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ALEXANDRA Y. AIKHENVALD
Language and Culture Research Centre, James Cook University
Abstract. Manambu, a Ndu language from East Sepik Province in Papua New
Guinea, has a complex system of demonstratives, with many typologically
unusual features. Nominal demonstratives distinguish three degrees of dis-
tance: close to speaker, close to addressee, and distal from both. They can
contain markers of further distance or of topographic deixis, which reflects
spatial orientation frames uphill, upriver, downhill, downriver, and off-
river. A special set of demonstratives marking current relevance can express
further distance and topographic deixis. Some, but not all, demonstratives have
anaphoric functions. Cataphoric functions are attested just for manner demon-
stratives. A noun phrase may contain two demonstratives, specifying informa-
tion that cannot be expressed within one word. The article concludes with a
discussion of functional markedness within the Manambu demonstrative
system.
Map 1. Location of the Manambu-speaking villages Avatip, Malu, and Yuanab (Yambon)
(language names are given in capital letters). Adapted from a map by Andrew Hardy and
reprinted from Aikhenvald, The Manambu Language of East Sepik, Papua New Guinea
(2008) by permission of Oxford University Press (www.oup.com).
Personal pronouns distinguish three numbers (singular, dual, and plural) and
two gender forms for second person singular (mn you [masculine] and n you
[feminine]), and third singular (d he and l she). Third person pronouns can
be used as specifier articles (see section 3.5.1).
2015 ALEXANDRA Y. AIKHENVALD 5
Only two of the three demonstrative stems (close to speaker and far from both
speaker and addressee, distal) can refer to time as well as to space.
The system of demonstratives in Manambu is typologically unusual in the
following ways.
6 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
First, the close to speaker and distal roots can each take any of three
markers of additional distance. The close to addressee can take just two addi-
tional distance specifications. Alternatively, each of the three can occur with one
of the five additional direction and location specifications reflecting topographic
deixis. Topographic deixis (up, down, across, outwards, and off-river) and the
marking of additional distance are mutually exclusive within one demonstrative
word in Manambu.
Second, the language distinguishes between spatial demonstratives and
current relevance demonstratives. The latter cannot take gender-number or
case, and have fewer distance distinctions than the spatial ones.
Third, two demonstratives can occur together in one noun phrase, carrying
different kinds of information about current relevance, anaphora, topographic
deixis, and distance between two grammatical words. This distribution of in-
formation is unlike constructions in other languages with instances in which
several demonstratives cooccur in one noun phrase.
Each demonstrative, with the exception of those accompanied with the suffix
awi very far (the third degree of additional distance), can have further func-
tions. The proximal close to speaker and the distal demonstratives can be used
to refer to time, and for substitution and textual anaphora (in the senses out-
lined in section 1; see also Dixon 2003). The proximal close to addressee may
express cognitive distance (with regard to the addressee), and detachment or
empathy of the speaker. Nominal demonstratives are not used for textual ana-
phora, nor for cataphora. Pragmatic properties and interactional uses of nomi-
nal demonstratives are discussed in section 3.1.5 and are not included in table 3.
Demonstratives are frequently accompanied by pointing gestures. Pointing
out a direction is done with a full palm of a hand moving up and down to indicate
movement, as illustrated in figure 1. Pointing at an entity is done with the index
finger, as shown in figure 2 (pointing at a mountain we were passing by).7
Figure 1. Pointing out a direction while traveling on the Sepik River: full hand.
The rest of this section examines the deictic uses of nominal demonstratives
(section 3.1.1), their temporal meanings (section 3.1.2), the ways in which they
may express association with the addressee (section 3.1.3), their uses in substi-
tution anaphora (section 3.1.4) and their functions in interaction (section 3.1.5).
This demonstrative can also be used to refer to a place where the speaker is
located (an example can be seen in (19a) and (45)). More frequently than the
other nominal demonstratives, proximal k can be accompanied with a pointing
gesture.
The proximal demonstrative wa refers to an object or a person near the
addressee. For example, my adopted sister and I went to fetch drinking water
from a tank. Each of us was carrying two empty bottles in our hands, and she
said (4) to me.
The distal demonstrative a refers to objects or people far from both speaker
and addressee; they may be still visible to both, as in (5), but do not have to be.
(5) ad du nad
DEM.DIST-MASC.SG man you.FEM-LK+MASC.SG
aj=ad, kd du ma:
maternal.uncle=3MASC.SG.NOM DEM.PROX-MASC.SG man NEG
That man (standing far from us both) is your maternal uncle, this man (next to us)
[is] not.
