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AGAINST Periodization:
Kosellecks Theory of Multiple Temporalities
Helge Jordheim
ABSTRACT
In this essay I intend to flesh out and discuss what I consider to be the groundbreak-
ing contribution by the German historian and theorist of history Reinhart Koselleck to
postwar historiography: his theory of historical times. I begin by discussing the view, so
prominent in the Anglophone context, that Kosellecks idea of the plurality of historical
times can be grasped only in terms of a plurality of historical periods in chronological
succession, and hence, that Kosellecks theory of historical times is in reality a theory of
periodization. Against this interpretation, to be found in works by Kathleen Davis, Peter
Osborne, and Lynn Hunt, among others, I will argue that not only is Kosellecks theory
of historical times, or, with a more phenomenlogical turn of phrase, his theory of multiple
temporalities, not a theory of periodization, it is, furthermore, a theory developed to defy
periodization. Hence, at the core of Kosellecks work is the attempt to replace the idea of
linear, homogeneous time with a more complex, heterogeneous, and multilayered notion
of temporality. In this essay I will demonstrate how this shift is achieved by means of
three dichotomies: between natural and historical, extralinguistic and intralinguistic, and
diachronic and synchronic time.
Among the most striking claims in the work of the German historian and theorist
of history Reinhart Koselleck is the one raised in his essay On the Need for The-
ory in the Discipline of History (ber die Theoriebedrftigkeit der Geschichts
wissenschaft) that history can exist as a discipline only if it is capable of develop-
ing what in the German original is referred to as eine Theorie der geschichtlichen
Zeiten.1 Even though it is repeated in almost identical form in several other
essays,2 this claim has rarely been the focus of discussion and research, at least
not in an Anglophone context. If not an explanation, at least a hint as to why this
claim has more or less been overlooked can be found in the English translation of
the essay in question published in 2002 in the book The Practice of Conceptual
History, which came out in the series Cultural Memory in the Present, with a
3. Koselleck, On the Need for Theory in the Discipline of History, in Koselleck, The Practice of
Conceptual History: Timing History, Spacing Concepts, transl. Todd Samuel Presner et al. (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 2002), 4.
4. One important exception is Gabriel Motzkin; see, for example, On Kosellecks Intuition of
Time in History, in The Meaning of Historical Terms and Concepts: New Studies in Begriffsge
schichte, ed. Hartmut Lehmann and Melvin Richter (Washington, DC: German Historical Institute,
1996), 41-46; ber den Begriff der geschichtlichen (Dis-)Kontinuitt: Reinhart Kosellecks Kon-
struktion der Sattelzeit, in Begriffene Geschichte: Beitrge zum Werk Reinhart Kosellecks, ed.
Hans Joas and Peter Vogt (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2011), 339-358. See also the recent article
by Alexandre Escudier, Temporalization and Political Modernity: A Tentative Systematization of
the Work of Reinhart Koselleck, in Political Concepts and Time: New Approaches to Conceptual
History, ed. Javier Fernndez Sebastin (Santander: Cantabria University Press & McGraw-Hill,
2011), 131-178.
5. Among the recent contributions, see Jrn Leonhard, Erfahrungsgeschichten der Moderne: Von
der komparativen Semantik zur Temporalisierung europischer Sattelzeiten, in Joas and Vogt, eds.,
Begriffene Geschichte, 423-448; and Michael Makropolous, Historische Semantik und Positivitt
der Kontingenz: Modernittstheoretische Perspektive bei Reinhart Koselleck, in Joas and Vogt, eds.,
Begriffene Geschichte, 481-413.
against periodization 153
the second section, I will give an initial presentation of some of the elements and
arguments that point in a radically different direction. These are brought out in
part by Zammitos philosophical reading and in part by Kosellecks own interpre-
tation of Altdorfers painting Alexanderschlacht, which has become emblematic
of his theory of modernity. Finally, in the third section, I will present a structure
for systematizing and reconstructing Kosellecks theory of historical times in a
way that doesnt sever the links to his methodological innovations and empirical
work in the history of concepts. In this final part of the essay I will demonstrate
how Koselleck develops his theory of multiple temporalities by means of three
dichotomies that all serve to deconstruct the idea of one linear and homogeneous
chronological time: between natural and historical time, extralinguistic and intra-
linguistic time, and synchronic and diachronic time. Together these dichotomies
present a way of resisting the impending danger of history being brought to a
standstill by methods and approaches focusing on language and texts.
