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Marlboro Boys: photo essay highlights Indonesias rampant underage

smoking problem

ITS NO secret smoking laws in Australia have become increasingly


restricted.
By comparison, Indonesia has an extreme lack of law enforcement when it
comes to smoking. This fact, paired with the availability of cheap cigarettes,
has led to smokers picking up the habit at an age far younger than other parts
of the world.
Canadian photographer Michelle Siu captured this series of images she titled
Marlboro Boys in an attempt to highlight the smoking culture of Indonesia
to the rest of the world.
The juxtaposition of young boys smoking like seasoned addicts is jarring,
yet this project is intended to not only shock and inform viewers but to
demonstrate the lack of enforcement of national health regulations and to
question the countrys dated relationship with tobacco, she said of the
project.
They inhale and exhale like old men that have been smoking for years
some of them have been smoking two packs a day since they were little
kids, she told TIME.
Tobacco consumption in Indonesia is a complex issue as it is intertwined in
the country culturally, politically and economically. You cant take 10 steps
before seeing a tobacco advertisement or someone smoking, Siu said.
Here are some of the young people featured in her photo essay, Marlboro
Boys:

Dihan Muhamad, who has smoked up to two packs of cigarettes a day before cutting down, poses for a photo as he has his
first cigarette at 7am at his home before he attends his first grade class. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied
Dihan Muhamad, who used to smoke up to two packs of cigarettes a day before cutting down, smokes while his mother
breast feeds his younger sibling. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied

Illham Muhamad, who has smoked since he was five years old, poses for a photo as he slowly inhales his first cigarette of
the day at his grandmothers home on February 10, 2014. He does not attend school and if his grandmother refuses to give
him money to buy cigarettes he will go through withdrawal and cry and throw fits. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied

Ompong, which means toothless in the local language of Bahasa,


poses for a photograph as he has a cigarette. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied
Dihan Muhamad, who used to smoke up to two packs of cigarettes a day before cutting down, poses for a photo as he
smokes in his home. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied

Ilham Hadi, who has smoked up to two packs a day and began when he was four years old, poses for a photo wearing his
third grade uniform while smoking in his bedroom as he younger brother looks on. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied

Andika Prasetyo, who smokes about a pack a day, has a smoke outside an internet cafe. Picture: Michelle
SiuSource:Supplied
Cecep poses for a photo as he smokes. Picture: Michelle SiuSource:Supplied
The number of children smoking
in Indonesia is getting out of
control
CICAPAR, Indonesia Dihans family is very proud of him. Until just
a few months ago, Dihan was smoking up to two packs of cigarettes a
day, but he has managed to cut down.
He was sick, he was coughing a lot, and the doctor said he had to quit.
Hes been trying hard, and now he just smokes five a day, said his mother,
Sulawati.

Dihan is six and has been smoking for years.

Dihans parents say they were shocked when they first realized he wasnt
buying candies but cigarettes with his pocket money. But they didnt act on
it.

If I grabbed the cigarette from him he would just start crying, explained
Iyan, Dihans father. Dihan now often smokes with his father in their tiny
one-bedroom house.

Iyan is a tobacco farmer, and a chain-smoker himself. Under the houses


porch, he keeps four massive bags of tobacco, about 100 kilograms in
total, for his personal yearly consumption. Dihan is allowed to have some,
and has become very good at rolling his own cigarettes.

Activists blame the Indonesian authorities for this lack of awareness of the
dangers of tobacco. A few years back, a video of an Indonesian toddler
smoking 40 cigarettes a day went viral worldwide, and prompted heartfelt
official declarations in the country.

But not much has changed. In fact, things are getting worse. Lisda Sundari,
deputy director for education and advocacy at the local children NGO
Lentera Anak, said the number of children aged 10 to 14 who smoke has
doubled over the past 20 years, and has at least tripled for 5- to 9-year
olds.
Sixty-seven percent of Indonesian men and 41 percent of 13 to 15 year-old
boys smoke. Indonesia is one of the few countries in the world that hasnt
signed the World Health Organizations Framework Convention on
Tobacco Control. This means cigarettes are still extremely cheap (about
one dollar a pack) and cigarette advertising is not forbidden.

Anti-tobacco activists celebrated last June when the government started


require cigarette companies to include graphic health warnings on their
packs. But it was a minor victory. Cigarette advertising is still absolutely
everywhere here.

The ads are on Television, in newspapers and magazines, and plastered


on trees lining the roads. Indonesian cities are choked with giant billboards
promising pleasure, style and confidence. Cigarette companies sponsor
almost all of the countrys concerts and sports events, not to
mention refugee camps.

Sundari said cigarette advertising is really massive, and has succeeded in


framing smoking as cool and popular.

Masli, who has worked on Philip Morris advertising campaigns in the past,
said cigarette companies will often distribute free cigarettes during events
they sponsor, even to children. They dont really care about their age, he
said.

While selling cigarettes to minors is officially forbidden, Sundari said it is


never enforced. In Dihans tiny village here in West Java, the kiosks owner
had no problem admitting that Dihan generally comes three times a day for
kretek, which are clove cigarettes, a favorite among Indonesian smokers.
He usually buys a single cigarette, which he gets in exchange for a 500
Rupiah coin. Thats about 5 cents.

Activists have repeatedly asked for an increase in the price of cigarettes


but reform is hard to achieve Indonesia is one of the biggest tobacco
markets in the word, cigarette companies are powerful, and politicians
easily corruptible.

And now that Indonesian President Joko Widodo has launched a fierce
campaign against narcotics, and made the execution of drug dealers a
priority, some find the double standard hard to swallow.

