Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357

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Journal of Transport Geography

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Spatial disparity in transport social needs and public transport provision in Santiago
de Cali (Colombia)
Ciro Jaramillo a, Carmen Lizrraga b, Alejandro Luis Grindlay c,
a
School of Civil Engineering and Geomatics, University of Valle, Cali, Colombia
b
Department of Applied Economics, University of Granada, Campus de Cartuja s/n, 18071 Granada, Spain
c
Department of Urban and Spatial Planning, University of Granada, Campus de Fuentenueva s/n, E.T.S. Ingeniera de Caminos, Canales y Puertos, 18071 Granada, Spain

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Keywords: The public transport system of Santiago de Cali (Colombia) experienced several deciencies in the last
Transport disadvantage decade. Although it was used by about 70% of the population and included 30 private operators of collec-
Transport social needs tive transport, who offered services for 233 routes utilising a variety of different vehicles, regulation was
Public transport provision limited and often did not cover routes, stops, and frequencies. In 2009, the Masivo Integrado de Occi-
Social exclusion
dente (MIO), a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system came into operation, as a cost-effective transport alterna-
Accessibility
Latin America
tive for urban mobility. This article examines the relationship between social exclusion and transport in
Santiago de Cali and demonstrates that there is still room for improvement in aspects of spatial coverage
and for a greater focus on the factors which explain the social need for transport which are not usually
considered within planning. To this end, the theoretical framework for accessibility, social exclusion and
provision of public transport is set out and the subject area of study is described. Later in the article an
index of social transport needs is drawn up and another index, demonstrating the provision of public
transport is presented in such a way as to highlight the difference between the two, expressing the spatial
gap between need and supply. The results indicate that the BRT system can improve its services by imple-
menting specic measures which take into account the socio-economic factors that largely explain the
social transport needs of Santiago de Cali.
2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction requires relative measures to be put in place for improvements in,

Studies exist which establish a close relationship between
mobility, accessibility and social exclusion. The ability to travel is
a basic need, allowing access and the creation of social networks,
and can be considered one of the basic rights of a democratic soci-
ety (Burchardt et al., 1999; Kenyon et al., 2002; Transport Studies
Group, 2005). Demand is the principal objective in traditional plan-
ning methods for urban transport systems, and aspects related to
socio-economic or spatial equity are not taken into consideration.
The concept of people and regions with transport disadvantage
is now included in mobility analyses.
In developing countries the lack of access and mobility is a fac-
tor of social exclusion which shows itself to a great extent in
peripheral groups with restricted access to opportunities which al-
low them to break out of the vicious cycle of poverty (Palmer et al.,
1997; Barter, 1998; Gacita et al., 2000; Cervero, 2000; Urban Re-
source Centre, 2001; Vasconcellos, 2001; Behrman et al., 2002; So-
hail et al., 2006; Sohail and Maunder, 2007; Peng and Zhu, 2008;
Vaziri and Nasseer, 2009; Tran and Schlyter, 2010). Social inclusion
Corresponding author. Tel.: +34 958249464; fax: +34 958248990.
E-mail address: grindlay@ugr.es (A.L. Grindlay).
and/or implementation of a high quality network of public trans-
port with tariffs suitable for these sectors, or measures directed to-
wards the reduction in the need for mobility. It is also one of the
aspects of the social dimension considered in the sustainable urban
mobility analysis (Black et al., 2002; Kenyon et al., 2002), and this
eld is, in general, a fundamental factor for progress in the direc-
tion of sustainable urban mobility (Knowles et al., 2008), particu-
larly in the case of Brazil (Silva et al., 2008).
In Latin America there is little empirical evidence to demon-
strate the relationship between the provision of public transport
and social transport needs (Keeling, 2008). Consequently, public
transport policies result, in some cases, in false measures of inte-
gration of the socially excluded sectors. The implementation of
Bus Rapid Transit systems (BRTs) in various Latin American cities
has led to an improvement in the urban environment. This article
analyses the changes in the collective urban transport system of
Santiago de Cali (Colombia) due to the implementation of the
BRT system, the Masivo Integrado de Occidente (MIO), in 2009.
It also explores the relationship between the provision of public
transport and social transport needs and the factors of transport
disadvantage which are central to the establishment of strategies
aimed at underprivileged sectors of the population. Finally it

