Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Management of Their
Contradictory Status of
Celebrity and Marginality
Abstract
This article reports an ethnographic study of drag queens who perform
in Miami Beach. Drag queens are marginalized, both economically and
socially. However, drag enables some gay men to emphasize and manipulate
aspects of femininity for the means of earning attention and income and
garnering situational power. Grounding their empirical findings in symbolic
interaction, identity, and performance theories, the authors argue that drag
queens employ nuanced strategies to negotiate their contradictory status
of admired yet alienated performers. The authors use observational and
in-depth interview data to explore how participants experience, cope with, and
challenge their social marginality. The authors then detail the rewards of drag,
focusing on the allure of the transformation, situational power, and income.
A subjective understanding of drag reveals that although marginalization is
a serious issue, the rewards of drag can be empowering. The authors argue
that identity work emerges as a link between marginalization and rewards.
1
Louisiana State University, New Orleans, LA
2
University of Miami, FL
Corresponding Author:
Dana Berkowitz, Louisiana State University, Department of Sociology and Program in Womans
and Gender Studies, 133 Stubbs Hall, Baton Rouge, LA 70803.
Email: dberk@lsu.edu
160 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
Keywords
drag queens, performativity, identity
Florida. It focuses on two themes that emerged from the larger study, specifi-
cally, how drag queens experience, cope with, and contest their marginalized
social worlds; and how they balance this marginalization with the rewards of
drag performance, including the allure of the transformation, situational
power, and income. Identity work emerges as a bridge between marginaliza-
tion and rewards.
Research Methodology
The naturalistic approach to sociology presumes that reality exists in the natu-
ral environment of the social world (Gubrium and Holstein 1997). According
to Gubrium and Holstein (1997), the meaningful features of everyday life con-
sist of individuals orientation to and actions within this world, as they care-
fully manage their realities. We adopted a naturalistic approach with
constructivist underpinnings (discussed in more depth below) to our under-
standing of how drag queens imagine and experience their social worlds.
Gender, sexuality, race, and class can both obstruct and deepen under-
standing and rapport. As white middle-class heterosexual (and non-cross-
dressing) women who collected and interpreted the data, we are both outsiders
to the world of drag.3 Much of the classic and contemporary work on drag
queens is written by lesbians (Newton 1972; Taylor and Rupp 2004), many
of whom explicitly reflect on how their lesbian identities actually eased their
entre into their participants worlds (Taylor and Rupp 2005). As the primary
data collector, the first author came to develop close relationships with some
of her participants, fostering rapport, trust, and candid conversations. Her
identity as a heterosexual woman may have eased entre as much as if she
were lesbian, while stimulating a different conversation, in that crude wise-
cracks about lesbians were recurrent in many interviews. Furthermore, dur-
ing the bulk of data collection, the first author was twenty-four years old and
exuded a youthful demeanor that does not resemble the images one usually
conjures up of a researcher, a demeanor that allowed for girl talk, which
bridged social worlds and facilitated rapport building. Finally, the first
authors appreciation for drag and sincere desire to understand the lives of
practitioners was most likely perceived by participants, especially in the
interview setting. However, this does not diminish her relative power as an
educated and privileged researcher.
Fontana and Frey (2000, 663) argue that researchers cannot lift the results
of interviews out of the contexts in which they were gathered and claim them
as objective data with no strings attached. Taking this into consideration, we
as interviewers are conscious that our participants are not always completely
truthful and often fashion responses with an awareness that their audience is
Berkowitz, Belgrave 165
Data Collection
Famous for its vibrant and exotic clubs, bars, and clientele, Miami Beach is
unlike any other city in America. Since the late 1980s, Miami Beach has been
a popular gay destination. The mention of Miami Beach invokes images of
endless, sunny days at the beach and nonstop nights of partying. The drag
queen has been a sort of cultural icon on the Miami Beach party scene ever
since the city began its renaissance in the late 1980s. In the 1980s and early
1990s, drag queens were a fixture on Miami Beach, and locals and visitors
alike had a smorgasbord of drag performances to choose from. A lot on the
Billion Dollar Sandbar has changed since those earlier days, with big busi-
nesses replacing much of the charming family-owned venues that once lined
the shore. Despite the changes, Miami Beach has maintained its status as a
premiere gay playground; and while the vibrant presence of drag queens on
the streets has waned, they can still be found in many gay clubs, bars, hotel
pool parties, and themed restaurants. It should be noted that all interviews
and observations were conducted in a locale that is considered to be both a
travel destination and a safe haven for gays and drag queens alike.