There were 240,000 people in Indonesia that died in 2013 because of


tobacco, meaning that 660 people died every day, or 27 people per hour.
That number is more dramatic than narcotics, the National Commission on
Tobacco Control Commissioner Hakim Sorimuda Pohan said last week.
Since he arrived in power in October, Widodo has tirelessly repeated the
claim that 40 to 50 people die every day because of drugs. He has called it
a national emergency.

Back in Dihans village, at the neighbors house, Januars mum is trying to


get her restless kid dressed. Shes a bit worried, as he has recently started
smoking. She doesnt want him to become addicted, like Dihan. But for now
all seems OK. He doesnt smoke as much, she said. I havent seen any
problem, hes still healthy. Januar is 3-years old.
Smoking Among Minors Still a Major Problem in Indonesia

On a Sunday morning, Effendi prepared to open his warung , or roadside grocery


stall, in South Jakarta.

As soon as he did, two boys, aged about 14, came up to buy a pack of cigarettes.
Effendi handed them the pack and took their money, no questions asked.

When he was later told that selling cigarettes to minors was prohibited under a
regulation issued last year, Effendi looked genuinely surprised.

Really? I never heard such thing. Those boys could have been buying the cigarettes
for their parents. Theres no way for me to find out if they intend to smoke it
themselves, he told Jakarta Globe.

Whats the punishment for the violation? he added.

He looked relieved when told that despite the regulation, there were no serious
consequence for violators. However, he said that if stricter sanctions were imposed,
he would gladly comply with the rules.

I dont mind asking people to show me their ID card if there is a clear regulation, but
since there is no punishment its hard to imagine people would care, let alone
comply, Effendi said.

It was a different story at a nearby convenience store, where a female cashier asked
a customer for his ID before she would sell him a pack of cigarettes.

Our store is part of an international chain, so we have to comply with the regulation,
she said.

The cashier, who declined to be named, said she only asked for ID from anyone who
looked too young to smoke.

If they look old enough we rarely asked them to show us their ID, or if theyre way
too young to be 18 Ill just refuse to sell them any cigarettes, she said.

Weak prohibition

The government regulation in question, issued a year ago this month, stipulates that
selling cigarettes to children and pregnant women are prohibited. However, there is
no mention of punishment for those flouting the ban.

The prohibition is too weak to be called a regulation; its a mere suggestion since
there is no punishment involved for the violators, says Arist Merdeka Sirait, the
chairman of the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas Anak).

He notes that even among convenience stores, compliance with the regulation
remains lax.
Only some of the international chain stores will comply with policies that their
headquarters have established, but most local convenience stores wont even bother
to ask a thing, he said.

Indonesia has no mandatory minimum age for purchasing or smoking cigarettes.,


which are sold freely with no checks on buyers ages. At warungs, cigarettes can be
bought by the stick rather than in packs, making them even more affordable for
children.

Selling cigarettes to minors should constitute a punishable crime. Thats what we


need to do if we want to save our children, Arist said.

He said the government and legislators must revise the lenient 2012 government
regulation on tobacco control and adopt the practices implemented successfully in
another countries, such as Singapore and Thailand.

In Singapore, stores or vendors can lose their licenses for selling cigarettes to
anyone under the age of 18.

Arist emphasized that children should not be punished for smoking, but that adults
should be held responsible for preventing children from taking up the habit by
refusing to sell them cigarettes in the first place.

Last year, Komnas Anak filed a class-action lawsuit against the cigarette industry
and the government for failing to protect children from smoking.

The lawsuit rests on medical records and psychological exams of children addicted
to smoking.

One of them, Ilham, a 9-year-old boy from Sukabumi in West Java, required a year
of intense therapy to recover from his addiction, which began when he was just four
years old.

Whenever he felt the urge to smoke, Arist said, Ilham would become aggressive and
self-destructive, banging his head against the wall if he was denied.

Seto Mulyadi, a noted child psychologist and adviser to the Indonesian Commission
for Child Protection (KPAI), echoed the same sentiment, saying the lack of a
smoking age limit in Indonesia had given the country a reputation as a baby-
smoking country.

I once gave therapy for a baby smoker, and it deeply concerned me, Seto said. He
said that in addition to a smoking age limit, the government needed to implement
other measures to prevent children from smoking, including banning all types of
cigarette advertisements, promotions and event sponsorships by tobacco firms.

At the same time, he said, the government should provide a campaign focusing on
the danger of cigarettes.
Cigarette exposure

Smoking children, adults who smoke in public places, street vendors selling
cigarettes anywhere with no restrictions, and a relentless barrage of cigarette
commercials televised nationally while children are watching are only a few of the
problems Indonesia is currently dealing with because of lax tobacco regulations.

Even though the 2002 Broadcasting Law prohibits cigarette ads on television from
being aired before 9:30 p.m., cigarette companies use many other methods to
promote their products before then.

According to the World Health Organization, three of every four Indonesian children
between the ages of 13 and 15 are exposed to cigarette ads on billboards and pro-
tobacco messages at sports events.

A Komnas Anak study in 2012 also found 93 percent of Indonesian children were
exposed to cigarette ads on television, while 50 percent regularly saw cigarette ads
on outdoor billboards and banners.

According to 2010 data released by the Tobacco Control Support Center of the
Indonesian Health Experts Association (Iakmi), smoking kills 235,000 Indonesians
annually, while secondhand smoking claims 25,000 lives a year.

The lax smoking regulation in Indonesia has long been associated with the countrys
reluctance to ratify the WHOs Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.

The convention, already signed by 168 countries, calls for a ban on all forms of
tobacco advertising and sponsorship. It also suggests plastering pictorial warnings
across at least 30 percent of the surface area of cigarette packs, and increasing the
tobacco excise.

Indonesia remains the only country in the Asia-Pacific region that has not ratified the
treaty, despite being one of the most active countries in drafting the document in
2003, and one of only three countries in the world that still allows cigarette ads to run
on television.