0966-6923/$ - see front matter 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtrangeo.2012.04.014
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
provides evidence of a problem which is severely affecting wide
social groups in Latin America which suffer social exclusion, aggra-
vated by decient public transport provision and demonstrates
that planning of public transport systems must take into account
mechanisms for the consideration of social needs in the decision
making process.
Section 2 of this article presents the theoretical Research Con-
text on the relationship between accessibility, social exclusion
and transport. Section 3 shows the reasoning to explain the close
relationship between social exclusion and access to public trans-
port in Latin American cities in general, and in Santiago de Cali
in particular. Section 4 covers the methodology used in this study.
The relative results for the indices of social needs and transport
provision, and the disparity between the two are explained in Sec-
tion 5. Finally the discussion and conclusions are presented in
Section 6.
2. Research context
Mobility is a quantitative variable which measures the quantity
of movements which people or goods make in a specic system or
socio-economic area, and includes the space and time in which the
movements are produced, the motives from which they originate,
or the mode used. The transport system provides the infrastruc-
ture, the vehicles, the operators, services and circulation regula-
tions necessary for the individuals to be moved. Until the end of
the 1970s, mobility was associated with the provision of transport
services, and planning prioritised private and road transport, rather
than means of public transport. The severe and increasing prob-
lems of safety, road congestion or environmental pollution which
are affecting cities has provoked a change in the theory and plan-
ning of urban mobility. Together with access of individuals to
modes of transport, the new concept of mobility includes the in-
come, class, age, occupation or educational level as explanatory
factors (Vasconcellos, 2010a).
The growing preoccupation with environmental deterioration,
rational use of resources and quality of life has been translated in
the 1990s into the incorporation of the concept of sustainable
development to the political and economic agenda of international
institutions and organisations. As a consequence, mobility studies
and policies are adding sustainability, accessibility and social
inclusion to their objectives. A model of sustainable urban mobility
depends on the existence of a system and on patterns of transport
which permit accessibility to means and opportunities to cover
economic, environmental and social needs, reducing the associated
negative implications (Commission of the European Communities,
2001a). Despite the internationally widespread principles of sus-
tainable urban mobility, its planning requires adaption for each
specic context, taking into account its priorities and characteris-
tics (Silva et al., 2008). In Latin America, the application of strate-
gies and policies of sustainable urban mobility must start from
the high levels of inequality, informality, and the low spatial qual-
ity of its cities. In this context, the needs of sustainable urban
mobility refer to the consideration of the urbanised area as a dem-
ocratic and safe space; to the control of the urban sprawl and to en-
ergy consumption; to the reduction in environmental degradation
and to the increase in accessibility for the poor and in the efciency
of the city (Lizarraga, 2012; Vasconcellos, 2010b).
At the end of the 1950s, accessibility, as an indicator of the eco-
nomic and social consequences of the alternative relationships be-
tween the uses of land and the transport systems, was dened in
terms of the potential opportunities for interaction (Hansen,
1959), and topologically as the analysis of the efciency of the net-
work (Kansky, 1963). According to Sen (1999), in the 1990s the
concept was more broadly re-formulated and became a political
341
goal rather than a relative aspect of transport, with reference to
territorial management or to greater safety on the streets. It is
not the lack of food or opportunities which limit development,
but the lack of access to food or opportunities. In the new narra-
tives on access, aspects such as social inclusion, social justice and
sustainability are emphasised (Farrington, 2007). Access is thus
linked with the satisfaction of human rights (housing, sanitation,
education, work, etc.) and the opportunity for an individuals par-
ticipation in activities in different places (Sathisan and Srinivasan,
1999; Geurs and Ritsema van Eck, 2001; Ramjerdi, 2006; Omer,
2006; Farrington, 2007; Ataieyan, 2010; Carvalho et al., 2010;
Mackett et al., 2010). In this way, various authors have related
accessibility with the freedom of the individual to participate in
activities in the environment (Miller and Wu, 2000); with the im-
pact on land use; with the evolution of transport and with the
planning for the function of society in general (Geurs and Wee,
2004); with the capability of a place to be reached or to be acces-
sible from different places (Rodrigue et al., 2006); or with the facil-
ity to reach the goods, services, activities and destinations which,
as a whole, are designated as opportunities (Litman, 2010a). Higher
accessibility increases the attractiveness of a location for all types
of land use, thus inuencing the direction of new urban develop-
ment. Accessibility is an essential location factor for retail, ofce
and residential uses, and locations with high accessibility tend to
be developed faster than other areas (Wegener and Frst, 1999).
Inversely it can be asserted that a lack of accessibility hinders
development, creating greater marginality for poorer people. This
interaction between transport and land use has been clearer in
the developed countries of North America and Europe (Cervero,
1989; Hall, 1995; Newman and Kenworthy, 1996), with signicant
suburban growth in regard to that found in developing countries
and with a high percentage of informal land occupations. The
capacity and the provision of transport infrastructures and services
are key elements in the determination of the level of accessibility
(Rodrigue et al., 2006). The means of accessibility for planning ur-
ban environments where long distance journeys are reduced, and
the methods of mobility for the improvement of infrastructures
and services of collective transport as an alternative to the private
vehicle, need to be coordinated (Lizarraga, 2006).
The method of recent economic restructuring has produced new
forms of spatially related economic and social disadvantage that
have been described as social polarisation, social exclusion, spatial
segregation and social marginalisation (Dodson et al., 2003). The
concept of social exclusion began in France in the 1970s and be-
came more widely recognised in the 1980s on an academic, polit-
ical and social scale. The expression excluded referred to a
section of the population affected by problems which were not re-
solved by the Welfare State (unemployment, ghettos, changes in
family structure, etc.) (De Haan and Maxwell, 1998). Social exclu-
sion implies, therefore, the impossibility of access for an individual
or a group, to the opportunities for participating in the social and
political life of the community, so that the material and non-mate-
rial quality of their life is reduced and they also have fewer oppor-
tunities and choices and may be considered half citizens
(Burchardt et al., 1999; Kenyon et al., 2002; Transport Studies
Group, 2005). Social exclusion implies lack of access, closely linked
to the use of transport modes which allow individuals to travel.
The way which social exclusion and transport are linked depends
on the activities from which a person is excluded, on the determin-
ing factors of the exclusion and the degree in which transport
forms a part of them. There exist three distinct types of natural
processes which inuence the relationship between social exclu-
sion and transport: the organisation of spacetime in the house-
holds; the system of transport and the spatialtemporal
organisation of the destinations, along with the goods or services
which a person is attempting to access, and the categories of
342 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
exclusion related to transport are numerous: physical, geographi-
cal, economical, temporal, psychological and spatial (Gaffron
et al., 2001).
It can be asserted that accessibility, social exclusion and mobil-
ity are intimately linked, indeed, to travel is a basic necessity, as it
permits access, the creation of social networks and it can be con-
sidered one of the rights of a democratic society (Hine and Mitch-
ell, 2001; Cass et al., 2005; Preston and Raj, 2007; Lazo, 2008). A
decient transport system implies an increase in the individual
and social costs and contributes to social exclusion by restricting
access of citizens to opportunities for work and education. More-
over, the less privileged population is more exposed to accidents
and the pollution produced in their transportation (Social Exclu-
sion Unit, 2002; Litman, 2003; Blumenberg and Shiki, 2003; Trans-
port Studies Group, 2005; Yi, 2006; Qureshi et al., 2008; Gullo
et al., 2008). Users of public transport confront barriers of access
and availability, and of cost and time to access the system. The
mobility of citizens associated to the use of the car has grown by
40% in the second half of the 20th Century and this dependency
has generated inequalities in the levels of accessibility in relation
to age, class, income or other personal and social characteristics.
The possession of a motorised vehicle is a key element in the level
of accessibility, and not to possess one becomes a factor of social
exclusion (Rodrigue et al., 2006). It cannot be said that a relation-
ship exists between improving accessibility and investment in ur-
ban highways because they will be used, principally, by private
motorised vehicle users and, on the whole, by those with higher in-
comes. This direct relationship obviates the social needs of trans-
port and, translated to policy, generates inequity in the
distribution of space and marginalises the personal and temporal
dimension of accessibility. Its negative impacts are amplied in
territories with high indices of inequality such as Latin America
(Vasconcellos, 2005, 2010a). Government directives have favoured
the use of the car and only recently the potential for alternative or
sustainable modes of transport to which the less privileged popu-
lation has access has been proposed as state policy (Social Exclu-
sion Unit, 2002; Cebollada and Avellaneda, 2008; Currie, 2004,
2010).
The energy consumption and CO2 emissions per transported
passenger, in distances up to 10 km, by private vehicle are double
the emissions and consumption of a bus and are ve times higher,
in general, than with electried modes of transport, such as tram or
metro (Commission of the European Communities, 2003). Conse-
quently, in developed countries, local policies are implemented
which are aimed at individuals changing their mode of transport
from private to public, or non-motorised means of transport, to re-
