,;, S 'jz,. : a ortr ~ SS,' .I,eiJ've every -rung ,a nd ,Hee' 't o the' emperor',. .If,~, howe'v,e t,
you do not dare to esca,p e because of your -, ollseoold,s stay with,'t a,e' rebe'l" 'bu ' :le-t
your :m ind,be tu'r ned to-ward th " ' p '" r:, ,a nd when an occasio'l l tomes, oo'm . i't
a,praiseworthy' d,e ed:, 'w h' -: In th,e cam,p of th,e rebel, ally wi,t h yo/urid 'a les,! [Ute~
any, 't~those W 'ft,O ,a ' ~ stro,n g',e r t a:n. ,the~ -o~d,'~';] : -"en you la,_ aUy] and, move' c
-: , [ .
to :s eize ,t he ,rebel" :Pres .,r ve ' ~ea ty 't o, th" .'m peror in, C:onslan.tiinoph~'" CI'nd you
'w on't fail in. your .' " . ',' .'... .., '" .'
1'-; ~ seeCh Y'DUL" my oeWived. ..'.' " , "- ho .... God ,ga",_ 'to mel 'tOI :side with hI'
le tn,.- ero ,a nd keep serving :hJm", since, the ,e m,p ,r or who has ,h is sea't in 'C'o ns:tan-
tinopl,e ,- --nst al.ways. 'w ,i n,.,
. ,,~',G -'G- -
~ I!! . _ I!!
'L
-' '1' .'
~_
I
(M
'. <.
I. ': .'
_ _ _ SCOW'/' 1- '7~,
_ _ " ~,-.', :.'
,. _ _ _ ;F ~III -,~
"li.tl'ii
_ _ ~~" 2- """,. .:
IIr- ...... ~' 3
AUo.. 12
""'J;;t:,g;
_ _ __ __ Ifl
Ex'. 34,,:
N '. E,'T AS 'e: O'~: lA" -5 ON ,:, E E , PE:R,O R
Ea,ch ni e'r :iSI exceedin,glly 'tinll'id and su;s,picio:us an.d enjoys, ,a,c ling r . . . . Thana,l os
[Dea,t hl i Chaos'i ,and. Hrebos [Da:rkn,ess), pruning eupa',fridai'j ruining: e'v,e ryone
w 'b o is high ,a nd :_ o'fty", ,casting dow,n, ,as vile :r e,f use 'the' g;ood counselor' and, cut-
_'Ilg off the' able' and useful 3,e lleraj . Earthly rulers sUnjp'l.y :rese':mble tall. pin.e trees
wi,t h leafy Cl'owns: th,09e' 6rs' brea,t hin-g th,e 'win.d be,g in to m.ove, the :n.eed ,es ,o f
their' 'b ranches and 'k ) ml1r,m ur;' rulers, in. ,t '" :sa:m ,e '>, y, tre'mb~,e -:h.e.n ' .' s
anyone' who :is distinguish,ed. 'by hiis 'w ealth,or who surpasses 0 hers in his,'p row'-
,ess. TIl,e ,crow,o,ed, prince cann,ot' ,slee'p and :remam iran.quU :il he' sees a man .- ho
veil ' if-'Ul'il as a sla
:1~ ;8, as L~ I
-
.ue' or as -loquen',
iI
~n; a SlngJllg , ,'teralLy~ 1-1 " . ,. r' 0 f t he' 0' .' [ " 0' /J' 1
'
,.... Us -,s,U] hi "d .or 'w ho 'has gt! '-, .- a ners,., " ., eg such a" as ind.u,cin,g I us
inso' mal' Oy~ --, umi .,g miT -hI' destroy ng : '. UTe" ,a:nd. caus,jm.,g' OO(f\,c e'm ., "I'tt.,.!
ruler abusesl and. b~am,esl cI'e abve :nature for' :heaving brought b')rth. other' peop.l,.
'w:h o are WI . "hy 'Of 'C-o' ' and, and no-' him ala ,'. to be fi~s," , u:pper.lnos,' :_,and
bees't ,a'm ong me, . Iii ' 'any, . ..' 'l aunch '-' .. : agai,.' .t pero ... ', .,ce' ,a n '. - 8r them,-
'i' I'
against " Godhead . _.' strang 'i ng ,al1 W ' .' 0 ,a good and, slaugh b.'!T, n,g
th,e m 8Ji ,a sacriflce., Bly so d.oin , th,~y' hOlpe' toO secu . ' l,w t, ." 'to ~. "vi,ce "'" th,et'
isolation,, ,'w ma'-], s,t at nro' r ' p, rh:r' a . if it W 'JI ' an 'ne", ,s tr, I. '_ JIDtm'en,t~ 't o e=<, 101'
I, 'Ir~ .
' tee people ,a s, :siaves" and. 't o treat ,t hose 'w 'bo are war "hy of command, as if ,t h,ey
w'e re hired, Set -s., 'D ue '_,0 ~ :PO'w 'eF' ' hey :lOte' pc ~cep j ~ n. an,d are, d _pr:i ved of'
'1- -
reason", and. in the[r wrong; thinking .' h ,ey" ror,get "he' pas't
. .ikOl . ,. 1.43,.. 3-64,.
Ll~ ,1
I
6;, U ,p v'es ......."uo d '!:!Ii
.~' PI. ""y v ' r
,,, ~ 'li"YiiIUl ,An,
~,.,:]:S']. ' O
- J "
'.~.:
.I.U ' t ,n;f
~""':' ,o ,'~,~, ,o
.: d
, r . , iii
.: f' ;''n
. ~' 's " y
~'.g ,. . . u~ ,~gL~
:~ "_, ;jo '_'
I.
V A" " . . 111 ,_' Y
"t'h,e' nltimB't e ca'u se of ,a1 these'," ac~l s, and llo" , ~ '~, ,ost all your subj; > :' ga,t h,e f
: and. come tc you". Gi .'",e ea'r I s,b e ~,her.d o.f' Chil lS , "" [sr.,a ', ~ I~ r"
le'a d t 's, amp'l e peopl , nk ' ,a, flock [ .,: alms, 79 =2].. ,P re iv . 'this, m:ultitud , ', hose
,a rray :i s 10 :r e'm arkable! whose, obedi.en.ce so v,o~,un.ta:ry! 'w 'h ose , ty is s , ',' , ,
:human and w'hose .' .', ' is, in'nate,. They ,am rus'h,e d her,e' ,.'p: .:tt' "aneous,l,., 'to tht,
:h oly Zion, "to this, fa , hful :m 'e ' r-opoUs 1 to your n.ew' J :fUsal :D1 t whose' ere .lurs
,an.d,buid,e rs 'were ,Go ' an.d Y'Olll. There,f,rom :shall go forth 'l he' ri, hteousness and
the, law' (Isaiah .: ,::3]" : ,',' that you. have 'b "autifuUy taught ,a nd indoctr:na:t ed an~ ,
't hat' eV,eD, e'arHer was, se' ,,.. h in ilLCti'O'I lS,. E'v ervone w':ho hca s d,we~l the'l'e mISses . ~ ,~'
the' ,c ity,., Godl is in bet midst [P;sa'bns ,45::6] '. She' is nut tempes,',..,tosse _'. He l
founded h,e r [psalms ,23,:: 2, like tb . eat' h upon ' fto ,d s a :"' ade' 00' 'b ,- l
'h older,s" a miraci,e ,ror' lis,' 'enexs, ,~, city that is raised, ,above the ,gooun,d;, almost' in
mid-,air, and bar'ely held, dow~n. by the sea and, even. less by th ~ ' la:nd,.
Today s'~', .' . ,yo" :S b,j "s ,and! ma', :s,,e1 '',11 ly m, , " ' ~es:',' 'hi" " " .
(l,f your :m igh,t: as it r, ally is. Sh, finds un]imit,e d spa ' '.' f , ' h()iU . ' nd:s, and thou-
sands.., for ,c row s uncounted and unmarIked.,j wh,o have $ .' 'rea.m ed a :i f ' ,'. " . .' .. ,' ,.