Most countries that have ratified the treaty have also set limits on the smoking age,
purchasing age, or both.

Indonesia has been urged by the international community to accede to the FCTC to
control the fast-growing smoking habit in the country, and while the government has
repeatedly stated its commitment to adopting the FCTCs principles, it has made no
significant effort to do so.

The matter of Indonesias reluctance to accede was brought up during the 4th
Islamic Conference of Health Ministers, held in Jakarta in October.

One of the 40 resolutions adopted by delegates at the conference was to encourage


the member states to take steps on speedy ratification of the WHO Framework
Convention on Tobacco Control, if not done so, and improve the implementation of
all MPOWER measures.

MPOWER is a package of six tobacco-control measures that WHO says can


reverse the tobacco epidemic and prevent millions of tobacco-related deaths.

Of the 57 countries that make up the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, only


Indonesia and Somalia have not to acceded the FCTC.

Considering Somalia has practically no government, the message is clearly directed


to Indonesia and this is embarrassing, Tara Singh Bam, a technical adviser at the
Tobacco Control International Union Against Tuberculosis and Lung Disease, or
Union, told the Globe.

The OIC conference also highlighted the importance of ratifying WHO protocols to
eliminate the illicit trade in tobacco products and encouraged member states not to
host tobacco trade fairs.

Indonesia has been widely criticized for agreeing to host World Tobacco Asia forum,
slated to be held in Nusa Dua, Bali, next year. The forum showcases tobacco
products and provides an opportunity for tobacco industry professionals in the Asia-
Pacific region to network.

The convention, which has been rejected in many countries, notes on its official
website the opportunity to invest in the tobacco industry in Indonesia because of its
lucrative market and lax regulation on tobacco control.

Indonesia also has some of the cheapest tobacco prices in the world, making
cigarettes affordable even for the poorest households. A pack of 20 Marlboros sells
here for $1.30, including tax, compared to $9.70 in Singapore and $3.20 in Malaysia,
according to cigaretteprices.net. The same product in Australia, which has some of
the most stringent anti-tobacco rules in the world, sells for $17.70.

Agung Laksono, the coordinating minister for peoples welfare, has called on the
Trade Ministry, the Finance Ministry and the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry
to stop thwarting the Health Ministrys efforts to accelerate the FCTC accession. The
three ministries have promised to support the move.

However, Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan recently said he had sent a letter to the
WHO on preventing any negative fallout to trade partners and investors as a result of
the accession. Gita said the FCTC was not just about health issues, but implicated
the well-being of tobacco farmers and the tobacco industry.

Smoking: A rights violation?

The WHO estimated that in 2011, some six million people worldwide died of
smoking-related causes. The largest toll was in China, which recorded 1.2 million
deaths from tobacco-related illnesses.
In Indonesia, 190,260 people died of tobacco-related cases, according to a 2010
Health Ministry report.

The WHOs 2011 Global Adult Tobacco Survey released last year showed that 67.4
percent of adult males and 4.5 percent of adult females in Indonesia were active
smokers, while more than 90 million Indonesians were constantly exposed to
secondhand smoking, which poses an even bigger health risk.

If the government does still not take steps to accede to the FCTC, we can safely
assume that our government has ignored and violated the right to live of every one of
its citizens, said Ifdhal Kasim, a former chairman of the National Commission for
Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and a tobacco control activist. In addition, the
government has also violated the law.

Smoking affects the quality of our human resources. If we let this persist, the next
generation is at stake. Our nation is at stake, Ifdhal said.

The Health Ministry has repeatedly made the case that signing up to the FCTC will
not hurt the livelihoods of workers in the tobacco industry, and in fact will lead to an
improvement in their welfare by better regulating the industry.

Amidhan, the head of halal products at the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), the
countrys highest Islamic authority, said that although smoking is not prohibited
under Islam, secondhand smoke can be considered harmful to others and therefore
liable to a religious ban.

There is nothing in the Holy Koran that says smoking is a sinful act, he said.

However, if it disrupts other peoples rights in public areas, which it clearly does,
and if it endangers childrens health at home, then it becomes strictly forbidden and
illicit.
Women Still Not Safe From Sexual
Abuse In Indonesia
Posted By: Concord

The governments response in the wake of a spate of rape and murder of young women and children this
year has been widely welcomed by the public in general, but concerns remain about the existence of a
rape culture in which many victims are ignored.

The government response is seen as reactive, providing penalties for crimes against women and children,
but doing nothing to reduce the incidence of such crimes or providing more guarantees of safety for the
most vulnerable groups in society.

After declaring sexual offenses against children an extraordinary crime on May 10, President Joko
Widodo on May 25 signed a government regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) stipulating tougher sanctions
which include, as a maximum, the death penalty for perpetrators of sexual assault against children.

The Perppu also introduced the potential for chemical castration and computer chip implantation for
convicted child assailants. We need extraordinary efforts to address such extraordinary crimes which can
threaten and endanger the life and the development of our children, the president said.

The House of Representatives was scheduled to meet on July 27 to discuss ratification of the Perppu.

The new punishments mostly won praise in the country, where there is strong backing for the death
penalty. Activists, however, are unhappy, stating the punishments were a knee-jerk reaction and do not
provide solutions to address the real problems. And while the new regulations raised the bar for offenses
involving children, they did little to protect women from sexual violence.

Yuyuns trauma
The reaction from the government followed a public outcry over the grisly gang rape and murder of a 14-
year-old school girl, Yuyun, by 14 youths and men in Rejang Lebong regency, Bengkulu. The dead body
of the girl was discovered naked and tied up in a ravine on April 4, two days after her family filed a
missing persons report.