duce CO2 emissions. Signicant changes in technologies and infra-
structures are being implemented specically for these means,
such as Light Rail Transit (LRT) and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) sys-
tems, cycle lanes, bus lanes or wider pavements/walkways. The
emphasis is on changing the increasing demand for mobility to-
wards less polluting means of transport (Commission of the Euro-
pean Communities 2001b, 2007, 2009). Strategies in favour of
sustainable and equitable urban mobility are being implemented,
relying on more efcient management prioritising the means of
transport which require less space per passenger-kilometre. In
general, within the management of urban mobility, priority must
be given in this order: to emergency vehicles, then to pedestrians,
bicycles, public transport, supply vehicles, taxis, high occupation
vehicles and, nally, single occupancy private vehicles and free
parking (Litman, 2010b).
In addition, public transport fulls a function which goes be-
yond territorial connection and becomes an instrument of social
inclusion. The tariffs are a determining factor at the time of decid-
ing to use it, and to provide low tariffs is another element of inte-
gration for low income families who are able to reduce their travel
costs, through its decrease, or substituting motorised transport by
walking part or the whole of the route. However, these strategies
only give them limited access to the opportunities offered by the
large cities (Avellaneda, 2008; Cebollada and Avellaneda, 2008).
Traditional planning methods for urban transport systems are
aimed principally at satisfying demand and do not take into ac-
count aspects related to socio-economic or spatial equity.1 This fact
has led to the incorporation of the concept of people and regions
with transport disadvantage in mobility analyses (Hine and Mitch-
ell, 2001) as a multi-dimensional and complex phenomenon which is
caused by various factors: low income, non-ownership of a private
motorised vehicle, disability, language or cultural barriers, social iso-
lation, residence in isolated areas, accompanying children or adults
with disabilities, dependence on frequent medical treatment, etc.
(Litman, 2010b).
While social exclusion is a contested concept, inadequate trans-
port is unquestionably a contributing factor in the generation and
perpetuation of social exclusion as impeding the individuals ac-
cess to work, learning, health, food, shopping or social activities
(Social Exclusion Unit, 2002). As a consequence of the relationship
between the public transport system and social exclusion, the next
section describes features of the socio-economic and collective
public transport system in the area of study, Santiago de Cali. Later
a comparison is made between an index of social transport needs
and another of public transport provision, highlighting the differ-
ences, and expressing spatially, the disparity between need and
supply to show that after all the investment in the MIO system,2
there is still room for improvement.
3. Area of study
Latin America has experienced extraordinary urban growth. In
the last four decades the urban population has grown from 56.4%
to 79.5% of the total population and it is expected that this propor-
tion will continue to grow (Comisin Econmica para Amrica Lati-
na y el Caribe, 2009). The uncontrolled growth of the metropolitan
areas implies serious problems of social exclusion, degradation and
disorganisation (Gilbert, 1996; United Nations, 2003; Cohen,
2004), and the problems of accessibility are especially serious for
the most underprivileged groups, both in terms of their ability to
access new opportunities and services, and their physical mobility
(Keeling, 2004). The phenomenon of urban sprawl has developed
in two directions which have increased social segregation accord-
ing to personal income. The existence of large outer urban areas,
where informal and irregular settlements predominate, is com-
bined with gated residential areas, where medium and high in-
come groups live. The initial economic disparity is transformed
into marginality for some, due to the lack of security, of public
amenities or of urban space which allows for safe pedestrian
movement; and dependence on individual motorised transport
for others (Clichevsky, 2000; Giraldo et al., 2009). Latin America
has become a region with one of the greatest income inequalities
in the world where poverty affects 33.1% of the total population
1
In this context, horizontal equity of opportunities requires the existence of a
minimum level of transport services in their area of inuence, or the levying of tolls
on road infrastructure to raise revenue. The vertical equity comprises of three
components: spatial, social and economic. Spatial equity is related to the equitable
provision in the territory of transport services and improvements in infrastructure,
particularly in peripheral and/or rural areas. Social equity refers to the availability of
special transport services adapted for disadvantaged persons. Economic equity refers
to transport services designed for users with lower incomes, or those without
economic means to pay the transport tariffs (Banister, 2005; Litman, 2010b).
2
The MIO system has been supported moreover by national government and the
Inter American Development Bank. The total estimated cost of the Project in 2007 was
997 million US dollars, of which 66.5% was public investment (Consejo Nacional de
Poltica Econmica y Social, 2007).
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 1. The situation of Santiago de Cali in Colombia and its districts. Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica-DANE-Departamento Nacional de
Planeacin-DNP.
(Cohen, 2004; Comisin Econmica para Amrica Latina y el Car-
ibe, 2009). Absolute and relative poverty is visible in all cities
and is evident in the existence of extensive slums, a great number
of poor, high levels of unemployment, informal employment and
informal economy (Davis, 2006). Moreover the cities show a de-
cient urban infrastructure with precarious public services and their
citizens face high levels of crime and environmental pollution. This
has led to a large part of the elite becoming isolated in gated com-
munities, increasing the spatial polarisation between rich and poor
(Calderia, 2000). The methods of structural adjustments put in pro-
cess in the 1990s did not aid development, and quality of life in the
majority of the large Latin American cities has worsened compared
to that in the 1970s (Gilbert, 1996; Stiglitz, 2003; Rodrik, 2006).
In the case of Colombia, the number of inhabitants of urban
areas has increased to an estimated 78.5% of the population and
the percentage of informal settlements is very high, (18% of the to-
tal population), a gure which rises to 59% in the case of the
Colombian capital, Bogota (Comisin Econmica para Amrica Lati-
na y el Caribe, 2009; Vargas et al., 2010). The Colombian city of
Santiago de Cali is not at the margin of the above-mentioned prob-
lems, its population exceeds two million inhabitants, and it is the
city with the third highest population in the country, with a den-
343
sity of 176.95 inhabitants per hectare versus 206 inhabitants per
hectare in Bogota (Departamento Administrativo de Planeacin
Municipal, 2009; Corporacin Andina de Fomento, 2010). As in
the entire population of Colombia, Santiago de Calis inhabitants
are classied by six socio-economic strata established by a meth-
odology which determines such factors as whether households
lack the economic capacity to access public amenities, electricity,
water and sewerage services, because of the lack of local data on
income or rent (Mina, 2004). These socio-economic strata have
been legally xed and adopted by the Colombian National Depart-
ment of Planning to set the service rates and allocate subsidies
according to these levels. The administrative unit of medium-sized
and principal cities in Colombia, which form distinct quarters, is
called la comuna (the district). There are 22 districts in Santiago
de Cali (Fig. 1), which are classied by these six socio-economic
strata. The least privileged at the bottom of the socio-economic
stratication are situated in the peripheral zones which, besides
having the handicap of being the greatest distance from the central
area, also have a transport infrastructure with the worst condi-
tions, not only for the deciencies in the state of the road surfaces
and drainage, but also for the inadequate road width and very
steep slopes (more than 20%) (Departamento Administrativo de
344 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Planeacin Municipal, 2009) (Fig. 2). One third of the population of
this city (32.6%) live in conditions of poverty and 9.8% are below
the poverty line (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Esta-
distica-Departamento Nacional de Planeacin, 2009). There are
also high levels of illiteracy (6% of the population), putting it above
the average levels of the 13 metropolitan areas of Colombia (4.9%).
The Afro-Colombian ethnic minority make up 7.6% of the popula-
tion in the 13 largest metropolitan areas of Colombia, as opposed
to 23.6% in Santiago de Cali. These individuals constitute about
50% of the poor and face serious problems of social exclusion
which include academic absenteeism, elevated levels of illiteracy
and a greater percentage of poverty and economic depression.
Additionally the city is becoming one of the most signicant desti-
nations in Colombia for victims of forced displacement caused by
the armed conict, and suffers from high levels of violence due
to the power exercised by drug cartels (Vifara, 2006; United Na-
tions-HABITAT, 2007). Integration of the quarters of the city lo-
cated in outlying areas is increasingly difcult due to
uncontrolled urban growth, which results in a reduction of access
to the various goods and services and to employment (World Bank,
2002; International Association of Public Transport, 2007).
In the last decade Santiago de Calis public transport system was
used by about 70% of the population, it included 30 private operators
Fig. 2. Spatial distribution of the socio-economic strata by district in Santiago de Cali. Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica-DANE-Departamento
Nacional de Planeacin-DNP, 2009
of collective transport which offered services along 233 routes uti-
lising a variety of vehicles comprised of buses, minibuses, small
buses and jeeps. In this system each operator planned, organised
and executed the service of transport on the assigned route. It car-
ried out the analysis of travel times, frequencies, number of passen-
gers, studies of demand, or determination of the number of vehicles
necessary for the service of the routes. The high number of operating
companies caused an organisational chaos given that each of them
operated according to their own potential, needs and interests. The-
oretically, the right to cover a specic route was assigned to a partic-
ular company. In practice, regulation was limited and ended up in
the non-fullment of service for routes, stops and frequencies.
Timetables were not maintained and activity was concentrated on
the peak hours when there was most demand. This greatly hindered
the coordination of metropolitan transport and the provision of
information on routes and timetables, in addition, this increased
