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Youth Voice Journal

An International Multi-disciplinary Journal of Evidence-based


Research, Policy, and Practice across all areas of Youth Issues.

ISSN:2056-2969 Online Journal Platform: http://www.youthvoicejournal.com

Young Alawi in Syria: main values and


identity
Tanja Dibou
To cite this article: Dibou, T. (2017): Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity, Youth Voice
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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity

Published in the Youth Voice Journal, July 2017


http://youthvoicejournal.com/
IARS 2017
Submission date: 06/03/2012
ISSN(online): 2056 2969

Tanja Dibou

Abstract

Youth identity is of a particular interest to research as the adoscelent years are the period

when the core values and attitudes are often formed. This is also the period in which the

youth are quite sensitive to changes in society and are often more susceptible to be

influenced. The main goal of the work is to analyze the values of young Alawites and explore

how their identities are molded , as well as to analyze what it means for young people to be

Alawi in Syria. Syrian Alawi youth identity and values were analyzed through survey

(observations and questionnaire). The survey shows what the main values of Alawite youth

are, what the main categories of youth Alawite identity are, how open is the Syrian Alawite

youth to inter-sectarian relations, and what it means to be young Alawite in modern Syrian

society.

Keywords : Alawites, Alawites identity, young Alawites, Syrian youth, minorities of the

Middle East

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1. Introduction

In modern society, a persons identity plays an important role in shaping that persons values,

opinions, and perceptions of the world. However, a persons identity is not fixed but is a

constructive phenomenon. Viewing identity as static and immutable is a mistake when

attempting to understand socio-political issues.

Therefore identity construction as a theme for research is relevant at any time, as every new

research provides new opportunity for dispute and gives additional value to already existing

knowledge about certain identity.

As for Alawite identity in Syria, Alawites represent religious minority in Syria that have not

been widely studied before, as most cultural and religious texts of Alawites contain many

contradictions to true Islamic teaching and Alawites have been kept their religious texts in

secret away from public access.

The study of Alawi identity is also controversial because of the current crisis in Syria, that

began in March 2011. Many researchers (Worren 2007, Goldsmith 2011, Tokmajyan 2013,

Nakkash 2013, Rousseau 2014), confirm that during the crisis various identities encounter

different values, attitudes, lifestyles, etc., which are reflective of the similarities and

differences between people. In a politically unstable situation, these differences begin to exert

more impact on the resolution of the conflict. In today's context, both in Syria and throughout

the Middle East, the issues of sectarian identities are playing a major role in solving political

matters (Goldsmith 2011: 37).

Alawites image is very often associated with the al-Assad regime. The current crisis has

shown that protecting the Alawite identity and also fearing a Sunni hegemony, have impacted

the formation of Alawites identity. For example the Nakkash Aziz (2013) in his study argues

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that the political crisis at the beginning of March 2011 was the significantly increased

solidarity of Alwites for their group identification and their confrontation against Sunnis

because of survival and social and economic fears. However, this protection and fear is not

the only factor in shaping the Alawite identity.

Historically, there has been a dispute who is Alawite: Muslim or not Muslim. Today, human

values and identities are changing very quickly and human identity is not possible to define a

single category. It becomes more layered, and there is a need to examine what kind of layers

compose identity and whether the various layers of the value systems of one 's identity are

not in conflict. The Syrian civil war gave the base for changes in the value and attitudes

systems that increased the fragmentation of society into different groups. Aggregation of

groups provide to their members identity protection during the crisis, although people can

become easily manipulated to fight for their identity and outside criticism becomes construed

as very aggressive.

The current paper explores Syrian Alawi late adolescence (youth at the age 16-30) identity.

Youth identity is of a particular interest to research as the adolescent years are the period

when the core values and attitudes are often formed. This is also the period in which the

youth are quite sensitive to changes in society and are often more susceptible to be

influenced. This period plays a crucial role in the construction of the identity, as during this

age it takes the so-called place of human active self-development, and the young should learn

to evaluate themselves and be responsible for their own lives according to their own views.

