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American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 2014 American Orthopsychiatric Association

2014, Vol. 84, No. 5, 475 486 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ort0000023

I Need You to Listen to What Happened to Me:


Personal Narratives of Social Trauma in
Research and Peace-Building
Julia Chaitin
Sapir College

This article explores the uses of personal narratives of massive social trauma in conflict, most
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

specifically as they relate to the PalestinianIsraeli context. It is asserted that there are types of
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narratives, fixated on persecution, hatred, and fear, that can obstruct peace, and different types
that encourage peace and reconciliation. The article discusses the impacts of sharing personal
narratives on the victims and others in society, the connections between personal and master
narratives, and ways in which dialogue that incorporates personal narratives can encourage
peace. A theoretical categorization of 4 types of personal narratives of massive social trauma is
proposed: narratives of vengeance, victimhood, confusion, and embracing the other. Examples
from Israelis and Palestinians that reflect this conceptualization are discussed. It is concluded that
a more nuanced understanding of types of personal narratives is needed when engaged in
peace-building endeavors in an ongoing conflict.

E
xtensive recording of personal narratives of war, genocide, personal narratives of social-political traumas keep people rooted
and forced migration, for research and social-political pur- in their victimhood, thus impeding their ability to consider recon-
poses, has been gaining momentum since the 1940s (Plum- ciliation with their enemy, or when can this sharing help victims
mer, 2001). For example, in the political realm, between 1974 to move beyond feelings of despair? Furthermore, how does sharing
2007, 32 truth commissions were established in 28 countries of these narratives impact people in their societies who are ex-
(Amnesty International, n.d.); for educational and research pur- posed to them? Specifically, when might these narratives enable
poses, the University of South California Shoah Foundation Insti- peace-building processes, and when might they support continued
tute holds nearly 51,000 interviews from Holocaust survivors suffering and mistrust of the enemy?
living in 56 countries concerning their experiences before, during, I have collected and analyzed personal narratives of the Holo-
and after the genocide (USC Shoah Foundation Institute, n.d.); and caust and the ArabIsraeli/IsraeliPalestinian wars for 25 years,
Yad Vashem in Jerusalem has gathered over 100,000 Holocaust for research and peace-building purposes. Whereas I value deeply
testimonies (Yad Vashem Archives, 2012). As personal stories of what one can learn from these accounts, I have come to realize that
social-political persecution are collected from the victims, there is encouraging people to talk about their victimization can be coun-
an ongoing debate concerning their authenticity (Browning, terproductive if we do not plan carefully how to use these narra-
2010, p. 7), because traumatic memory does not operate like a tives. This article, then, offers a theoretical categorization of per-
videotape recorder and emotionality does not confirm veracity sonal narration connected to the massive social trauma of the
(McNally, 2005, pp. 818 819). IsraeliPalestinian conflict to understand what kinds of narratives
Given the huge numbers of collected personal narratives of can enhance peace-building endeavors and what kinds might ob-
collective trauma and debates surrounding their verifiable truth, struct them.
it is important to understand why this has become such a world-
wide phenomenon. Furthermore, since practitioners engaged in
peace-building often use such narratives in their work, it is imper- Definition of Terms
ative that they understand the complexities of such narratives Before delving into the topic, I will first define major concepts
before they ask people to share their stories. discussed below.
This article focuses on the connections between personal narra- Although the focus of this article is on the IsraeliPalestinian
tives and peace-building or peace-obstruction in the context of the case, massive social trauma, in general, refers to severe psycho-
IsraeliPalestinian conflict. It asks: When does the sharing of logical and/or physical damage and loss suffered by victims of
social-political violence. This violence includes (separately or in
combination): systematic discrimination and persecution against
people based on their nationality, religion or ethnic belonging;
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Julia genocide; war; terrorism (by state and nonstate actors); ethnic
Chaitin, School of Social Work, Sapir College, D. N. Hof Ashkelon, 79165 cleansing and forced migration. Moreover, the damage affects the
Israel. E-mail: jchaitin@urim.org.il personal, the familial, and the communal levels, often destroying

475
476 CHAITIN

important social frameworks and institutions. In the Israeli make sense of our lives. When discussing personal narratives that
Palestinian context, massive social trauma refers to the long-term focus on relations with others, Winslade and Monk (2001) assert
negative psycho-social impacts of the Holocaust on the hostile that people use personal stories to make sense of such relation-
relations between Jews and Palestinians; the IsraeliArab and ships, especially when they are conflictual. According to the
IsraeliPalestinian wars, military operations and intifadas, al authors, these conflict narratives often become solidified as they
Naqba (the catastrophe-1948) characterized by the forced migra- are rehearsed and elaborated over and over again by participants
tion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes and in a conflict (p. 3).
the ensuing destruction of most of their villages and neighbor- This article focuses on personal narratives of massive social
hoods; the Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, and trauma that are one kind of conflict narrativerepresentations
Palestinian terror attacks upon Israeli citizens (Bickerton & Klaus- of self and others that take place in conflict communication.
ner, 2009). Conflict narratives represent the ways in which people create
In this article, peace-building refers to efforts made by ordi- context for communication and also the ways in which contextual
nary individuals and civil society (grassroots organizations and factors shape communication between enemies (Kellet & Dalton,
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

NGOs), working to improve relations between Israelis and Pales- 2001).