insecurity, since the sector was disorganised and disjointed. As a re-
sult, formally and legally established costs and tariffs for collective
transport services rose, and its efciency was reduced (Corporacin
Andina de Fomento, 2005). The desire to reach a stop rst and get a
greater number of passengers (with increased pay for drivers) even
resulted in violation of trafc rules, in the phenomenon known as
the penny war (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Esta-
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 3. Location of stops in the Cali transport system. Source: Metro Cali S.A., 2010.
distica-Departamento Nacional de Planeacin, 2008). The high in-
crease in municipal public service vehicles caused elevated levels
of congestion, air pollution, noise and accidents. Moreover, because
smaller vehicles are more advantageous for transport operators, the
transfer to smaller units and the lack of control exacerbated the
above problems (Figueroa, 2005).
In 2007 the authorised eet to cover the public transport service
had risen excessively to 5418 vehicles divided between minibuses
(37.7%), buses (34.7%), small buses (18.8%) and jeeps (8.8%). 56% of
the eet were between 6 and 15 years old and 22% of the vehicles
were more than 15 years old. With these gures, it can be deduced
that the users of collective public transport suffered lower safety
levels and great discomfort (Cmara de Comercio de Cali, 2009).
As a result of the above circumstances, there was an oversupply
of low occupation vehicles, around 3040%, and a competitive ser-
vice between operators to collect the greater number of passen-
gers. There was a lack of control, a low quality and chaotic
service, with an average speed of less than 10 km/h at peak hours,
and about 40% of urban trafc accidents involved public transport
vehicles (Consejo Nacional de Poltica Econmica y Social, 2003). In
addition, there was a high concentration in a few roads, with a
large quantity of vehicles and routes, managed by different compa-
nies, which passed through the centre of the city connecting the
north with the south. In contrast, there were slum areas that had
345
no collective transport or, if the service was provided, it was of
exceptionally poor quality (Moller, 2006).
In this context, the middle and upper classes, as owners of pri-
vate vehicles, applied pressure in favour of changes to infrastruc-
ture to increase the capacity and speed of circulation. Santiago
de Cali is now developing 21 new megaprojects consisting of
new urban highways and roads (86% of total budget), improvement
of public space (7%) and public cultural and educational facilities
(7%) (Alcalda de Santiago de Cali, 2011).
The low income strata are divided between those who are able
to access the public transport system and those obliged to opt for
walking, cycling or informal modes of low grade and unsafe trans-
port (Figueroa, 2005; Lazo, 2008). As adequate infrastructures do
not exist for pedestrian movement, or a safe network of cycle
paths, urban accidents increase and the air quality deteriorates.
The transport policies developed were concentrated on the promo-
tion of private vehicle movement and the privatisation of public
transport. These strategies have been to the detriment of the least
privileged groups, with the elimination of subsidies and increases
in tariffs. Moreover the implementation of the collective transport
system does not guarantee the advancement of social cohesion,
particularly when solely economic criteria are applied in its plan-
ning, as some areas and time periods are not adequately covered
(Avellaneda, 2008; Cebollada and Avellaneda, 2008).
346 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Various Latin American cities (Santiago de Chile, Bogota, Sao
Paulo) have succeeded in modifying travel patterns through urban
transport policies and projects with a high positive impact on
accessibility, sustainable mobility, social inclusion and spatial
organisation (Rodriguez and Targa, 2004; Lazo, 2008). In Colombia,
since the year 2000, the solutions for urban mobility in the princi-
pal cities and their metropolitan areas have been rooted in the sys-
tem based on buses circulating in lanes exclusively designated Bus
Rapid Transit-BRT. This system was rst implemented in Curitiba
(Brazil) in 1974 and is characterised by main line corridors fed
by branch lines, with segregated and preferential lanes designated
for the exclusive use of buses of high and medium capacity; and a
network of branch-line routes with the circulation of vehicles of a
lesser capacity (Wright, 2002). One of the social functions of public
transport is for the connection of the poorest quarters with areas in
which the opportunities for employment are concentrated. In
2004, three cable car lines were initiated in Medellin (Colombia)
which connect districts situated in mountain areas, and where
the poorest population live, to the heavy-rail line that runs through
the valley from north to south. This strategy is being extended to
other cities such as Manizales and Santiago de Cali in Colombia
or Caracas in Venezuela. The city of Sao Paulo, in Brazil has,
through a series of policies, promoted the use of its rail lines (me-
tro and commuter rail) which has beneted the poorer people
(World Bank, 2002).
In 2009 in Santiago de Cali a system of BRT called MIO, was ini-
tiated with main lines of 49.4 km secondary lines of 94 km and
branch lines of 112.0 km in length (Metrocali, 2010) (Fig. 3). The
system operation and control takes place in the Operations Centre
which processes the information supplied in real time by devices,
not only in the vehicles, but also in the stations (Consejo Nacional
de Poltica Econmica y Social, 2002, 2005). This system meets the
standards of a BRT system (Wright, 2002) and also has 11 terminal
stations or header stations for intermediate integration with sec-
ondary lines (Consejo Nacional de Poltica Econmica y Social,
2007). An important change is gradually taking place in Santiago
de Calis public transport system summarised as follows: from 30
operators companies to 5; from 234 routes to 81; from
10,235 km route length to 909; from 44 km average route length
to 14; from 1,000,000 km a day to 182,000; from 4289 vehicles
to 937, and to a great improvement in the quality of service (Cons-
ejo Nacional de Poltica Econmica y Social, 2007). In accordance
with the obligations of the MIO3 implementation, a plan was estab-
lished for restructuring routes and for the withdrawal of 46% of the
total eet of collective public transport. This plan is being imple-
mented progressively (three stages) and has led to conicts of inter-
est with small operators who have partaken in several strikes against
the plan for vehicular reduction. The MIO system has moved from
operating with 77 vehicles in 2009 to 470 in 2011. The number of
passengers carried has also increased from 25 million in 2009 to
71 million in 2010.
During the rst two phases of operation, the new system coex-
ists with the old collective public transport system, not integrated
in terms of tariff, since it cannot cover the total demand for travel.
This coexistence has implied a distribution of travel with elimina-
tion of competition in the main lines, but with competition for sec-
ondary and branch lines (Grupo de gestin y tecnologa, 2006;
Cmara de Comercio de Cali, 2011).
The implementation of the BRT in Santiago de Cali has given a
new, more modern aesthetic to the city and is changing the social
attitude and urban culture. It is achieving the elimination of the
oversupply, the reduction in transport capacity of the old collective
transport companies and the process of the restructuring and
3
Legal resolution 456 (15th August 2007)
cancellation of routes to achieve a complete substitution of the
old collective transport system for the BRT (Cmara de Comercio
de Cali, 2011), although this system is not yet fully operational.
The new main line under construction will cover districts 8, 9,
11, 12, 13 and 15, the latter two are in the worst condition, which
represent 9% of citys districts. As shown later, the areas and dis-
tricts under unfavourable conditions (districts 1, 6, 14, 18 and
20), which comprise 71% of the citys districts, will not be affected
by this new infrastructure. There is still, however, room to improve
aspects such as spatial coverage of the eastern area and to give
more attention to aspects of transport disadvantage which are
not usually considered in planning.
4. Methodology
The methodology aims to identify and compare two measures,
one referring to social transport needs and the other related to the
provision of a public transport system for the case of Santiago of Cali.
The rst measure is the Index of Transport Social Needs (ITSN) asso-
ciated with transport disadvantage for each of Santiago de Calis dis-
tricts. We propose a methodology similar to that used by Currie
(2004, 2010) regarding Australian cities, and also used for other
developed countries. The case presented by Currie is totally different
to the reality of Santiago de Cali, and therefore we have modied the
weightings in order to demonstrate the importance of the factors of
transport disadvantage within the context of the research area. The
second measure is the Index of Public Transport Provision (IPTP)
aimed to develop a comparable measure representative of the level
of public transport supply available in each district. Finally, the two
measures can be compared to identify district need/supply short-
falls or spatial gaps to bring about transport system improvement.
4.1. Index of Transport Social Needs
At present, statistics compiled for journeys and travel in urban
areas do not give information on unsatised demand or latent needs,
which makes it difcult to analyse the role of transport in social
exclusion (McCray and Brais, 2007). To create the indicator of trans-
port needs, the structure of the index proposed by Currie (2004,
2010) for Australian cities and later used for Palermo (Italy) (Amor-
oso et al., 2010) is taken as a basis. Relatively disadvantaged areas
are those with a low index score, and relatively advantaged areas
are those with a higher one (Currie, 2010). However, given the par-
ticularities shown for Santiago de Cali, a revision is proposed of the
built-in variables and their weighting, more according to its socio-
economic and urban conditions. The Index of Transport Social Needs
(ITSNs) has been calculated for the 22 districts of Santiago de Cali.
This level of spatial division corresponds to the non-existence of
data for localised transport analysis areas. The ITSN is calculated
as the weighted sum of the indicators of transport disadvantage
for different factors within the district, and these factors are indica-
tive of a greater social need for high quality public transport:
X
n
ITSNj TIij Pi 1
i1
where ITSNj is the Index of Transport Social Needs for the district j;
TIij the Standardised Indicator of Transport Disadvantage for factor i
for the district j; and Pi is the Weighting of the Indicator of Trans-
port Disadvantage for factor i.
The indicators of transport disadvantage for each factor are
standardised so that they take values between 0 and 1, using the
following equation:
Iij  Imin
i
TIij 100 2
Ii  Imin
max
i
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357 347