To become immersed in the social world of the drag queens, the first
author frequented gay bars and nightclubs in Miami Beach on specific nights
of the week reserved for drag entertainment. The seriousness of these drag
nights varied, from very professional theatrical shows to amateur perfor-
mances. She also frequented gay dance clubs that drag queens attended on a
regular basis, either for work or enjoyment. For a period of approximately
nine months, the first author was a fixture in the gay/drag club and bar scene,
getting to know her participants, familiarizing herself with the drag scene,
and conducting ethnographic observations. Field notes were jotted on nap-
kins, often as she sat at the bar, or, more frequently, were jotted in bathrooms.
166 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
Either that night or the following morning, she would immediately sit down
in front of the computer for a cathartic outpouring of field note writing. Gen-
erally, this process took anywhere from two to three hours, and notes were
chronologically structured.
Our research also entailed intensive, open-ended, semistructured inter-
views with eighteen drag queens. Constructivist interviewing approaches
view interviews as unfolding stories produced by a mutual interaction
between the interviewer and the participant (Holstein and Gubrium 1995;
Charmaz 2002). The constructivist interviewer realizes that data do not pro-
vide a window on reality; rather, the reality that emerges from the interview
is an interactive and mutually constructed product shaped just as much by the
researchers identity and biography as the participants (Charmaz 2000,
523-524).
The first author used an interview guide to ensure that all topics of interest
were discussed. Questions were developed to fill the gap in the literature
addressing the subjective experience of the drag queen, including social and
cultural aspects of this experience. The guided-conversation approach was
especially desirable, given that the researchers are outsiders to the commu-
nity. In the constructivist approach to interviewing, both the interviewer and
the participant are mutually engaged in a process of reflexivity, and partici-
pants constantly inform the researchers of what is lacking in the interview
guide (Holstein and Gubrium 1995). Thus, as interviews progressed, we for-
mulated and added new questions to the interview guide. The first author
audio-recorded interviews (with the participants permission) and transcribed
them verbatim. Following the interview, she administered a questionnaire to
obtain demographic data.
Participants
Eighteen drag queens participated in the interview portion of this study. They
were recruited in clubs and bars and using a multiple-start snowball approach
with participants introducing other participants. The ages of the participants
ranged from nineteen to forty-three. Of the eighteen participants, three had
completed four years of college and one had completed a masters degree in
business administration. Two had finished less than two years of college,
nine had graduated from high school, and four had less than a high school
education. Only two participants relied on drag as their primary source of
earnings. The other sixteen participants occupations were hairstylist, cloth-
ing salesperson, high-class call girl, nightclub associate, dancer, server, and
bartender.
Berkowitz, Belgrave 167
Analysis
Following each interview, the first author wrote field notes and transcribed
interviews. There was no preexisting coding scheme applied to the interview
data. Remaining true to the emergent nature of qualitative research requires
that the categories of analysis be shaped by the data (Lofland and Lofland
1995). As ideas surfaced in multiple interviews, they were coded and given
tentative labels during the open phase of the coding process. As similarities
in experience, patterns, and emergent themes appeared, we labeled categories
of phenomena and entered them into a code list. These categories consisted
of groupings of phenomenon that represent a more abstract quality (Glaser
and Strauss 1967). Consistent with the constructivist approach, we empha-
size how our categories are not factual realities; rather, they denote our way
of asking and seeing, coupled with our participants ways of experiencing
and narrating (Charmaz 2000, 2002). Our categories are not simply products
of the data but emerged through interplay of the mutual construction of the
interview and coding process. We compared themes identified in this study to
existing literature on drag queens and other forms of feminized service work.
The themes derived from this work unveil the dynamic and complex social-
psychological process of how drag queens actively negotiate their paradoxi-
cal celebratory/marginal statuses.
Findings
Findings are organized around marginalization and rewards in the life of drag
queens. An introduction to this contradictory status is followed by in-depth
looks at (1) how drag queens experienced, coped with, and challenged the
marginalization they encountered; and (2) the rewards of drag performance,
including the allure of the transformation, situational power, celebrity status,
and income. Finally, we address identity work as a bridge between marginal-
ization and rewards.