This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

tinians, on interpersonal and intergroup levels, even during conflict When discussing the use of personal narratives in the Israeli
(Chaitin, 2011). Peace-building endeavors include dialogue Palestinian context (or in other contexts of massive social trauma),
groups; joint educational, academic, social, activist, health and/or it is important to remember that these narratives do not take place
environmental activities, which work on lessening the animosity in a vacuum. Hammack and Pilecki (2012) use the term narrative
and fear of the other and create people-to-people mechanisms engagement to describe the process in which . . . members of a
for the establishment of sustainable, good neighborly relations. society engage with collective stories of what it means to inhabit
Peace obstruction, on the other hand, refers to actions that fuel the a particular political entity . . . (p. 77). People construct personal
conflict and preserve the notion that the peoples can only be narratives that connect their own experiences to their groups
enemies. Peace obstruction strengthens negative stereotypes and history, identity, and ideology. Personal story-making, therefore,
prejudice, de-individuates the other by making them into a in addition to being an individual act, is also a social practice that
homogeneous dangerous other (Waller, 2002) and supports actions
provides autobiographers with a way to express solidarity with
that, at the least, ignore and delegitimize the other, and at the
their community, thus solidifying their place in their culture (Sar-
worst, cause the enemy great harm.
bin, 1986).
The concept of reconciliation follows ideas put forth by Rou-
The above notions highlight that personal narratives are not
hana (2004) and is perceived as being one of the major outcomes
recitation of facts. They are subjective understandings and expres-
of peace-building endeavors. As the author notes, this long-term
sions of experiences rooted in societys master narratives (Tint,
process refers to active efforts by people and formal institutions
2010, p. 244): . . . [which] support the driving political agendas
from the enemy sides to establish a sustainable relationship
of the time. A master narrative is the cultural script or a dom-
founded on mutual recognition and legitimacy. . . . reconciliation
inant discourse of a society (Hammack, 2009, p. 51). In the
brings about a genuine end to the existential conflict between the
IsraeliPalestinian conflict, there are dichotomous master narra-
parties and transforms the nature of the relationship between the
societies through . . . psychological, social, and political changes tives against which people understand their own group, and their
(p. 35). Furthermore, for genuine reconciliation to take root, four enemy (Adwan & Bar-On, 2006). Therefore, it is not surprising
key issues must be addressed: justice, truth, historical responsibil- to find that Palestinian and Israeli victims of the conflict tie their
ity, and restructuring the social and political relationship between personal stories of pain into the two master narratives concerning
the parties (p. 36). the conflict between the peoples (Armbruster & Emery, 2004).
I now turn to a literature review that examines aspects of Because publicly sharing autobiographical memories of massive
personal narratives of massive social trauma, and the roles they social trauma entails courage and stamina (Nets-Zehngut, 2011), it
play concerning peace-building and peace obstruction in the is important to understand why people engage in this behavior. At
IsraeliPalestinian conflict. least three reasons can be identified.
First, sharing traumatic experience helps people reflect on who
they are, especially in terms of personal and collective identity
Literature Review (e.g., Chaitin, Awwad, & Andriani, 2009). Second, according to
Bamberg (2004), one of the main purposes of personal narration is
Understandings Connected to the development of peoples identities as they tell their stories.
Personal Narratives Identity development, during the sharing of personal narratives in
The telling of stories is inherently human with . . . narratives contexts of conflict, is closely mediated by social experience.
[being] a version of reality (Bruner, 1991, p. 5). Narratives Therefore, life-story narratives that connect to collective historical
contain the unfolding of events over time, characters, description, narratives provide windows into psychological development . . .
climax, denouement, and explanation of why things occurred as as well as processes of social reproduction or resistance (Ham-
they did, offering insights into peoples personal lives, values and mack, 2010, p. 178).
beliefs, and into the values, beliefs, and understandings of their Victims of massive social trauma also talk about their experi-
societies (McAdams, 1993). As Flory and Iglesias (2010) and ences so that others can learn of their maltreatment (e.g., Young,
Hawkins and Saleem (2012) further tell us, narratives are reflective 2004). This vocalization to people interested in listening and
ways of looking at ones life; by narrating our experiences, we passing on the message (Laub, 1992a) can also help survivors
PERSONAL NARRATIVES IN RESEARCH AND PEACE-BUILDING 477