Her case received little media attention for weeks and might have become just another case that went
unnoticed before feminists began a social media campaign seeking justice, as part of their wider campaign
to end violence against women and children in Indonesia.

Other cases immediately caught the public eye, including the gang rape of a 19-year-old student in
Manado, North Sulawesi, allegedly involving local police officers, and the death of a two-year-old boy in
Bogor, West Java after being sexually abused by his neighbor.

The number of cases that have been reported since the Yuyun case attracted national attention suggests that
the media has only now decided that such cases are worth the effort of reporting. There are fears that in the
past many cases were simply brushed under the carpet by both the police and the media.

A widespread problem
A UN report released in September 2013 showed that almost a quarter of men in parts of Asia admitted to
having committed at least one rape. Ten thousand men from Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Bangladesh,
Cambodia, China and Sri Lanka took part in the survey. Rape was particularly common within
relationships, according to the study. One in 10 men admitted raping a woman who was not their partner.
In Indonesia, 31.9% of respondents admitted forcing a woman to have sex. Nearly three-quarters of those
who committed rape said they did so for reasons of sexual entitlement. The second most common
motivation reported was rape as a form of entertainment, while some used rape as a form of punishment or
because the man was angry. Surprisingly, the least common motivation was alcohol.

Indonesias National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) recorded over
320,000 cases of violence against women in 2015, with around 11,000 cases were categorized as domestic
violence while 1,657 cases were sexual violence. The total number of cases of violence in 2015
represented a significant increase from 293,220 cases in the previous year and these are only incidents
reported to authorities or the commission.

Experts say women in Indonesia are often resigned to the dominant cultural perspective on gender
violence. Many victims choose not to report cases because of family pressure, and sometimes because
communities put the blame on them. Meanwhile, police often have to release perpetrators of domestic
sexual violence at the request of their wives and partners.

Law enforcers also apply an outdated definition of rape requiring evidence such as blood and semen. This
and the fact that women are often accused of having invited sexual assault underlines the reality that
Indonesia, along with so many other countries in Asia, remains a place where gender equality remains a
distant dream.

In its annual report for 2015, Komnas Perempuan reported increasing occurrence of sexual assaults, which
dominate cases of violence against women, in recent years. It is widely believed the figure is only the tip of
an iceberg as most sexual crimes are unreported due to trauma or limited access to justice.

While the situation can be quickly blamed on weak legal enforcement, little has been done to end the rape
culture in the society. In a largely patriarchal nation, women are often taught that they need to avoid
getting raped but young men are not told that rape represents a serious crime.

Women are still perceived as property in most part of the country. A moral defect, even when its a result
of violent behavior, will cause the girl to lose her value and create a disgrace to the family.

Meanwhile, male sexual violence is normal and mostly seen as a reflection of power and masculinity. In
the case of sexist jokes and verbal offense, women are told to be grateful for being targeted for such
behavior because it is a sign that they are good-looking. A friendly gesture on the part of a woman can be
easily mistaken as a sign of promiscuity.

Compromised safety
The widespread rape culture clearly has compromised the safety of women, including in public spaces. A
bias toward male sexual domination combined with poor infrastructure and security provide opportunities
for sexual offenders to commit such crimes.

Indonesia was ranked the third worst place among G20 countries for women to live, according to a survey
released in 2013. Indonesia was ranked behind India and Saudi Arabia, which face similar challenges with
problems such as child marriage, sex trafficking, violence and the exploitation of women.

Rape can happen virtually anywhere. Reports of sexual harassment of women who commute to and from
work on public transportation occur virtually every other day. At least three cases of rape and one of rape
and murder in public minivans were reported in Greater Jakarta in the period 2011-2014. In November
2015, a young woman was raped and robbed while crossing a pedestrian bridge at Lebak Bulus, near the
upscale Pondok Indah area in South Jakarta.

To the publics outrage, police and then-Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo responded to a case in 2014 by
advising women against traveling alone and wearing revealing clothing to avoid instigating mens sexual
desire and being raped.
Hera Diani, one of the founders of feminist web-based magazine Magdalene, says that despite the public
concern over the Yuyun case, it did not go far enough. We might be better than India but we did not see
the same level of public outrage that the Indian public expressed after the rape and murder of a medical
student in the wake of Yuyuns case, indicating that something is wrong, she told Concord Strategic.

A female globetrotter even said that womens safety level in Jakarta is even more worrying than in
Mexico because there, the crimes are concentrated in certain areas. In Jakarta, the violence is widespread,
it can happen everywhere.

Diani was referring to the brutal gang rape of a young Indian woman on a bus in New Delhi in late 2012.
The victim was returning home from a movie and had boarded a bus with a male friend on the night of
December 16, 2012 when four men, including the bus driver, beat them up and gang-raped her. The
victims were then thrown out of the bus and left to die.

The rape triggered a nationwide protest in the country, known to have an endemic sexual violence
problem. A week after the incident, Indian lawmakers passed stricter laws on sexual violence, including a
minimum 20-year prison sentence for rape and the death penalty for extreme cases.

Indian lawmakers also expanded the definition of rape to include penetration by objects or any body part.
Sexual abuse in all its forms including sexual harassment, stalking and voyeurism was also made illegal.
Moreover, fast-track courts were established to speed up trials in sexual assault cases which earlier took
years to conclude.

Government response
Womens rights activists agree that sexual assault and rape are more about domination than a mere sexual
impulse. A study on the cause of rape in Asia-Pacific by the UN Development Fund for Women (Unifem)
in 2013 found that 73% of 13,000 sexual offenders surveyed said sexual entitlement, the belief that men
have a right to sex with women regardless of consent, was the main motivation for rape.

