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VCJ0010.1177/1470357216643909Visual CommunicationVaisman: Pretty in pink vs pretty in black
visual communication
A rtic l e
C ar m e l L V ai s m a n
Tel Aviv University, Israel
A b s tract
Blogs are usually treated as texts, despite the expressive potential of their
visual elements through which ideology is often not expressed straightfor-
wardly, but encoded in the imagery. This study offers an analysis of blog
design themes and blog sidebar badges produced by Jewish-Israeli girls
aged 11 to 16 on Israblog, Israels largest blogging community. By looking at
the blog as a digital body or an avatar of the blogger, the author examines
design elements as resources of identity performance and contextualizes
the findings within the fields of girl studies and feminist theory. She argues
that under the surface of the distinctive subcultural styles often presented
as adversarial lies the same hegemonic Western girlhood model; however,
global girlhood models may be interpreted as subversive in the Israeli cul-
tural context.
K e y w ord s
blog design gender performance girls Israel subcultures
I n troductio n
Most scholarly work on girls is based on interviews with girls or analysis of
girls discourse, a tradition that has been extended to online girl-research as
well. Few works have dealt with visual aspects of girls identity performance
online, such as playing with dress-up dolls or designing game avatars (Davies,
2004; Mascheroni, 2012; Willett, 2008). Websites and blogs are usually treated
as texts, despite the expressive potential of their visual elements through which
ideology is often not expressed straightforwardly, but encoded in the imagery
(Van Leeuwen, 2004).
The very first scholarly work on the visual aspects of blogs suggested
that blogs are not only written texts but are also something to look at, and
G ir l s O n l i n e
Feminists are often at odds with contemporary performances of girlhood:
some argue that girls take for granted the freedoms achieved by feminist
movements and are divorced from feminist ideology (McRobbie, 2000),
often adopting pre-feminist notions and stereotypes without reflection (i.e.
Rapping, 2000). Others argue that girls are performing their own brand of
feminism through their appropriation of public (predominantly male) spaces
that is radically different from the collective social action and explicit politi-
cal agenda of second-wave feminism (Pomerantz etal., 200: 554).
Girls identity performances and discourses have been traditionally
studied through ethnographies of the spaces they inhabit, which painted a
I s ra e l i G ir l h ood
The feminist idea has not struck proper roots in Israeli society or among
Israeli women (Shadmi, 2007) and the feminist movement in Israel has always
been seen as out of place, irrelevant, esoteric, and foreign (Safran, 2006).
Zionist ideology viewed diasporic Jewish men as weak and feminine, aiming
to restore their manhood by making them Israelis (Kamir, 2011). The found-
ing pioneers of the Israeli state were gender blind, inspired by ideologies of
communist uniformity, thus Zionism had no notion of a woman apart from a
mother to the new Zionist man (Kamir, 2011). Youth were viewed through the
same gender blindness as Zionisms forerunners, embodying the new and able
Israeli Jew, socialized and mobilized through youth movements in both Israel
and the diaspora (Rapoport and Lomsky-Feder, 1994).
M e t h odo l og y
This study emerges from an ethnographical project carried out over three-
and-a-half years in the largest Israeli blogging community, Israblog. This arti-
cle is specifically based on a collection of images from 140 girls blogs between
the ages of 11 and 16. Four visual design themes that relate to identity per-
formance and subcultural practices were identified, of which two were the
most dominant and clearly related to interpretations of girlhood and feminin-
ity. In order to avoid conclusions based on unique or anecdotal images, 226
images that were found in circulation on more than one blog (sometimes with
slightly altered variations) were considered as representative of their respec-
tive themes and analyzed thematically for this article.
Israblog supports the combining of graphic images to describe links or
list headlines on the blog sidebar. Bloggers make use of this option to decorate
the sidebars of their blogs with assorted images they refer to as buttons. These
buttons are probably named thus because of their original function, repre-
senting links to be clicked on. However, should we adopt the perspective of
a blog as a homepage we wear (Badger, 2004), buttons could be understood
as badges, brooches, and other accessories that are fashion symbols subject to
semiotic interpretation.
McDonald (2007) stressed the growing importance of images on blogs
and websites and identified six visual conversation styles employed by users:
position play, image quote, text-in-picture, animation, collaborative story,
and theme. Buttons are designed according to the style McDonald identi-
fied as text-in-picture, in which the text is specifically used to bridge the
visual contribution, and their prevalent use is as a personal trademark of the
blogger. The image is frequently accompanied by a text that begins with the
Hebrew phrase I also or I XXXX too a declaration of identity and at the
same time an affiliation with an imagined community of practice followed
by a relevant practice or taste display articulated both visually and textually
(for example, I also like to sleep, I hate math too).