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Ex. 37:
VLACHS 0 BYZA TINE TERRITORY: STORY FROM THE
REIG OF EMPEROR ALEXIOS I (1081-1118) AND PATRIARCH
NICHOLAS (1084 - 1111)
The devil entered the heart of the Vlach . They had with them their women,
who wore male attire as if th were faithful; they tended and served the
mona leries (on Mount Athos). They brought (koubalousi, modem Greek] to the
monks cheese, milk, and wool (mallia, modem Greek) and prepared dough at
the orders of the mona terie . To put it simply, they we.r e serfs [douloparoikoi) and
for the monks a beloved people. But it is hameful to tell and to listen to what
they have done .... (The devil) provoked holy old men. after the patriarch is-
. ued the order [to expel the Vlachs from Mount Athos), inducing them [to say]
that we hould die there and should be culpable for our lives .... Then one
could see a terrible thing that wa worthy of great lamentations: the hermit
(hesychasles) came weeping to those whom he instructed in the eremitic life, and
he told them word that the had taught him to say. And similarly the
hegollmenos [abbot) addressed his flock (saying] that from this time on we should
have neither life nor relaxation after the Vlachs and their herds were expelled,
and that the patriarch ha chained the whole mountain~ even the woods and the
water... . And so a whole throng of monks left with the Vlachs right to the
leader of the world [Satan). Souow filled OUf heart, since (it was apparent that) it
wa . not only the demon who enjoyed that [occa ion) but al 0 the monks. There
were three hundred Vlach !amelia [households) that the emperor [in his letter) to
the patriarch called kIltunai; he frequently thought over the ity of
ing on them the tithe (deknteia), but the administrator of the districts did not
support this, for they disliked overburdening the monasteries. . . . 0 miracu-
lous tory! They said that one heJinit of the region, a famous one fearful for de-
mon , left together with a certain Vlach, and that a very piou hegoumenos left
with a man who followed him, and as well other monasteries left as a whole
community with their beloved Vlach . It was to see the God-founded,
God-protected mona teries guarded only by Lame [kautzos, modem Greek] and
blind old brethren.
Ph . Meyer, Die Haupt urku ndt'n fu r die Geschichte der Athoskl6sler (Leipzig, 1894),163-65.
Ex. 38:
POLOVTSY AND VLACHS ON BYZANTI E TERRITORY:
ORDINANCE OF ANDRONIKOS I (1184)
The monks of the honorable Monastery of St. Athanasios on Mount Athos in-
formed. my imperial maje ty that the Curnans (Polovtsy] came up to the moun-
tainou pa tures [plonena) called .Pollzouchia that belonged to the monastery,
e tabli hing there folds for their animals and letting them graze . and
now they are refusing to pay the customary tithe [dckateiaJ for their animals. If
it is really so, my imperial majesty enjoin that tax collectors [praktore ] from
Moglena, on the basis of this ordinance [prostaris] of my imperial majesty en-
force them (the Curnans) to pay to the of St. Athanasios all the tithe,
as well as other proper it m I kephalaion). They should not dare, after the issue of
thi ordinance of my imperial , to commit omething of the same sort;
and they are not allowed to treat the Vlach and Bulgarians, who are not theirs,
Ex. 39:
TURKS IN THE BYZA TI EMPIRE
The autocrator, even f.rom afar, perceived a trange roar, and whereas aU others
wre puzzled and could not understand whence this strange nocturnal noise
cam , h alone recognized the roaring river and the P rsian armies
the tream. 0 efficient mind knowing with the of divination!
o military experience that even at night is not to be surpassed! 0 vigilant eye of
reason able to distinguish from afar what is hidden by darkness! For you, barbar-
ian , Hell is the only proper abode. Even though you are not ru hing thereto,
th emperor will send you there against your will. Your gold that you had col-
lected as tribute while ao ing the plains of Dorylaion has perish d, the numeT-
ou that your country had nourished have perished, your he.r d of
and cows and have perished and you have suffered misfortune, even your
m st important limbs are severed. Now you are more miserable than yourselves.
In great numbers, by tribes and by clans, you aU came of your own accord to the
Rhomaioi and exchanged th p of liberty for happy erfdom. And now
"the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall tie down with the kid"
(Isaiah, 11: 6).
Euthymios Malakes, Speech to Manuel I Comnenus, ed. K. Mpones, " Euthymiou tou
Malake metropolitou Neon Patron (Hypates) Dyo enkomia tikoi logoi, nyn to proton
ekdidomenoi eis ton autokratora Manouel I Komnenon (1143/80)," Theologia 19 (1941 -
541.15- 33.
Ex. 4():
AN XEMPTION FROM BILLETT! G FOREIGN TROOPS (1088)
Th whole of the above-mentjoned island [Patmos), a well as the monaste.ry
with all its properties, is granted exkousseia [exemption) from the billetting [mi-
tata) of all commanders, both Roman [Rlron/aioi) and foreign a that is the Rus,
Varangians, Koulpingoi [an enigmatic people identified with the Kolbiagi of the
Ru knja pravda), Inglinoi, Frangoi ( ormansJ, Nemitsoj [GelLilansJ, Bulgarians,
Saracen , Alans, Abasgoi, the Immortals, and all other Roman and foreigners.
A J' chrysobuJl for the Mona tery of 51. Christodoulos on the of Patmos.
MM 6:47.3-7.
Ex. 41 :
WESTER MARRIAGE ALLIANCES
In the year 1180 [this date is un ertain) in the eleventh indiction, Emperor Eman-
uel sent hi envoys, that is Comunianus (Chumnos?), Count Alexio Raynierj
Strambo and Baldwin Guercio, with his [the emperor's] niece, in order to marry
Copyr rt
258
Appendix
her to the brother of the king of Aragon. He, however, turned her down because
of his fear of the emperor of AJemania. Eventually they gave her to William, the
Good Man [lwmo bello) of the mountain Pezolano [Montpellier). The imperial en-
voys concluded and made a pact and agreement with the king of France [Louis
VII) that he would give his daughter to the son of Emanuel, the emperor of Con-
. They accomplished and finished the thing, and brought her on sev-
enteen galleys and two bussi, of which four galleys were rigged by WiUiam of
at his cost, and this WiUiam came to Pisa with those four galleys
and Chuminianus with one boat, and they entered Pisa on the fifth day of May
and were received with great honor by the oldiers and with great acclama-
tion and triumph by the whole population.
Bernardo Maragone, Annales Pisoni, ed. L. A. Muratori, RIlccolta degli storiei italiani,
vol. 6, part 2 (Bologna, 1930), 68f.
Ex. 42:
RUSSIANS IN BYZANTIUM: THE RUSSIAN CHRONICLE (lPATSKY
REDACTION)
The year 6670 (11621 .... In the same year, the sons of Yurij came to the imperial
city, Mstislav and Vasilko, with their mother, and they took with them the young
Vsevolod, the third brother. And the king (Emperor Manuel I] gave four towns
on the Danube to Vasilko and the district (volost'] Otskalan to Mstislav .
Ex. 43:
RUSSIANS IN BYZANTIUM (FROM KINNAMOS)
At the same time, Vladislav, one of the principal persons in Russia, came as a
refugee to the Romans with his children and his wife and aU hi forces, and a
property along the Danube wa granted to him . Previously the emperor had
given it to the refugee Vasilika, the son of George, who had the principal place
among the chieftains in Ru sia.
Deeds'" John and Manuel COlllnnlUS, transl. C. M. Brand (New York, 1976), 178.
Ex. 44:
RUSSIANS IN BYZANTIUM: LEGEND OF A LEAD SEAL (ELEVENTH
OR TWELFTH CENTURY)
The seal of John Ro protovestes
ed . V. Laurent, LA collection C. Orghidall (paris, 1952), no. 69.
Ex. 45:
RUSSIANS IN BYZANTIUM: AN ANONYMOUS EPIGRAM
On the enkolpioll that has an honorable stone from Christ's tomb:
A particle of the tone that covered the Tomb, as the foundation stone and the
basis lof the enkolpion) is carried by Theodore Ros of regal kin .