regain the feeling that there is some degree of social justice in the Dori Laub, a Holocaust child-survivor, notes that when survi-
world previously shattered by violation (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). vors of this genocide are asked to speak about their suffering, this
In sum, victims of massive social trauma tell their stories to give can help them feel less alone, especially concerning narratives not
meaning to their horrific experiences, to connect their identities previously articulated or . . . heard (Laub, 1992a, p. 85). How-
and lives to their collectives, and to inform others what happened ever, the psychoanalyst-researcher also notes the downside of
so that some level of justice can be restored. When victims of the narration: speaking: . . . becomes severely traumatizing if the
IsraeliPalestinian conflict share their narratives, they connect price of speaking is reliving (Laub, 1992b, p. 67), an idea echoed
their personal experiences to the social-political context, thus by Tamas (2011) as well. Similarly, Langer (1991), in his study of
cementing their place as Israelis and Palestinians whose identity Holocaust survivors, discerned four categories of memories that
has been greatly impacted by the intractable conflict (Chaitin et al., have intense negative emotional impacts on the speaker: anguished
2009). memory, humiliated memory, tainted memory, and unheroic
memory.
Connecting Autobiographical Memories to In sum, the quandary remains concerning whether and when we
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Collective Memories should encourage people to speak about the harm they suffered at
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the hands of others, given that the vocalization can cause pain for
Personal narratives of social trauma also connect to collective the narrator. Furthermore, we must also remember that social-
memoriesnarrations and representations or constructions of the political events can impact the direction that the narration takes.
past adopted by society and its members (Kansteiner, 2002; Additionally, the willingness of others to hear the stories can also
Vinitzky-Seroussi & Teeger, 2010). Such memories are social influence the narrators experience. If the narrator feels that s/he is
products (Lomsky-Feder, 2004, p. 84), which contain stories speaking with an empathetic listener (Chaitin, 2004b), talking
about historical moments in a groups existence (Halbwachs & about the harm can further healing. However, if the listener ap-
Coser, 1992). Hammack and Pilecki (2012) also connect personal pears to be judgmental or distant, this can have a negative effect on
storytelling and collective memory to nation-buildingan issue of the victim who has dared to share difficult memories.
major concern for the Palestinians, one of the foci of this article.
Given that personal narratives and collective memory are often
intertwined, it is important to ask: Is the sharing of personal How Does the Sharing of Personal Narratives
narratives of social trauma good for the autobiographer and/or for of Social Trauma Influence Others in Society?
their listeners, their societies? These issues are now explored.
As in the above quandary, the sharing of personal narratives of
social trauma can have both positive and negative effects on
Giving Voice to Personal Stories of
listeners. As Danieli (1998) noted, victims of massive social
VictimizationIs This Good or Bad
trauma often create a legacy of suffering by passing on their
for the Person?
trauma to their descendants. This legacy is also transmitted
The question of whether sharing of such memories is helpful or through a shared belief system of the culture (Hammack & Pilecki,
harmful is difficult to answer. The answer not only depends on the 2012; Stamm, Stamm IV, Hudnall, & Higson-Smith, 2004).
people involved in the specific sharing-listening context, but also What are the impacts of hearing personal narratives of suffering
on the social-political-historical context in which the narrative is connected to massive social trauma? In his work on the psychos-
being given. For example, it can be assumed that a personal story ocial effects of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict on Israelis, Bar-Tal
of loss in one of the IsraeliArab wars will be remembered and (2007) noted that narratives that focus on the theme of suffering
told somewhat differently by the narrator if s/he talks about expe- can prolong intractable conflict. Margalit (2002) and OLoughlin
riences during a period of relative calm between Israelis and (2007), who write about collective narratives of events that oc-
Palestinians or during a period marked by terror attacks. curred hundreds or even thousands of years ago, note that such
On the personal level, Albeck, Adwan, and Bar-On (2002) aver narratives led to renewed surges in violent conflict. This tendency
that giving trauma victims opportunities to talk about their expe- to remember past injustices can be so strong that people and
riences can help them work through their feelings of anger, collectives are at times locked into memory-prisons (Margalit,
helplessness and despair, a difficult and long-term process. As 2002, p. 4), which often legitimize violent revenge toward others.
individuals confront (repressed) traumatic experiences through Margalit asks about the purpose of the obligation to remember
narration, they deal with unresolved psychological conflicts that (p. 18): to heal ourselves and societies, or to remember who
have negatively impacted feelings, attitudes, and behavior (p. 304). harmed us? This connects to questions concerning the moral
Working through, therefore, helps people learn to live with the right (p. 47) of victims to impose their memories on their perpe-
trauma and (partially) heal. trators, or their descendants, because this may make reconciliation
When people talk about their experiences of victimization, this impossible. The author suggests that by encouraging moral wit-
also helps them make sense of their traumatic past, and may even nessing (p. 148), which reflects on both the evil and the suffering
be crucial for survival (e.g., Agger & Jensen, 2003; Liem, 2007; it produces, a moral community can be created that can help
Tamas, 2011; White & Epston, 1990). It has further been argued traumatized societies heal and become less violent. All of these
that people are better off after sharing their personal narratives of ideas are highly relevant for the IsraeliArab/IsraeliPalestinian
social-political victimhood than they were beforehand, since the conflicts which have, so far, negatively impacted the lives of three
sharing can bring redemption (McAdams & Bowman, 2001, p. generations, members of which have often been exposed to per-
5), especially when events that begin bad have a good outcome. sonal narratives of trauma suffered by their elders.
478 CHAITIN