168 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
Being a drag queen, the community begins to recognize you and see
that you put on a good show. I mean the gay community loves drag
queens. That is a worldwide fact! Everybody knows that gay people
love drag queens, I mean there are some . . . that think its wrong, but
the majority, like 99 percent of gay people love drag queens. (Kelley)
Although this comment was from an amateur drag queen and a novice to the
world of performance, others echoed his comments. Bertica, a highly experi-
enced queen who had been doing drag for more than a decade, discussed her
position:
ascribed to him when he says, Some straight people definitely think we are
freaks or sluts and think we try to pick up straight men. Similarly, Roxanne, an
active member in the drag scene, elaborated on his experiences of alienation:
I think that drag queens are not accepted as equals in the gay commu-
nity. People love to watch us, but when it comes to getting close to us .
. . that is a different story. Once people get to know us they treat us as
equals, but prior to that they think we are some serious freaks.
Well, this is what happened, I said I am not doing drag anymore and I
am going to do something normal, Ill go into a record store and just
get a job in a record store; I thought that is so easy, how could I not get
it? I had sixteen-year-olds telling me no, they were telling me I could
not work there because of who I was.
170 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
For Gina, the local fame and contextual power of his drag identity brought with
it unintended consequences when his quest to leave the world of drag was quickly
thwarted. Other stories reveal more explicit harassment. Bertica remembered
driving to a performance and being stuck in a traffic jam dressed in drag:
Drugs: Coping with Marginalization or Simply Coming with the Territory? One
night toward the beginning of data collection, the first author was at a drag
show at small bar on a side street off of a main strip.
I went into the bathroom to jot down some notes on a napkin and I
heard shuffling coming from one of the stalls. Curiosity got the best of
me and I looked down to see three different pairs of shoes peeping out
from under the stall. Two of these pairs were five-inch stilettos and the
third were black leather loafers. I heard sniffing noises and then cough-
ing noises coming from the stall. I just stood there, trying to listen
more to the muffled sounds when the door flew open. Two queens and
a burley man storm out of the stall laughing and squealing at one
another. The man hurries out of the womens restroom when he sees
Berkowitz, Belgrave 171
Researchers have documented the prevalence of drug use within the gay
club scene, maintaining that these venues are common sites for the use of
club drugs, particularly methamphetamine, ecstasy, and cocaine (Mattison
et al. 2001; Green and Halkitis 2006). In April 2000, the president of the Gay
and Lesbian Medical Association called for urgent research on the devastat-
ing results in our emergency rooms of club drugs, noting their severe
increase (Frontiers Newsmagazine, 2000, as cited in Mattison etal. 2001).
Drag queens are fixtures in urban gay subcultural spaces, and within these
spaces they are reviled and revered, facing an added layer of complexity
compared with other gay men. It is possibly for this reason that drugs were
such a ubiquitous part of many participants lives. Cocaine was the drug of
choice and many queens did not have to actively seek it out; rather, it simply
came with the territory. Alexa asserted that Miami Beach is the cocaine
sandbar, and Ruby remembered his drug use reaching an all-time high when
he moved to Miami Beach:
Cocaine and alcohol became a big part of my life. I mean this is The
Beach. There is somebody who can get you cocaine every three people
you meet; it is constantly around. . . . Cocaine is a staple here It
became a problem for a while. . . . So, I went into drug and alcohol
treatment.
As stated above, the gay nightclub scene in general and the drag scene in
particular are simply overwhelmed with drugs and alcohol, and it can be dif-
ficult to resist. Eve recalled, There were a lot of drugs, just in the gay life-
style. Sharon extends Eves assertion and maintains that drag queens in
Miami Beach have access to almost any drug of their choice . . . we get every-
thing for free . . . when you do drag you get popular and people love you so
they give you things. Sharon brings up the benefits that accompany the
celebrity status some drag queens achieve in their local communities. How-
ever, this celebrity was also accompanied by feelings of isolation. When the
first author probed deeper into the subject of drug use, one participant, Ruby,
solemnly explained, I just really did not want to see what I felt . . . I was
being a coward, not wanting to recognize my feelings. Likewise, Victoria
172 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
replied, alcohol [and cocaine] was a way for me to mask the pain I was deal-
ing with.