S. lampros, " Ho Markianos Kodix 524," Nros Hellenomnemon 8 (1911), 153, no. 254.
Ex. 46:
RUSSIANS IN BYZANTIUM : JOHN TZETZES' LETTER TO THE
METROPOLITAN OF DRISTRA
I have received the reverend letter sent me by your Holiness, together with
your bounty, your most divine Grace, both the young slave who has now been
renamed from Vsevolod to Theodore, and that "bull-carved" or, if you like,
"Ru sian-carved," little box for containing ink, on which has been carved in re-
lief out of fishbone a quite unspeakable beauty surpassing the fabled handiwork
of Daedalus.
J. Shepard. transl.. "Tzetzes' Letters 10 Leo at Dristra," By: . Forsch . 6 (1979). 196.
Ex. 47:
TZETZES' LINGUISTIC KNOWLEDGE
One finds me Scythian among Scythians. Latin among Latins,
And among any other tribe a member of that folk.
When I embrace a Scythian I accost him in such a way:
"Good day, my lady, good day, my lord:
Salamalek alti, salamalek altugep [aJfi bag]," "
And also to Persians I peak in Persian:
"Good day, my brother, how are you? Where are you from , my friend?
Asan khais kuruparza khaneazar kharandasi (garu barsa? Xanta(n) ii(r)sar?
garindas]?"
To a Latin I speak in the Latin language:
"Welcome, my lord, welcome, my brother:
Bene venesti, domine, bene venesti, frater.
Wherefrom are you, from which theme do you come?
Unde e et de quale provincia venesti?
How have you come, brother, to this city?
Q[u]omodo, frater, venesti in istan civitatem?
On foot, on horse, by sea? Do you wish to stay?
Pezos, caballarius, per mare? Vis morare?"
To Alans I say in their tongue:
"Good day, my lord, my archontissa, where are you from?
Tapankhas mesfili khsina korthi kanda, and so on."
If an Alan lady has a priest as a boyfriend, she will hear such words:
"00 not be ashamed, my lady; let the priest marry you (to moullin sou].
To {arnetz kintzi mesfili kaitz tua saunge."
Arabs, since they are Arabs, J address in Arabic:
"Where do you dwell, where are you from, my lady? My lord, good day
to you.
Alentamor menende siti mule sepakha [ila ayna tamurru? min ayna anta? sitti!
mawlay! Sabah]." <
,And 1 welcome the Ros according to their habits:
"Be healthy, brother, sister. good day to you.
Sdraste, brate, sestritza," and I say, "dobra deni."
(fo Jews 1 say in a proper manner in Hebrew:
"You blind house devoted to magic, you mouth, a chasm engulfing flies, "
memakomene beth fagi beelzebul tirnaie,
You stony Jew. the Lord has come. lightning be upon your head .
Eber ergam, maran atha, bezek unto your khothar."
So I talk with all of them in a proper and befitting way;
I know the skill of the best management.
ed. H . Hunger. " Zum Epilog der Theogonie des Johannes Tzetzes," in his ByZDn-
tinisclre Grundlagenfor5Chung (London, 1973). par118, 304.
Ex. 48:
PATRIARCH MICHAEL KEROULLARIOS ON THE ERRORS OF THE
LATINS
You should know that the Romans are pierced not by a single arrow, that is.
by [the error of] unleavened bread that is known by everybody but also by
many and various [arrows.I. which are necessary to tum aside. This is what the
Judaized are doing: the charge impending upon them concerns not only un-
leavened bread, but also that they eat ffocated animals, shave themselves, cele-
brate Saturdays, eat abominable meats, that [Latin) monks eat meat [including)
pigs' fat and the whole skin that is close to the meat. and that they do not observe
the first week of Lent or the week of Ab tinence [the second week before Lent)
or the week of Cheese [the week preceding the strict Lenten fast]. They wilJ eat
meat on ThuISday and cheese and eggs on Friday. but will fast the whole day on
Saturday. Besides that, there are the following faults : the wrong and harmful ad-
dHion to the Holy Symbol of the following "The Holy Spirit, theli[e-giving
Lord. proceeds from both the Father and the Son," and during the holy liturgy
they proclaim . "One holy, Lord Jesus Christ in the glory of God the Father
by the Spirit." Further. they prohibit the marriages of prie ts, i.e., they do not
grant priesthood to those who have spouses, but demand that prie ts remain
celibate; two [brothers) might marry two sisters; at the moment of communion in
the liturgy the one who administered the liturgy eat the unleavened [particles)
and embrace the others; their bishops wear rings on their hands as if they have
taken churches as their wives and have to wear the pledge; [bishops] go to
war and stain their hands in blood and kill or be killed; and we are told that
while pertOi Oliog baptism they baptize by immersion only while proclaiming
the name of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit, and in addition ftll up the
mouth of the baptized with salt.
Epistle to Pct 'r, patriarch of Antioch in 1054, Acta et scripta quae de COlltTlTuersiis ecclesiae
Gral!Clle et wtinae saewio IIndecimo composita extallt, ed. C. Will (Leipzig. Marburg.
1861 ), 180- 82.
Ex . 49:
BOHEMOND'S CUN ING
Bohemond shuddered at the emperor's threilts. Without means of defense (for
he had neither an army on land nor a fleet at sea, and danger hung over him on
both sides) he invented a plan, not very dignified, but amazingly crafty. First he
left the city of Antioch in the hands of his nephew Tancred, the son of the Mar-
quis Odo; then he spread rumors everywhere about himself: "Bohemond," it
was said, "is dead." While still alive he convinced the world that he had passed
away. Faster than the beating of a bird's wings the story was propagated in aU
quarters: "Bohemond," it proclaimed, "is a corpse." When he perceived that the
had gone far enough, a wooden coffin was made and a bireme prepared.
The coffm was placed on board and he, a still breathing "corpse," saiJed away
from Soudi, the port of Antioch, for Rome. He was being transported by sea as a
corpse. To outward appearance (the coffin and the behaviour of his companions)
he was a corpse. At each stop the barbarians tore out their hair and paraded their
mourning. But inside Bohemond, stretched out at fuU length, was a corpse only
thus far; in other respects he was alive, breathing air in and out through hidden
holes. That is how it was at the coastal places, but when the boat was out at sea,
they shared their food with him and gave him attention; then once more there
were the same dirges, the same tomfoolery. However, in order that the corpse
might appear to be in a state of rare putrefaction, they strangled or cut the throat
of a cock and put that in the coffin with him. By the fourth or fifth day at the
mo t, the horrible stench was obvious to anyone who could smell. Those who
had been deceived by the outward show thought the offensive odour emanated
from Bohemond's body, but Bohemond himself derived more pleasure than any-
one from his imaginary misfortune. For my part I wonder how on earth he en-
dured such a siege on hi . nose and still continued to live while being carried
along with his dead companion. But that has taught me how hard it is to check
all barbarians once they have set their hearts on something: there i nothing,
however objectionable, which they will not bear when they have made up their
minds once and for all to undergo self-inflicted suffering.
Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, transl. Sewter, 360- 67.
Ex. 50:
THE CAPTURE OF THESSALO (KJ BY THE NORMANS
What should I say about those who threw themselve down from the roofs of
houses in search of death when the great evil was already urrounding them?
They were unabl to fly up into the ether (how they djd desire that!) but suffered
from their weightiness and crashed to their deaths having fallen from a [great]
height. And what of tho e men and women who leaped into wells as into the
water of some Kokytos [River of Wailing) or Acheron the men being afraid of a
worse calamity and the women for the sake of their chastity [sell/notes; literally,
"dignity"}? There was nothing strange in this falling and failure [a pun in Greek:
emptosis te kai kntaptosis), since these people not only sought rocks to rend and
cover them, hills to roll down and hide them [Luke 23:30 and Revel. 6: 16), and
the itself to faU upon them, but also they imagined somehow that Chaos
and Tartarus would give them abode and refuge. Truly the notoriou Barathron
and other precipices are a trifle for those who long for their own ruin. O! the
stones that the barbarians were hurling against them did not permit them to lift
their head, but they covered and buried the wretched.