Margalits ideas echo understandings put forth by Laub (1992b) in activism against the Occupation, based on what they learned
who notes that empathetic listeners may become . . . co-owner[s] from these narratives (Witteborn, 2007). In their work, Staub and
of the traumatic event . . . and guardian[s] of its process and of its Vollhardt (2008) reported a number of cases in which victims of
momentum (pp. 5758). Although Laub was referring to the persecution found meaning in their horrific experiences by altru-
Holocaust, his understandings are also relevant for the Palestinian istically caring for others and eventually experienced posttrau-
Israeli context. For example, many Israelis see their conflict as an matic growth.
extension of the victimization their grand/parents suffered during As we have seen, exposure to personal stories of massive social
the Holocaust, with some concluding that the Occupation is legit- trauma has complex and long-term effects for individuals as well
imate (Bar-On & Sarsar, 2004; Porat, 2004). In the Palestinian as for societies. As noted above, concerning the effect that telling
case, exposure to personal narratives of their grandparents and ones story has on the narrator, here it is also assumed that the
parents who suffered oppression and loss of a homeland has led effects of listening to such narratives will not be equal for all
young adults to ruminate on their own victimization and dispos- witnesses (e.g., children of victims vs. listeners who have no
session (e.g., Fronk, Huntington, & Chadwick, 1999; Lynd, Ba- family connection to the trauma) or for all time periods (e.g.,
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hour, & Lynd, 1994). during times of relevant calm vs. a period of escalation in vio-
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A second effect of exposure to narration of traumatic events lence). Therefore, we need to consider who is listening and re-
connects to the shaping of identity of descendants of victims of sponding, what is happening in the outside world at the time, and
oppression. For example, Bar-On, Ostrovsky, and Fromer (1998) take into consideration the emotional states of the speaker and the
found that when Israeli grandchildren interviewed their grandpar- listener(s) at the time.
ents concerning their Holocaust experiences, the past gained per- I now turn to the role that dialogue can play in relation to using
sonal and social-political relevance for them. Kidron (2003) found personal narratives of massive social trauma to encourage peace-
in her ethnographic study of adult Israeli children of Holocaust building efforts.
survivors who participated in a self-help group, that members who
heard their parents stories came to see themselves as wounded,
Dialogue, Personal Narratives, and
eventually constructing an identity rooted in persecution and death,
Peace-Building Efforts
even though they had not personally experienced genocide.
Work by Volkan (2006) highlights another aspect connected to It is important to briefly consider the last building block of the
this point. He showed how sharing personal narratives of massive theoretical conceptualization of personal narratives that follows
social trauma can fuel conflict for generations, especially when the belowthat of dialogue. By using personal narratives when work-
traumas become chosen, acute, or hot. ing with groups in conflict, in general, and between Palestinians
A chosen trauma is a large groups mental representation of a and Israelis in specific, opportunities arise for the creation of more
historic event that resulted in collective feelings of helplessness, complex perspectives of self and other(s). These experiences can
victimization, shame, and humiliation at the hands of others, and then lessen feelings of victimhood and aid reconciliation (Bar-On,
involves drastic losses of people, land, prestige, and dignity 2006).
(p. 173). The injured selves of the victims are deposited into Krauss and Morsella (2006, p. 153) note that dialogue is: . . .
the next generation, which tries to complete the mourning process. a joint accomplishment of the participants; when parties in con-
Volkan asserts that if the next generation is unable to complete this flict enter into dialogue out of a dual concern for oneself and the
process, because it lacks political, economic, and/or military other (Pruitt & Kim, 2004), they focus on strengthening their
power, this task is transmitted to following generations. The result relationship, as opposed to winning the battle. True dialogue
is that the group continues to unconsciously choose the mental encourages deep reflection on interpersonal and intergroup levels
representation of the event as significant for their own group (Steinberg, 2004). Bohm, Factor, and Garret (1991) and Maise
identity, and this becomes reactivated when the group senses (2003) note that successful dialogue explores unvoiced/uncon-
danger from others. Group identity strengthens because people scious ideas, beliefs, and feelings that control communication and
resist giving up the trauma that defines who they are. Furthermore, behaviors. It furthermore supplies an arena in which collective
Volkan avers that the acute trauma remains hot, because it learning can take place; it supports harmony, fellowship and cre-
continues to keep group members emotionally invested in remem- ativity, among people who desire to listen, learn, and develop new
bering and mourning the event. shared understandings (Public Conversation Project, 2003) con-
Volkans concept of chosen trauma is highly relevant for the cerning the conflict and their roles in it.
Palestinian-Israeli context. For Israelis, the Holocaust remains the The dialogue process is dynamic and often unpredictable. Par-
chosen trauma, and is often coopted by politicians who use Holo- ticipants grapple with understanding the others perceptions while
caust metaphors to present Israelis as eternal victims; in doing so, reflecting on their own understandings. This is difficult and risky
they justify the status quo of the Occupation and continued mili- work; the process may lead participants to learn unpleasant things
tary presence in Palestinian areas (Zertal, 2005). For Palestinians, about their own attitudes and behaviors (Chaitin, 2011).
al Naqba is their chosen trauma, with the Occupation and the siege One of the most important proponents of dialogue was Martin
on Gaza seen as being ongoing extensions of the horrific events Buber, who worked for ArabJewish relations, before the State of
that occurred to their elders close to 70 years ago (Bar-Tal, 2013). Israel was established (Schmidt, n.d.). Because of his understand-
Whereas chosen traumas often keep people trapped in victim- ings of dialogue, and the groups discussed in this article, it is
hood, they can provide resources for empowerment and social important to briefly review his main concepts.
change (Volkan, 2006). For example, research on Palestinians Buber (1958) averred that it is only through relation that we
showed that teenagers, who heard many refugee stories, engaged fully open ourselves to others, an idea which reflects his perspec-
PERSONAL NARRATIVES IN RESEARCH AND PEACE-BUILDING 479

