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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.
Tanja Dibou
Abstract
Youth identity is of a particular interest to research as the adoscelent years are the period
when the core values and attitudes are often formed. This is also the period in which the
youth are quite sensitive to changes in society and are often more susceptible to be
influenced. The main goal of the work is to analyze the values of young Alawites and explore
how their identities are molded , as well as to analyze what it means for young people to be
Alawi in Syria. Syrian Alawi youth identity and values were analyzed through survey
(observations and questionnaire). The survey shows what the main values of Alawite youth
are, what the main categories of youth Alawite identity are, how open is the Syrian Alawite
youth to inter-sectarian relations, and what it means to be young Alawite in modern Syrian
society.
Keywords : Alawites, Alawites identity, young Alawites, Syrian youth, minorities of the
Middle East
1. Introduction
In modern society, a persons identity plays an important role in shaping that persons values,
opinions, and perceptions of the world. However, a persons identity is not fixed but is a
Therefore identity construction as a theme for research is relevant at any time, as every new
research provides new opportunity for dispute and gives additional value to already existing
As for Alawite identity in Syria, Alawites represent religious minority in Syria that have not
been widely studied before, as most cultural and religious texts of Alawites contain many
contradictions to true Islamic teaching and Alawites have been kept their religious texts in
The study of Alawi identity is also controversial because of the current crisis in Syria, that
began in March 2011. Many researchers (Worren 2007, Goldsmith 2011, Tokmajyan 2013,
Nakkash 2013, Rousseau 2014), confirm that during the crisis various identities encounter
different values, attitudes, lifestyles, etc., which are reflective of the similarities and
differences between people. In a politically unstable situation, these differences begin to exert
more impact on the resolution of the conflict. In today's context, both in Syria and throughout
the Middle East, the issues of sectarian identities are playing a major role in solving political
Alawites image is very often associated with the al-Assad regime. The current crisis has
shown that protecting the Alawite identity and also fearing a Sunni hegemony, have impacted
the formation of Alawites identity. For example the Nakkash Aziz (2013) in his study argues
that the political crisis at the beginning of March 2011 was the significantly increased
solidarity of Alwites for their group identification and their confrontation against Sunnis
because of survival and social and economic fears. However, this protection and fear is not
Historically, there has been a dispute who is Alawite: Muslim or not Muslim. Today, human
values and identities are changing very quickly and human identity is not possible to define a
single category. It becomes more layered, and there is a need to examine what kind of layers
compose identity and whether the various layers of the value systems of one 's identity are
not in conflict. The Syrian civil war gave the base for changes in the value and attitudes
systems that increased the fragmentation of society into different groups. Aggregation of
groups provide to their members identity protection during the crisis, although people can
become easily manipulated to fight for their identity and outside criticism becomes construed
as very aggressive.
The current paper explores Syrian Alawi late adolescence (youth at the age 16-30) identity.
Youth identity is of a particular interest to research as the adolescent years are the period
when the core values and attitudes are often formed. This is also the period in which the
youth are quite sensitive to changes in society and are often more susceptible to be
influenced. This period plays a crucial role in the construction of the identity, as during this
age it takes the so-called place of human active self-development, and the young should learn
to evaluate themselves and be responsible for their own lives according to their own views.
The same age period coincides with major choices in human life such as first love, a close
Charles Harb (2010) argues that the adolescent years are the "crystallization" time of identity
and value systems. These years shape the individuals into socially active adults who will play
a pivotal role in society. (Harb 2010: 5) Adolescent years are the most important time of
human development. The analysis of adolescence identity of adolescent explores the values
that are rooted in the childhood home, where the values are most influenced by the family,
and also the values influenced by the external environment such as friends and school (Tuulik
2006).
Erik Erikson (1974) agrees with the idea that identity is constructed in the process, where the
individual views and reflects upon himself at the same time. He perceives himself and
appreciates the perceived image, while constantly compares himself to others (Erikson 1974:
23). James Marcia (1993) argues that for construction to be unique and coherent, the
individual synthesizes his skills, beliefs and identifications, which allow an individual to
establish links with the past and to find the necessary instructions for the future (Marcia
1993: 3).