For some, the perks that come with celebrity status combined with margin-
alization had disastrous consequences. Rhonda, who at the time of the inter-
view was residing in a temporary homeless shelter and who was also in drug
and alcohol recovery and no longer performing, remembered his drag days:
We spoke with two very high-paid and respected members of the drag com-
munity in Miami Beach who adamantly maintained that one crucial aspect
that separated professional queens from their amateur and novice counter-
parts was their refusal to succumb to drug and alcohol abuse. Although many
of these professionals were out until all hours of the night, they asserted that
they were out working, not partying. These two queens had been performing
drag for a decade or more and have seen it all (Sabine). Bertica had wit-
nessed many queens throw their careers away because of drugs and alcohol:
Where I work I have seen people lose their careers because they cant
get up for work or get there on time. If I party every night that I went
out [to work], I wouldnt be able to do the things I do. I am very seri-
ous about work, it would be like any actor getting high every night;
you cant work.
While drag blurred the boundaries between work and play, it was still a
job, and one that only garnered financial success and notoriety through hard
work, time, preparation and keeping your nose clean (Sabine). Although
both Bertica and Sabine4 were adamant that they did not use drugs, the first
author ran into Bertica one night out of costume at a local bar and was
Berkowitz, Belgrave 173
surprised to see white powder lining his right nostril. As they engaged in
small talk, she noticed that Berticas pupils were dilated, his jaw was shifting
uncontrollably back and forth, and he could not look the researcher in the
eye. It was clear that Bertica was, in fact, high on cocaine. Like many persons
in an interview setting, Bertica wanted to portray himself in a positive light,
which meant presenting himself as a professional performer, a successful
drag queen, and a diligent worker. During their interview, Bertica even
asserted that there is not a drag queen in town who has the level of profes-
sionalism and seriousness as me. While Berticas presentation of self might
not have been factually true, certainly it speaks volumes regarding his defi-
nition of a valued self. Thus, this example demonstrates the usefulness of
narratively constructed data. In addition, his use of drugs in the face of his
stated values supports the interpretation that drugs are, at least to some extent,
used to cope. Finally, although the situation of the professional performer
who reflexively masters the techniques of performance differs from the Goff-
manian performer (Schechner 1988), Berticas misrepresentation of self in
the interview setting is not unlike his manipulation of gender when in drag.
Pharr (1988) maintains that alcohol and drug abuse can be a major product of
internalized homophobia, and the combination of alcohol, drugs, and internal-
ized homophobia creates a climate that fosters self-destruction. We cannot say
for sure if drugs pervade the drag scene because they serve as a coping mecha-
nism to counter the marginalization and harassment that accrues from internal-
ized homophobia and gender nonconformity or if this is something that simply
comes with the territory in the nightclubs in which drag queens spend so much
of their time. However, it is clear that drug and alcohol abuse is common and
relatively accepted as part of drag, except for those who define themselves as
professional drag queens. Furthermore, we see that the professional and estab-
lished queens used their relative sobriety, (whether it was real or not) to distin-
guish themselves from their amateur counterparts, pointing to hidden status
dynamics within this subculture to which future research should attend.
I came out and there were like five really big black guys and they were
like, What the fuck is that? You faggot! So, I go You know what, I
may be a faggot, but this makeup washes off. Tomorrow morning you
are still going to be black and ugly. Fuck them, they deserved it.
When the first author asked Gina what happened following her tirade, Gina
explained that other insults and verbal assaults were exchanged until one of
the bouncers of the club dragged her back inside.