tive concerning the dialogical nature of existence. Bubers concept narratives connected to the conflict. Unfortunately, many of the
of the IYou (1958) involves being part of a whole and being testimonies are characterized by suffering and victimization (e.g.,
part of another. In other words, there is no I without relation to Vollhardt, 2009), and at times, nonacceptance of the other,
the Thou. This qualitatively differs from the pseudorelation of which do little to defuse the conflict. This underscores the impor-
I-It that emphasizes differences and separation. When people tance of better understanding the complex ways in which personal
engage fully with others, they ultimately meet with themselves. narratives of massive social trauma, master narratives, and mono-
Therefore, human existence cannot be found in the individual or logues and dialogues interact with one another in the conflict/
the collective, but in Man with Man (Buber, 1947). peace-building arenas.
Hodes (1972, p. 72), a Buberian scholar, states that when people In spite of the gloomy picture painted above, research on the use
engage in I-Thou dialogue, they recognize new possibilities that of personal narratives connected to the PalestinianIsraeli conflict
appear in . . . the sphere of the between. Buber notes that genuine has also shown that the narratives can be integral to reconciliation
dialogue is rare, and differing radically from technical dialogue, processes (Auerbach, 2009; Bekerman, 2002). Developing empa-
which does not engage the soul. True dialogue also differs from thy is key in such processes; people need to reframe their negative
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

monologuesspeech which keeps people separated from the perceptions of the enemy, as they try to understand how the
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

other, and which brings a false sense that they are engaged in other sees the world, and as they go beyond seeing themselves
relationship building (Buber, 1947), while they are really only solely as victims of the other (Bar-Tal, Chernyak-Hai, Schori, &
talking at one another. As can be expected, individuals move back Gundar, 2009).
and forth between I-It and I-You relations. However, dialogue is Chaitin (2004a, 2011); Bar-On, Litvak-Hirsh, and Othman
more than interpersonal relational building; it is essential for the (2007), and Steinberg and Bar-On (2009) documented instances
creation of meaningful communal life. Open intersubjective dia- where the sharing of personal narratives in IsraeliPalestinian
logue supports development of a common discourse, essential for group settings opened up communication and new ways of think-
holding a society together. ing. The opposing narratives were discussed in safe spaces that
Steinberg (2004) adopted Bubers concepts for her research that encouraged dialogue and reflective thinking for autobiographers
explored the communication process that took place between Jew- and listeners (Chaitin, 2004b), and broke down simplistic defini-
ish and Palestinian participants in year-long group encounters tions of aggressor and victim (Bar-On et al., 2007).
aimed at improving relations between the two peoples. The author In spite of this research, to the best of my knowledge, there has
found that there were many instances of communication which not yet emerged a categorization of personal narratives of massive
were monologues disguised as dialogue. Steinberg described these social trauma, in general, and in the IsraeliPalestinian context, in
monologues as ethnocentric talk, characterized by . . . argumen- specific. Furthermore, no conceptualization has been set forth that
tation and [the participants] do not share their feelings. Each party theorizes under what circumstances narratives can help peace-
seems to be talking to itself, not to the other. The two groups building, or when they can obstruct peace-building efforts. There-
conduct two monologues that do not meet (p. 475). Unfortu- fore, I now present such a categorization that connects to the issues
nately, Steinberg uncovered very few dialogical moments over discussed previously.
the years. This category of communication, defined as a kind of
empathy to the other that seems to exemplify . . . cognitive and
affective understanding, [a] real meeting . . . of participating in
Theoretical Categorization of Personal
the others experience without losing the self (p. 475), rarely
Narratives of Massive Social Trauma
emerged. The conceptualization presented here relates to the roles of
In sum, based on Bubers and Steinbergs conceptualizations of different kinds of personal narratives during an intractable and
communication, when people/groups in conflict talk at one another bloody conflict (Coleman, 2006). Therefore, although this concep-
using monologues or technical dialogueit is detrimental to tualization may be relevant for postconflict stages, it cannot yet be
peace-building efforts. However, when people succeed in engag- assumed that this is the case.
ing in genuine dialogue, they cocreate a meaningful relationship It is possible to perceive personal narratives of massive social
and make headway toward reconciliation. trauma as representing four points along a continuum (see Figure
1). On one extreme, there are narratives that call for vengeance,
followed by narratives of victimhood. The third kind is termed
Personal Narratives and Peace-Building or
confusionin which a person moves between being open to the
Peace-ObstructionThe Palestinian-
enemys perspective, while remaining somewhat trapped in feel-
Israeli Case
ings of victimhood. The final type is embracing the other, while
In the IsraeliPalestinian context, there have been many auto- not relinquishing ones pain.
biographies and memoirs (e.g., Amiry, 2004; Bar-On, 2006; Whereas people can move from narratives that reflect fear
Habib, 2007; Kaniuk, 2010; Nusseibeh, 2009; Shehadeh, 2007), and hatred to narratives of embracing, individuals can also
research studies (e.g., Armbruster & Emery, 2004; Bar-On & remain situated in one of the stages. It is not theorized that
Kassem, 2004; Bucaille, 2004; Chaitin et al., 2009; Gorkin & all/most individuals will necessarily begin from the stage of a
Othman, 1996; Hammack, 2009; Kassem, 2011; Lieblich, 1994; call for vengeance, or move in a linear fashion from one stage
Lomsky-Feder, 2004; Nets-Zehngut, 2011; Sadi, 2002) and to the next. For example, a person may start from a narrative
peace-building initiatives (e.g., Chaitin, 2011; Gordon, Gordon, & of victimhood and then slowly move to confusion, or alterna-
Shriteh, 2003; Kaufman-Lacusta, 2010; Kidron, 2004; Salomon, tively, feel confusion, regress to victimhood, especially if vio-
2004) that have collected, reflected on, and analyzed personal lence erupts again, and from there move to embracing the other
480 CHAITIN