In a series of essays collected in the volume Futures Past, which was published
in English in 1985 and which introduced Koselleck to an Anglophone audience,6
he presents his version of the advent of modernity understood as a shift from
one experience of time and history to another, from history as a homogeneous,
unchanging space to history as an indefinite and unstoppable movement or pro-
cess, to which every historical object, every action, every intention is subjected.
What is taking place, he writes, is a temporalization of history, leading to the
special kind of acceleration that characterizes our modern world.7 To describe
this process Koselleck develops a set of metahistorical or anthropological cat-
egories. At the threshold of modernity in the period of Western history that he
has famously coined Sattelzeit,8 the relationship between space of experience
[Erfahrungsraum] and horizon of expectation [Erwartungshorizont] becomes
increasingly asymmetrical and discontinuous. Thus our experiences, our histori-
cal knowledge at any given point in time, no longer serve as a solid foundation for
predicting the future, or generally, for knowing what to expect.9 From this initial
disjunction of experience and expectation, modernity, in terms of a historical
period spanning from the eighteenth century until today, became characterized by
a discontinuous relationship to the past in terms of experiences, traditions, and
origins, and correspondingly, by an almost obsessive interest in the future in the
form of expectations, plans, prognoses, and utopias.10
6. Koselleck, Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
1985).
7. Koselleck, Vergangene Zukunft der Frhen Neuzeit [1968], in Koselleck, Vergangene
Zukunft: Zur Semantik historischer Zeiten (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1979), 19.
8. Koselleck, Einleitung, in Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-
sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, ed. Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck (Stuttgart:
KlettCotta, 1972), I, xv.
9. Koselleck, Erfahrungsraum und Erwartungshorizontzwei historische Kategorien [1975],
in Vergangene Zukunft, 366.
10. The obsessiveness of this interest in the future is brought out in polemical fashion in
Kosellecks first book Kritik und Krise: Eine Studie zur Pathogenese der brgerlichen Welt, which
154 helge jordheim
was first published in 1959 and was translated into English in 1988: Critique and Crisis: Enlighten
ment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (New York and London: Berg, 1988). Never as suc-
cessful as Futures Past, this books role in establishing Koselleck as someone working in the tradition
from Carl Schmitt and the German historiographical discussions about the emergence of modernity
still shouldnt be underestimated, as can be seen in the work of Kathleen Davis.
11. Kathleen Davis, Periodization and Sovereignty: How Ideas of Feudalism and Secularization
Govern the Politics of Time (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 87.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid., 88.
14. Ibid., 87.
against periodization 155
Before I move on to Kosellecks own struggle to distance himself from the
logic of periodization, I would like to comment briefly on two other contribu-
tions from an early and a more recent phase in the reception of Koselleck in
the Anglophone world. In his The Politics of Time (1995), Peter Osborne uses
Koselleck to illustrate what he refers to as the peculiar dual role of modernity as
a category. Modernity, Osborne claims, designates the contemporaneity of an
epoch to the time of its classification but at the same time registers this con-
temporaneity in terms of a qualitatively new, self-transcending temporality which
has the simultaneous effect of distancing the present from even that most recent
past with which it is thus identified.15 Whereas Davis criticizes Kosellecks idea
of the Neuzeit for being a substitute for the absent foundation of sovereignty,
Osborne recognizes in this idea a prehistory of the lived time-consciousness of
late nineteenth century European metropolitan modernity . . . that transitoriness
which lies at the core of the fugitive and the contingent.16 Because Osbornes
sole interest is the ontological structure of historical time, he fails to take account
of the phenomenological complexity of the theory of multiple temporalities that
frames Kosellecks theory of modernity. Finally, in a more recent contribution,
Lynn Hunt probes Kosellecks theory of modernity as a temporal experience
and concludes, in line with earlier commentators, that it is not really a theory of
modernity at all because it is completely unable to explain what might be the
genuine historical quality of the peculiar form of acceleration that to her
mind characterizes the modern age.17 The only explanation she can find consists
of some especially opaque references to technoindustrial progress and the
time saved by the increasing division of labor by machines.18 This criticism is
more than valid if ones focus is on theories of modernity. In a book on time and
history, however, it is surprising that Hunt does not consider the possibility that
Koselleck might never really have been out to develop a theory of modernity
as such, but rather a theory that deals with the multiple temporalities unfolding
between historical events and their linguistic representations.