But woe to them that were with child at that time [Mk. 13: 17). Their beloved
burden given them by nature itself hampered their flight, and they succumbed
to the nether world from feeblenes (an allusion to Odyssey 5.468) even before
they were slaughtered by the sword. No sorrowful was the destiny of the
mothers with whom their tender children were fleeing. In the beginning they
stayed together, bu.t as evil urged haste, the mothers unfortunately were win-
ning the race. Then they wouJd tum back, but could not find their beJoved
rivals, who had been murdered at the order of a certain Herodes, or they per-
ished too, being captu.red by th enemy, who hated tho e women who returned
not to satisfy his lust, but to bewail the la t course of their children. And fathers
fled away too, leaving their n wboms as orphans. Babie wept as if entreating
help, but their fathers ran on without turning their heads; in vain was nature
calling . ... Even if a parent managed to save his own life, the children perished,
being trampled and hed down, thus adding to the number of corpses of the
adults. In the same way the hairy ram would run away at the sight of wolves,
leaving behind his and th wolf no mercy upon them.
Eusl . E p. 118.3 - 33.
Ex. 51:
DESCRIPTIO OF THE INSURRECTION OF JOHN COMNENUS THE
FAT: PREFATORY REMARKSBYCHRYSOBERGES
This worthy oration, [written) according to Hellenic tradHions, that I am bring-
ing to be delivered to you, 0 my king all this rhetorical skilJ will be my cus-
tomary present to you. But which custom am I hinting at, 0 mo t gentle of em-
perors? When a certain person seized a .f ortre sin HeUas and tried, self-elected
and self-proclaimed, to hi tyranny, and eventually was expelled th re-
from, and a noble hero beheaded him with his brazen da.gger, the whole city
brought a reward to the hero for hi victory over the tyrant. Welt if an ordinary
warrior and private citizen got a reward, a.c cording to custom, after he had ac-
complished hi deed, what hould I say about the remuneration. befitting the
thrice-noble hero, the emperor? Take this verbal present, 0 my king, since you
are the tyrant killer and the noble hero who put down this attempt at capricious
usurpation . Even if it were your well-born cuirassiers and your steadfast spear-
men who toppled to the earth arbitrary action, you are to be prais d for your
pe.rfect administration and diligent deliberation, which you set against this con-
fused band of soldiers.
Nikephoros Chrysobe,rges. Ad Angrlos orlltiones Ires, ed . M. Treu (Breslau, 1892),
19- 26.
Ex. 52:
DESCRIPTIO OF THE lNSURRECTlON OF JOHN COMNENUS THE
FAT: PREFATORY REMARKS BY MESA RITES
The majority of who have a profound and inventive mind, 0 my listeners,
when they compose a story, combine truth and fiction according to their intelli-
gence, since they wish to be persuasive and at the same time to embellish their
narrative with elaboration and refinement; the unfitting and trustless source
presents these more frequently than a reliable record of a man
fond of truth. One who learned of events from hearsay and then ventured to
relate them is hardly capable of presenting them to his audience without distor-
tion in the same way that both the peculiarity (of the fOllnl and the blooming
gamut of colors characterizing the prototype will escape a painter who, while
producing an image on an icon, refuses to trace precisely the prototype and cop-
ies the hadows only, not the archetypal image.
I will tell you why and for what purpose I issue my story. Many of you, both
those who are acquainted with me and those who are not, know that ( am the
skeuophylax (guardianl of the holy vessels treasured in the most beautiful Shrine
at the Pharos of the Virgin named Oikokyra, the head of the household. I.t is built
within the Great Palace of the imperial majesty. Therefore the people asked me
often and constantly, when they met me in churches, in the streets and squares,
in avenues and alleys, to reveal to them everything from the very beginning of
the event that is, how John piratically assaulted the palace and entered there,
what he did until late in the evening and how, at last, this madman was Jaugh-
tered by having his head cut off. I grew weary of these innumerable que tions;
my throat was sore because I had shouted throughout the day it was July 31-
and I could barely wheeze and was deprived of my speaking ability. On that day
I had had to walk incessantly about the divine shrine even to repel those who
had tried to enter the holy place Jjke rabid, saw-toothed dogs looking for food.
Since my voice wa feeble and my throat ached, I decided to commit to paper
[charte] and ink all my observations in order to make them manife t to all inquir-
ers and listeners.
Nicholas Mesarites, Die Pa/astrt'OO/ution des loharml's KOlllnenos, ed . A. Heisenberg
(Wiinburg, 19(7), 19f.
Ex. 53:
A LYRIC POEM BY PRODROMOS
o my passions and desires, I nurtured you when you were small,
and in my heart you grew large.
I looked forward to your maturity and expected your gratitude;
but you only torment me; nothing can be more cruel.
E. Legrand, "Poesies inedites de Throdore PTodrome," RI?I'ue des etudes groo/ues 4
(1891),72. Translation by S. Pranklin.
Ex. 54:
DESCRIPTION OF THE RAISING OF LAZARUS IN THE HOLY
APOSTLES IN CONSTANTINOPLE
... and again, Lazarus, who had been laid in his grave and had rotted four days
long. decaying, his body whoUy changed, fully infested with wounds and worms,
bound hand and foot in gravecJothes and laid out, commanded by the life-bringing
word of Christ, leaping from the tomb like a gazeUe and thu returning once
more to mortal life, having escaped corruption.
Constantine of Rhodes, Desc,.iption of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantillopk
ed. E. Legrand, "Description des oeuvres d'art et de J'eglise des saints ap6tTes de
Constantinople," Rroue des ~tudes grl'Cques 9 (1896), 61 .834-43.
Ex. 55:
DESCRIPTIO OF THE RAISING OF LAZARUS IN THE HOLY
APOSTLES IN CONSTANTINOPLE
Look at Martha and Mary, the . of the buried man, how on bent knees they
are bowed over the feet of Jesus, washing them with the tears of their grief for
their brother, and how they move their Teacher to weep with them for the be-
loved Lazarus, and bring Him who is the ource of all succor to common emo-
lion with them . The more vehement of the ister hold her head high, and by
the of her face alone, one might say, seeks to beseech the Lord, pre-
senting her request to the Savior chiefly by mean of her eyes and by the expres-
. of uffering and grief on her whole face. But the Savior is depicted with a
somewhat melancholy expression on face, and His whole posture has as-
sumed a very kingiy and commanding . The right hand rebukes both what
i ' seen, namely the tomb which holds the body of Lazarus, and what is per-
ceived by the mind, nameJy Hades, which four day . before had made haste to
swallow hi soul. His mouth, however, which little, to use the words of
Isaiah, so that hi voice was not heard in the streets, but which on the contrary
had power for great things, according to another writer for it. is written, "He
s pake, and it was done" called forth with a most divine voice to him who was
no longer able to hear, only these words, "'Lazarus, come forth ." And Hades,
trembling, as quickly as it could loosed the oul, which it had so eagerly swal-
lowed, and Lazarus' soul once more enters its body. and the corpse rises from
the tomb as from a bed and comes to Him who called him, bound in grave
clothes like some slave who against his master' wish has run off into the coun-
try, and with his whole body shackled with handcuffs and chains on the feet is
brought back and re tared to his owner. His entire body is bloated,
wholly unapproachable because of the decay which has set in upon the wasted
and putrefying body. The stone at the tomb, which covered Lazarus, has just
been rolled away,, and the tomb, from which he has now risen, is dark. The dis-
ciple cannot upport the stench which is given forth by the tomb and by laz-
arus; and hold their noses. They wish in curiosity to gaze upon him who is
risen. but they roll their eyes backward becaus of the heavy stench which com s
from him; they wish to praise with their lip and their tongues Him who
him up, but they must cover their mouths with their mantles; they desire to be
far from the place, but the strangeness of the miracle holds them and will not let
them go. The Apo ties are filled with amazement and full of astonishment. per-
ceiving how with a word alone He had just now raised from the tomb a man who
has a lready decayed . What manner of man can He be, they think to themselves.
who has wrought such wonder ; i'Really this is in truth." they say. " He who
once breathed the soul into Adam, and gave breath to the father of all, even
though as a man, He wipes away the tears of his eyelids. How indeed should
death and Hade obey Him, in the words of the prophet, all things did
not serve and obey Him?"