Call for vengeance Vicmhood Confusion Embracing the other, while in pain

Obstructs peace-building,
especially in monologues, Encourages peace-building,
I-It dialogue especially in I-Thou, dialogue groups

If: Ongoing process

Reecve process

Safe space for communicaon

Willingness to listen, learn & develop


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shared understandings
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Escalaon in violence Lull in violence, rst negoaon stage

More dichotomous/rigid master narraves Less dichotomous/rigid master narraves

Chosen trauma hot Chosen trauma present, but not hot

Figure 1. A proposed continuum of personal narratives of massive social trauma and their relation to
peace-building/peace-obstruction.

after exposure to an enemys suffering. In short, different to listen, learn, and be receptive to achieving new (shared)
possibilities of stability or movement are possible, depending understandings.
on conditions detailed later.
The model conceptualizes that narratives of vengeance and
victimhood tend to obstruct peace endeavors especially in soci- Examples From the
eties in which the conflict appears intractable, and master narra- PalestinianIsraeli Context
tives are dichotomous and rigid, and reiterated often via cultural Below follow exemplars of personal narratives of massive social
and educational mechanisms. Narratives of confusion and embrac- trauma that reflect each of the categories discussed above. These
ing the other, on the other hand, have good potential to support cases can be seen as ideal types of the ways in which people
peace-building efforts, for they hold the seeds of complexity and narrate personal experiences of massive social trauma in the
openness. The potential is enhanced when rigid master narratives IsraeliPalestinian context. All but the first example come from
begin to break down, there is a lull in the violence, the parties group encounters with Israelis and Palestinians. (In two of the
begin to show signs of willingness to negotiate, and/or come to feel cases, the groups also included German participants who belonged
that a solution must be found, now seeing the human and physical to a peace organization).
costs of the conflict as unbearable (Pruitt & Kim, 2004). The first quote, that exemplifies a call for vengeance, comes
Furthermore, when narratives of vengeance and victimhood from Aaron,1 an Israeli from Hungary who survived Auschwitz as
take place in a context characterized by little interpersonal a teenager. Aaron was interviewed in 2003 for a joint Palestinian
interactionfor example, when an individual is interviewed by Israeli study, which documented life stories of Palestinian refugees
a researcher documenting victims experiences in war, or when from 1948 and Israelis who had been refugees from either the
the group does not appear open to hearing stories from the Holocaust or Arab countries, and who immigrated to Israel around
enemy,then the narratives often represent monologues that 1948. One of the purposes of this project was to bring together the
do not engage the other. When the narratives of victimhood, Israeli and Palestinian interviewees for group encounters, though
confusion, and embracing do involve a dialogical group setting, this only happened on a small scale. Aaron, who was asked if he
they have the potential to become peace-building endeavors. wished to participate, stated that he did not have an interest to meet
Not all narratives automatically open up such moments in group Palestinians and engage in discussion with them.
encounters. For this to happen, there are additional necessary Aaron focused on the dissolution of his personal and family life
conditions: a) the group must provide safe spaces for open and after the Nazis invaded Budapest in 1944 and the degradations and
direct communication. The participants must refrain from making violence that he and his loved ones suffered. After Aaron finished
judgmental or negative comments, or acting in nonverbal ways that his narrative, I asked him to share his views on the Palestinian
signal to the narrator that his or her story is being dismissed; b) it
must include a reflective process; c) the encounter needs to be
1
more than a one-time endeavor; and d) participants must be willing All the names are pseudonyms.
PERSONAL NARRATIVES IN RESEARCH AND PEACE-BUILDING 481