The texts serve as either anchorage, focusing the viewer on a possible
interpretation of the image, or relay, adding meaning so that both text and
F r e ak V s F akat s a : G ir l s F ig h ti n g A S e m iotic
G u e ri l l a
One of the key discourses Israblog bloggers engaged in, starting in 2004, was
the dissension between two subcultures or styles displayed and discussed
both offline and online: Freak vs Fakatsa. Freak was once used to describe
people with strange abnormalities featured in carnival sideshows. The term
was later expanded to describe otherness and anyone who deviated from cul-
tural norms. With the growing popularity of punk counterculture during the
1970s came the revival of Gothic iconography in popular culture, and Freak
became a general term denoting stylistic otherness and cultural marginality
ascribed to adolescents who adopted punk and Gothic stylistic elements and
were deliberately anti-fashion (Holland, 2004).
The feminine Freak identity is characterized by external appearance
based on the color black, with punk-like effects or a Gothic look (severely
styled straight dark hair, the face pale with off-white makeup, and eyes
heavily made up in black), and is widely perceived as a temporary stylis-
tic phase of adolescence that is an alternative to the conventional gender
norms to which girls are expected to conform by the end of adolescence
(Holland, 2004).
Girls drawn to the punk subculture were not always interested in punk
as a style, but rather in the opportunity to experience an alternative to the gen-
der norms expected of them (Leblanc, 1999). The Freak subculture is present
in a variety of neo-punk and Gothic sub-genres that are an inseparable part
of the cultural landscape of American teen films. However, how and to what
extent this global trend has penetrated Israeli adolescent subculture has never
been documented, though Freak has been mentioned as an ethnic stereotype
of the Ashkenazi (Israeli Caucasian of European-Jewish descent) girl and pre-
sented as the antithesis of the Sephardi (Israeli of North African or Middle
Eastern Jewish descent) girl labeled Frecha originally a Moroccan name that
became a derogatory description taking on the meaning of a bimbo or tart
(Naaman, 2006).
The word Fakatsa is in fact a Hebrew acronym of a little loud tart
(Frecha), coined by male bloggers, thus including the older Frecha stereotype
and applying it to younger girls, as well as shifting the focus from loud sexual-
ity and dress to blogging practices perceived as loud, such as colorful blogs
F akat s a P e rfor m a n c e
The color pink dominates Fakatsa blog designs and can be perceived as analo-
gous to the girls love of pink clothing and consumer goods, as well as their
childish and carefree worldviews. The predominant characteristic common to
most Fakatsa blogs is the intensive use of shades of pink, from light to fuchsia,
usually as blog backgrounds. Pink is a conscious choice, since the girls design
large numbers of buttons with text-in-picture references to values and percep-
tions associated with the color pink, such as pink is not only a color; its a way
of life, I also live in a pink world, and pink runs in my veins.
Pink represents a system of values replete with contradictions and
paradoxes, explained by sensitivity to shades of the color: generally, pink is
a marker of femininity, love, and romance. Its lighter shades mark feminine
brides that are openly sexual, such as Jessica Rabbit. All of them, despite their
diversity, serve as iconic labels of the Fakatsa, illustrating its multi-cultureness
and multi-ethnicity.
One of the most interesting buttons found on a number of blogs came
into being as a result of a Test Yourself quiz. If the result of the quiz is that
the girl is indeed a Fakatsa, she receives the button to attest to the fact and to
display on her blogs sidebar. The girl who designed the test and the button was
not satisfied with representing the Fakatsa as a classic Barbie doll, but added
the dark-skinned Barbie version as well. By making this choice, the girl clearly
declares that the Fakatsa image does not differentiate between ethnic identi-
ties. As long as a girl meets gender expectations and is defined as feminine,
beautiful, fashionable, and happy she is a Fakatsa. The differences in skin
shades representing a range of ethnic identities tolerated by this image can be
seen in many buttons in the corpus, as demonstrated in the buttons collage in
Figure 1. The buttons read (from left to right): I watch my figure too, I love
make up too, Im also a freak of pink, Im also a fakatsa.
On the local Israeli level, the ethnic (North African-Jewish) image of
the sexy Frecha is now packaged together with the (Caucasian-Jewish) image
of the wealthy and spoiled North Tel-Aviv girl that resonates the Californian
girl stereotype, as well as the infantile virginal Ashkenazi (East European)
good girl from a good home that were once diametrically opposite to the
Frecha image (Almog, 2004). Today, they are all feminine women who chase
fashion trends; consequently, they are all labeled Fakatsa and any past dispari-
ties between them are irrelevant. Fakatsa seems to be an umbrella term cover-
ing a variety of local and global feminine and fashionable stereotypes that are
now joined under this new term.
In research carried out on Spice Girls fans, Lemish (1998) noted
that each member of the group displays a different feminine archetype and
their fans accept all of them as legitimate; in fact, the fans feel they could
be any one of them as long as she is pretty. The variety of images the Spice
Girls displayed are included today in the Fakatsa stereotype without dif-
ferentiation contradictions between them are ignored since as long as
a girl is absorbed in beauty and grooming and is interested in fashion, she
is labeled a Fakatsa.