Table 1
Factors of transport disadvantage and indicators used (Ii).

Type of disadvantage Factor of transport Indicator used (Ii) Source

Personal factors of transport
disadvantage
Factors of transport disadvantage
specic to each district
disadvantage
Non-ownership of private
vehicle
Old age
Disabilities
Unemployment
Academic study
Socio-economic situation
Children
Illiteracy
Degree of accessibility to the
centre
Degree of accessibility to
educational services
Degree of accessibility to
recreation and leisure
Degree of accessibility to
health services
Socio-economic level of the
district
Degree of insecurity
Degree of accessibility to
economic activities
Population over 16 years of age without access to private vehicle DAPM 2009; UNIVALLE
2010
Population over 60 years of age DAPM 2009; DANE 2005
Population with disabilities
Population without work
Number of students
Population belonging to low and very low strata of income DAPM 2009
Under 5s, not included in the statistics of mobility and who,
moreover, require accompaniment of an adult by law
Illiterate population
Distance from the centre of activities (district 3) to the central point of Self-produced
the respective district
Topological index of accessibility
Student population/academic institutes Self-produced with
DAPM 2009 as a basis
Population/square meters of recreational units
Population/number of libraries
Population/number of health centres
Inverse of the average socio-economic strata of the district
Annual number of homicides per thousand inhabitants
Population/number of economic units