For Gina and Sharon, a way of fighting back was to verbally attack assault-
ers with crude remarks that condemned the original perpetrators race or
class identity. Because these drag queens were being assaulted for both their
sexual preference and gender transgressions, for them, an equally spiteful
insult was one that was damaging to the other axes that frame social life
specifically the axes of race and class. As Schacht and Underwood assert in
their introduction to a special issue of Journal of Homosexuality on drag
queens (2004, 12), Many drag queens seem successful in questioning and
challenging notions of heterosexism, especially straight male privilege, but
far less subversive when it comes to other oppressive inequalities, such as
sexism, racism, and classism. In these narrative fragments, participants are
performing both gender and sexual transgression and white privilege. Their
white privilege counteracts their sexual and gender nonconformity, allowing
them to draw upon a racial hierarchy that positions their whiteness above the
race or ethnicity of their (black or Latino) assailants. In prevailing American
discourse, blackness represents a kind of otherthe queer race-representing
exoticism, primitiveness and mysteriousness that enables whiteness tomas-
querade as the rational, the civilized, the known (Wilchins 2004, 117). The
function black performs for white is analogous to the function offemale to male
or gay to straight or gender conforming to nonconforming. Femaleness, homo-
sexuality, and gender transgression emerge as strange, unnatural, and in need
of explanation, whereas their counterparts are understood as normal, natural,
and ahistorical. Sharons and Ginas homosexuality and drag apparel, while
marginalized, stand in opposition to their privileged and normative white
identity. It is their whiteness that affords them the ability to rely on an
Berkowitz, Belgrave 175
Bertica followed this story with an explanation that under normal circum-
stances, he was not a fighter. In fact, this was the only violent encounter that
Bertica had experienced in his entire adult life, and it was the only incident
of reciprocated violence that we encountered in our eighteen interviews and
nine months of observations in the field. Recall Berticas incident involving
a traffic jam and rude remarks that left him feeling powerless because he
could not fight back. That time, Bertica was wearing high-heeled shoes. This
time he was dressed as more of a gothic drag queen and was wearing steel-toe
boots. Although it is not quite clearand of course we can never be sureit
is possible that the hypergendered nature of the clothing typically worn by
drag queens renders them feeling that they should act in accordance with
expectations associated with emphasized femininity (Connell 1987), wherein
traditionally female characteristics of passivity and nurturance are invoked.
Furthermore, the masculine steel-toe boots worn by Bertica that day, coupled
with the previous incident that left him feeling powerless, invoked a violent
response that may not have otherwise occurred.
He pulled out a huge Louis Vuitton train case (that he said he got as a
gift for doing an event for the high-fashion company) full of liquids,
powders, pencils, brushes, and fake eyelashes. I watched him apply a
thick powder to his face, using blush and more powder to create the
illusion of cheekbones. Next, came the application of lots of concealer,
eye-liner, eye-brow pencil, eye-shadows, more blush, fake eyelashes,
lip-liner, and lipstick and forty-five minutes later, the face of Sabine
began to appear. Next, he puts on panty hose, a corset, duct tape, stuff-
ing, and more panty hose. Then came some tucking, tying, and cinch-
ing, on went a floor-length baby pink gown with silver trimming, a
bouffant blonde wig, and five-inch heels, and an hour and a half later,
Sabine emerges from the dressing room onto the stage. (Field notes,
April 2, 2002)
Gina is dressed in a long dark Elvira wig with a tight fitting garment
that accentuates her large breasts. She sticks her tongue all the way out
and then lifts a beer bottle to her lips. She sucks on the beer bottle so
that it goes all the way down her throat as a way to show that she is
adept at fellatio. She then unzips her leather pants and sticks the micro-
phone between her legs and dangles it erotically as if it were her own
penis. (Field notes, May 25, 2002)
The drag performer plays upon the distinction between the anatomy of the
performer and the gender that is being performed. As Butler (1990, 187) articu-
lates, Part of the pleasure, the giddiness of the performance is in the recogni-
tion of a radical contingency in the relation between sex and gender in the face
of cultural configurations of causal unities that are regularly assumed to be
natural and necessary. In the observation above, Gina denaturalizes sex and
gender by means of performance, dramatizing the cultural mechanism of their
fabricated unity (Butler 1990, 187). It is a powerful experience to witness a
space wherein femininity, masculinity, and queerness flow freely. Sasha rever-
berates this political power of drag when she says, When people from Iowa or
Nebraska or somewhere like that see me perform, they leave with a sense of
freedom, experiencing a sense of self-expression that might be unorthodox, but
they realize that it is okay and even fabulous! Within the safe space of the
stage, drag queens have the contextual power to subvert gender norms where
they (at least temporarily) challenge audience members taken-for-granted
notions of gender, sex, and sexuality.