The markers ay further and awi very far specify additional distance.
The form k close to speaker + ay additional distance refers to objects close
10 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
to the speaker, but not quite so near as k proximate; close to speaker, and
often also visible. Mount Ambunti (called Makmawi) towering over the Sepik
River and visible from Avatip was usually referred to as kday nbk (DEM.
PROX-MASC.SG-DIST mountain) this somewhat distant mountain.
The proximal demonstrative k accompanied by awi remote distance is
used to refer to entities that are more remote than the ones referred to with k
+ ay distance. A mountain just behind Mount Ambunti was usually referred to
as kdawi nbk (DEM.PROX-MASC.SG-VERY.DIST mountain) this very distant
mountain.
Two proximal demonstratives marked for additional distance within the
same sentence in (6) illustrate such relative remoteness. The narrator was
vehement that a particular clan had no right to a piece of land beyond Mount
Ambunti, quite far away (and only just visible, referred to as klay (DEM.PROX-
FEM.SG-DIST) this (distant), and to another piece far up the Sepik River, kl
awi (DEM.PROX-FEM.SG-VERY.DIST) this (very distant).
klawia:b
DEM.PROX-FEM.SG-VERY.DIST-too
In this (distant) place, it is not their land; in this very distant place, too.
On another occasion, Yuaneng and I were on a boat almost in the middle of the
Sepik River traveling home to Avatip when Yuaneng noticed someone she knew
in a part of the Yuanab village we were passing by. She shouted (8) to inquire if
their father (who was close to them, but not to her) was well.
(11a) k wik
DEM.PROX+FEM.SG week
this week (now)
The form marked for additional distance with ay refers to the future, as in (12a)
and (12b).
12 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
(13a) a wik
DEM.DIST+FEM.SG week
last week
(13c) ad nabi
DEM.DIST-MASC.SG year
last year
puspa:m atak!
rubbish+LK+LOC IMPV-put
Hey you, put this (close to you) whatchamicallit into the rubbish!
This form can be also used to describe something belonging to, conceptually
close to, or totemically owned by the addressee. Teketa:y, a member of a differ-
ent clan group than the one into which I was adopted, was explaining to me the
location of the territory of the Maliau clan into which I was adopted. She said
(15) to me, referring to my area of the Maliau clan (called Sugulbi). We were
standing next to each other about five hundred meters away from the Sugulbi
area, at the same distance from the area. The area was totemically mine (the
addressees); this explains the use of the demonstrative.9
ka Kayuk
bamboo Kayuk
This (mentioned) Bamboo-eared Kayuk (a group of extinct people) stayed there (far
away from Avatip in Malu). (lit., there stayed this Bamboo-eared Kayuk)
That is, a demonstrative marked for additional distance can combine anaphoric
and spatial reference within one grammatical word. This appears to be the case
only for the proximal demonstrative. In section 3.5 below, it can be seen that two
demonstrativesone with anaphoric and one with spatial deictic referencecan
occur within one noun phrase.
The distal demonstrative a is most frequently used anaphorically to refer to
a participant mentioned somewhat earlier than the one referred to with k
proximal demonstrative. After Ryans mother (the speaker of (17)) had left,
(18) was uttered.
Example (20) is the opening sentence of a story about men who tried to catch
flying foxes. The protagonists are introduced with the proximal demonstrative.
The Asiti village is known to everyone in the audience; it thus represents old
information, which is another reason why it is referred to as that. Yagajay,
Yawabak, and Lapagay and their emergence are new information. This is why
these village names are accompanied by the proximal demonstrative in its prag-
matic meaning of new information.
The distal demonstrative unmarked for additional distance appears in a few
further discourse contexts. It is very frequently used as a summarizing marker
at the end of a story or a paragraph, meaning something like thats all, as in
(22). Clauses are in square brackets.
kusl=al aka]
finish-3FEM.SG.SUBJ=3FEM.SG.NOM DEM.DIST.REACT.TOP+FEM.SG
[mawur aka wulana]
base+ALL DEM.DIST.REACT.TOP enter-ACT.FOC+3FEM.SG.SUBJ
Thats all (lit., that is), my little story finishes there, (it) enters the end (lit.,
enters the base).