In the studies by Davis, Osborne, and Hunt, Kosellecks theory of modernity
is presented as hampered by a series of weaknesses and paradoxes relating to
political, philosophical, or empirical issues, to which there appear to be no imme-
diate solutions within the theory itself. Against this background, it seems all the
more urgent to ask whether the insistence on periodization really does justice to
Kosellecks sustained reflection on the complexities of historical times. After all,
Koselleck himself seemed eager to distance himself from these kinds of readings,
and in what follows I will give but two examples of how he opposed attempts to
attribute to him a theory of periodization.
On the occasion of the completion of the eight-volume lexicon of key con-
cepts, Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, the intellectual historian J. G. A. Pocock
was invited to comment on the project of German Begriffsgeschichte. Pocock
15. Peter Osborne, The Politics of Time: Modernity and Avant-Garde (London and New York:
Verso, 1995), 13-14.
16. Ibid., 13.
17. Lynn Hunt, Measuring Time, Making History (Budapest: CEU Press, 2008), 75-76.
18. Ibid., 76-77.
156 helge jordheim
27. For a more sustained discussion of Koselleck and the linguistic turn, see Helge Jordheim,
Thinking in Convergences: Koselleck on Language, History and Time, Ideas in History 2, no. 3
(2007), 65-90: and Jordheim, Does Conceptual History Really Need a Theory of Historical Times?
Contributions to the History of Concepts 6, no. 2 (2011), 21-41.
28. Koselleck, Vergangene Zukunft der frhen Neuzeit, 18.
29. Ibid., 19.
against periodization 159
early teachers, wrote: Any narrative of the past depicts something which lies still
[was still liegt]. He continues: this kind of historical narrative explicitly freezes
history [ist eine ausdrckliche Stilllegung der Geschichte]whereas in reality
history is something that always takes place [ein Geschehen]. Any historical
approach in the truest sense of the word, Heidegger affirms, is bound to ask what
is still taking place, even though it is supposed to be in the past.30
For the painter Altdorfer, the Stilllegungto use Heideggers very apt term
allows him to depict all the details in this theater of war, be they the different
troop formations, the fleeing Persians, the attacking Macedonians, the landscape,
the rising sun and the moon, as all parts of the same historical moment, the same
synchronic unity. For the historian Koselleck, however, the main challenge
of analyzing this painting consists in retrieving from it historys character of
Geschehen, of something that is taking place. In other words, Kosellecks inten-
tion is to explore the ways that the frozen, synchronic moment of the painting is
in fact penetrated by a strong diachronic movement much in the same way that
Alexander penetrates the Persian lines. Koselleck puts different elements in the
painting into motion, in time and in history, spanning a period of more than 2,000
years from the battle itself in the year 333 bce to the French Revolution. From
the perspective of this long diachronic movementsimilar to what the French
historian, and one of Kosellecks most significant sources of inspiration, Fernand
Braudel, referred to as la longue dure31Altdorfers painting marks but an
instant, a moment about to disappear in the stream of history.