F r e ak P e rfor m a n c e
Freak girls blogs have either a black background or a white background
covered with black, silver, and blood-red Gothic iconography. Gothic esthet-
ics is based on the dramatic contrast between pale skin and black hair and
accessories, so that blogs with a white background adorned with dark sym-
bols reproduce this esthetic, with the background homologous with the
color they give to their skin, while a black background is homologous with
the color of their clothing.
Black was established as the color of mourning and grief during the
Victorian period, and gradually transformed into the color of anger, rebellion,
and protest. It expressed feelings of differentness, contrasting with the hues of
consumer fashion. From the point of view of gender, the color black is associ-
ated with forbidden practices, such as witchcraft, and images of strong and
threatening femininity that consciously contrast with the gender stereotype of
pink femininity (Holland, 2004).
Moreover, since blogs are also a reflection of internal moods, the black
background can also be considered a symbol of uncertainty, lack of control,
fear, anger, or depression. Some blogs in this genre include combinations of
designs and photos featuring black with shocking pink clothing, the only
legitimate shade of pink for Freak girls. When combined with black, shocking
pink communicates a punk appearance, rejecting connotations of soft femi-
ninity but remaining associated with femininity.
The iconic images of women and girls are rooted in Gothic iconog-
raphy: pale Caucasians with very dark hair (the silver-blonde vampire in
Figure 2 above is an exception in this corpus). On the local Israeli level, Freak
girls were always Caucasian (Ashkenazi) and their otherness protects them
from being interpreted as sexually inviting, unlike the dark-skinned Frecha
(Naaman, 2006). The centrality of whiteness for Goth identities (Wilkins,
2008) is expressed via such images that continue to have value-laden ethnic
connotations even as they circulate in a multi-ethnic subculture.
Those pale-white dark-haired iconic girls are portrayed as helpless,
sad, and lonely. Sometimes wearing tight white clothes that resemble strait-
jackets, they seem lost in big spaces (castles or open fields). The images are
accompanied by texts like I also feel Im alone in this world or I dont belong
to this world. In addition, Freak girls tend to use powerful non-human images
such as angels and vampires in a powerless desperate state.
Figure 2 presents an example of one button found on a number of blogs
featuring a silver-blonde girl with sexy black clothes and open legs, sitting
holding her head in despair. The text reads, I find it hard to live in this world
too. Only black lipstick and heavy black eye makeup mark this girl as an other,
but her gray wings might suggest she is a fallen angel or a lost vampire. In the
Gothic narrative, the vampire is constructed as abnormal in comparison to
the normative world (Carter, 1997); thus, Freak girls express their feelings of
D i s cu s s io n A n d C o n c l u s io n s : P r e tt y I n P i n k
O r P r e tt y I n B l ack
To the best of my knowledge, this study is the first to focus on the analysis of
blog iconography as a site of gendered identity performance. Various signifi-
cation practices create blog styles that are considered indicators of the physi-
cal and personality characteristics of the individual girls in virtual space. The
presence of norms that mandate the girls frequently change the design of their
blog while maintaining its general style that must be in keeping with the image
categories the girl identifies with invites conceptualization of the blog as an
embodiment of the girl on the web. As the girls avatar, the blog represents
both the body and the spirit, metaphors invoked frequently by girls comparing
changing blog designs with changing clothes and moods.
As a space of peer culture that encourages customization, Israblog is
closer to being a safe haven for girls to experiment with identities than a com-
mercially influenced medium that reproduces and enforces hegemonic gender
roles. Yet, Jewish Israeli girls articulate a narrow selection of gender identities
into the pack, but when they got drunk they treated the women as sexual
objects and demanded they be sexy and feminine (Leblanc, 1999).
Furthermore, Prince Charming (the Fakatsas male fantasy) and the
vampire (the Freaks male fantasy) no longer represent binary oppositions:
in contemporary texts, vampires are positioned as bad boys who are inher-
ently violent and dangerous but who, for the right woman, can risk and change
everything, revealing their heart of gold and desire to be transformed by love
(Erickson, 2012). In other words, they are Prince Charming.
Ultimately, both Fakatsa and Freak are watered-down versions of older
girlhood images the Israeli bimbo (Frecha) and the punk/Gothic, respec-
tively and it seems there is no significant difference between the gender
identities, only stylistic ones: the girl can be pretty (and thin) in pink sus-
pended in the arms of Prince Charming, or pretty in black ardently lost in the
biting love of a vampire.
Gothic narratives enjoy a renewed presence today in the media and
popular culture as a result of the Twilight franchise and television shows such
as Buffy the Vampire Slayer, The Vampire Diaries, True Blood, and the Israeli
Hatzuya (Split), to name a few. Thus, I argue that both Fakatsa and Freak are
hegemonic identities based on media products and popular culture, even
though some of their roots can be traced to countercultures that have under-
gone domestication and been annexed by the cultural mainstream.
Ironically, many girls from both Fakatsa and Freak groups circulate
buttons that imply they perceive themselves as an other. Many blogs in
the corpus display buttons that read Im not weird; Im special. On Freak
F u n di n g
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, com-
mercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
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