The same age period coincides with major choices in human life such as first love, a close

relationship, separation of parents, choice of studies, and speciality (Kroger 2007).

Charles Harb (2010) argues that the adolescent years are the "crystallization" time of identity

and value systems. These years shape the individuals into socially active adults who will play

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a pivotal role in society. (Harb 2010: 5) Adolescent years are the most important time of

human development. The analysis of adolescence identity of adolescent explores the values

that are rooted in the childhood home, where the values are most influenced by the family,

and also the values influenced by the external environment such as friends and school (Tuulik

2006).

Erik Erikson (1974) agrees with the idea that identity is constructed in the process, where the

individual views and reflects upon himself at the same time. He perceives himself and

appreciates the perceived image, while constantly compares himself to others (Erikson 1974:

23). James Marcia (1993) argues that for construction to be unique and coherent, the

individual synthesizes his skills, beliefs and identifications, which allow an individual to

establish links with the past and to find the necessary instructions for the future (Marcia

1993: 3).

The construction of identity is not a process that simply develops itself. Individuals and

external environment play a particularly active role.

Identity construction will consider many factors, including: family members, family, tribe,

sect, religion, race, ethnicity, gender, tradition, history, culture, language, political beliefs,

nationalism, ideology, and ethnicity. Some factors, however, play a relatively more important

role than the others (Tokmajyan 2013).

The paper aims to explore what the main values of Alawites identity are that distinguish them

from other Muslims in Syrian society. In other words, to analyse what it means for young

people to be Alawi in Syria today, and what values young Alawi share. Religious diversity in

Syria now faces new challenges, the biggest of which is to ensure the peace and coexistence

of the people of different faiths. Thus the young generations shared identities, values, and

openness to other groups could be a predisposing factor to the peace in Syria.


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2. Syrian Alawites and previous research about Alawi

The Alawites in Syria account for about 8-15 percent of Syrias population. The Alawites are

located mostly in north-western Syria, on the Mediterranean coast in the provinces of Latakia

and Tartous, and in the coastal mountain range of the Nusayriyah Mountains. They comprise

two thirds of the population of this region. There is increased migration and economic

development as Alawites are also living in the major cities of Damascus, Homs, Hama and

Aleppo. The main differences from Sunnis and Shiites are considered in Table 1.

Table 1. Alawites, Sunnis, Shiites: crucial differences.

Difference Alawites Sunni Shiites

The geographical Syria, Turkey, Lebanon North and East Africa, the Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Iran,
location in world Arabian Peninsula, Central and Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan,
map South Asia, Indonesia India

The number of nearly 4 million , nearly 85-90% of all Muslims nearly 10-15% of all
people in the world Muslims
nearly 0.3 % of all
Muslims

The geographical Northwest region around Large cities such as Aleppo, Alawites as Shiites sect and
location in Syria Latakia and Tartus Hama, Homs , Syria periphery Iraq refugees in Syria
and the heart of the Syria

The number of nearly 8-15% of all nearly 75 % of all Syrian nearly 15 % with Alawites
people in Syria Syrian population population
Alawites as Shiites sect and
1,3-2,5 million Iraq refugees in Syria

The main source of Follow the Koran, Sunna Follow the Koran and Sunna Follow the Koran and Nah
faith and Kitb al-Mam and al-bala
other Alawi holy texts

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The main religion God( Allah) God (Allah) God(Allah)


sacred idols and
figures trinity: Al, Muhammad Muhammad
Muhammad, Salmn al-
Fris Al,

The Twelve Imams

The main ruler of Al supporters Abu Bakar supporters Al supporters


Islamic community
Do not honor the first honor the first three caliphs of Do not honor the first three
three caliphs of Islam Islam caliphs of Islam

The name Alawites is derived from their belief that Ali, Mohammad's son-in-law is first

male follower of Muhammad, who is considered by Shia Muslims the first Shia Imam. A

second name used for the Alawites is Nusayris. The name Ansaris can be found in

historical accounts and is sometimes used by Sunnis. The name stems from Mohammad Ibn

Nusayr who was a student of the Shia eleventh imam, and is considered the founder of the

Alawite religion. However, the name Nusayris has attained a derogatory connotation and is

therefore become unpopular among Alawites.