Situational Power. The celebrity status of some drag queens, even the simple
status of having the stage, introduces power relationships between the queens
and their audiences. Some talked of this in terms of attention. Ruby explained
that my friends and I are the type of people who just love to be the center of
attention, I am probably infamous for that, so when I realized the magnitude
of attention I received as a drag queen, well lets just say I could not resist.
Sasha, an ex-dancer who had to end his career early due to an injury, main-
tained that doing drag for him extends beyond mere attention. He asserted
that he went into drag performance because I needed the stage. Once I found
myself onstage again I was like wow, I have an audience again, which is great
. . . the stage, performing is everything. Although off the stage drag queens
might be subject to verbal and physical assaults, once they are up on that
stage, all eyes become focused on them. This situational power accompanies
drag performance, since for the most part the gaze of the audience is one of
awe and admiration, but it is tied to the stage, to the setting and scene.
178 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
Nonetheless, for many, these few moments a night on the stage were worth
any discrimination they might face elsewhere. Dressing and performing in
drag allowed some to attract attention, to experience the lure of the stage and
express an in-your-face-attitude that countered the ridicule many effemi-
nate gay men experience in being labeled girly or faggy (Rupp and Taylor
2003, 30).
Income. Many drag queens also maintained that doing drag was a financial
means to an end, like any other job, and that monetary gain was their primary
reason for continuing with drag performances. Bertica explained,
I just started to accept that I was going to make my living doing this and
I turned it into a profession . . . I charge a nice amount of money to do
what I do. I also work for a lot of corporate events . . . I get paid to come
to club openings, and I get paid to do everything; whenever you see me
in drag, I am getting paid. I dont go anywhere dressed up for free. Ill
go somewhere as a boy for free but not dressed up in drag.
that could foster career development elsewhere. Gina, who was a marketing
director for a massive Miami Beach nightclub, explained,
[Drag] doesnt pay anything really, but at this point I am using the
name because after ten years of doing it I can use the name as a mar-
keting tool. . . . At this point, people know my name and they associate
it with a good time . . . its like being class president and getting paid
for it.
Drag queens can forge a unique, powerful celebrity for themselves that
comes from being recognizable stars on Miami Beach. Sabine has become
such a celebrity that she has befriended such stars as Elton John, Madonna,
and Dennis Rodman; has traveled the world using her drag persona; and has
had numerous guest appearances in televisions shows, documentaries, and
feature films. Again, one cannot help but see parallels to other occupations,
such as university faculty, who parlay their research status into consulting or
expert testimony gigs.
Performing drag uses expectations associated with stereotypical and paro-
died femininity as a calculated method of doing masculinity, in that doing
drag can yield situational power, control over the audience, and income, all
while still reaping the benefits of the patriarchal dividend (Schacht and
Underwood 2004). Although drag may seem to be a feminized space on the
surface, some participants compared it to a competitive sport characterized
with masculine aggression. If drag is a sport, then Sabine is the gold medalist.
Revered by many as the queen of the night, or the Michael Jordan of female
impersonators, she is referred to as a drag legend. In fact, she is so respected
that when the first author would speak with her in public, or even mentioned
to others that she interviewed Sabine, a legitimacy surfaced that gave our
project almost limitless credibility.
their identities exhibit much more fluidity than a Goffmanian (1959) analysis
permits. Schechner (1985) would argue that the drag performer integrates
two distinct states of simultaneous existence within one physical body; drag
queens are neither themselves nor their roles. The character in flow, or his
drag persona, is not himself, but he is not not himself at the same time. This
is what Schechner (1985) has termed the not menot not me phenomena.
Employing the not menot not me as a theoretical lens elucidates how the
drag performance is between a denial of being another and a denial of not
being another. Performer training focuses its techniques not on making one
person into another but on permitting the performer to act in between identi-
ties, in this sense, performing is a paradigm of liminality (Schechner 1985,
123). The liminal state is characterized by ambiguity and indeterminacy and
is a subjective, conscious state of being on the threshold of or between two
different existential planes, in this case being somewhere in between their
everyday selves and their drag personas. Perhaps this very ambiguity and
indeterminacy are key to negotiating ones way between very contradictory
social worlds.