The remainder said they committed rape for entertainment, while alcohol, often assumed to be a common
trigger for violence, was the least common response. Men who had themselves been victimized abused,
raped or otherwise sexually coerced were more likely to commit rape than those who were not, the study
also found.

The Indonesian governments refusal to acknowledge the rape culture is reflected in the narrow definition
of sexual assault in the Criminal Code (KUHP). The regulation centers on physical abuse and says less
about psychological and economic violence. It left marital rape unaddressed until the ratification of the
Domestic Violence Law in 2004.

Despite the narrow definition, the government actually has no shortage of laws criminalizing sexual
offenders. Apart from the KUHP, it has ratified international conventions on protection of women and
children as well as on the handling of human trafficking crimes and the prevention of child marriage, for
example.

Approach of law enforcers


Indonesias rape culture is demonstrated in problematic law enforcement, which perpetuates the view that
the crime occurs because the victim invited it. Gender-biased police officers often make impolite remarks
to victims and judges ask irrelevant questions during trials. Lenient sentences are only one element that
sustains the violence and discrimination against women, seen as the second gender.

A victim of sexual assault committed by four officers of the TransJakarta bus services in January 2014 was
questioned by the judge about the length of her pants on the day of the incident. She was not offered any
legal assistance and was obliged to pay for a medical examination. The offenders were jailed for only 18
months.
A report in The Jakarta Post in August 2014 made it clear that women arent safe in even everyday
environments. In a commentary on the Transjakarta case, the countrys patriarchal society was identified
as the root of the problem, hindering victims of sexual assaults from obtaining justice. Members of the
legal system often lacked sensitivity, it quoted activists as stating.

Founder of the rape-survivor support group Lentera Indonesia, Wulan Danoekoesoemo, said many rape
victims chose not to report their cases to the police because the law itself did not side with the victim.
Some victims feel hopeless because its difficult to process a sexual-assault case. Even if the cases are
processed, the sentences for the offenders are too short, she said. Meanwhile the victim suffered deep
trauma.

Blaming the woman for inviting an assault is not uncommon. Activist Kartika Jahja said in The Jakarta
Post report that it is not unusual for judges and defendants lawyers to question a victims clothes and
ethnicity.

Womens Legal Aid Foundation (LBH APIK) executive Uli Pangaribuan agreed that such stigmatizing
was why many rape victims chose to keep quiet. The reason why many rape victims in this country
choose not to report to the police is because theyre ashamed and theyre afraid that society will put the
blame on them, Pangaribuan said, according to the Post. People tended to normalize rape if the victim
was wearing a mini-skirt or a tight blouse.

Whos to blame?
Meanwhile, some were inquiring why Yuyun, the 14-year-old rape victim in Bangkulu, was wandering
near a desolate plantation by herself, prompting the opinion that she herself might have triggered the
crime. Womens Empowerment and Child Protection Minister Yohana Yembise entered the blame game
by criticizing the girls parents for working and not being available for their children.

The comment from the minister demonstrates that the patriarchal view that womens place is in the home
is shared by many women, despite the reality that women often have to work to help the family survive
economically. It also assumes that women do not have a right to a career.

It is obvious that more needs to be done to change the perspective and approach that sides more with the
accused during legal proceedings. Heavier sanctions such as chemical castration in the new Perppu will not
necessarily be effective in preventing more violence.

Diani of Magdalene said she was cooperating with Komnas Perempuan to capitalize on the current
momentum to raise public awareness on the danger of rape culture and improve protection for women and
children.

Activists, she said, have pushed the House of Representatives to include the deliberation of the anti-sexual
violence bill into its priority program for this year but the process of deliberation is yet to start. We are
looking for better access to legal and psychological assistance for victims of sexual abuse as well as
building law enforcement forces with improved gender awareness, Diani told Concord Strategic. The
tougher sanctions introduced in the new Perppu must not be the end of efforts to stopping violence against
women and children, Diani said.

Integrated solutions
Theres no single approach to ending the violence. Measures in the legal process must be supported by a
concerted effort to build public awareness to reverse the discriminative mindset, which must include
improvement of welfare and national education systems.

Inclusion of sexual education that introduces the correct concepts on good sexual and reproductive health
into school curriculums is necessary to complete the push for stronger law enforcement, said Diani.
She admitted, however, that advocating for proper sexual education for students would most likely face
rejection from certain members of the public, who have grown more religiously conservative and
xenophobic despite Indonesia being hailed as one of the most open, democratic societies in the world.

The public most likely would highlight that advocating sexual education means promoting free sex, which
they say is against Islamic teaching and so-called Asian values, Diani said. The media, she added, must
also play a role in the reform process by adhering to the code of ethics of journalism instead of publishing
sensational headlines when reporting cases of sexual assault.

In reporting recent cases of sexual violence, a lot of local newsrooms have projected a clear picture of
gender bias in reporting, with the publication of gory details and uncensored pictures of the victims.

Lack of women police


A shortage of women police officers is a part of the problem of the failure of police to properly investigate
sexual assaults. The police themselves adopt patriarchal values by applying a virginity test for new
recruits. A storm over the practice emerged in 2014, when Nisha Varia, associate womens rights director
at Human Rights Watch, stated that the practice was discriminatory and harmed and humiliated women.

While police insist that the practice is no longer used, sources within the force cited by HRW and other
rights organizations insist that it is continuing. HRW said in November 2014 that the National Police
planned an immediate 50% increase in the number of policewomen, to 21,000. With a force of about
400,000 police officers, the additional hiring would increase the percentage of women on the force from
3% to 5%.

It is not clear that the hiring campaign was successful, but even at 5% women officers would be spread
very thinly through the force. Many police stations would not have female officers, further deterring
women from reporting crimes.