The construction of identity is not a process that simply develops itself. Individuals and
Identity construction will consider many factors, including: family members, family, tribe,
sect, religion, race, ethnicity, gender, tradition, history, culture, language, political beliefs,
nationalism, ideology, and ethnicity. Some factors, however, play a relatively more important
The paper aims to explore what the main values of Alawites identity are that distinguish them
from other Muslims in Syrian society. In other words, to analyse what it means for young
people to be Alawi in Syria today, and what values young Alawi share. Religious diversity in
Syria now faces new challenges, the biggest of which is to ensure the peace and coexistence
of the people of different faiths. Thus the young generations shared identities, values, and
The Alawites in Syria account for about 8-15 percent of Syrias population. The Alawites are
located mostly in north-western Syria, on the Mediterranean coast in the provinces of Latakia
and Tartous, and in the coastal mountain range of the Nusayriyah Mountains. They comprise
two thirds of the population of this region. There is increased migration and economic
development as Alawites are also living in the major cities of Damascus, Homs, Hama and
Aleppo. The main differences from Sunnis and Shiites are considered in Table 1.
The geographical Syria, Turkey, Lebanon North and East Africa, the Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Iran,
location in world Arabian Peninsula, Central and Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan,
map South Asia, Indonesia India
The number of nearly 4 million , nearly 85-90% of all Muslims nearly 10-15% of all
people in the world Muslims
nearly 0.3 % of all
Muslims
The geographical Northwest region around Large cities such as Aleppo, Alawites as Shiites sect and
location in Syria Latakia and Tartus Hama, Homs , Syria periphery Iraq refugees in Syria
and the heart of the Syria
The number of nearly 8-15% of all nearly 75 % of all Syrian nearly 15 % with Alawites
people in Syria Syrian population population
Alawites as Shiites sect and
1,3-2,5 million Iraq refugees in Syria
The main source of Follow the Koran, Sunna Follow the Koran and Sunna Follow the Koran and Nah
faith and Kitb al-Mam and al-bala
other Alawi holy texts
The name Alawites is derived from their belief that Ali, Mohammad's son-in-law is first
male follower of Muhammad, who is considered by Shia Muslims the first Shia Imam. A
second name used for the Alawites is Nusayris. The name Ansaris can be found in
historical accounts and is sometimes used by Sunnis. The name stems from Mohammad Ibn
Nusayr who was a student of the Shia eleventh imam, and is considered the founder of the
Alawite religion. However, the name Nusayris has attained a derogatory connotation and is
The Alawites are an offshoot of Shiite branch of Islam. Their basic belief is that there is one
God with a hierarchy of divine beings, the highest of whom is Ali. The Alawite religion is
highly secretive, and only initiatives are allowed to know its details. Alawite religion has
elements from Christianity and Islam. Additionally, it has many esoteric components such as
the belief in sole reincarnation. Nearly all of the theology of the Alawites, is based on the
publication of one of their secret holy books, the Kitb al-Mam (1859). Alawites study the
Quran and recognize the five pillars of Islam. The hidden nature of Alawites religion means
However, the Alawites introduce themselves as Muslims, most Sunni Muslims do not regard
the Alawites as followers of Islam. One of the most influential jurists in orthodox Islamic
history, Ibn Taymiyyah (1263 1328) branded the Alawites as sectarians outside the faith.
Ibn Taymiyyah saw these sectarians as enemies of Islam. Ibn Taymiyya concluded that it is
Alawites have always suffered persecution at the hands of ruling Sunni dynasties. Alawites
traditionally worked the poorest lands or held the least skilled jobs. The situation changed in
the 20th century when the French courted the Alawites as allies and granted them a self- ruled
enclave in the mountains around Latakia. From there the Alawites entrenched themselves in
Syrian national politics in 1970 with president Hafiz Al-Assad and the current president of
Regarding Alawi identity, it should be emphasized that studies only began in the the 19th
1863. Sulayman al-Adani was an Alawi himself, who learned the ideas of their religion, and
then betrayed their faith and changed beliefs. Finally, he distributed Alawi secrets, their
prayers, dogmas, and beliefs, throughout the core. For distributing the secrets of the faith
soon after the publication of his book, he was killed by the Alawites. (Eed 2012) His book
brings together all of the most important moments of Alawites theology. The first chapter is
dedicated to the holy book of Alawites called Kitab al-Mam' interpretation. In the next
chapter, the author introduces Alawites holidays. In the third chapter he explains the Alawi
clergy hierarchy and the reader can study Alawi prayers, which are quite different from the
normal traditional Islamic prayers. The fourth chapter is about mythology, according to
which members of the community come from the soles of the glowing object in the sky, the
planets and the stars. The fifth chapter brings examples of religious poetry and interprets its
images. In the sixth chapter the author mentions Shi'a roots in Alawi religion. He also writes
assimilate externally with majority, and the characteristics of the particular "passwords" used
by the Alawi to recognize each other. The book has received much attention to cultic images,
which the author criticizes from Christianitys position, based on the Old and New Testament
Western scholars became more and more interested in Alawi theology because of its exotic
and esoteric character. The first comprehensive description of Alawites came from the
British missionary Samuel Lyde'i ( 1860 ), that was followed by the French orientalist Ren
Dussaults (1900 ) work, which included both a description of the history of Alawi and a
comprehensive overview of the contents of holy book Kitab al - Mam' ( Prochzka 2015).