Table 2 Table 3
Weighting of the indicators of absolute transport disadvantage for A-ITSN. Weighting of the relative indicators of transport disadvantage for R-ITSN.
Indicators of transport disadvantage Weighting (%) Indicators of transport disadvantage Weighting
I1-Adults without access to a private motorised vehicle P1 = 13.48 I1-Proportion of adults without access to private motorised P1 = 11.40
I2-Population age over 60 years P3 = 4.53 vehicle
I3-Student population P4 = 13.70 I2-Proportion of illiterate population P3 = 11.09
I4-Non-working population P5 = 13.86 I3-Proportion of non-working population P5 = 11.11
I5-Population with a disability P6 = 13.99 I4-Proportion of population with a disability P6 = 12.24
I6-Population between 0 and 4 years P7 = 14.06 I5-Proportion of population of low or very low socio-economic P7 = 12.92
I7-Illiterate population P7 = 12.45 stratum
I8-Population in a low or very low socio-economic stratum P7 = 11.43 I6-Proportion of the population between 0 and 4 years P7 = 13.65
I9-Distance to the centre P2 = 2.50 I7-Index of accessibility to education (students/academic P4 = 8.22
institution)
I8-Index of insecurity (homicides/1000 inhabitants) P4 = 5.67
I9-Index of incomes (inverse of the socio-economic stratum of P7 = 13.70
where TIji is the Standardised Indicator of Transport Disadvantage the district)
for factor i for the district j; Iij the Indicator of Transport Disadvan-
tage for the factor i for the district j; Imaxi the maximum value of
Indicator of Transport Disadvantage for factor i; and Imin i is the min- Table 4
imum value of Indicator of Transport Disadvantage for factor i. Characteristics of each available service (ci, fi). (Metro Cali S.A., 2010).
The partial indicators of transport disadvantage (Ii) are pro-
Type of service/ Vehicle capacity (passengers) Average frequency
duced from a combination of the gures from the Department of mode ci (vehicles per hour)
Administration and Planning of the Mayors Ofce of Santiago de fi
Cali (Departamento Administrativo de Planeacin Municipal, Main corridor 160 7.5
2009) and the survey made for the Study of Transport Demand of Secondary lines 100 6.0
the Integrated Plan of Urban Mobility (Plan Integral de Movilidad Branch lines 50 5.0
Urbana-PIMU) (Univalle, 2010). The theory on social exclusion
and transport considers individual aspects of disadvantage: having
levels of low or very low income, the lack of access to a private in which the personal indicators of disadvantage were taken for
motorised vehicle, old age, illiteracy, and the employment situa- the population as a whole, and on the other, from the relative need,
tion (Denmark, 1998; Litman, 2010b). Added to these are the spe- the R-ITSN (Relative Index of Transport Social Needs), with the val-
cic aspects of each district which mean that its population nd ues of population as a proportion of the total population of the dis-
themselves in a position of transport disadvantage with regard to trict. These two indexes represent different ways of considering the
the distance to the city centre, the level of crime, the average so- spatial distribution of variables explaining the social needs. The
cio-economic level of the district, the level of accessibility to health absolute index makes it possible to understand the scale of a prob-
services, education, recreation and to economic activities, giving a lem as the number of people in a particular group, while the pro-
higher value to transport disadvantage. In Table 1 the quantitative portion of a given indicator is descriptive of relative dominance
indicators of transport disadvantage are shown for each district of its scale between areas (Currie, 2010).
and the factor of disadvantage which it represents. The weightings for each indicator were obtained by the applica-
The indices of transport social needs were produced on the one tion of a multi-variant analysis, the Principal Components Analysis
hand from the A-ITSN (Absolute Index of Transport Social Needs), (PCA). The use of this method brings about a reduction in the high
348 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 4. Absolute index of social transport needs results by district. Source: Authors.
number of selected indicators to another smaller group of uncorre-
lated components, which explain the total variance and are a lineal
combination of the original variables (Jolliffe, 2002). After testing
the matrix of correlations of the indicators, the factors with a weak
correlation with the rst principal component were taken out of
the analysis until two principal components remained with a
greater characteristic value (eigenvalue) than one (Australian Bu-
reau of Statistics, 2001). Thus, from both indices, the representative
indicators of the level of accessibility to health services or recrea-
tional services/facilities were taken out. The combination of the re-
lated variables with the rst un-rotated component allows an
index to be obtained for transport social needs, produced with
the most important explanatory factors of transport disadvantage.
Likewise with this method it is possible to identify the characteris-
tics of the city studied. The weightings of the variables of the rst
principal component were recalculated as a proportion of the total
sum. For the Absolute Index for Transport Social Need (A-ITSN) the
rst principal component explains 68.80% of the total variance. The
variables and weightings which were nally included in the A-ITSN
are shown in Table 2.
The indicators which were nally included in the production of
the A-ITSN, according to the weightings of the participation in the
rst principal component all refer to personal disadvantage, from
which it can be deduced that the majority of absolute transport
disadvantage in a district is explained by the individual socio-eco-
nomic characteristics of its inhabitants. Only two mobility-related
variables are signicant for the explanation of absolute transport
disadvantage: car ownership and distance to the city centre
(16%). The widespread use of private motorised vehicles would
give rise to signicant increases in congestion and pollution, and
would not provide a sufcient solution to the disadvantage
brought about by all the other socio-economic factors (84%) (pop-
ulation over 60, non-working population, population with a dis-
ability, illiteracy, etc.). The socio-economic variables are vitally
important to the explanation of transport disadvantage and there-
fore the measures to reduce it must include policies specically
targeted towards the underprivileged population. A specic pro-
gram to make the public transport network more accessible can in-
clude accessible taxis for people with disabilities or restricted
mobility, reducing fares for people living in outer areas, introduc-
ing free travel days for seniors, lowering fares for low-income earn-
ers, unemployed or students, implementing accessible timetable
information, etc. (Victorian Department of Transport, 2008).
For the Relative Index for Transport Social Need (R-ITSN) the
rst principal component shows that 61.07% of the total variance
and weightings obtained were as demonstrated in Table 3. The
indicators which were nally included in the production of the
R-ITSN, according to the weightings of the participation in the rst
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357 349

Fig. 5. Relative Index of Social Transport Needs results by district. Source: Authors.

principal component refer to personal disadvantage and disadvan-
tage of the district. The weighting assigned to the factors specic to
the district count for almost one third of the total (27.59%). This
fact shows that the relative needs, representative of the vertical
equity, are inuenced by the conditions of life in the district. Only
one mobility-related variable is signicant in explaining relative
transport disadvantage: car ownership (11.4%). Also, in this case,
the majority of the problem (88.6%) is explained by socio-economic
variables. For this reason, the improvement in the situation will
not solely be achieved by investment and improvement in public
or private transport, but with measures aimed at reducing inequal-
ities between districts.
4.2. Index of Public Transport Provision
2006) based on the infrastructure (Geurs and Wee, 2004). It is cal-
culated as the quotient of the total sum of the stops for the district
by each service or mode available (sij) weighted by an indicator of
capacity of the vehicles (wci) and another of the average frequency
of service for each stop (w) (Table 4), and the total area of the dis-
trict considered (Aj). The Relative Index of Public Transport Provi-
sion (R-IPTP) has been produced including in the denominator
the population of each district analysed (Pj) to quantify the service
of transport provision per capita. The expressions used for the cal-
culation of A-IPTP and R-IPTP are as follows:
1X n
A-IPTPj sij wci wfi 3
Aj i1