A May 2015 report in Time magazine on the virginity test issue quoted the head of the national police legal
division, Insp. Gen. Moechgiyarto, as supporting the tests because they maintained the police forces moral
standards. If she (a candidate) turns out to be a prostitute, how could we accept her for the job? he said.

This approach clearly creates an unhealthy atmosphere for female police recruits, and in general creates
difficulty for the victims of sexual assault to have their cases dealt with effectively.

In an article in Australian website The Conversation, Irawati Harsono, a lecturer in criminology at the
Police Studies College, said she was appalled when she was told that all women police had been removed
from the border with East Timor following the referendum and rebellion against Indonesian rule in 1999.

The presence of female police officers is crucial in ensuring women and children refugees are protected
and that their needs are met. In refugee camps, women and children usually lose out in the fighting over
resources such as water and blankets. They are also vulnerable to sexual abuse. The decision to withdraw
female officers says a lot about how the police organization regards female officers, she stated. And
generally, she added, policewomen are considered mere auxiliaries to policemen.

Calling for empowerment of women police, Harsono stated that while there had been improvement in
legislation to protect women and children, this had made very little difference. The way a country regards
female police officers is crucial in its efforts to protect women against violence in the general population,
she said.

Since 2007, each police district has established a special women and children protection unit. The
attorney general has a focal point for womens issues. The Supreme Court also has a working group. But
despite such legal and structural progress, if the culture within the police corps still discriminates against
women, effective protection for womens rights will fall short.
Economic impacts
The economic cost, in addition to the physical, psychological and health impacts, is often forgotten in the
case of sexual violence. Advancing gender equality and eliminating the endemic violence are therefore
becoming more important as Widodos government vows to build a sustainable economy and achieve 7%
growth by the end of its tenure in 2019.

The World Bank in November 2015 estimated that aside from psychological repercussions, gender-based
violence has been shown to have dire economic consequences, costing an estimated 3.7% of gross
domestic product (GDP) due to lost productivity. The percentage is more than double what most
governments spend on education.

The negative stigmas attached to survivors of sexual violence might make them lose their jobs, Diani
said, agreeing that productivity losses due to sexual abuse might be larger and extended to the next
generation as impoverished victims might raise vulnerable families and kids.

In the National Mid-Term Development Plan (RPJMN) for 2015-2019, the government pledges to enhance
protection of women and children. It aims to improve prevention of violence through the launching of the
National Children Protection Movement, awareness campaigns and the implementation of restorative
justice for child convicts.

The measures also include efforts to improve services for victims of violence, which seek better handling
of reports, health and social rehabilitation and reintegration, as well as stronger law enforcement with
provision of legal assistance.

The RPJMN also outlines plans to upgrade the capacity of agencies working on women and childrens
protection through a better legal system, inter-agency coordination and the establishment of an information
system related to the crime.

The plan of action, included in the five-year economic development roadmap, signals that the government
is aware of the importance of promoting women and childrens protection. The move indicates that the
state is heading in the right direction in providing protection for all its citizens, but evidence remains scant
that any of these policies have been implemented.

The government needs to encourage society to move toward a culture of preventing the perpetration of
rape through a persuasive campaign at all levels, rather than relying on prevention through knee-jerk
responses. While the governments Perrpu looks tough, there is no indication at this stage that it will make
women any safer.
Why is sexual
harassment 'normal'
when done to women
but not when done to
men?
The most common response is sexual harassment is typical men's
behavior but is it because women have accepted the behavior as
normal?
By Alice Virgo
Published Tue, May 17, 2016 1:58 PM

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One afternoon, my cousin made a passing comment upon seeing a
celebrity on TV, My husband is really repulsed by men like this guy. Sissy
men. Hes afraid that they would hit on him.

It came out of nowhere we werent talking about gay people at the time.
Moreover, there was no proof that the celebrity she was referring to was
even gay. He didnt look very effeminate though I dont believe all gay
men are effeminate. (Nor do I believe that all gay men are out to seduce or
flirt with straight men. Her comment reminds me of what my boss said
once: Do you really think youre that hot?)

Ive never forgotten what shes said since then. I know her husband well,
and have always thought he was a nice guy, save for his unrestrained
mouth sometimes (just like his wifes).

Her comment has made me realize the irony of the whole thing.

Heterosexual men believe that gay men are disgusting because of the
presumption that they would be harassed by the gay men, and yet, they
dont think anything is wrong when they straight men harrass women.

To be honest, I also did not relate the two issues until I heard a male
acquaintance say, Im not anti gay, but Im traumatized, because when I
went to the gym, my trainer touched me and tried to flirt with me. So Ive
had a bad experience with gay men.

As I was listening to him, I thought: Thats it? Just that one time and now
you stereotype all of them? But then, I felt really weird. Why didnt I take
my friends experience seriously?

Rampant harrassment

I started recounting my experience living in Indonesia, as well as the stories


of the women around me.

When I was in third grade, while my hand was being held by my mother at
the mall, two grown-up men who were working at a restaurant challenged
each other to approach me. When my mom was reading the menu, they
quickly kissed my cheeks.

Grade school was when boys forcefully grabbed girls faces and kissed
them on the lips, even if the girls struggled and fought the boys to no avail.
In 7th grade in middle school, some boys in my class would compete to
grab girls butts when they bumped into each other in the hallway. Some
went as far as openly fondling girls breasts.

In middle school also, a friend told me that when she was waiting to be
served a bowl of meatball soup, the vendor unzipped his pants and flashed
his penis at her.

When I told this to my mother, she was not surprised at all, and even told
me of a similar experience she had in university, except the perpetrator
was a bajaj (auto rickshaw) driver.

In my high school, boys would boldly put their hands on girls knees to feel
up their thighs, sometimes all the way up to their crotch.