Nic. Mesar. 26.2- 8.
Ex. 56:
THE SIXTH-CENTURY POET ROMANOS ON THE RAISING OF
LAZARUS
Prooimion: Thou hast come, 0 Lord, to the tomb of Lazarus
And Thou hast raised him up after four days among the de.a d,
After Thou has conquered Hade , 0 Powerful One.
Taking pity on the tears of Mary and Martha (John 9:21-25),
Thou hast said to them:
"He will be r urrected and he will rise up
Saying. 'Thou art the Life and .'"
Strophe 1: In considering the tomb and those in the tomb, we weep,
But we should not; for we do not know whence they have
come,
And where they are now, and who has them.
They have come from temporal life, released from its orrows;
They are at peace, waiting for the receiving of divine light.
The Lover of man has them in His charge, and He has
divested them of their temporal clothing
In order that He may clothe them with an eternal body.
Why, then, do we weep in vain? Why do we not trust Christ, a
He cries:
"He who believes in me shall not perish (John 9: 25),
Por even if he knows corruption, after that corruption,
He will be resurrected and he will rise up
Saying, 'Thou art the Life and the Resurrection"'?
Konlakin of Romanos, Byumtine Mt'lodis/, transl. M. Carpenter (Columbia, Missouri,
1970). 1.140.
Ex . 57:
MAUROPOUS EPIGRAM: ON LAZARUS
Such is the essence of the Writ: listen and behold.
There was a righteous man, Lazarus, a friend of Christ.
He died, and the earth and the tomb cove.red him.
His relatives wept as they were burying him;
They did not conceive how mighty is He who loved him.
So He came there. They cried
intensely, wailed and prostrated themselve ,
And they said that He had arrived too late.
Then He said: "You shall see my power."
So aid the demiurge, "Where is the tomb of my friend?"
"But look, he stinks, for it is the fourth dayl"
They answered, and looked at the Lord
As if He who produces life were a hypocrite.
When going there He groaned and wept,
And asked for grace from Heaven.
"You, the Almighty, who look from above, it is po sible for you:
Nearby is the witness. Would you command [it),
An,d the' , ' .' -' man walks'l bound.'with gEarvec]ot.h e,s
And, :IS :fre '-., takes -to' :-" ,', off' a d roo,s.
The happy' [man w, rn., I suppo6e~ prepare a dinner
-
To entertain ms ,-_, --lov -, d benefac '-Qr"
-
Digenis Akritas as epitome of. 116 - 19; of senatorial ranks. 69; on tax privi-
effects of foreign influence on, 181: legt's. 62; on urban politics. 51: on
and family, 99- 102; family names of. women. 100
63; foreigners as members of, 67. 68, Augustjne. Saint. 3
178- 80; ideal of the. 104 - 10; and im- Augustus. Emperor, 12
age of ideal ruler, 110-16; influence Auxentios, Saint, 223
on Byzantine culture, 99 - 119; mili- Avars. invasion by, ill
tary, 63- 65. 69- 7Q. 104 - 10; nature of, Avlon (Iown in SZ
62- 68: and plea of imprisoned noble- Axouch . Alexios, l80
woman, 243; role of eunuchs in, QL
role of lineage in, 102- 4; values of, Z Bailleul. Roussel de. 68, 70. 174,. l12
Aristophanes. 136 Baldwin m of Jerusalem (1143-63), ~
Aristotle, 15. 132; Byzanbne uses of. 136. 153. 178. ~
154, 159- 60, l1U Balkans, 162, 170; urban life in. 31 - 32,
Anrr'n"enia. 10. 25. 63. 170. 181; attempts to 34 35, 38-39
integrate. 172; and Byzantine view of Balsamon, Theodore, 87, 148; on car-
Allnenians, 169; and Annenians in nivals, 83; on fortunetelling. 239- 40
Byzantine military, 172; nobles from, Banking. Byzantine trade and, 175
in Byzantine aristocracy, 1BO Barbara, Saint, relics of, 96
Anll'Ylileniakon (theme), 2. 64, 68, 174 Barbarians. Byzantine attitudes toward.
Armenian h resy, 163 167 70, See also Alien cultures. Byz-
Arpad, Stephen, 178 antine society and; j"dit,ldua} peopl~
Arsadds (an Armenian dynasty), 111.112 by 'name
Arsenios (monk), 91 Barberini Psalter. 100. 115
Arta erxe . 111 Barter economy. 2.. 8-9, 42
Asia Minor: archaeology in. 1. 25n ; book Basil (heretic), l.62
production in. 41 - 42: as buffer, 10; Basi l (patron of art in Cappadocia), 221
conquest and loss of, 25, 72; heretics Basil I (" the Macedonian"). Emperor
in. 162; urban life in. 36- 39. See also (867-886), 17. 103; biography of.
individual tOUII/5 by nam!' 136- 37; hunting accident of, 244; and
Asinou (town in Cyprus), 116, 144 - 45. image of ideal ruler. 110. 111 , 164, 206;
221 legendary desnt of. 111-12; and
As trology, 149- SO. 182 usury, 22
Athanasios of Athos, Saint. 87, 155 Basil 11. Emperor (976 - 1025), 25.n. 67. 90.
Athens. 57, 197. 198; Acropolis, 34; agri- 169, 171, 177; annexation of Bulgarian
cultural production of. 47. 48; Byz.an- Empire by, 170; Menologion of, 185;
tine archaeological e-vidence in. 34; Psellos's portrait of. 212. 213; taxation
ceramics production of. 40; fair in. policy of. 17; Zonaras' view of. 108
236; Panagia Lykodemou, 39; St. John Basilakes, Nilcephoros, 128. 129, 160. 228
Mangoutis (church). :Y. basi1eus (image of. as emperor of world),
Athos. Mount. 14, 26. 90. 172, 175, 167-68
256; agricultural technology at, SO; Basililul (lmpt'rial Books; Leo VI). 16. 145~
cenobiiic life at. 7 46, 168
Attaleia (town in Asia Minor). 37, 31$. ba 'ilikil lon (imperial land lease), 65
49. 99 basilikon (imperial land), 16- 17
Attaleiales. Michael: o n agricultural pro- Basil or Ohrid. l89.
duction. 48: . d escribed by. Basil the Great. Saint, 12; liturgy of. 123
214; on concept of freedom . 59; Con- Basil the Monk, 62
stantine IX's menageri described by. Basil the Younger, 19 - 20
154; on image of ideal ruler, 112 - 13. Baths. public. and bathing habits .1
114; legal work by, 146; on linguis tic 79-80
ca pabilities of Byzantines. 183; on Beck. a c .. 117. 138- 39
n obility. 105; on fcience, 155; on size Beirut, 152, 153
Benjamin of Tudela. zs. 174, 237-38. 245 from. 10; I.i v tock in, 22; rebel-
Ber wvo (Ru ian town on Ob River). lion 0(, in 1180s. 24. 31.. 32; and
11 ; Berewvo 11 saloniki fair. Bulgarian participation
Bernard of Oairvaux. Saint. 194. 125 in. 236; trade with. 125
Bertha o( Sulzba h . Em (Eirene. Bureaucracy. See Government. imperial
wife of Manu II). 102. 17 . 1M Burgundion o( Pisa. 181 -82, 192
Best Theodore. 148
BibliothtkL (Photio ). 133 Cadmeia (Thebes). 35
Bithynia (province in Minor). 55 Caesarea (town in Cappadocia). 19, 2Q
Blach mit family. 65 Caffaro. annals of, 176
Blacks. Byzantine depiction of. 1 Calabria (Italy), Norman capture f.