Meir M. Bar- Asher and Aryeh Kofsky (2002) have also studied the Alawi faith in their work.
There the authors concluded that Alawi is a syncretic religion that combines elements of
Islam, Christianity, and the Persian Gnostic teachings and practices. However, the authors
found that Christianity gave the most significant impact on the religious teaching of Alawi
(Chebab).
The most recent and comprehensive overview of Alawi was made by Yaron Friedman
(2010), who wrote in detail about their history and religion. Also, he raised in his book the
question of their identity by examining Alawi identity from Shiite and Sunni ideological
perspectives.
Alawi identity has been previously studied by Torstein Schitz Worren (2007) in his master's
work Fear and Resistance: The Construction of Identity Alawi in Syria." Here, he examined
the Alawi identity from a historical and political perspective. Worren tried in his work to
answer the question: "How do the Syrian Alawite construct their collective identity?" Worren
also confirmed that through empirical research of Syria study of Alawi identity is not easy,
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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.
because for the Alawi public speaking about their religion is seen as taboo. Thus Worren has
studied their identity in a concealed manner, using techniques such as observations and
informal interviews with local residents. Worren highlights two discourses that construct
Alawi identity. He first mentioned the Sunni hegemony and the second Islamic discourse.
Worren (2007) pointed out the impact of politics on identity construction, and saw this as a
threat. He wrote that sectarian identities are acceptable as long as they are cultural and
religious, but when they become politicized, they are only allowed to compete for political
Despite the fact that the Syrian youth is one of the central themes in the media during the
Syria war, there no academic research done separately about Syrian youth and Alawi identity
and values.
The empirical research was based on qualitative research methods. Data collection for
ethnographic observation, interviews, and analysis of social media profiles. The idea behind
triangulation is to mutually confirm the findings by advancing from different angles. This is
not done to get more data, but to combine different forms of data and put them in relation to
All data were collected from September 2011 to October 2015. The first stages of empirical
research were observations, which were made in Syria from September 2011 to December
2011 - a time when the so-called Arab Spring protests against the government had begun in
Syria. The ethnographic observations gave the prior information of Alawi everyday life and
gave knowledge about the differences between Sunni and Alawites, and were used to
The data about Alawi young people's lives in a natural environment was collected through the
The observation focused on the Alawite community, living in village between Tartous and
Homs. Importantly, in this area Alawites are a majority compared with other parts of Syria.
The observation monitored the family relationship, the relationship between youths, school
Participatory observation II: Observation of urban life of Alawites in the Damascus suburb
of a al-Warwar. This suburb represents an area where Alawites are living as the local
minority and therefore they will construct their identity in a different way from
Mediterranean Sea coastal villages, where Alawites represent a majority. The observation
focused on the analysis of young people's daily routine and aims to learn more about young
Participatory observation III: Observation of the wedding party of Alawites. The wedding
process differs country by country and the wedding represents a unique material for analysis
of traditions and culture of people. In Syria a wedding is a very important event, in which all
the relatives and friends will gather. The main aim of the wedding observation is to
investigate the relationship between generations and cultural and religious traditions.
In all observations the researcher was a participant and was fully engaged with the people and
their activities, but the researcher did not disclose to people that he was observing them.
Collecting data in the controlled society of Syria is quite problematic. Therefore, the
observations were made without knowledge of the people who were being observed. Secret
observations are perfect for situations where researchers want to get the information from
subjects who do not wish to talk. (Hirsjrvi, Remes & Sajavaara 2005: 199-200).
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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.