Israeli conflict, including possible solutions to the violence. Aaron that the group was very interested in hearing about his life. Ahmed
said: said yes. He briefly talked about the refugee story of his grand-
parents, and then delved into the Gaza War (2008 2009). Here is
. . . I would put all of the Palestinians on transports and send them to
part of what he said:
the gas chambers just like they (the Nazis) did with us. And I know
Palestinians, I have worked with them and I have had Palestinian During the war I was a translator for many of the foreign journalists
friends, but this is what I think . . . who came to Gaza. I was only 22 and had never had such a job before.
I had to meet with them in all of the places that were being bombed,
This extremely difficult statement shows that one of the main
and there were so many! There were air raids all the time, and
lessons that Aaron learned from the Holocaust was that genocide everywhere. My house shook constantly from the bombs and windows
is permissible when dealing with an enemy. While Aaron talked kept shattering. I also had to accompany them to the hospital where
about his inability to understand the cruelty of the Nazis and their the wounded were taken (At this point he began quietly crying and
collaborators toward the Jews, he did not say that they should have was silent for about 15 seconds. He wiped away tears and continued
been gassed; this suggestion was made only for the Palestinians. in a somewhat broken voice). I saw terrible things. Body pieces,
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His interview showed that talking about his suffering did not people without limbs, so much blood . . . I had never seen anything
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reflect working through or a sense of relief. like that before. I had to remain professional and interview the
Aarons narrative can also be seen as closely reflecting the wounded and their parents and the doctors because the journalists
Israeli master narrative that stresses centuries of Jewish victimiza- were counting on me to explain what was going on. I felt sick, but had
to go on. I had to help them so that they could let the world know what
tion at the hands of others (notably European Christians and
was happening in Gaza. I couldnt say no. I still see those sights. I
Arabs) and demonstrates how the hotness of the Holocaust is
cant get them out of my head. There was so much blood. The Israelis
kept alive, even though the genocide ended years ago and the Jews tried to destroy us, and there was nowhere to run or hide. I was only
are no longer stateless. 22 and had never been prepared for such sights . . .
Perhaps Aaron expressed a fantasy that he knows will never
materialize; perhaps he just needed to voice his deep frustration Ahmeds narrative contains extreme pain and helplessness and
and anger toward Palestinians. When I offered him a platform to having to bear witness to horrendous sights with nowhere to run
talk about how the Nazi regime had severely violated his family, or hide. He provided graphic images of the death and destruction
and to discuss his experiences with Palestinians, he responded with and the utter fear that he felt during the war, telling us that nothing
an ethnocentric monologue that promoted killing of another peo- had prepared him for such an experience, and that he feared that
ple, even those he counts as his friends. Furthermore, he de- these sights would always haunt him. His entire narrative was
clined the invitation to attend a PalestinianIsraeli encounter. about suffering and victimhood at the hands of the Israelis, begin-
Although he did not go into detail concerning his decision, his ning in 1949 when his grandparents were forced to leave their
answer showed that had no interest in telling his story to the home in Jaffa, continuing with his description of the ongoing
enemy or hearing about their lives. blockade on the Gaza Strip, and ending with his heartbreaking
The example of victimhood comes from a narrative presented by story of the Gaza War.
a man from Gaza in his twenties who participated in a two-part Although Ahmed mostly looked down when telling his story,
peace seminar for Israelis, Palestinians, and Germans. The orga- every person in the room was fixated on him. The room was also
nization that ran this seminar in 20132014 focuses mainly on the very quiet; only Ahmeds voice broke the silence. During his
IsraeliPalestinian conflict and aims at helping participants un- 25-min narration, he did not have one conciliatory remark to make
dergo personal transformation to become peace builders in their about Israelis. He painted us (Israelis) as cruel people who have no
societies. The seminars aim to support people as they engage in sense of compassion and justice. Even though he and I had met
deep reflection concerning ones place in the PalestinianIsraeli before, had been in e-mail contact, and had always gotten along,
conflict, while trying to understand the conflict from the ene- Ahmed avoided looking at me or giving me a sign that he knew
mys point of view. The NGO also stresses nonviolence, the that not all Israelis were murderers bent on destroying his people.
crippling effects of trauma, and the need for developing empathy. Ahmeds narrative was a monologue. Even though he told his
Furthermore, it sees the Holocaust past as one of the factors that story to a group of 21 people who were intensely interested in
led to the creation of the Jewish State (and hence ties Germans into hearing what he had lived through, no one else spoke. During his
the conflict). Participants ages ranged from 24 70, with an equal talk, he gave us no opportunity to verbally or nonverbally express
number of men and women and group members from each society. how engaged we were in his narration since he could not bring
Ahmed had only once participated in a joint IsraeliPalestinian himself to look at us. After Ahmed finished, the facilitator asked
encounter beforehand, when he attended a peace conference. He for comments from the group, asking us to only offer remarks that
was well versed in human rights principles, and had traveled would express our support. The outpouring of sympathy and
abroad a few times for work (he was employed by an international empathy from the Israelis was total; all who spoke provided
humanitarian organization); however, he had never found himself, additional safe space so that Ahmed could hear how his narrative
as the only Gazan in the room, face to face with Israelis for a very had profoundly moved, and perhaps more importantly, disturbed,
intensive seminar. During the first 3 days he rarely spoke (although us all. While Ahmed did not talk at this point, an I-You dialogue
he was fluent in English) and seemed uncomfortable. He often developed, as all of the comments were aimed at letting Ahmed
looked down, shook his legs, and looked away whenever the know that we had listened deeply and his words also made us look
facilitator tried to catch his eye. deeper into ourselves.
On the fourth day, the facilitator directly asked him if he would In this case, Ahmeds personal narrative of victimhood helped
be interested in sharing his personal story of life in Gaza, saying the peace-building seminar. Perhaps it was successful because the
482 CHAITIN