The Alawites are an offshoot of Shiite branch of Islam. Their basic belief is that there is one

God with a hierarchy of divine beings, the highest of whom is Ali. The Alawite religion is

highly secretive, and only initiatives are allowed to know its details. Alawite religion has

elements from Christianity and Islam. Additionally, it has many esoteric components such as

the belief in sole reincarnation. Nearly all of the theology of the Alawites, is based on the

publication of one of their secret holy books, the Kitb al-Mam (1859). Alawites study the

Quran and recognize the five pillars of Islam. The hidden nature of Alawites religion means

that in everyday life religious practice is determined by custom, not texts.

However, the Alawites introduce themselves as Muslims, most Sunni Muslims do not regard

the Alawites as followers of Islam. One of the most influential jurists in orthodox Islamic

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history, Ibn Taymiyyah (1263 1328) branded the Alawites as sectarians outside the faith.

Ibn Taymiyyah saw these sectarians as enemies of Islam. Ibn Taymiyya concluded that it is

forbidden to attend Alawites ceremonies or pray for their dead.

Alawites have always suffered persecution at the hands of ruling Sunni dynasties. Alawites

traditionally worked the poorest lands or held the least skilled jobs. The situation changed in

the 20th century when the French courted the Alawites as allies and granted them a self- ruled

enclave in the mountains around Latakia. From there the Alawites entrenched themselves in

Syrian national politics in 1970 with president Hafiz Al-Assad and the current president of

Syria, Bashar Al-Assad, who is his son and an Alawite.

Regarding Alawi identity, it should be emphasized that studies only began in the the 19th

century. Sulayman al-Adanis book, "Sulayman: First Steps of Disclosure of Nnusairi

Mysteries of Their Religion" or "Kitab al-Bakura as-Sulayman", was issued in Beirut in

1863. Sulayman al-Adani was an Alawi himself, who learned the ideas of their religion, and

then betrayed their faith and changed beliefs. Finally, he distributed Alawi secrets, their

prayers, dogmas, and beliefs, throughout the core. For distributing the secrets of the faith

soon after the publication of his book, he was killed by the Alawites. (Eed 2012) His book

brings together all of the most important moments of Alawites theology. The first chapter is

dedicated to the holy book of Alawites called Kitab al-Mam' interpretation. In the next

chapter, the author introduces Alawites holidays. In the third chapter he explains the Alawi

clergy hierarchy and the reader can study Alawi prayers, which are quite different from the

normal traditional Islamic prayers. The fourth chapter is about mythology, according to

which members of the community come from the soles of the glowing object in the sky, the

planets and the stars. The fifth chapter brings examples of religious poetry and interprets its

images. In the sixth chapter the author mentions Shi'a roots in Alawi religion. He also writes

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about Alawi characteristics of religious affiliation in the concealment of their tendency to

assimilate externally with majority, and the characteristics of the particular "passwords" used

by the Alawi to recognize each other. The book has received much attention to cultic images,

which the author criticizes from Christianitys position, based on the Old and New Testament

texts in final part of the book. (Sevruk 2006: 53-54)

Western scholars became more and more interested in Alawi theology because of its exotic

and esoteric character. The first comprehensive description of Alawites came from the

British missionary Samuel Lyde'i ( 1860 ), that was followed by the French orientalist Ren

Dussaults (1900 ) work, which included both a description of the history of Alawi and a

comprehensive overview of the contents of holy book Kitab al - Mam' ( Prochzka 2015).

Meir M. Bar- Asher and Aryeh Kofsky (2002) have also studied the Alawi faith in their work.