The second step of research were interviews and also the electronic questionnaire that was
designed to find answers to research questions and to open more detailed information of
Syrian youth Alawi identity. The pilot questionnaire testing took place in August 2015. The
interviewees were not a random choice, but were based on the researcher's personal contacts
in Syria: 28-year-old man (Interviewee 1); 20-year-old man (Interviewee 2); 25-year-old
woman (Interviewee 3). Each interviewee was from a different place in Syria: Damascus,
Latakia, and al-Qurayt village. These young Alawite agreed to a longer comment on
The electronic questionnaire consisted of multiple choice and open questions. The
questionnaire was in the Arabic language and sent out to the sampled young Alawi via the
social network Facebook and e-mails with help of three interviewees, who had sent a
questionnaire to young people between the ages of 16-30 years old through their contacts.
Answering the questionnaire took place between September and October 2015. The
varying ages and social class. Although the interviewed sample is small and not
representative in that it does not reflect a broad cross sectional range of views by Alawites, it
The observations were taking place in the village al-Qurayt and in the Damascus suburb of
a al-Warwar. In the village al-Qurayt young Alawites live in their parents' houses. The
village habitants are only Alawi; there are no Sunnis or Christians. Thus, the young Alawi are
interacting only with other young Alawites and are not used to having contact with
representatives of another religion. After school graduation, when young people decide to go
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on to study at the university, they have more exposure to other faiths, but otherwise there is
no real contact with other faiths for young Alawi people living in the village.
Village Alawites attend small village schools where everyone is Alawi. The urban young
Alawi usually live in the Alawi districts, such as the Damascus suburb of a al-Warwar, and
attend city schools, where the majority are Alawi. Urban Alawi youth then attend
universities, professional schools, and eventually go to work in places where all faiths of
Alawi is not the religion the youth have chosen for themselves; they are Alawite, simply
because it is their family tradition and religion passes from father to son. Young people do
not talk very much about their religious affiliation - not only because it is forbidden, but
because they do not know that much about their religion. One reason is because many young
men between the ages of 16-20 still not have read the sacred Alawite texts nor have religious
Alawi sheikhs talked about Alawi faith to them. Another reason why Alawi adolescents do
not know all the nuances of Alawi teaching is because they are not allowed to talk about their
religion.
At school youth have religious education in their curricula, but in the frame of religious
education textbooks are based on the Sunni position of Islam. The textbook consists of three
parts: the first verses of the Quran Ayat, which the student must learn by heart; the second
part contains a life of Muhammad contradicting ade, which the student must also learn by
heart; the third part introduces the history of Islam, which student must be able to retell. In
the religious education programmes Alawi theology is not included. Alawi faith texts and
speaking openly about Alawi theology are not allowed. Only Alawi religious leaders sheikh
are responsible for spreading postulates of faith to the young Alawi generation in the Alawi
community.
In addition to going to school, the main activities of rural youth are field work and helping
their parents with the housework. In villages, Alawites live in large families (from three
children) and young people, in most of their free time, support and assist their parents in
The urban Alawi youth has more possibilities to spend free time in different ways.
Observation of Alawi in the suburb of Damascus reveals that young people there spend a lot
of time driving from place to place. If the young person is working or studying he comes
home late in the evening and spends his free time with family, watching TV, or sitting with
Alawites in the village mostly work in agriculture, in the army, or national special service.
Women in the villages marry between the ages of 22-26 and do not go to work. The urban
young Alawites are mostly studying or working in the army, or in the public and private
sector. Compared with rural women, the urban women are actively working and studying at
universities. The urban women are also working in both the public and private sectors. More
often women work in the education, social, and medical fields. Men are often entrepreneurs.
Many people have their first residential floor for a small shop where they sell a variety of
things. Because salaries are low, young Alawites are engaged in business for economic
reasons.
Relations between young men and women are family oriented. Most of the relationships are
created within the youths own family, so that, for example, in the village there are a lot of
marriages between relatives. Men and women develop their relations with family gatherings,
celebrations, and by visiting friends. The urban youth can also create new acquaintances at
During the observations, the Alawites were celebrating Syrian national holidays, New Year,
Christmas, and Islamic celebrations. Young Alawi people also customarily celebrate
birthdays. The majority of Alwites do not follow Ramadan fasting. Alawi do not pray during
the day and visit mosques. During religious holidays, and sometimes on Fridays, Alawites go
Alawite young men and women wear fashionable, western clothes. Young women do not
wear hidzab. Mostly Alawite youth wear jeans and T-shirts. Women do not wear skirts or
dresses on weekdays. Young women colour their hair, do their nails, and wear make-up.