Black Sea. 41, 236 170. lZ1
Boeotia (Greece). landholding in. 57- 58 Campania. resident of. at The loniki
Bogomil here y. 162-63. 192 fair. 236
Boh mond of Taranto. prince o( Antioch Canon law. 148
(1098- 1104. d . 1111). 174. 1 d ath Capidava (town on Danube). archaeolOgi-
ru of. 215. 260-61 cal find at. 33 n
Boila Eu tathio 3Q Cappadocia (theme in Asia Minor), ~
Book of Crmnonies VU). ill 0 and Cappadocian in Byzantine mili-
Book 0/ Kings. ill tary. 173, 236. 246; cult of military
Book of Ihe Epardl (Leo VI). 22 c;aint in. 116; religiou art in. 1Bl.
Book of tire Philosopher Synlipas. 1 2 216,221. 225
Book production. 41 - 42. ~ Cappella Palatina (Palermo). UU
Botana (village near Synnada in Core of Pregnant WOlllell and Ill/ani The
Phrygia). ari tocracy from . 63 (Damna tes). 156
Nikephoro . See Nike- CarnivaJ. in Byzantine popular culture.
phoro III Botaneiates 82-8.1
Botaneiates family. 63 Carpignano (Italy). S. Marina e Chris-
Bouleuterion (city council). 50 tina. 224
Boura L.. 3nn Cathar 192
Bot H v. L A . 33n - 34n Celibacy: in Ea t and We t. compared.
Bread: con umption of. ,2; unleaven d . 193; as ideal, !, 246- 47
and Ea t-We t pra ti Celtic people. 51. 168. 2.23. 236
l.89 Cerami producti n of. 40- 4]
Bronze ca ting. 4l Cerberu Byzantine image of. 142
Browning. R . 134 Chalcedon (town on the Bo phorus). 2;
Brusa (town in Bith nia). 54. 55 Council of. 11lB
Bry nnio . ikephor . 103; char ct r Chalced nian Creed. 179, l8Q
depiction by. 214; m moies of. 106- 7. ChaJdea, ]25. 110
202, 203; on nobility. 106- 7. 11lB Chaliboure B2
Bryennio Nikephoro (usurper; an- ChaJkoprateia (Con tantinople), educa-
tor o f abo e). 106 tional in titution in. 12l. 12
Budapes t. 118 Chalouph , Nikephoro . lfl2
Building era 39-40 Chalouphe famil l8Q
Bulgaria. 3Il. 32. 39, 63.; agricultural pro- Change. vs. continuity: problem of. in
ducti n in. 28; annexation 0(. und r Byzantine ociety. xix. 231-33
Ba iJ II . 170; Byza ntine attempt to in- C hariot racing. B20
tegrat In; B zantine marriage to Cllnri tilrin (ronce ionary rights). 65
czar o f. 177; and Byzantine military Charon. Alexio 64, 106
participation b Bulgaes. 173, 257; Charon family. M
Byzantine term (or. 162; Cathar church Char ian on (theme). 1Z1
in. 192; evaluation of By7 antine rule Chasane Anna . and family (dependent
in, 32 n; e cavations in, 31-33; inv - peasant ), 235
Index 271
Comn nu family (cont inued) 191 - 92; Clafts produced in. 40- 46;
103, 106, 116, 118; doctrinal 'upport dress in. 75; in EastWest church rela-
for, 148; and education, 127 and tion 187, 189, 191 -92, 194; eco-
image of ideal ruler, J 10; nomic activities in, 22, 40-46, 48, 236;
politic of. 178, 179: NOnT'lIIan aUiance educational in titutions and 'i ntellec-
with, 180; Prodromos and. 107; sei- tual activity in, 121, 123, 129- 30. 149;
zure and consolidation of power by. fan of, xx, 24, 184, 229- 30; foreign en-
70, 127; Turks conquered 170; dav sin, 175, 176-77; Jews e duded
Zonaras' view of. 1 from , 237; ninth and tenth century reo
omnenus. John (called J. the Fat). revolt vival of, 11; origin of name, 1;. and re-
of, 1& 224, 262- 63; de- volt agairu t Andrornk L 55; saints
soiption of. 218_ 20 from, ~ ~ universal capital. 167;
Comunianl15 (imperial envoy). 257, 258 view of,255
Conrad ill, 17 Constantinople, m numents in: Blacher
onrad of Montferrat. 1M na . palace, 115,118,240- 41.245;
Contantine (brolher of Michael IV), Boukoleon Harbor, 96; Brazen Gate,
.58 13.; Forty Martyrs, Church of the.
Constantine 111. Leichoudes, patriarch 123; Great Palace. 11. 118, 181; Holy
(10 9-63), 122, 131, m 223 Church of the, 47, 4 . 103.
on tan tine V. Emperor (741 - 775), Z. 125. 221. 224. 263- 64; Kalenderhanc
11.12 Camii, 43, 44; Moukhroutas Palace,
Con tantine VII Porphyrogenitu , m- 220; Pantokrator Mona tery. 45, SO-
peror (913- 959), l2. 110, 111 - 12, 133. l, 90. 95, 103- 4, 150, 156- 57; 51.
136, ~ biography of 1 by, 206; George the Mangana, mona t ry. 122.
and c temony of raisjng emperor on 198; St. Mamas, 91, 147;
hi ld, 114; on imperial pow r, 253- St. Mary Periblepto . mona tery, 1 8;
~ juris prudence under, 145; and St. 'P eter, Church of. l23, 128; St.
military landholding, 19; prohibition Sophia. Church of, 43, 68, 97, 128.
of marriages to foreigner by, 177; 187. 202, 212. 219; 55, Kosmas and
work on government by, 15 Damian. church, SI. Theodore in
Con tantine vrn. Emperor (1025 - 28), Sphorakio_. church, 123; Studios
64.67 Monastery. 11.!li& 90; Virgjn of the
Con tantine IX Monornach05, Emperor Pharos, church, 96, 224
(1042 - 55), 44, 118, 154, 210; educa- Contarini, Domenico, lZ2
innovation under, 122, 123, Corinth, 38, 39; archaeological evidence
]27- 28; entertainment in court of, 83; in, ~ cerami production in, 40, 1;
eunuch in administration of. 67; me- glass manufactUring in. 42: ilk pro-
nag ri of, 154; military imag of m- d urnon in, 41
peror on coins of. 115; origin of d- Cosmology, 150-5]
mini trative appointees of, 104; Cotton. in Byzantine clothing, 'l!J.
P 1.'1105 and, 213- 14, 223 Council of 1117, 159
Con tan tine X Doukas, Emperor (1059 - Council of 1143, 162
m I. 100, 113, 174. 178, 227 Craft production, 39- 46 See also indi-
Con tantine of Rhodes , ill vidual crafts by IIDml!
Constantme the Great, Emperor (306- Crespin, Robert, 174
m.LlM Crete. capture of by Nikephoro Phokas.
Con tantinople. 38, 39,49. , 93, 102. 137
152. 153, 192; attacks on, 10, 24; cn- Crusade, 27, 174, 184. 185; Chorn
tralization of power in, 232; hUTCh a les's of, 227 - 28
con truction in, ; ehur hes in. d - Cumans (poloucian ), invasion of Bal-
igo and decor .of. lID... 198, 221 . 224; kans by, :Y
dty annals of, 2050; civil and military Curialcs (urban provincial elite), 6
aristocracy io. 63. 64, 65: Council of. Curium (town in yprus), 25n
Copyrlgl"led l'1a~r 31
Index 273
Gregory (author of vita of 7, Holy man, Byzantine idea of. "'" 93- 95.
201 206- 7
Gregory the Great, Pope (590- 604), U Holy SepuJcher. recon truction of, !M
Gr gory Nazianu , 20 , 14. 123. 125. 137. 152.251; B zan-
Gregory Pahlavuni, 1.83 tine tudy and reading of, 134- 35.