There the authors concluded that Alawi is a syncretic religion that combines elements of

Islam, Christianity, and the Persian Gnostic teachings and practices. However, the authors

found that Christianity gave the most significant impact on the religious teaching of Alawi

(Chebab).

The most recent and comprehensive overview of Alawi was made by Yaron Friedman

(2010), who wrote in detail about their history and religion. Also, he raised in his book the

question of their identity by examining Alawi identity from Shiite and Sunni ideological

perspectives.

Alawi identity has been previously studied by Torstein Schitz Worren (2007) in his master's

work Fear and Resistance: The Construction of Identity Alawi in Syria." Here, he examined

the Alawi identity from a historical and political perspective. Worren tried in his work to

answer the question: "How do the Syrian Alawite construct their collective identity?" Worren

also confirmed that through empirical research of Syria study of Alawi identity is not easy,
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because for the Alawi public speaking about their religion is seen as taboo. Thus Worren has

studied their identity in a concealed manner, using techniques such as observations and

informal interviews with local residents. Worren highlights two discourses that construct

Alawi identity. He first mentioned the Sunni hegemony and the second Islamic discourse.

Worren (2007) pointed out the impact of politics on identity construction, and saw this as a

threat. He wrote that sectarian identities are acceptable as long as they are cultural and

religious, but when they become politicized, they are only allowed to compete for political

identity and it then becomes a threat to national unity and stability.

Despite the fact that the Syrian youth is one of the central themes in the media during the

Syria war, there no academic research done separately about Syrian youth and Alawi identity

and values.

3. Methodology of empirical research

The empirical research was based on qualitative research methods. Data collection for

empirical research of Alawites identity will be collected through the triangulation of

ethnographic observation, interviews, and analysis of social media profiles. The idea behind

triangulation is to mutually confirm the findings by advancing from different angles. This is

not done to get more data, but to combine different forms of data and put them in relation to

each other (Berg 2004).

All data were collected from September 2011 to October 2015. The first stages of empirical

research were observations, which were made in Syria from September 2011 to December

2011 - a time when the so-called Arab Spring protests against the government had begun in

Syria. The ethnographic observations gave the prior information of Alawi everyday life and

gave knowledge about the differences between Sunni and Alawites, and were used to

demonstrate the specificity of Alawi community compared to other Muslims.


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The data about Alawi young people's lives in a natural environment was collected through the

following participatory observation:

Participatory observation I: Observation of rural life of Alawites in the village al-Qurayt.

The observation focused on the Alawite community, living in village between Tartous and

Homs. Importantly, in this area Alawites are a majority compared with other parts of Syria.

The observation monitored the family relationship, the relationship between youths, school

life, and leisure activities of youths.

Participatory observation II: Observation of urban life of Alawites in the Damascus suburb

of a al-Warwar. This suburb represents an area where Alawites are living as the local

minority and therefore they will construct their identity in a different way from

Mediterranean Sea coastal villages, where Alawites represent a majority. The observation

focused on the analysis of young people's daily routine and aims to learn more about young

Alawites relations with young people from other religions

Participatory observation III: Observation of the wedding party of Alawites. The wedding

process differs country by country and the wedding represents a unique material for analysis

of traditions and culture of people. In Syria a wedding is a very important event, in which all

the relatives and friends will gather. The main aim of the wedding observation is to

investigate the relationship between generations and cultural and religious traditions.

In all observations the researcher was a participant and was fully engaged with the people and

their activities, but the researcher did not disclose to people that he was observing them.