Young Sunni women are noticeably different from Alawite women compared to their style of
clothing. Young Alawite women's clothing in the countryside does not very a lot from the
urban style.
In conclusion, the observation of everyday life of Alawi youths shows that Alawi traditions
differ from Sunnis youths. When comparing Alawi with Sunni, Alawi youth behaviour and
lifestyle is different from the Sunnis largely by the fact that Alawite young people are mostly
Observations also showed that the Alawite do not want to talk about their religion. The Alawi
community is quite closed and Alawite live in their own communities, keeping their distance
from others. Family relations are very important for young people and they trust their parents
and ask for their agreement on many issues, such as marriage and the choice of school and
study.
The wedding was celebrated on 15 September 2011 close to the town Miyfi. The wedding
celebration was held in a special, open place for event celebrating, where there were all
necessary things: tables, chairs, music, dance floor, etc. The bride (21 years old) and the
groom (30 years old) were both young Alawite from different places of Syria. The young
man was from the village of al- Qurayt and the bride was from town of Tartus.
The young couple met each other in Damascus, where the young man works and a woman
attends vocational school. The young couple became acquainted with each other through a
common acquaintance. Before marrying, they were also taken from the consent of the
parents. Before marriage, they met within one year, but had not lived together.
All the guests and relatives were gathered together for wedding ceremony and were sitting
together. The men, women, parents, children, along with the bride and the groom's relatives
were in one place in order to celebrate this important event together. The number of guests
was nearly 120. On the right side close to the couple sat the groom's relatives and invited
guests, and the left side sat the bride's. The couple's table stood separately from the others in
The visitors were festively dressed. Young girls wore short skirts or dresses and married
women wore long dresses. All women wore prominent makeup. Young men wore jeans,
A wedding celebration was opened by the singers and musicians, who initially welcomed
Syria and the Syrian authorities, and the president. Then the dancing began.
All of the guests and relatives of the wedding couple gathered around the couple and clapped.
After that all guest started to dance the traditional Syrian Alawi dance dabka. Here, all men
and women dance together, holding hands. The first on the floor are usually middle-aged or
young men, instigators, who dance very complex movements and squatting. Dabka dance
music is special and its pace will cause people to move quickly.
During the wedding, the ritual in which relatives of the groom give presents of gold to the
bride was performed. After this ritual, each guest came to hug and congratulate the couple.
Throughout the wedding, live music was played and Syrian songs were sung. The guests ate a
lot of traditional food: vegetables, fruits, lamb kebab, salads, and olives. Also, the guests
drank alcoholic beverages: beer, wine, and araq, which is a strong alcoholic drink with
aniseed. Alcohol was consumed mostly by men. The women drank less, and only mild
alcoholic beverages. The young men and women smoked a lot of shisha and sat together,
talking with each other. The men and women danced dabka separately and together.
2) Men and women celebrate a Sunni wedding party apart in various rooms or sit in various
3) Women's clothing in Sunni weddings is festive, but covered - long dresses with long
sleeves.
The wedding observation confirmed that an Alawi wedding celebration is based on secular
traditions. Alawi traditional dances and special wedding rituals demonstrate the social and
cultural values that transfer secular traditions from one generation to another.
The survey was done through electronic questionnaire. The survey involved 38 people
between the ages of 16-30 years old. 26 of them (68%) were male and 12 (32%) were female.
The youngest respondent was 16 years old and the oldest was 30 years old. The average age
Most young people rated important religious affiliation (38 respondents), sex (22
respondents), social class (15 respondents), and political ideology (13 respondents) in their
construction identity. The answers showed that religion was considered important by all the
Religion is one of most important values for young Alawites. All respondents gave a positive
answer to the question: Do you believe in one God (Allah). But compared to Sunni Muslims,
Alawites visit mosques very rarely. The answers revealed that Alawites only visit mosques
once a day 0
once a week 0
once a month 4
As to the main source of faith: men follow the Alawites holy texts and women follow the
Koran. Alawites responded that they celebrate Muslim religious celebrations and also
Christian religious celebrations. Most frequently respondents answered that they celebrate
birthdays, Christmas, Easter, Christian New Year, and Syrian national holidays such as
Mothers Day (21st March) and Independence Day of Syria (17th April). Alawites also
celebrate Muslim religious holidays such as d al-Fir in the end of Ramadan and du l-
A.