Once when I was swimming, an unknown older man followed me around at


the beach. I was wearing a one-piece swimsuit instead of a t-shirt at the
time. Recently, a female friend told me that when she was a little girl, a
friend of her fathers assaulted her, making her vagina bleed.

Ignored

The most common response by adults and even school authorities was that
it was typical boys behavior. But these incidents are not limited only to
school environment and it definitely is not attributable merely to boys
immaturity.

Singer and gender rights activist Kartika Jahja wrote in an article on


Magdalene about a rape victim who was confronted in trial by the judge
and defense lawyers with questions about the color of her bra, her clothing
and her religious beliefs.

In this article, journalist Hans David argued that rape cases perpetrated by
several renowned Indonesian male activists had been covered up by
journalists, media, and even known feminist figures.

These two articles are only a tiny portion of a vast number of stories on
sexual assaults and rapes, cases like those perpetrated by a Quran
teacher to his female students, by a stepfather or biological father to his
daughters, and by a grandfather to his granddaughter.

The magnitude of the normalization of sexual harassment of women makes


some of these incidents go unquestioned. Instead, the female victims are
questioned on why they are incapable of protecting themselves.
My female friend mentioned above was accused by her own mother of
sexually teasing her fathers friend at 10 years old!

Normal vs wrong

Consequently, it is not uncommon for women to normalize harassment


done by men.

I, too, trivialized my male friends experience with that one gay man,
because I have been too accustomed to accept sexual harassment as a
daily occurrence.

If heterosexual men can say, I am disgusted by gay men, because they


harass (heterosexual) men, can I also say that I am disgusted by
heterosexual men?

I am not saying I hope heterosexual men also experience sexual


harassment. Nor is it my intention to trivialize incidents of sexual
harassment of men. I dont think anyone would ever want to be a victim of
sexual harassment.

However, maybe we need to start asking: why is sexual harassment


considered wrong when the victim is a straight man and the perpetrator a
gay man, but considered normal when the victim is a woman and the
perpetrator a straight man? Rappler.com
Sexual harassment victims face
hurdles in getting justice
Indah Setiawati and Sita W. Dewi

The Jakarta Post

Jakarta | Tue, January 28, 2014 | 01:26 pm

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Jakartans were left unfazed by the recent allegations of sexual harassment on a
Transjakarta bus, knowing that such cases rarely make it to court.

Women' s rights activists complain there is not yet an acceptable definition of


sexual harassment in the law, which largely relies on Articles 281 and 289 of the
Criminal Code stipulating jail sentences for indecent acts that violated social norms or
using force on another to commit an obscenity.

This lack of a specific definition has led to multiple interpretations among law
enforcers to the point of weakening the position of the victims before the law,
according to Uli Pangaribuan, a lawyer with the Legal Aid Foundation of the
Indonesian Women' s Association for Justice (LBH APIK).

She said lawyers representing the victims often ended up arguing with police
investigators over the charges to be pressed as neither party could agree on the
difference between sexual harassment and offensive behavior.

She said the foundation always insisted the police use Article 289 of the Criminal
Code on sexual harassment, which carries a maximum nine-year prison sentence, as
the police tended to use Article 355 on offensive behavior, which carries a lesser
punishment.

' The police say groping is just offensive behavior because there is no struggling
and the victim is still dressed. While for us, the [struggling and opening clothes]
constitutes attempted rape,' Uli told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

The Constitutional Court recently dropped the term offensive behavior from the
article.

Uli said the difficulty for the victim did not stop even after the police charged the
suspects under Article 289. ' Unlike rape where victims can use a visum et
repertum as evidence, sexual harassment cases usually leave no evidence, which is
always requested by the police. This poses a challenge in bringing the case to
court.'

She said it could take months and even years before the case was brought to court, or
eventually dropped due to lack of evidence.

The number of sexual harassment cases reported to the foundation was much smaller
than that of cases of violence against women, which amounted to 600 in 2013. LBH
APIK is currently handling three sexual harassment cases, including a case of five
women against an executive of a major media organization.

The city police did not list sexual harassment cases in their 2013 annual report and
only reported 57 cases of rape, 36 of which made their way to court.

Nationally, the number of reports of violence against women remains high. In 2012,
The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan)
recorded 4,336 cases of sexual abuse. Of this figure, 118 cases were categorized as
sexual harassment.

The total number of cases of violence against women reported that year was 211,822.

In the recent case, a woman reported four employees of city-owned PT Transjakarta to


the city police for sexual harassment.

The police said the four suspects would be charged under Article 281 of the Criminal
Code which carries a maximum three-year jail sentence.

Transjakarta Management Authority spokeswoman Sri Ulina Pinem said that the
authority had suspended four employees who were allegedly involved in the case.

' Yes [we have suspended the four employees]. We are still waiting for a letter
from the police which explains their involvement in the case before taking further
action against them.'

Women' s Research Institute executive director Sita Aripurnami said sexual


harassment included unwanted attention, which was the lightest form of violence
against women.

' Hooting, kissing, sexual jokes and porn pictures sent in mailing lists that create an
uncomfortable feeling can be categorized as sexual harassment,' she said.

She said some sexual harassment cases could be settled within a company,
organization or among the individuals.

' Companies should have a code of conduct and sanctions so victims of sexual
harassment cases know where to report their cases. The cases could be brought to the
police if the company fails to settle the problem or the perpetrator repeats the
action,' she said.
8 Reasons Why Marijuana Should Be
Legalized
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by Tom Head

Updated February 19, 2017

We really shouldn't have to ask why marijuana should be legal; the burden is on the
government to show why it shouldn't, and none of the explanations for marijuana
prohibition are especially convincing. But as long as we have to deal with the reality
of marijuana laws, we can present a strong case for repeal.
01

of 08

The Government Has No Right to Enforce Marijuana Laws.