It can be seen above that the less formally marked nominal demonstrative
forms a and k (without additional distance or topographic deixis specifica-
tions) have additional discourse-pragmatic uses not available for demonstra-
tives marked for additional distance, and thus can be considered functionally
less marked. This is a manifestation of a pervasive tendency to correlate formal
and functional markedness throughout Manambu grammar. Functional
markedness in Manambu demonstratives is examined in section 5.
of the Sepik River first. There is a preference for describing locations inside the
house using the intrinsic frame of reference. But this is not always so: in (33),
the downwards/downstream location of the place with the imaginary mice
reflects the position of this part of the house as downriver with respect to the
Sepik River. Out of context, a form like alada (DEM.DIST-FEM.SG-LK-DOWN)
can mean downriver, downwards (from where we are), or underground. The
frame of reference is largely determined by the speakers choice (see Aikhenvald
2008:214). Unlike demonstratives in other languages (such as Belhare [Bickel
2001]), those in Manambu do not make any reference to social deixis.
Below are some examples of how demonstratives marked for topographic
deixis are used. As background to (24), the stars are believed to belong to the
same clan group as the one I was adopted into. Since they belong to the feminine
gender (by mythological association), they are considered women and my
potential co-wives (women of the same clan group marry men from the opposite
clan or clans). My adoptive mother, Gemaj, keen on making sure I get things
right, pointed at them and uttered (24).
A speaker was looking at the pictures I brought to show them, holding the album
at a slightly skewed direction; she uttered (25) as a comment.
A young woman in Yuanab (where we were visiting) was pointing out her child-
ren to us. The smallest one was standing on the downward part of a slope, close
to where I was sitting, and was referred to with (26).
Markers of topographic deixis can also indicate the location of an object with
respect to an important landmark (the absolute frame of reference; see Levinson
2003). As mentioned above, this is invariably the Sepik River, as in (27).
The previous location of Avatip, whose name is Tepayaburman, is further
away from the Sepik River than the present one (see section 2.2). This old
village is far from the present one, and this is why the distal demonstrative is
used. The village was big (and so is the extant area), which is why it is referred
to with masculine gender.
20 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
(27) adawula tp kd s
DEM.DIST-MASC.SG-LK-OFF.RIVER village MASC.SG-OBL-MASC.SG name
Tpayaburman
Tepayaburman
The name of that (big) village off-river is Tepayaburman.
in a situation. Their scope is thus broader than simple anaphora, though the
analogy between the two is striking.
The demonstrative stem indicates the position of the object with respect to
the speaker, the addressee, or both. For instance, Karka:b, explaining to her
young daughter that a white woman (myself) was her classificatory mother, told
her what my name was and that I had come from far away, and then pointed at
me and uttered (28).
A little girl attempted to move a chair (which we were talking about and which
was a bone of contention of sorts, since children were not allowed to play with it)
next to the fireplace where I was sitting. Her grandmother Gemaj commented by
uttering (29).
(29) wanay=a
DEM.PROX.ADDR-CURR.REL-DIST=3FEM.SG.NOM
kraykla
bring-FUT-3FEM.SG.SUBJ+3FEM.SG.OBJ
It is the recently mentioned (chair) close to you she will bring.
Within a story, the relevant referent may occur in the previous stretch of
discourse, as in (30), where anay (DEM.DIST-CURR.REL-DIST) that mentioned
refers to a place visited by the character where he claims to have killed all the
snakes. The place was overtly mentioned two clauses earlier.
A very remote location, for instance Port Moresby or Lae, can be referred to
with a distal demonstrative a accompanied with awi very far indeed if it is
being talked about and is in the focus of current conversation. Example (31)
comes from a conversation about children of many Avatip people who have
moved away and live far away in the Papua New Guinea cities (whose pictures I
had shown to them).
Examples (11)(13) above showed that the proximal and the distal demon-
stratives can have temporal reference (the proximal demonstrative refers to
present and future and the distal one to past). A current relevance demonstra-
tive can occur with time words with similar meanings. This is shown in (32)
(nonpast reference, which is ambiguous between reference to present or future
time, i.e., present-future reference, but not unequivocally present or future
reference) and (33) (past reference).
k proximal wur up
wa proximal to d(a) down
addressee na aki across
a distal aku outwards
wula off-river, away from
the Sepik River
In a conversation about the village and who lives in which house, Gemaj com-
mented in (35) that Wimali was living in the house (which we were discussing)
further away across from where we were.
talking about going to church in general and the people (we could also see) going
to a rather far away Seventh Day Adventist church in the direction up the river.
The first demonstrative refers to the people and the second one to the church.
warnadi
go.up-ACT.FOC-3PL.SUBJ
These people (in question) are going up to that far away church (in question).