Discussion
Studying drag queens can yield understanding about the social and cultural
norms and values of a given society (Schacht and Underwood 2004). Fur-
thermore, viewing drag performances from the perspective of identity and
performance theories provide an entirely new angle of vision (Rupp and
Taylor 2003, 217). Drag mocks the expressive model of gender and the
notion of a true gender identity (Butler 1990), and gender and sexuality inter-
act in a unique way in the everyday lives of drag queens. As drag queens
transgress two primary axes of social life, their identities become infused
with the blurring of some very sacred institutionalized boundaries. Drag
queens offer sociologists and gender scholars a lens into a world where mas-
culinity, femininity, homosexuality, and heterosexuality become destabilized
and collide into uncharted territory. Yet if our analysis speaks to social trends
at all, the weight of such transgressions is not easy to carry on ones back.
Our findings support previous findings that drag queens do indeed cope
with marginalization, both socially and economically (Rupp and Taylor
2003; Berkowitz, Belgrave, and Halberstein 2007). Where some participants
were local celebrities, fewer were able to survive on the income of
drag alone, and most experienced verbal and physical cruelty; engaged in
drug and alcohol abuse; and, as is discussed in depth elsewhere, had lonely
182 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)
romantic lives (Berkowitz et al. 2007). This is not to say that doing drag
is always onerous. Rather, our findings highlight how drag can enable
some gay men to emphasize and manipulate aspects of femininity for the
means of earning attention, income, and situational power. Nevertheless, our
findings also suggest that drugs and alcohol are ways that drag queens may
mask or cope with their experiences of marginalization. Only a small minor-
ity of participants discussed how they outwardly challenged marginalization
through verbally or physically attacking perpetuators, highlighting how drag
queens have little space outside performance to explicitly challenge hetero-
normativity and rigid gender norms. Furthermore, those that did engage in
conflict illustrate how even though drag can be critical of heterosexual male
privilege, it is far less subversive when it comes to other oppressive inequali-
ties, such as sexism, racism, and classism.
Our findings should be viewed in context and their limitations noted.
The location of the study warrants discussion. The interviews and observa-
tions took place in a particular area in Miami Beach that is considered to be
somewhat of a safe haven for gays and drag queens alike. While a relatively
extreme social setting can be quite useful for such research with its goal of
discovery and exploration into the lives of drag queens, the sexually liberal
setting makes these findings suggestive and not necessarily generalizable
to the larger populations of drag queens. Despite the limitations of our
study and the fact that drag queens fall outside of normative societal expec-
tations, the everyday strategies that they employ can enrich the growing
body of literature on gender identity construction, negotiation, and manipu-
lation. Future research should also include the experiences of drag kings
and compare the identity work between king and queen performers. Such
exploration could generate nuanced theoretical analysis on the meaning
and influence gender has in performance and in embodied labor. Beyond
issues of gender and sexuality, these findings speak to the value of identity
work as a bridge between contradictory worlds and statuses; this is an ave-
nue that should be pursued among members of parallel situations. Finally,
further analysis of how race and class intersect with gender and sexuality is
necessary to unveil how multiple layers of marginalization and privilege
shape the experiences, performances, and identity manipulation of drag
queens.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this
article.
Notes
1. Following the practices of the drag queens, we switch between female and male
pronouns. All names are pseudonyms that reflect the stage character. We only use
stage pseudonyms to avoid the confusion for readers that multiple names for each
participant would entail. However, we randomly switch between he and she to
mirror the linguistic habits of the queens themselves.
2. We are indebted to an anonymous reviewer for calling our attention to this.
3. Although the second author did not participate in data collection, she contributed
to the interpretation, coding of data, and writing up emergent findings. Although
on the surface this may seem like an unusual division of labor for an ethnogra-
phy, the first author was a graduate student at the time and a novice researcher.
The development of many of these ideas would not have been possible without
the consistent guidance of the second author, who served as her masters thesis
advisor.
4. These are the two drag queens who were able to survive solely on their drag
income and were regarded as professionals by other drag queens, club owners,
and regulars in the scene.
5. We note that if ones goal is to approximate empathetic understanding, then
participants definitions of the identities as distinct takes precedence over expert
analysis.
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Bios
Dana Berkowitz is an assistant professor of sociology and womens and gender stud-
ies at Louisiana State University. Her research and teaching interests include gender,
sexualities, families, feminist theories, and qualitative methods. She has conducted
186 Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 39(2)