In his essay Koselleck analyzes this synchronic moment and its representation
in a way that makes it possible to regain its historicity. Thus, the numbers on the
banners, almost invisible to the naked eye, and in the same way the name Alex-
ander Magnus painted on the shields on one of the horses, unfold a diachronic
temporality. Obviously, they are anachronisms, or, to use a term that appears fre-
quently in Kosellecks work, Ungleichzeitigkeiten, instances of nonsynchronic-
ity, noncontemporaneity. Going into battle, banners high, no one could possibly
know how many soldiers in each legion would die. Likewise, Alexander had at
the time of the battle not yet received the epithet the Great. These are elements
of a later history that are introduced into the painting as if they were contem-
poraneous with the events represented. In Kosellecks temporal hermeneutics
of history the analysis of these nonsynchronicities, these Ungleichzeitigkeiten,
serves to illustrate the extent to which this painting still represents a Geschehen,
history taking place. The painting freezes history, but Kosellecks analysis sets it
in motion again by pointing at the elements that are nonsynchronous, that belong
in another time. These elements are not entirely separated from the time of the
painting but are linked to it through a diachronic historical movement that may
have been invisible to Altdorfer but is all the more visible to us. Hence, Altdor-
fers painting as a historical representation, as Stilllegung, is imbued with an
inherent historicity that restores its character of Geschehen as part of a diachronic
movement.
30. Martin Heidegger, Die Frage nach dem Ding (Tbingen: Niemeyer, 1975), 33.
31. Fernand Braudel, Histoire et sciences sociales: La longue dure, Annales: conomies, soci
ts, civilizations 4 (1958), 725-753.
160 helge jordheim
and their role in political processes and events.42 In the end, Koselleck argues in
an article from 1973, these examples can be reduced to three modes of temporal
experience. First is the irreversibility of events, the before and the after in
historical successions. Second is the repeatability of events, both in terms of
two presumed identical events and in terms of constellations or typologies. Last
is what he terms the simultaneity of the nonsimultaneous [die Gleichzeitigkeit
der Ungleichzeitigen], implying that historical successions may have the same
natural chronology but totally different temporal organizations, for instance in
the case of utopian ideologies projecting their political and social ideals into the
future.43
In a later essay on Transformation of Experience and Methodological
Change (Erfahrungswandel und Methodenwechsel), first published in 1988,
Koselleck more or less makes the same distinctions among three kinds of acqui-
sition of experience [Erfahrungsgewinn]. However, there are some small but
interesting variations. First, instead of irreversibility he is now talking about sur-
prise, the temporality of this experience being the minimal difference between
before and after, between too early and too late. Though certainly not the only
possible subject of this kind of experience, Koselleck defines the single indi-
vidual as the primary subject because this kind of experience influences every
person in him- or herself.44 But experiences, he goes on to argue in a second
point, are made not only by surprise but also by repetition. They are results of
a process of accumulation, in which they confirm or correct each other. These
kinds of experiences do not unfold in the minimal temporal difference of the
surprise but in a different kind of temporality. For Koselleck, these are periods
that structure, reorient, and stabilize a life, and whose maximum length is the dis-
tance from birth until death.45 Hence, the typical subject of such experiences is
not the single individual but the entire generation or, more generally, all people
living together, it could be families, professional groups, inhabitants of a city,
soldiers of an army, members of states or social groups, believers or unbelievers
within or outside churches, members of political formations of every sort and so
on.46 These people share specific spans and thresholds of experience that, once
they are instituted or surpassed, create a common history.47 The third kind of
acquisition of experience discussed here, very different from the one discussed
in the first essay, is what Koselleck refers to as the long-term system changes48
as exemplified in the fall of the Roman Empire. Prior to introducing this third
point, however, he sums up his argument: The change of experience, always
unique in situ, nevertheless takes place on different temporal levels: namely, in
the interaction between those events that generate new experiences spontaneously
and in concrete situations, or more slowly, when experiences add up, confirm
each other, react to changes in the relatively stable net of conditions within which
42. Koselleck: Begriffsgeschichte und Sozialgeschichte [1972], in Vergangene Zukunft, 133.
43. Ibid., 132.
44. Koselleck, Sprachwandel und Ereignisgeschichte, 34f.
45. Ibid., 35.
46. Ibid., 36.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid., 39.
against periodization 163
events become possible.49 Here, as well as in the preceding discussion of differ-
ent kinds or modes of experience, it becomes clear why linguistic representation
in the Koselleckian framework can never lead to a Stilllegung der Geschichte, to
history being frozen in distinct and stable chronological units such as historical
periods. For Koselleck, language is always linked to experience. There can be
no language that doesnt itself refer to individual and collective experiences, and
these experiences are always invested with temporal structures. In this way time
enters into language and puts it into motion.