Justin Sullivan / Staff / Getty Images News / Getty Images

There are always reasons why laws exist. While some advocates for the status quo
claim that marijuana laws prevent people from harming themselves, the most
common rationale is that they prevent people from harming themselves and from
causing harm to the larger culture. But laws against self-harm always stand on shaky
ground -- predicated, as they are, on the idea that the government knows what's good
for you better than you do -- and no good ever comes from making governments the
guardians of culture.
02

of 08

Enforcement of Marijuana Laws Is Racially Discriminatory.

The burden of proof for marijuana prohibition advocates would be high enough if
marijuana laws were enforced in a racially neutral manner, but -- this should come as
no surprise to anyone familiar with our country's long history of racial profiling --
they are most definitely not.

03

of 08

Enforcement of Marijuana Laws Is Prohibitively Expensive.

Six years ago, Milton Friedman and a group of over 500 economists advocated
for marijuana legalization on the basis that prohibition directly costs more than $7.7
billion per year.

04

of 08

Enforcement of Marijuana Laws Is Unnecessarily Cruel.

You don't have to look very hard to find examples of lives needlessly destroyed by
marijuana prohibition laws. The government arrests over 700,000 Americans, more
than the population of Wyoming, for marijuana possession every year. These new
"convicts" are driven from their jobs and families and pushed into a prison system
that turns first-time offenders into hardened criminals.

05

of 08

Marijuana Laws Impede Legitimate Criminal Justice Goals.

Just as alcohol prohibition essentially created the American Mafia, marijuana


prohibition has created an underground economy where crimes unrelated to
marijuana, but connected to people who sell and use it, go unreported. End result:
real crimes become harder to solve.
06

of 08

Marijuana Laws Cannot Be Consistently Enforced.

Every year, an estimated 2.4 million people use marijuana for the first time. Most
will never be arrested for it; a small percentage, usually low-income people of color,
arbitrarily will. If the objective of marijuana prohibition laws is to actually prevent
marijuana use rather than driving it underground, then the policy is, despite its
astronomical cost, an utter failure from a pure law enforcement point of view.

07

of 08

Taxing Marijuana Can Be Profitable.

A recent Fraser Institute study found that legalizing and taxing marijuana could
produce considerable revenue.

08

of 08

Alcohol and Tobacco, Though Legal, Are Far More Harmful Than
Marijuana.

The case for tobacco prohibition is actually much stronger than the case for
marijuana prohibition. Alcohol prohibition has, of course, already been tried -- and,
judging by the history of the War on Drugs, legislators have apparently learned
nothing from this failed experiment.
Indonesian man grows marijuana to treat
wifes rare disease, gets caught, wife dies 32
days later
By Coconuts Jakarta Mar. 31, 2017


o 4.1K
o 6
o 12
o
o 4.1KSHARES
Illustration.

Its incredibly sad to think that one womans life could have been saved and her
familys sorrow spared had they simply lived in a country progressive enough to
recognize the legitimate medical uses of a particular plant.

On Saturday, March 25, Fidelis Arie Sudewarto, a resident of Sanggau, West


Kalimantan, lost his beloved wife, Yeni Riawati, 32 days after he was detained for
growing marijuana, which is illegal under Indonesias strict drug laws.

Fidelis did not grow marijuana for recreational use or profit. His wife Yeni was
suffering from an extremely rare disease called syringomyelia, in which a cyst forms
within the spinal cord. If the cyst expands, it can destroy the spinal cord, causing
indescribable pain, paralysis, and other severe health complications, possibly
resulting in death.

After exhausting many options, Fidelis came across information online that said
cannabis could be used as an analgesic to alleviate syringomyelia sufferers pain. He
then decided to grow marijuana plants, which he processed himself and gave to his
wife for her treatment at home.

After trying [the marijuana] there was an apparent healing effect. At first she (Yeni)
did not want to sleep for days, but after drinking the [marijuana] extract she began
sleeping soundly. At first she did not want to eat, but afterwards her appetite
increased. She also began to speak again and was able to defecate with ease, said
Yohana, Fidelis sister, as quoted by Tribun.

According to Yohana, Fidelis hoped that Yeni could make some recovery with the
help of the extract so that he could take her to get an an operation on the island of
Java a trip which their doctor advised against due to Yenis pre-cannabis condition.

But on February 19, the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) caught wind of Fidelis
activity and arrested him in his home. There, they also confiscated 39 marijuana
plants he had been growing for his wife.
Following Fidelis arrest and detention, Yeni stopped taking her cannabis treatment
and her condition worsened.

Sadly, she eventually succumbed to her disease and passed away, 32 days after
Fidelis arrest.

Right now, Fidelis is in BNN custody and, if convicted, he could face up to 20 years in
prison under existing drug laws. That said, BNN Chief Budi Waseso (he of crocodile
prison fame) said the death penalty should be considered for Fidelis case because he
was a civil servant, dismissing the mans desperate attempts to save his wife as
irrelevant to the crime.

But not all politicians are that heartless. Fidelis has at least received backing from
Sanggau Regency Council Chairman Jumadi, who urged prosecutors and judges to
take Fidelis selfless reason for growing the illegal substance into consideration,
especially since a drug test proved that he did not use it himself.

They (Fidelis and Yeni) have two little kids, and now he has to take care of them on
his own, Jumadi said, as quoted by Tribun.

We certainly hope Fidelis can be pardoned of all charges, for the sake of his family at
least. At the same time, Yenis death will hopefully at serve as a symbol for why
Indonesia should reconsider its scientifically unfounded stigmatization of marijuana
and take cues from other progressive states that have legalized cannabis for medical
purposes after it has been proven to be one of the only effective remedies to certain
diseases and conditions such as severe childhood seizures.

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