Most Alawi youth (69%) replied that they participate in sports and hobby groups. The most
popular fields are: singing, music, violin, playing crafts, cuisine and food preparation,
In regards to Alawi youths attitude towards the role of women, the majority of male
respondents (85%) felt that a woman should decide for herself whether she should work,
study, or have a family. The women shared equally two variants of response: (1) will decide
for themselves, and (2) depends on the family and the husbands opinions.
The respondents were also asked about their attitudes toward intersectarian marriage.
According to respondents replies, young Alawi women are more categorically against
marriage with men of other faiths. Young Alawi men did not show any response that they are
categorically opposed to entering into a marriage with a woman of a different faith. Young
Alawi men's answers were distributed as follows: 19 young men of 26 were willing himself
to marry a woman of another faith; 7 young men of 26 were rather against marrying a woman
of another faith.
Respondents were asked to evaluate values such as family, friends, job, religion, politics,
hobbies and free time, and education and money according to 4 points scale, where 1 is not
important at all and 4 is very important. According to respondents opinions, the main values
of young Alawites are: politics, friends and leisure time, family, and religion.
The Facebook profiles of respondents have mostly political themes. Many Facebook profiles
have the background of the military, their political ideology, or the Syrian national symbols
and images. The most frequently occurring symbols and images are: the Syrian national flag,
the image of Syria's President Bashar al - Assad, or the image of the previous Syrian
President Hafiz al - Asadi. On Facebook, Alawites mostly prefer to belong to Syrian groups.
The respondents were also asked to make their preferences about their self-identification
Table. 3. Alawi Youth preferences, who they are most familiar with: the Arabs, the Syrians,
I. place=4 points II. place=3 points III. place=2 points IV. place==1 punkt total: average
points
Syrian (14 people) Syrian (20 people) Syrian (4 people) Syrian (0 people) 124 3,26
Alawi (19 people) Alawi (14 people) Alawi (0 people) Alawi (5 people) 123 3,24
Arab (5 people) Arab (0 people) Arab (3 people) Arab (30 people) 56 1,47
Islamic, and Arabic values. However, the priority is Alawi faith and Syrian nationalism.
Young Alawites do not feel that they are closed off from or hate other religions in Syria. But
analysis of the history of Alawites and observations of modern life showed that Alawites in
Syria keep a distance from the majority of Syria-Sunni. Sharing the elements and values of
Arabic, Syrian, Muslim, Sunni, and Christian identity is a very good basis to construct open
identity of young Alawites. However, today Alawi youth identity is still prevented from
openness by territory and religious secrets, and protection from Sunni hegemony.
Conclusions
The adolescent years are important as it is a crucial period for construction of values and
identities. The religious turbulence of the Syrian civil war has displayed the challenges faced
by the Syrian youth to develop an open identity that is accepting of various sectarian
The crisis and al-Assad political regime has made a certain impact on formation of young
Alawites identity. However, this has not been the only factor of Alawite identity. Alawite
theology has its origins from ancient times, but Alawites as a religious minority keep their
true religious beliefs secret, due to their many contradictions to true Islamic teaching. It was
interesting to study what the main values of young Alawites identity that distinguish them
from other young Muslims in Syrian society are, and to explore the construction of Alawites
identity in the various periods of history and also in current civil war in Syria. The main aim
of the paper was to find out what the identity of young Alawites in Syria is and what are their
key values, as well as the values that distinguish them from other young Muslims in Syria.
In the theoretical part of the thesis, the concepts of identity and the identity formation
categories are discussed. It was concluded that in the analysis of identity it is essential to take
into account that identity is multi-layered. The identity can be described by several
categories, some of which are congenital, others are selected according to the environment.
Also, identity is flexible over time as in the different periods of life human value system
In addition, in the theoretical part it was discussed why adolescent years are an important
In the empirical part of paper the main results of survey were presented. The survey was
based firstly on observations of young Alawites in the countryside and in the city, and also
the wedding ceremony celebration; secondly on the poll of 38 young Alawites from different
regions of Syria.
The survey shows what the main values of Alawites youth are, what are the main categories
of youth Alawite identity are, how open Syrian youth Alawites are to inter-sectarian relations,
the main values of young Alawites are: politics, friends and leisure time, family, and
religion
-the main categories of young Alawites identity are: religious affiliation, sex, social
-compared with the Syrian Sunni, Alawites religion has its own peculiarity, which is
customs
Muslim, Alawi, Syrian, and Arabic values. However, the priority is Alawi faith and
Syrian nationalism.
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