52. Ibid.
53. Koselleck, Historik und Hermeneutik, 111f.
54. Koselleck, Hinweise auf die temporalen Strukturen begriffsgeschichtlichen Wandels [2002],
in Begriffsgeschichten: Studien zur Semantik und Pragmatik der politischen und sozialen Sprache
(Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2006), 88.
55. Ibid., 89.
against periodization 165
of the notions of structure and system, which stand in sharp opposition to the
definitions at work within the structuralist tradition. For Ferdinand de Saussure,
focus on the structural and systemic aspects of language served to free the study
of linguistic forms from the historical and diachronic approaches predominant in
his time. For Koselleck, however, the notion of structure is not derived from
structural linguistics but from the German Strukturgeschichte practiced before
World War II by his co-editors of Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, Otto Brunner
and Werner Conze, among others. Following Brunner and Conze, for Koselleck,
structure applies only to diachronic phenomena and most importantly to what
he terms structures of repetition [Wiederholungsstrukturen] when history or at
least historical experience seems to be repeating itself. The same goes for what
Koselleck refers to as the structural possibilities56 of historical concepts, or,
with another turn of phrase, their systematic claim.57 These structural possibili-
ties and claims unfold horizontally, in diachronic time, and notas could have
been expectedvertically, in the space of synchronic discourse.
According to Koselleck, every concept has its own internal temporal struc-
ture, which is inherent in the concepts and which is characterized by being
multilayered and complex.58 Furthermore, this temporal constellation is a
three-part structure comprised of all three dimensions of time: past, present, and
future. But Koselleck saw the investigation of this intralinguistic temporality as
more of a future possibility for research in conceptual history than as an already
accomplished goal: All key words in political and social language have a multi-
layered internal temporal structure reaching beyond the particular contemporary
reality, both forwards and backwards. It would be a fascinating enterprise to write
a history of concepts, which only concentrated on the elements of the past, the
present, and the future.59
To further specify this temporal structure we could argue that every political
or social concept comprises both a pragmatic and polemic element intervening
in the present, a prognostic or even utopian element anticipating the future, and
finally an element of duration surviving from the past. Even though all concepts
belong in a particular context, a situation, or as Koselleck calls it, a Zustand, they
still retain what he refers to as their Janus-faces60 with one side facing back-
ward toward a past that is long gone and the other side facing forward toward a
future that is yet to come. One example might be an analysis of the concept of
revolution in the context of the fateful days of October 1917 when the Bolshe-
viks were rebelling against the czarist empire. Here, we might suggest the follow-
ing temporal organization: first, the concept is pointing backward toward a past
overshadowed by the French Revolution and the revolutions of 1830 and 1848,
or even further back toward a premodern concept of revolution determined by
the movement of the stars and the planets; second, it is pointing forward toward
the coming of a new era, the utopia of the communist society; third, it intervenes
in the present by summoning the workers to the barricades and urging them to
bring down czarist rule. Moreover, Koselleck adds in one of his articles, it is not
only concepts that have their own internal temporal structures but the same can
be said about sources [Quellen].61 In other words, it is not only single concepts
but entire texts that can be read and interpreted in terms of how they refer to or
point at the past, the present, and the future. Whats more, this strategy can be
applied beyond the investigation of texts; in Kosellecks later work on monu-
ments and cultures of memory, as well as in a series of influential works dealing
with the presence of the past in the present by scholars such as Aleida Assmann,
Svetlana Boym, and Andreas Huyssen, the same kind of temporal structures or
layers prove to be at work in other parts of our surroundings, such as landscapes,
cityscapes, buildings, objects, practices, and so on.62
Kosellecks both theoretical and methodological innovation provides an effec-
tive tool for challenging the logic of periodization. On the first level of temporal-
ity the concepts change their meanings and uses diachronically in time, that is,
natural extralinguistic time. But this diachronic movement is stopped or frozen
as soon as we choose to study a concept at a specific point in history, in a spe-
cific Zustand, situation, or discourseeven though a certain sense of movement
remains due to the temporal displacements between language and reality. On the
second level of temporality, however, the diachronic movement that appeared
to be frozen, stillgelegt to use Heideggers term, is repeated within the concepts
themselves as an internal, that is, intralinguistic temporal structure. Hence, even
if we choose to study a particular situation or discourse there will always be con-
cepts or even texts within this situation or discourse that, due to their temporal
organization, pointing at the past, the present, and the future, unveil a diachronic
movement through the synchronic moment. This then brings us to my last point,
the final instance of multiple temporalities, in other words, the final temporal
dichotomy developed in Kosellecks work.