1 X n
The indicators of provision of public transport were produced R-IPTPj sij wci wfi 4
with information from data from the Municipal Administrative P j Aj i1
Planning Department of Santiago de Cali (Departamento Adminis-
trativo de Planeacin Municipal, 2009) and the digital cartography ci
wci 5
supplied by Metrocali, who manage the public transport system in cmin
the city (Metrocali, 2010).
The Absolute Index of Public Transport Provision (A-IPTP) is fi
wfi 6
estimated as an index of topological accessibility (Rodrigue et al., fmin
350 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 6. Absolute Index of Public Transport Provision results by district. Source: Authors.
where A-IPTP is the Absolute Index of Public Transport Provision for
district j; R-IPTP the Relative Index Of Public Transport Provision for
district j; n the number of modes and/or services of public transport
available; Sij the number of stops for the mode i in the district j; wci
the weighting factor for the capacity of mode i; w the weighting
factor for the frequency of mode i; Aj the area of district j; Pj the
population of district j; ci the capacity of the vehicle of mode i;
cmn of the smallest vehicle from the modes available; fi the fre-
quency for mode i; and fmn is the lowest frequency of the modes
available.
The A-IPTP and R-IPTP indices for each district were standard-
ised as in the second Eq. (2).
As in the previous index, areas with a low index score can be
categorised as areas with relatively low public transport provi-
sion and areas with higher scores can be categorised as areas
with relatively high transport provision. Whereas the index of
transport provision proposed by Currie (2010) and later used
by Amoroso et al. (2010) was based on the characteristics of
the area covered and the level of service available for each stop,
the proposed indicators have been improved, by the consider-
ation of the number of passengers which each stop is capable
of absorbing, and as a proportion of the population of the district,
in relative terms.
4.3. Index of Disparity between transport Need and Provision
The gap existing between the social transport need, from the
perspective of persons with transport disadvantage, and the provi-
sion of public transport available in each district is designated as
the Index of Disparity between Needs and Provision (IDNP), and
is calculated as the difference between the absolute and relative
values of the Index of Transport Needs (ITSN) and the Index of Pub-
lic Transport Provision (IPTP):
IDNP ITSN  IPTP 7
where IDNP is the Index of Disparity between Needs and Provision;
ITSN the Index of Transport Social Needs (A-ITSN or R-ITSN); and
IPTP is the Index of Public Transport Provision (A-IPTP or R-IPTP).
The IPTP measures how much public transport there is in a dis-
trict. And it is compared against ITSN, which come from the results
of absolute and relative transport disadvantage to get the IDNP. In
addition to having more bus stops, or higher bus frequency, spe-
cic measures, such as those mentioned above (services adapted
for disabled or elderly, benets for advance ticket purchase, dis-
counts for unemployed, etc.) and a safe public bus service can
directly and positively affect variables such as murder rates, unem-
ployment, and illiteracy because accessibility to jobs, education
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 7. Relative Index of Public Transport Provision results by district. Source: Authors.
and health services gets better. These measures must be accompa-
nied by policies to lower the murder rate, generate jobs or reduce
illiteracy, because increasing transport supply alone will not be en-
ough to reduce the disadvantage.
5. Results
The indices ITSN, IPTP and IDNP are determined by district. The
set of data is ordered from smallest to largest value and is divided
into seven intervals or classes. These intervals are identied look-
ing for clusters or patterns in the data by minimising the variation
within each class (Moreno, 2008), whose limits are xed by the
natural break point method or Jenks method of optimisation (Baza
et al., 2009).
The values for each index were represented cartographically
with the system of analysis and representation of Geographic
Information System (GIS), not only for the absolute situation but
also for the relative situation (Figs. 49). Additionally absolute
and relative values of the IDNP were compared and the districts or-
dered according to ITSN, IPTP and IDNP (Tables 5 and 6). Finally the
districts were standardised according to their levels of absolute
and relative disparity, according to their favourable or unfavour-
able situation in relation to need-provision (Fig. 10).
351
5.1. Indices of Transport Social Needs and Public Transport Provision
Figs. 4 and 5 show the results of the indices of Transport Social
Need in the map of the city divided into districts. For the A-ITSN
the zones which show very high and high values of need are found
on the periphery with an asymmetrical pattern in the North East-
ern and Eastern zones and the South Eastern district. For the R-
ITSN, zones on the periphery are identied but with a symmetrical
pattern for the East and Northeast and the West. District 22 in the
South of the city, despite being on the periphery, shows some very
favourable results, whilst Districts 1 and 18 show very high rela-
tive needs, despite, in absolute terms, having mediumlow needs,
according to their unfavourable socio-economic conditions.
Figs. 6 and 7 show the results of the indices of public transport
provision on the map of the city divided by district. The overprovi-
sion in the central area is shown relative to its location and greater
economic and commercial activity. For the A-IPTP the zones with
very low and low provision are localised in the East central zone
and the West and Southwest zones in an asymmetrical pattern.
For the R-IPTP the distribution of the zones is more even, with
zones in the West, the East and the Northeast in a symmetrical pat-
tern. This fact is a consequence, as mentioned, of the better road
connection of the northern and southern zones along the valley,
352 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 8. Absolute Index of Disparity between Needs and Provision results by district. Source: Authors.
as opposed to the slums on the outlying slopes. Although the re-
sults of the R-ITSN and the A-ITSN are similar, major inequalities
in the distribution of relative needs appear which can be appreci-
ated in the greater value of standard deviation (Table 5).
In Figs. 8 and 9 the results of the IDNP are shown in the map of
the city divided by district. For the A-IDNP the zones with de-
ciency and high deciency in transport are situated both in the East
and in the West in a symmetrical pattern. For the R-IDNP the re-
sults are similar, even though three central districts leave the
group of high overprovision, in which only district 22 remains.
The greater concentration of main transport corridors in the cen-
tral districts, corresponding with the business area (Central Busi-
ness District) gives rise to a high overprovision in the A-IDNP
and moderate overprovision in the R-IDNP, showing a longitudinal
NorthSouth orientation, in agreement with the layout of the main
transport corridors of the BRT system.
5.2. Absolute and Relative Index of Disparity between transport Need
and Provision
The Index of Disparity between transport Need and Provision
demonstrates the areas with under-provision. Arithmetically, it
would be reduced with more public transport provision, however
given the importance of the socio-economic factors in the ITSN
other specic measures have to be considered to resolve transport
disadvantage.
Table 5 shows the values of the ITSN, IPTP and IDNP or disparity,
in absolute and relative terms. If the average values are compared,
the R-ITSN (59.78) is greater than the A-ITSN (45.33), whilst the
average value of A-IPTP (52.43) is greater than that of R-IPTP
(34.74). The average absolute disparity is negative (7.10), from
which a favourable situation in the general provision of the public
transport system can be inferred, but the positive value of the rel-
ative disparity (25.05) is indicative of a clearly decient situation
in terms of vertical equity of opportunities (see footnote 1).
Table 6 shows the area, population and ranking of each district
according to the value of the different indices obtained, and Fig. 10
gives the values of the A-IDNP and the R-IDNP, that characterise
the Absolute and Relative disparity. With the former as a basis,
there exist three types of district according to their distribution
in quadrants and the disparity between social transport need and
public transport provision:
 In the rst quadrant there are seven districts (13, 1, 14, 15, 6, 18
and 20), with a population of 836,771 inhabitants (41.51% of the
total urban population) and a surface area of 3013.16 Ha (24.90%
of the total urban surface area), which show a positive absolute
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Fig. 9. Relative index of disparity between needs and provision results by district. Source: Authors.
and relative disparity. This situation calls for greater attention
from the public authorities through strategies for the reduction
of relative needs (increase in public services or rise in levels of
safety) and increase in the provision of public transport.
 In the second quadrant no district is found with a positive abso-
lute disparity and negative relative disparity, which is to say,
that the district shows unfavourable absolute conditions and
is also going to have unfavourable relative conditions.
 In the third quadrant there are four districts (22, 3, 9 and 10),
with a population of 204,342 inhabitants (10.13% of the total
urban population) and a surface area of 2149.07 Ha (17.76% of
the total urban surface area), which shows a negative absolute
and relative disparity and are in the best position when compar-
ing the social needs according to transport disadvantage and the
provision of public transport services. It is necessary to under-
line the case of district 22, the least dense, and yet inhabited
by the highest socio-economic stratum of the population, which
shows an absolute overprovision balance, but appears to have a
high relative overprovision, changing from 12th position in A-
IDNP to 22nd in R-IDNP.
 In the fourth quadrant there are eleven districts, with a popula-
tion of 977,370 inhabitants (48.42% of the total urban popula-
tion) and a surface area of 6939.75 Ha (57.34% of the total
353
urban surface area), which have a positive relative disparity
and a negative absolute disparity. From these districts, two
(12 and 21) show a positive relative disparity and the absolute
gap is close to zero; six districts (4, 5, 7, 11, 8 and 16) show a
negative absolute disparity, but in relative terms they require
some attention and three (2, 17 and 19) are close to the zero
point, which indicates an almost optimal needs-provision
situation.
6. Discussion and conclusions
This article is a case study approach in which the public trans-
port conditions of Santiago de Cali (Colombia), and the city-wide
reform embedded in the MIO system are explained, and with the
implementation of this system, the city is changing and public
transport provision has improved. Traditional urban transport
studies usually do not take social transport needs into consider-
ation. This work highlights a problem which is severely affecting
wide groups in Latin America who suffer social exclusion, and
demonstrates that the planning and management of public trans-
port systems must take into account mechanisms which include
social needs in the decision making process. The relationship be-
tween public transport provision and social needs is analysed in
354 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357