Collecting data in the controlled society of Syria is quite problematic. Therefore, the

observations were made without knowledge of the people who were being observed. Secret

observations are perfect for situations where researchers want to get the information from

subjects who do not wish to talk. (Hirsjrvi, Remes & Sajavaara 2005: 199-200).
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The second step of research were interviews and also the electronic questionnaire that was

designed to find answers to research questions and to open more detailed information of

Syrian youth Alawi identity. The pilot questionnaire testing took place in August 2015. The

interviewees were not a random choice, but were based on the researcher's personal contacts

in Syria: 28-year-old man (Interviewee 1); 20-year-old man (Interviewee 2); 25-year-old

woman (Interviewee 3). Each interviewee was from a different place in Syria: Damascus,

Latakia, and al-Qurayt village. These young Alawite agreed to a longer comment on

answers of electronic questionnaire and provided additional information on Alawi.

The electronic questionnaire consisted of multiple choice and open questions. The

questionnaire was in the Arabic language and sent out to the sampled young Alawi via the

social network Facebook and e-mails with help of three interviewees, who had sent a

questionnaire to young people between the ages of 16-30 years old through their contacts.

Answering the questionnaire took place between September and October 2015. The

questionnaire was answered by 38 of respondents, consisting of both men and women of

varying ages and social class. Although the interviewed sample is small and not

representative in that it does not reflect a broad cross sectional range of views by Alawites, it

provides some deeper insight into the Alawite community in Syria.

4. Results and discussions

4.1 Results of the observations

The observations were taking place in the village al-Qurayt and in the Damascus suburb of

a al-Warwar. In the village al-Qurayt young Alawites live in their parents' houses. The

village habitants are only Alawi; there are no Sunnis or Christians. Thus, the young Alawi are

interacting only with other young Alawites and are not used to having contact with

representatives of another religion. After school graduation, when young people decide to go
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on to study at the university, they have more exposure to other faiths, but otherwise there is

no real contact with other faiths for young Alawi people living in the village.

Village Alawites attend small village schools where everyone is Alawi. The urban young

Alawi usually live in the Alawi districts, such as the Damascus suburb of a al-Warwar, and

attend city schools, where the majority are Alawi. Urban Alawi youth then attend

universities, professional schools, and eventually go to work in places where all faiths of

Syria are represented.

Alawi is not the religion the youth have chosen for themselves; they are Alawite, simply

because it is their family tradition and religion passes from father to son. Young people do

not talk very much about their religious affiliation - not only because it is forbidden, but

because they do not know that much about their religion. One reason is because many young

men between the ages of 16-20 still not have read the sacred Alawite texts nor have religious

Alawi sheikhs talked about Alawi faith to them. Another reason why Alawi adolescents do

not know all the nuances of Alawi teaching is because they are not allowed to talk about their

religion.

At school youth have religious education in their curricula, but in the frame of religious

education textbooks are based on the Sunni position of Islam. The textbook consists of three

parts: the first verses of the Quran Ayat, which the student must learn by heart; the second

part contains a life of Muhammad contradicting ade, which the student must also learn by

heart; the third part introduces the history of Islam, which student must be able to retell. In

the religious education programmes Alawi theology is not included. Alawi faith texts and

speaking openly about Alawi theology are not allowed. Only Alawi religious leaders sheikh

are responsible for spreading postulates of faith to the young Alawi generation in the Alawi

community.

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In addition to going to school, the main activities of rural youth are field work and helping

their parents with the housework. In villages, Alawites live in large families (from three

children) and young people, in most of their free time, support and assist their parents in

house and field work.

The urban Alawi youth has more possibilities to spend free time in different ways.

Observation of Alawi in the suburb of Damascus reveals that young people there spend a lot

of time driving from place to place. If the young person is working or studying he comes

home late in the evening and spends his free time with family, watching TV, or sitting with

friends on the balcony.

Alawites in the village mostly work in agriculture, in the army, or national special service.

Women in the villages marry between the ages of 22-26 and do not go to work. The urban

young Alawites are mostly studying or working in the army, or in the public and private

sector. Compared with rural women, the urban women are actively working and studying at

universities. The urban women are also working in both the public and private sectors. More

often women work in the education, social, and medical fields. Men are often entrepreneurs.

Many people have their first residential floor for a small shop where they sell a variety of

things. Because salaries are low, young Alawites are engaged in business for economic

reasons.