In developing his theory of historical times, Koselleck draws mainly on the Ger-
man hermeneutic and historicist tradition in the form propagated by his many
illustrious teachers, among them Gadamer and Lwith. Nevertheless, he seems
to be returning to a set of questions that are also very much at the heart of the
structuralist and poststructuralist tradition.63 Indeed, his engagement with this
61. Koselleck, Hinweise auf die temporalen Strukturen begriffsgeschichtlichen Wandels, 96.
62. Koselleck, Transformation der Totenmale im 20. Jahrhundert, in Transit: Europische
Revue 22 (Winter 2001/2002), 59-86; Aleida Assmann, Erinnerungsrume: Formen und Wandlungen
des kulturellen Gedchtnisses (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1999); Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia
(New York: Basic Books, 2001); and Andreas Huyssen, Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of
Memory (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003).
63. Koselleck never engages with the French structuralists, and only rarely refers to Saussure;
his interest in the structuralist tradition is limited to the works of linguist Eugenio Coseriu and his
work Synchronie, Diachronie und Geschichte: Das Problem des Sprachwandels (Munich: W. Fink,
1974). For a discussion of the relationship between Koselleck and Coseriu, see Jordheim, Thinking
in Convergences, 76-78.
against periodization 167
tradition becomes most explicit in his third and final step developing his theory of
multiple temporalities. The point of departure is the dichotomy of the synchronic
and diachronic introduced by Saussure in the Cours de linguistique gnrale as
a way of setting himself off from the dominant tradition of diachronic linguistics
and later turned into a theoretical dogma in the works of French structuralists and
poststructuralists such as Roland Barthes, Claude Lvi-Strauss, Jacques Lacan,
Jacques Derrida, and to a certain extent, Michel Foucault.
In his lectures, Saussure famously shifts the focus of linguistic investigation
from the diachronic, the movement of language through and in history, to the syn-
chronic, the structural and systematic aspects of a single language at a particular
time. In what later scholars have described as an attack on the complete domi-
nance of diachronic and historical perspectives, Saussure argued that historical
change is something that takes place on the level of parole and thus cannot be the
object of linguistic study.64 In response to structuralist and poststructuralist theory,
historical scholarship faces a rather difficult and potentially fatal choice. Namely,
give priority to language as a synchronic system in the sense of a discourse, an
episteme, or a culture, and risk suppressing parole, diachronic change, and
movement entirely. Or, conversely, ignore completely the synchronic, structural
aspects of language and return to a notion of history as a linear progression in
which linguistic expressions can serve only as sources for reconstruction of his-
torical events or as post festum representations. Faced with this dilemma that has
emerged from a rather dogmatic reading of Saussure, Koselleck insists on think-
ing about language and history in a way that encompasses both diachronic and
synchronic temporalities. Conceptual history, he argues in an essay from 1972,
transcends the absolute alternative of diachrony and synchrony [fhrt ber die
strikte Alternative der Diachronie und Synchronie hinaus].65
As part of the theoretical framework for the Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe
Koselleck offers a rather practical and methodological solution for overcoming
the dichotomy of the synchronic and the diachronic in the theoretical frame-
work for the Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. In writing the history of a concept,
Koselleck emphasizes, one always has to start by considering the concept at a
specific time and in a specific context. To define this first step he uses the term
synchronic analysis,66 which seems to be taken from linguistics but which he
rather associates with traditional historical criticism, Quellenkritik. To reveal the
contents of a concept, it is necessary to analyze the situation of the speaker and
the addressee as well as the possible intentions and interests at play, the imme-
diate context, and so ona familiar practice in the work of every historian and
developed to the level of theory in the works of Cambridge School-contextualists
such as Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock.67 For Koselleck, however, the syn-
chronic analysis marks only the initial step in the work of the conceptual his-
76. Werner Conze, Reinhart Koselleck, Hans Maier, Christian Meier, and Hans Leo Reimann,
Demokratie, in Brunner, Conze, and Koselleck, eds., Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe I (1972), 847ff.