Grosdidi r d Maton, J., 93 136 0
Gro solanus, Peter, 188 Horatory Chapters (Ba HI), 111
Grumel, V., 17 Horse racing, 82
Guercio, Baldwin, 257 Ho io Loukas, monastery of
22.52. 121 J2, 144. 216
Guiscard, Robert, 174. 17 179; Ann Ho pitals, 156- 57
Comnena's description of. 1M.. 215 Humbert. Cardinal. 18Z
Gymno Theodore. 59 Hungary, 25. 1
Hunger, H . 139
Had Byzantine image of, 142, 252 Hun , of, 10
Hagjography. ~ 155. 210; decJin of Huntin.g , 110. 243-44
g nre of, 200- 201; e ample of, 246- Hymnography, 2Ol
47; foreign influence on, 183; nd s0- Hypatia (mathematician). 123
cial origjn of sain 2- 3 . See also indi- hypotos of philo phers, 123.
vidual by name 126, 129
Hagiotheodorite , John. 66 hypertimos (title). u of by non-
Ha iotheodorite, ichola, 132 112
/'1 - 78 Izypourgoi (mona tic servants). 9- 90
Hamartolo , George, 14. 130 Hysmint and Hysminias (Makr mbolite ),
Hamit ri, lomon. Rabbi. 237 202-3
Hannanel, Rabbi, 238
H ib. Haba h aJ-. 150 [beri ns, 169. l.8Q
H Ii ia (tribunaJ). 137 [beritze family. 119
of 202 lbero family, l..Z9
Heliopolis (Egyptian town near Cairo), .1 IberopouJ family. 1Z2
Heliou-Bomon . - 90 rhn Cubair. 173. 1 2-
Hell. 5 Hades rhn Hauqal, ZS
Heman. Elijah, Rabbi. 238 1.. 11 - 14, 141, 190, 199;
H nry of 178 tory of. 11 - 14; wom n' role in, 99
Hephaisti n 149 lconodule , 11 - 14
Hephaistos, Theophylakto . 5 Th Ideal ruler. image of. 110- 16. 163- 66.
phylakto of Ohrid 206- 7
Heradea PonUca (town in Min r, on Ideology, 158-63; of the Empire, 163- 66;
Black Sea). ~ and imperial with church,
H ra Iiu, mperor (610- 41). 10 165- 66
137, 142 Idri i (Arab geographer). !l9
Here 159. 162- 63. 192 Ignatio , Deacon. 11
H r ,210- 11. 214 - 15. 225-29 Ignatio Patriarch, 185 n
Hez kiah (Hebrew king). 114 Ikon ion (town in Min r). ~ 153
Hippocrates. 156 lIiad (H mer). 134. 137
Historical Epitome (Zonara ). 205 lIIyricum. 27. 168
Historicol Synopsis 205 Imperial family. title and rank of. 238.
Hi toricol yllopsis ( kylitze ), 205 5 also Emperor. B zantine
Histories (Tzern- ), 135 Imperial ideal, 163- 66. See also Emperor.
Hi tori graphy. Byzantin . 204 - 5: Byzantine
224- 29 India. 152. 154
Copynqrted P'l r 31
278 lnde
Index 279
Leontio of Jeru lem, Saint, 2lll 244; geographi al writing of, 153- 54;
Leo the Deacon, 110, 112, 137 by. 205; romance by, 202
Libaniu , 9 Mana tir (town in Macedonia). ~
LibeUi io , Peter, 183 Mandylion, icon of, 96
Librarie , 3 Mangana, rural ry f, lZ. 122
Lib a,l54 Mango, c. , 18.1
Limburg , Staurothek, 4.5. Manuel I Emperor (1143-
Lin n, in Byzantine lothing, ZiJ. 1180), 25, 33n, 77, 84, 101, 102, 107,
Liparit IV, prince of Trlaleti (middle of lOS, 163- 64. ~ 191. 257; admini tra -
eleventh century), lZ9. tion of, 6.6. 70, 71 ; intere t
L' v, S., 32 of, 150, 161; and Blachemae Palace,
Litavrin, G., 5& l.!lL 245; bu inc ruling of. 52, 62;
Literacy, 120, N . Choniate ' ption of, 225- 26,
Little Commentary (Theon), 149 227; control of army b , 239; critid m
Liturgy, 16, m of, 165- 66; farnin in reign of, 27 n;
Liutprand of Cremona, Z5. and fore 174, 17 , 186. 237- 39,
Livestock, 5- 6, 28- 29 257 - 58; and imperial image, 113, 115,
Lizix, Michael, 156 116, 164; , family, and dyna -
Lombard , 1ZO tic politi of, 54, 55, 58, 102, 153, 17 ,
padi n (town in A ia Minor), , 5;l 257- 58; provincial urban rebuilding
Lollis I the Piau (Frankl h emperor, under, :rr. 38, 44; and worship of
814- 840), 13. reli , 96.
Loui VII (Fr n h king. 1137- Manzikert (town in Arm nia), H. 26.
Lovee (town in Bulgaria), 33 Margaret of Hungary, wife of lsaa 11, 17
Lucian, 138, 139 Maria (daughter of Manuel I), 54. 17
Luke the Stylite, 155 Maria-Marthe, the" Alan" (G rgian
Luke the Younger, 89, 155 prince ), 101, 169. 177, 214
L caonia (region in A ia Minor), Maria (granddaughter of 1
174 Lakapenos), 177
Lycurgu , 137 Maria of Anti h, 17
Lykophron, 140 Maria the Younger, aint, 99
Markiano and Martyrio , Saint , f a I
Macedonia, 63; art patronage in, 221 ; of, 83
Byzantine archaeological evidence in, Marmora , Sea of, 237
35- 36: and Macedonian in Byzan- Marriag : B zantine policy toward for-
tine military, 173; villag in entories 177- 7 ,257- ; dyna tic,
from, 26. 23S 177 - 78; family Hfe a.nd, 99- 102
Macedonian dynasty, 24, 17 Mathematics, 148-49
Machetario (droungarios of guard ), Maurice Maurikio , Emperor
204 - 5 15; Strategikoll of, 104
Madrid, Bibli teca adona!. 5- 3, n , 2, Mauropou , John , 112, 116, 126, 131 , 201,
Chronide of Sk litze , 115 223: Con tanlinopl de cribed b ,
Lake (Sea of Azov), 135, 152 255; and law hool, 122; on I aU! ru ,
magi Iros (title), 22, 62. lZ9. 265- 66; peeeh on vi tory v r Leo
Makari of Rome, aint, 168 Tomike by, 249 - 50
Makari of Sicily, aint, 200 Mavrioti sa Mona tery (Ka toria ), 225
Makrembolite , Eumathio , 202 - 3 Maximo the Coni or, Z
Makrembolit family. 65 Meander Vall , 227
Malakeno , John , 200 Medicine, 155-
Mal ke , Euthymio , 132, 171 , 257 Medikion of I.' tate), 30
Mamala, honiates's description of hi Mega , Isaac. Rabbi, 237
I.' ecution, 227 Melengyia (Cathar church), 192
Man , Z6. 103, 110, 126. Mele (a lord in . Ital ), 1ZO
280 Index
Index 281
fndex 283
~ self-depiction of 221 - 22; War 0 the Pylae (town in Asia Minor). 153
CDt and Mice, 139, 251 - 52 Pyrrhon, 132
proo:lros (title), 5Z Pythagoras. 132
ProkIos, ~ llU
Prokopios (courtier of Basill's), 244 Radolivo (village in Macedonia). 26
Prokopios the Martyr, 96, 239 Rationalism, in theology and ideology,
prosoriiarioi (category of peasantry), 2fi 158-66, 189. 191
Prosouch (Borsuq) family, 180 Raul family. 180
Protestantism, 195 Raymond of Poitiers. 184
Protimesis (preemptive rights), 21 Reformation. Protestant, 195
proto/amkellllrio5 (an office), 51 Relics. veneration of. 95. 96- 97
pr%plotdros (tiUe), 172 Religious life. Byu.ntine. 86- 99; iso-
protosebasto!l (title), 69. 1Z2 lation of, in seventh century. ~ and
sz.
protospothllTios (title), 22. 62 perception of holy man. ~ 93-95.