If two noun phrases are immediately adjacent, and one of them contains a
demonstrative marked for gender-number and topographic deixis while the
other contains a marker of current relevance, the noun phrase with a current
relevance demonstrative typically comes after the one marked for topographic
deixis. In (38), the speaker is talking about the lands belonging to the Avatip
village. The current relevance demonstrative anaki is the last demonstrative in
this sentence, following the demonstrative alaki that is marked for number-
gender and topographic deixis. (The lake is round and thus feminine; gender
choice serves as a clear indication that the lake, and not some other part of the
landscape, is being talked about.)
direction or current relevance. In that case, the third person pronoun in its
function as a specifier article has emphatic overtones of that very one and typi-
cally refers to a highly topical participant.
In (39), from a story about a little boy who drowned in the Sepik River,
babay maternal grandmother is instrumental in looking for the boy. She was
mentioned in the text a few lines above, and is reintroduced again to as l a
babay (she DEM.DIST+FEM.SG maternal.grandmother) in (39).13 Noun phrases are
in square brackets.
(39) [l a babaywa]NP
she=SPECIFIER.ARTICLE.FEM.SG DEM.DIST+FEM.SG maternal.grandmother-COMIT
[ad kwasade an]NP d babaywa
DEM.DIST-MASC.SG small-MASC.SG child he maternal.grandmother-COMIT
d klm ana wiyam
he DEM.PROX-FEM.SG+LOC we-LK+FEM.SG house+LK+LOC
kwakwanad
stay-HAB-ACT.FOC-3MASC.SG.SUBJ
That small child used to stay here in our house with that very maternal
grandmother. (lit., With that very maternal grandmother that small child, he
with maternal grandmother used to stay here in our house.)
A specifier article can also be used on its own (without a demonstrative), e.g., l
ta:kw the (specific) woman. The article can be followed by just one demonstra-
tive (never by two).
We now turn to noun phrases containing two demonstratives (position 3 in
table 7).
apan=ad
old.man=3MASC.SG.NOM
That (previously mentioned) this (protagonist) Miyag, Nebemi is his elder.
Alternatively, one demonstrative can be marked for current relevance and the
other one for gender-number and topographic deixis, as in (44). We were talking
about going to visit another village by canoe; example (44) was the answer to a
question about which canoe we are going to take. The canoe was close to us.
vkiknabran
go.across-FUT-1DU.SUBJ
The two of us will go with this (spoken about) canoe across (from us).
Different demonstrative stems can occur together, with one marked for
current relevance and the other one for gender and number. Example (45) comes
from a conversation about totemic ownership of objects and heavenly bodies,
especially the moon (conceived of as a totemic woman, hence its name moon-
woman); as the moon appeared up in the sky, a speaker produced (45). In this
example, a sequence of two demonstratives, knay alawur, modifies moon
(moon is a totemic woman and so triggers feminine agreement on the second
demonstrative), but is postposed to the verb as an afterthought (signaled by a
brief pause after the verb). The first demonstrative in this sequence expresses
the fact that the moon had been recently mentioned, while the second expresses
the fact that the moon was up in the sky (at some distance from us).
In (47), from Mavea, an Oceanic language from Vanuatu (Gurin 2013, 2010),
the order is the opposite.
protagonist (as in section 3.5.2.2), that is, to regulate the information structure
and help tracking a prominent participant.
The Manambu options seen in sections 3.5.2.3 and 3.5.2.4 are cross-
linguistically unusual. In the first of these, the information on topographic
deixis (direction and elevation) and additional distance is distributed between
two adjacent demonstrative words. In the second, gender-number and current
relevance are also distributed between two demonstratives, rather than being
expressed within one word.15
Marking current relevance in a demonstrative system is cross-linguistically
rare. The incompatibility of marking current relevance and gender-number in
one demonstrative word in Manambu is at present no more than a curious idio-
syncrasy.
The necessity to express additional distance and topographic deixis in differ-
ent demonstrative words stems from a dependency between these two categor-
ies. This is the topic of the next section.
DISTAL SERIES
omu ogu onu
downhill-FAR level-FAR uphill-FAR
that downhill that same level that uphill
The third pattern is that topographic distinctions may be made within some,
but not all, degrees of distance. For example, in Galo, a Tibeto-Burman language
of northern India, three distinctions in height are distinguished only in distal
demonstratives (Post 2011, 2007:34468). Table 10 shows the classification of
demonstratives in Galo (the forms given as examples are the core argument
form). The same distinctions are found in adverbial demonstratives.16
All manner demonstratives are used as modifiers to verbs. Only atawa and
akatawa can modify the noun sa:d manner (and its equivalents in Tok Pisin
kain, pasin, which are frequently used in code-switching).