Relations between young men and women are family oriented. Most of the relationships are

created within the youths own family, so that, for example, in the village there are a lot of

marriages between relatives. Men and women develop their relations with family gatherings,

celebrations, and by visiting friends. The urban youth can also create new acquaintances at

work and at university.

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During the observations, the Alawites were celebrating Syrian national holidays, New Year,

Christmas, and Islamic celebrations. Young Alawi people also customarily celebrate

birthdays. The majority of Alwites do not follow Ramadan fasting. Alawi do not pray during

the day and visit mosques. During religious holidays, and sometimes on Fridays, Alawites go

on the graves of saints and shrines called maqm or mazr.

Alawite young men and women wear fashionable, western clothes. Young women do not

wear hidzab. Mostly Alawite youth wear jeans and T-shirts. Women do not wear skirts or

dresses on weekdays. Young women colour their hair, do their nails, and wear make-up.

Young Sunni women are noticeably different from Alawite women compared to their style of

clothing. Young Alawite women's clothing in the countryside does not very a lot from the

urban style.

In conclusion, the observation of everyday life of Alawi youths shows that Alawi traditions

differ from Sunnis youths. When comparing Alawi with Sunni, Alawi youth behaviour and

lifestyle is different from the Sunnis largely by the fact that Alawite young people are mostly

secular and typically do not adhere to all pillars of Islam.

Observations also showed that the Alawite do not want to talk about their religion. The Alawi

community is quite closed and Alawite live in their own communities, keeping their distance

from others. Family relations are very important for young people and they trust their parents

and ask for their agreement on many issues, such as marriage and the choice of school and

study.

The wedding was celebrated on 15 September 2011 close to the town Miyfi. The wedding

celebration was held in a special, open place for event celebrating, where there were all

necessary things: tables, chairs, music, dance floor, etc. The bride (21 years old) and the

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groom (30 years old) were both young Alawite from different places of Syria. The young

man was from the village of al- Qurayt and the bride was from town of Tartus.

The young couple met each other in Damascus, where the young man works and a woman

attends vocational school. The young couple became acquainted with each other through a

common acquaintance. Before marrying, they were also taken from the consent of the

parents. Before marriage, they met within one year, but had not lived together.

All the guests and relatives were gathered together for wedding ceremony and were sitting

together. The men, women, parents, children, along with the bride and the groom's relatives

were in one place in order to celebrate this important event together. The number of guests

was nearly 120. On the right side close to the couple sat the groom's relatives and invited

guests, and the left side sat the bride's. The couple's table stood separately from the others in

the middle, so that all visitors can see them.

The visitors were festively dressed. Young girls wore short skirts or dresses and married

women wore long dresses. All women wore prominent makeup. Young men wore jeans,

fashionable T-shirts or shirts, and jumpers. Elderly men wore suits.

A wedding celebration was opened by the singers and musicians, who initially welcomed

Syria and the Syrian authorities, and the president. Then the dancing began.

All of the guests and relatives of the wedding couple gathered around the couple and clapped.

After that all guest started to dance the traditional Syrian Alawi dance dabka. Here, all men

and women dance together, holding hands. The first on the floor are usually middle-aged or

young men, instigators, who dance very complex movements and squatting. Dabka dance

music is special and its pace will cause people to move quickly.

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During the wedding, the ritual in which relatives of the groom give presents of gold to the

bride was performed. After this ritual, each guest came to hug and congratulate the couple.

Throughout the wedding, live music was played and Syrian songs were sung. The guests ate a

lot of traditional food: vegetables, fruits, lamb kebab, salads, and olives. Also, the guests

drank alcoholic beverages: beer, wine, and araq, which is a strong alcoholic drink with

aniseed. Alcohol was consumed mostly by men. The women drank less, and only mild

alcoholic beverages. The young men and women smoked a lot of shisha and sat together,

talking with each other. The men and women danced dabka separately and together.