Provinces, 31- 56, 198, 232; archaeological 206- 7; pietism and worship of
and literary evidence for urban evolu- relics in, 95- 97; and religious il-
tion of. 31-39; arts and crafts. and ur- luminations, 97-99; and veneration
ban evolution in, 39- 46; ('conomy of images, 12-13. 96 - 97; worship
and institutions of. 46 - 56 practices in. 12-13. 16.. Scc also
Psellos. Michael, 30. 114, 122n, 131 . 134. Monasticism
139, 16a.l!:Y1.. 01; on agricultural pro- Renier of Montferrat, John. 102. 178
duction, 47. as alleged author of Reynald of Chatillon, 109
TimotJII.'os. 138; aristocrats described Rhetoric, 128- 29
by. 104-5; aUitude of, toward fellow Rhodes. 29. 202. 238
scholars. 132; on breakdown of mo- Rhodosto (town on Sea of 'Ma/lllora), 35.
nastic diSCipline. 93; character and 47. 237
personality description by. 211-12. Rhon/Ilioi (Eastern Christian descendants
213 - 14; and N. Choniates, compared, of the Romans). 74. 167
225. 226; classical training of, 126. 135. Rhomaios, Micha I, 146- 47
136; on court entertainment. 83; on Richard the Lion Hearted. King of
dress. Z5.; as educator and hyp% s of 'England (1189-99), 111
philosophy, 123- 27; on foreign influ- Robert of Auxerre. 70
ence in Byu.ntine Empire. 180; het- Rodanthe and Dosikles (Prodromo ), 114,
erodoxy accusations against. 158; 202-3, 203 - 4
humanistic concerns of. 210-14; on Roger 11, llU
ideal emperor. 164 65; on images, 199; Roger famiJy, 70. 180
ltalOS mentored by. 248- 49; ter- Roger of Apulia. son of Tancred (1192).
minology work by, 146; on mathemat- 178
ics. 149; on the monk Elias, 93. 241 - Romance. 201 - 3
42; naturalistic writing of. 216; per- Roman Empire. as name of Byzantine
sonal feelings in writings of. 222- 24; Empire. 1
personal history of. 204-5. 225; on Romania. as name of Byzantine Empire.
political institutions. 50;. scientific h 2Z.
and medical writings of, 150. 154. 156; Roman law, 6. 16, 145-46
worldview depicted by, 229. Empress Romanos, medical treatise by 156
Zoe described by, 242 Romanos I Lakapenos. Emperor (920-
Pseudo-Alexios. a usurper. 228 944). 14, 17, 21-22. 177
Pseudo-Dionysios. the Areopagite. 190. Romanos II , Emperor (959 - 963). 29, 110
199 Romanos IfI Argyros, Emperor
plod/oi (poorest peasant class). 2fi (1028-1034). 64. ill
Ptolemais (town in Egypt), 153 Romanos IV Diogenes, Emperor (1068-
Ptolemy, 150, 152, UU 1071). 172- 73, 174
Purgatory. 193n Rome, church rule from , 194: Vatican .
Rom. ch urch rul from (continued) moJogical view - of, 150; humanis tic
Biblioteca Vaticana. gr. 1613, Meno- concerns of. 211; moralistic literature
logion of Basil U. 185; Joshua Roll, of, 207; scientific writings of. 154- 55
142. 198; Reg. gr. L Leo BibLe. 97. Sgouros. Leo. 48
143. 198 Shabtha, Rabbi. 238
Roussel de BaiUeut 68. 70. 174. 122 Shemaria. Rabbi. 238
Rules of the Apre;ties, 148 Shir-Guru, Joseph. Rabbi, 237
Rum. name given to Byzantine Empire. I Shoro, Aaron Becher. Rabbi. 237
Rumania. ex,c avalions in. Sibyllaj, 123
31,33 Sidly, 5, 27, 235-36
Rus (Russian) people. 258 - 59; in Byzan. Sickle. and agricultural technology. 28
tine aristocracy and military, 172, 173. Side (town in Asia Minor). 37
179, 257; Byzantine term for. ]69; in Sidon (town in Syria). 152. 153
Constantinople, quarter of .1'75; Silk production. 41. 42, 7
depiction of. 134. 135; trade 'With Silverwork,45 - 46
175. 177 imokatta. Theophylaktos, 110-11
Russo-By~ntine treaties, 175, 177 kiros, island of. 57
SkJeros, Romano . 147
Sabas the Younger, SO Sk1eros family. 147
St. Feli de Caraman (site of Cathar Skopje (town in Macedonia), M
assembly). 192 Skylitzes, George, 183
Sajnts: depiction of. 210; social origins Skylitzes. John, 68, 78; aristocracy de-
of, 2- 3 , Sec also Hagiography; and picted by, 105. 106; Chrotridr of, M.
individual saint.s Uy rUlIIrl! 210; as historian, 205. 209; Kekau-
sal,,; (fools for Christ's sake), 93- 94 menus described by, 214
Samos, Jewish community on, 238 Skylitzes, Stephen, 222
Samouch (Camaha) family, ISO Slavery, 9- 10
arona ' family, C; Slilvs. invasion by. ill
Sappho.123 Smyrna (town in Asia Minor). 37. 38
Saracens, in Byzantine military. 1'73. 257 Soapstone art, 45
Sardis (town in Asia Minor), 37. 40. 42 Social structure. Byzantin ' , 2 - 3. 12.
Scandinavians. in Byzantine military, 18 - 23, 78; aristocracy and elite in. Q.
173. 174 7-8, 69-70,233; bureaucracy in, 7- ,
Sc cncc. 1 70- 73; peasantry in. ~ 8. 56- 62; in
Scythe. and agricultural technology. seventh-eighth centuries, 3-4. - 8:
27 - 28 and statu!; of art patrons. 221. See a/5()
Scyt hians. 1 ,169 Aristocracy; Family; Government. im-
S/'/!aS/OIcra/OT (title), 69, ISO perial; Peasantry
5chaS/OS (title). 69 Sofia. 28. SrI! a/so Serdica
Scbtopolis (town in Thrace). 32. solemllia (rights to tax revenues). 65
Secularization, 201 - 6 Solomon (Constan tinopolitan official),
Seides, iketas. 160. 163, 188 127
Sci nCllr; emergence of, 23, 61 Solon, 137
Seljuk Turks. 24, 2 , 38. 42. 115 soma/cia (urban corporation). 51
Seleukia (town in Asia Minor), 38 Soterichos. See Panteugenes, Soterichos
Senator, number of. 69 Soublaion (town in Asia Minor). 38
Serbia, conqu ' st of. 25 Sauda (lexico n). 15. 133
Serblias (Constanlinopolitan official). 127 Space. in Byzantine painting, 215 - 16
Serblias family, 65 Spaneas. author ( ) of Didacti AdllloPlj-
Serdica (Sofia. 28, 47. 49, 183 liolls. or Spaneas, 207-8
Serres (town in Macl.'-donia), :1Z Spaniards. at Thessaloniki fair, 236
Servia (town in Macedonia). 35. 36 Sparta, 35. 40
Seth. Siml.'On, 1 l ' 2, 209, 253; cos- spalharws, as landholder. 57
Worship practices, 12- 13, l2.,. See also Zeuxi ppos ware. 41
Religiou life, Byuntin Zichnae (town in Macedonia), U
Writing, minuscule script and. 11 Zigabenos, Euthymios. 163. 186-87
Zoe. Empress (1028 - 1050). ~ 101. liS.
Xero - family. 65 21 2. 242
Xiphilinos, John. U2n, 131. 146n, 223; as Zonaras, John, 77. 83.95. 205; on admin-
.f irst nomophy/ax. 126- 27 istrative reform. 71;. on aristocracy.
Xiphilinos family, 65 108; and image of ideal ruler. 111, 165;
on imperial taxation. 1 - 20; on
Yurij (Russian prince). 258 money and barter economy. 4Z
Zonaras family. 65
Zaoutzes Stylianos (courtier of Basil l's). Zutro. Shabbattai, Rabbi. 237
244