When a manner demonstrative of these heads a predicate, or is part of
predicate focus, it takes the predicative marker n (as in (40)). The forms ktawa
and atawa may be used for cataphora; we can recall that nominal demonstra-
tives cannot be used this way.
Both ktawa and atawa can be used for pointing, typically indicating the
way in which something is to be done. If the action is happening close to the
speaker, ktawa is used, as in (49). This sentence was used to point the way
(with a torch in the dark); on another occasion, this same sentence was an
instruction to walk in a special way on a narrow log crossing a pond.
The girl who was instructing me to follow a path in the dark was not satisfied
with my progress. She rephrased (49), rather irritated, as (50), using kktawa
exactly like this (like I am showing).
36 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
The distal demonstrative atawa is used to refer to the way in which some-
thing is done further away from the speaker, as in (51). A child was commanded
to walk the way her sister was walking a few yards away.
Distal atawa like that is often used anaphorically, as in (40) and (52) (also see
the example in n. 9).
Both proximal and distal manner demonstratives can be used for textual
anaphora and cataphora. If the stretch of text to which the demonstrative refers
follows it immediately, ktawa is used; for example, (54) was followed by the
story referred to.
If the stretch of text does not follow immediately, atawa is preferred (as long-
distance anaphora or cataphora). Another frequent usage of atawa is to refer to
a long stretch of text, as a summary thus (mirroring the summarizing function
of the distal demonstrative a shown in (22)). Example (55) summarizes a dis-
cussion of how an ugly man could not get himself a wife, and so was nasty to his
friends because of jealousy.
2015 ALEXANDRA Y. AIKHENVALD 37
then (also see Aikhenvald 2011). This raises the question of markedness rela-
tionships within the Manambu demonstrative system.
There is a fundamental distinction between two kinds of markedness
formal and functional. A formally unmarked term will be the only one in its sys-
tem to have zero realization (or a zero allomorph). Functional markedness re-
lates to the situation of usethe marked term or terms may be used each in a
restricted, specifiable situation, with the unmarked term being used in all other
circumstances. The unmarked category is the one most frequently used (or the
one that is used at least as frequently as each marked one). It is also the one
which appears in neutralized contexts or when one does not wish to be specific.
In some languages (including Mandarin Chinese and Telugu), the distal form
can be shown to be the functionally unmarked choice. In others, the proximal
form appears in more contexts than the distal one and may thus be a candidate
for an unmarked status (see Keevallik [2010] on Estonian, and Dixon [2003:
9394] for a discussion of markedness in demonstrative systems).
We thus expect that a functionally unmarked demonstrative will be used
in more contexts than the functionally marked one, and moreover that it will
develop further extensions and meanings (e.g., be used anaphorically), and have
temporal or discourse overtones. The Manambu a distal demonstrative is a
prime candidate for a functionally unmarked choice due to its many functions
additional to deictic uses, that is, as a connective, in general summarizing state-
ments, and in conversation sustainers. However, the use of proximal demonstra-
tives in word retrieval and interjection contexts points in a different direction.
Both proximal and distal demonstratives (without any specification for addi-
tional distance or topographic deixis) are unmarked choices, albeit in different
circumstances.
Notes
Acknowledgments. I am grateful to my Manambu family for teaching me their
remarkable language. A preliminary version of this article was presented at the
Language and Culture Research Centre Local Workshop Demonstratives and Direc-
tionals (201314), based on typological parameters outlined in the Initial Orientation
paper by the author. Special thanks go to R. M. W. Dixon for incisive comments and
critiques, to Diana Forker for supplying me with information on Daghestanian
languages, and to all the participants of the Language and Culture Research Centre
Local Workshop on Demonstratives and Directionals for discussion and inspiration.
Thanks are due to Brigitta Flick for careful proofreading.
Abbreviations. The conventions of glossing in this article generally follow those of
Aikhenvald (2008). ACT.FOC = action focus marker on verbs; ALL = allative; CL = classifier;
COMIT = comitative; CURR.REL = current relevance demonstrative; DAT = dative; DEM.DIST
= distal demonstrative; DEM . PROX = proximal demonstrative; DEM . PROX . ADDR =
demonstrative denoting proximity to addressee; DIST = marker of additional distance; DS
= different-subject switch reference marker; DU = dual; EMPH = emphatic marker; FEM =
feminine; FUT = future; HAB = habitual; IMPV = imperative; INSTR = instrumental; LK =
linker; LOC = locative; MASC = masculine; NEG = negation; NOM = nominal cross-
referencing; OBJ = object marker on verbs; OBL = oblique marker; P = person; PL = plural;
40 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 57 NO. 1
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