Sunni weddings differ from Alawi wedding in following aspects:

1) The Sunni wedding celebration does not have alcohol;

2) Men and women celebrate a Sunni wedding party apart in various rooms or sit in various

places with women separate from men;

3) Women's clothing in Sunni weddings is festive, but covered - long dresses with long

sleeves.

The wedding observation confirmed that an Alawi wedding celebration is based on secular

traditions. Alawi traditional dances and special wedding rituals demonstrate the social and

cultural values that transfer secular traditions from one generation to another.

4.2 Results of questionnaire

The survey was done through electronic questionnaire. The survey involved 38 people

between the ages of 16-30 years old. 26 of them (68%) were male and 12 (32%) were female.

The youngest respondent was 16 years old and the oldest was 30 years old. The average age

of respondents was 23 years old.

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Most young people rated important religious affiliation (38 respondents), sex (22

respondents), social class (15 respondents), and political ideology (13 respondents) in their

construction identity. The answers showed that religion was considered important by all the

respondents. Least important was determined to be the level of education (6 respondents).

Graph 1. Identity categories of young Alawites

Religion is one of most important values for young Alawites. All respondents gave a positive

answer to the question: Do you believe in one God (Allah). But compared to Sunni Muslims,

Alawites visit mosques very rarely. The answers revealed that Alawites only visit mosques

during religious holidays, a couple of times a month, or do not visit at all.

Graph 2. The frequency of mosque visits by young Alawites.

The frequency of visits of mosques

once a day 0

a couple times a week 0

once a week 0

a couple times a month 6

once a month 4

visit only at religious celebrations 16

do not visit at all 12

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As to the main source of faith: men follow the Alawites holy texts and women follow the

Koran. Alawites responded that they celebrate Muslim religious celebrations and also

Christian religious celebrations. Most frequently respondents answered that they celebrate

birthdays, Christmas, Easter, Christian New Year, and Syrian national holidays such as

Mothers Day (21st March) and Independence Day of Syria (17th April). Alawites also

celebrate Muslim religious holidays such as d al-Fir in the end of Ramadan and du l-

A.

Most Alawi youth (69%) replied that they participate in sports and hobby groups. The most

popular fields are: singing, music, violin, playing crafts, cuisine and food preparation,

drawing, archaeology, tourism and travel, and literature.

In regards to Alawi youths attitude towards the role of women, the majority of male

respondents (85%) felt that a woman should decide for herself whether she should work,

study, or have a family. The women shared equally two variants of response: (1) will decide

for themselves, and (2) depends on the family and the husbands opinions.

The respondents were also asked about their attitudes toward intersectarian marriage.

According to respondents replies, young Alawi women are more categorically against

marriage with men of other faiths. Young Alawi men did not show any response that they are

categorically opposed to entering into a marriage with a woman of a different faith. Young

Alawi men's answers were distributed as follows: 19 young men of 26 were willing himself

to marry a woman of another faith; 7 young men of 26 were rather against marrying a woman

of another faith.

Respondents were asked to evaluate values such as family, friends, job, religion, politics,

hobbies and free time, and education and money according to 4 points scale, where 1 is not

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

important at all and 4 is very important. According to respondents opinions, the main values

of young Alawites are: politics, friends and leisure time, family, and religion.

Table. 2. Alawite youths attitudes towards different values.

Alawites youth attitudes towards


different values
(max =4-very important, min =1-not
important at all)

Values Average rating


education 1,67
job 1,83
money 2
religion 2,2
family 2,25
free time and 2,3
hobbies
friends 2,83
politics 2,93

The Facebook profiles of respondents have mostly political themes. Many Facebook profiles

have the background of the military, their political ideology, or the Syrian national symbols

and images. The most frequently occurring symbols and images are: the Syrian national flag,

the image of Syria's President Bashar al - Assad, or the image of the previous Syrian

President Hafiz al - Asadi. On Facebook, Alawites mostly prefer to belong to Syrian groups.