Table 5 the built-in variables and their weighting, more in accordance with
Indicators of transport need, provision and the gap by district. its socio-economic and urban conditions.
District Needs Provision Gap This analysis has evidenced disadvantaged areas and population
Absolute Relative Absolute Relative Absolute Relative sectors in terms of public transport provision by contrast to the
characteristics of social transport needs. The results show an abso-
1 35.80 100 0 0 35.80 100
2 38.20 26.5 51.14 25.71 12.94 0.79
lute correspondence to the districts with the greater needs-provi-
3 18.03 59.81 89.18 100 71.15 40.19 sion disparity, which also have the worst socio-economic
4 24.53 54.44 58.51 51.75 33.98 2.68 conditions. The districts with the greater relative and absolute dis-
5 41.18 38.72 61.47 30.27 20.29 8.45 parities correspond with the districts which are more isolated and
6 92.50 82.37 56.73 16.43 35.77 65.94
distant from the city centre, with higher levels of illiteracy, crime
7 36.60 65.91 69.31 46.14 32.71 19.77
8 39.09 40.66 56.24 28.21 17.15 12.45 and unemployment, and inhabited by low socio-economic strata,
9 19.99 55.79 83.52 85.5 63.53 29.71 without access to a private motorised vehicle, and with a large in-
10 38.87 32.86 100 47.51 61.13 14.65 fant population. In contrast, the central districts show absolute
11 45.81 56.57 93.79 46.92 47.98 9.65
overprovision, with public transport services of greater capacity
12 30.67 62.98 32.72 24.23 2.05 38.75
13 100.00 90.12 36.36 10.31 63.64 79.81
and regularity. It was identied, in both social transport need
14 93.81 95.42 55.32 17.55 38.49 77.87 and public transport provision, that the most unfavourable condi-
15 72.57 90.36 41.72 16.26 30.85 74.1 tions are shown in the indicators of the relative type. In this sense,
16 43.07 59.67 53.85 28.02 10.78 31.65 when the districts showed a favourable situation in the relative
17 41.23 24.18 45.69 21.43 4.46 2.76
disparity indicator, none of them showed an unfavourable situa-
18 48.72 69.6 25.53 13.02 23.19 56.58
19 41.88 29.14 57.25 28.12 15.37 1.02 tion in the absolute indicator.
20 35.68 86.96 16.45 12.59 19.23 74.37 It has been demonstrated that socio-economic aspects play a
21 51.93 93.16 55.55 31.63 3.62 61.52 predominant role in the explanation of the social transport needs,
22 0.00 0 13.02 82.58 13.02 82.58 whilst the aspects relative to transport (ownership of private
Total 990.17 1315.22 1153.35 764.19 163.18 551.03
Aver. 45.0 59.78 52.43 34.74 7.4 25.05
motorised vehicle and distance from the city centre) only explain
Max. 100 100 100 100 63.64 100 a small part. From this can be deduced that promoting car owner-
Min. 0 0 0 0 71.15 82.58 ship is not the way to reduce transport disadvantage considering in
Std. dev. 24.78 27.37 25.73 25.93 36.21 45.64 addition its negative social and environmental consequences.
Transport authorities should pay attention to disadvantaged users
and to propose strategies to solve these difculties (e.g. imple-
order to see where improvements in this BRT can be made. An in- menting new public transport lines, services adapted for disabled
dex of social needs for public transport has been developed and an- or elderly, lower fares for low-income earners and students, etc.).
other for its provision, both in absolute and relative terms for this Also, social policies to reduce illiteracy, crime rates, unemployment
city. Their difference allows the value of the absolute and relative rates and socio-economic imbalance among districts can help to
disparity between needs and provision to be ascertained. achieve better results.
The index of social transport needs represents a quantitative With the implementation of the BRT in Santiago de Cali the city
approximation of a complex problem which is affected by a consid- is becoming modernised and the oversupply of the collective trans-
erable number of variables. To produce the indicator of transport port system is being eliminated through a process of restructuring
need, the index proposed by Currie (2010) for Australian cities, and route cancellation to achieve the complete substitution of the
and which was later used for Palermo (Italy) (Amoroso et al., old system by the MIO. However, the system is not currently fully
2010), was used as a basic structure. However, given the particu- operative. The new lines will only cover 9% of city districts and 71%
larities shown in Santiago de Cali a revision was put forward of will not be affected by this new infrastructure. As has been shown,

Table 6
Area, population and ranking according to ISTN, IPTP and IDNP by district.

District Area Population ISTN ranking IPTP ranking IDNP ranking

Ha % Inhab. % Relative Absolute Relative Absolute Relative Absolute
1 391.08 3.23 61,828 8.40 1 16 22 22 1 3
2 1131.30 9.35 97,722 8.31 20 14 13 14 18 12
3 370.45 3.06 44,186 7.60 11 21 1 3 21 22
4 452.50 3.74 55,965 6.20 15 19 4 7 16 18
5 419.76 3.47 99,844 4.74 17 11 9 6 14 16
6 501.17 4.14 167,678 5.18 7 3 17 9 6 4
7 510.73 4.22 74,169 4.85 9 15 7 5 11 17
8 526.67 4.35 97,967 3.06 16 12 10 10 12 15
9 289.94 2.40 48,382 4.96 14 20 2 4 20 21
10 429.77 3.55 103,671 4.68 18 13 5 1 19 20
11 369.96 3.06 98,492 4.28 13 7 6 2 13 19
12 232.94 1.92 66,676 3.20 10 18 14 18 9 8
13 473.73 3.91 169,51 4.95 5 1 21 17 2 1
14 454.33 3.75 153,42 4.84 2 2 16 12 3 2
15 406.04 3.36 125,078 5.14 4 4 18 16 5 5
16 427.58 3.53 94,485 3.30 12 8 12 13 10 11
17 1255.59 10.38 104,504 4.88 21 10 15 15 15 10
18 542.86 4.49 95,766 3.67 8 6 19 19 8 6
19 1129.83 9.34 100,063 2.77 19 9 11 8 17 14
20 243.95 2.02 64,491 2.40 6 17 20 20 4 7
21 482.89 3.99 86,483 0.40 3 5 8 11 7 9
22 1058.91 8.75 8103 2.19 22 22 3 21 22 13
 C. Jaramillo et al. / Journal of Transport Geography 24 (2012) 340357
Absolute GAP
100
75
50
25
Relative GAP
0 12
22
19
-25
-50
9 10
3
-75
-100
-100 -75 -50 -25
Fig. 10. Absolute and relative disparity by district. Source: Authors.
there is still room for improvement in some aspects of transport
disadvantage which were not considered in its planning. Finally,
it must not be forgotten that the policies for public transport and
local social policies must be co-ordinated in order to achieve the
reduction of needs for motorised mobility and the improvement
of the public transport services.
Acknowledgements
This work has made possible thanks to the Grant of the Euro-
pean mobility of students and researchers program Erasmus Mun-
dus External Cooperation Windows Lot 21b COOPEN, funded by
the European Union, in the form of postdoc by Prof. C. Jaramillo at
the Urban and Spatial Planning Laboratory, University of Granada.
The authors of this paper also acknowledge the anonymous
reviewers of this manuscript for their helpful questions and com-
ments, and the valuable revision of the document made by Mr.
Charles Graham and Mrs. Rose Knipe.
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