77. Koselleck, Einleitung, xxi.
78. Ibid.
79. Koselleck, Begriffsgeschichte und Sozialgeschichte, 125; see also Helge Jordheim, Die
Gleichzeitigkeit des Ungleichzeitigen als Konvergenzpunkt von Zeitlichkeit und Sprachlichkeit:
Zu einem Topos aus dem Werk Reinhart Kosellecks, in Divinatio: Studia Culturalogica series 22
(2005), 77-90; and Jordheim, Unzhlbar viele Zeiten, 471ff.
170 helge jordheim
Contrary to what both translators and critics tend to think, Kosellecks Theorie
der geschichtlichen Zeiten, designed to give history a much needed edge on the
social sciences,81 is not a theory of periodization. The remarks, fragments, and
more sustained theoretical reflections scattered across all of his diverse and wide-
ranging essays bring out a radically different picture; taken together they amount
to a theory that challenges and even defies periodization. Koselleck developed
his theory of multiple temporalities, organized in the form of temporal layers that
have different origins and duration and move at different speeds, as an alterna-
tive to the linear and empty time of periodization. Thus the fact that historical
time is not linear and homogeneous but complex and multilayered accounts for
the futility of all efforts to freeze history in order to delimit and define breaks,
discontinuities, time spans, beginnings, and endings. Indeed, it accounts for the
futility of periodization itself.
In a systematic perspective, Kosellecks lifelong work to develop a theory of
multiple temporalities begins with the destruction of natural time and chro-
80. Koselleck, Einleitung, xxi.
81. Koselleck, Moderne Sozialgeschichte und historische Zeiten [1982], in Zeitschichten, 324.
against periodization 171
nology, giving way to three dichotomies between natural and historical, extra-
linguistic and intralinguistic, and diachronic and synchronic timeconstantly
overlapping and interfering with each other. Together they form a highly flexible
and dynamic theory of competing and conflicting temporal experiences that are
at work in all human communication and action. Periods, discontinuities, and
structures of chronological succession form part of this theory, but so do nonsyn-
chronicities, structures of repetition, sudden events, and slow, long-term changes.
By necessity, historiographical efforts to identify, delimit, and define a particular
historical time span equipped with a beginning and, in some cases, an end, are
able to account for only some of these layers, whereas others move at a different
speed and have a different rhythm and will evade the attempts to reassemble and
channel them into a relatively stable and homogeneous historical period.
Finally, the point of this essay has not been to reject, let alone resolve, the
paradox that continues to haunt Kosellecks work and its readers, demanding that
they, and we, accept that a theory intended to challenge periodization is itself, at
least in its origins, dependent on this very same historiographical logic. Rather, it
has been my intention to argue that in Kosellecks work the theory and practice of
periodization are but parts of a larger theory of historical times, which, as a whole
and in the way it insists on the multiplicity of historical temporalities, represents
one of the most viable alternatives to periodization as a way of organizing histori-
cal knowledge and knowledge production.
University of Oslo