Concerning youth Alawi preferences of TV channels, Alawi watch different channels

equally, but country youth prefer to watch Syrian state TV channels.

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

Graph 3. Preferences of TV channels

The respondents were also asked to make their preferences about their self-identification

(Arabic, Muslim, Syrian or Alawi)

Table. 3. Alawi Youth preferences, who they are most familiar with: the Arabs, the Syrians,

Muslim, or Alawi identity.

I. place=4 points II. place=3 points III. place=2 points IV. place==1 punkt total: average

points

The number of people who have chosen this combination

Syrian (14 people) Syrian (20 people) Syrian (4 people) Syrian (0 people) 124 3,26

Alawi (19 people) Alawi (14 people) Alawi (0 people) Alawi (5 people) 123 3,24

muslim (0 people) muslim (4 people) muslim (31 muslim (3 people) 77 2,03


people)

Arab (5 people) Arab (0 people) Arab (3 people) Arab (30 people) 56 1,47

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

Alawites identity is multi-layered, which is composed of several systems of Alawi, Syrian,

Islamic, and Arabic values. However, the priority is Alawi faith and Syrian nationalism.

Young Alawites do not feel that they are closed off from or hate other religions in Syria. But

analysis of the history of Alawites and observations of modern life showed that Alawites in

Syria keep a distance from the majority of Syria-Sunni. Sharing the elements and values of

Arabic, Syrian, Muslim, Sunni, and Christian identity is a very good basis to construct open

identity of young Alawites. However, today Alawi youth identity is still prevented from

openness by territory and religious secrets, and protection from Sunni hegemony.

Conclusions

The adolescent years are important as it is a crucial period for construction of values and

identities. The religious turbulence of the Syrian civil war has displayed the challenges faced

by the Syrian youth to develop an open identity that is accepting of various sectarian

identities and values.

The crisis and al-Assad political regime has made a certain impact on formation of young

Alawites identity. However, this has not been the only factor of Alawite identity. Alawite

theology has its origins from ancient times, but Alawites as a religious minority keep their

true religious beliefs secret, due to their many contradictions to true Islamic teaching. It was

interesting to study what the main values of young Alawites identity that distinguish them

from other young Muslims in Syrian society are, and to explore the construction of Alawites

identity in the various periods of history and also in current civil war in Syria. The main aim

of the paper was to find out what the identity of young Alawites in Syria is and what are their

key values, as well as the values that distinguish them from other young Muslims in Syria.

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

In the theoretical part of the thesis, the concepts of identity and the identity formation

categories are discussed. It was concluded that in the analysis of identity it is essential to take

into account that identity is multi-layered. The identity can be described by several

categories, some of which are congenital, others are selected according to the environment.

Also, identity is flexible over time as in the different periods of life human value system

varies and in turn itself has an impact on self-determination.

In addition, in the theoretical part it was discussed why adolescent years are an important

stage for the development of identity.

In the empirical part of paper the main results of survey were presented. The survey was

based firstly on observations of young Alawites in the countryside and in the city, and also

the wedding ceremony celebration; secondly on the poll of 38 young Alawites from different

regions of Syria.

The survey shows what the main values of Alawites youth are, what are the main categories

of youth Alawite identity are, how open Syrian youth Alawites are to inter-sectarian relations,

and what it means to be a young Alawite in modern Syrian society.

The main results of empirical survey:

the main values of young Alawites are: politics, friends and leisure time, family, and

religion

-the main categories of young Alawites identity are: religious affiliation, sex, social

class, and political ideology

-compared with the Syrian Sunni, Alawites religion has its own peculiarity, which is

characterized by secularism and relative liberalism to some traditional Islamic

customs

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

-Alawites identity is multi-layered, which is composed of several systems of values-

Muslim, Alawi, Syrian, and Arabic values. However, the priority is Alawi faith and

Syrian nationalism.

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Young Alawi in Syria: main values and identity Dibou, T.

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