Israeli participants were committed to reaching out to Palestinians I was near the window, and I saw my neighbor, and they shot him.
and were proponents of a nonviolent end to the conflict. Perhaps it Why did they shoot him? What did he do? He didnt do anything; he
was also successful because of the gentle facilitation techniques. was just a regular guy like me. He had a wife and kids and lived next
Perhaps the composition of the group also helped; the Germans in door. He wasnt a terrorist, he was a business man. He just tried to live
his life. They (the Israeli soldiers) said that they yelled at him to stop
the room helped serve as a buffer against the Israeli presence.
walking and that he reached for something in his pocket, but it turned
And perhaps its success was because of the fact that Ahmed had out that he was trying to get his handkerchief to wave. They thought
witnessed 3 days of empathy and reflection, and so he felt ready to it might be a gun. He died in the street and they wouldnt let us go get
risk sharing his pain with his enemies (the Israelis). him or send for an ambulance. They killed him for no reason because
Although it is impossible to know, if Ahmed had told his story they were scared and saw every one of us as the enemy. They also
in a setting that differed drastically from the conditions of this one, killed one of my students. He was an honors student, planning to go
perhaps the victimhood narrative would have led to ethnocentric to college. They shot him because he was throwing stones. Okay, I
talk, marked by defensiveness and disparaging remarks. It can also know that they shouldnt throw stones and Ive told them that its
wrong and they shouldnt do this, but what can you do? They see the
be hypothesized that such responses would result in peace obstruc-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

army day and night and they see the settlers moving into our neigh-
tion, rather than peace building. Perhaps it would have inhibited
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

borhood and claiming it for themselves, and they are just kids. They
Ahmed from attending/speaking in another seminar, reconvincing shot him in the head! Why didnt they aim for his leg? They just want
him that Israelis were heartless and cruel while also convincing to kill.
Israeli participants that Palestinians only wanted to blame Israelis
for their troubles. Later on, Imad continued
Ahmed attended the second part of the seminar held a few But I know that there are other Israelis, like you here. I feel that
months later. This time he spoke more, and also made what I saw Yitzhak is my brother! (Here he put his hand on Yitzhaks shoulder
as a dramatic step when he told me during one of the breaks: You who was sitting next to him). I know that he loves me and would do
and I understand one another better than anyone, since we both live anything to protect me if he saw that I was in danger. (Yitzhak was
in the Sderot-Gaza region. He also said that he would gladly crying.) I know that there are good Israelis who hate the Occupation
attend another seminar. However, it is also important to note that and stand with us, but there arent enough. I want to believe that there
are more, but its hard when every day all you see is army and settlers
whenever he spoke in the group, Ahmed had no kind words for
and the cruel face of the Occupation! Damn the Occupation!
Israelis at all, and the victimhood narrative remained salient.
The third quote represents confusion, and comes from Imads Imads narrative, like Aarons, is also firmly connected to his
narrative, which he shared at a peace seminar run by the organi- master narrativethe Palestinian one. His story emphasizes Israeli
zation described above in 2010. Imad, a Palestinian teacher in his cruelty and Palestinian innocence (noting that throwing stones
forties from east Jerusalem (occupied by Israel in the 1967 war), isnt right, but immediately excusing the teens for their actions
described the many difficulties of being a Palestinian from Jeru- because of their age). However, unlike Aarons story, here we have
salem. He defined himself as being neither here, nor there a fissure between the personal and master narrative. There is a
referring to the fact that, on the one hand, he can move freely, tension between his belief that Palestinians and Israelis can be
unlike Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, but on the other partners in peace, and the difficulty of moving past his perception
hand, he remains stateless since there is no Palestinian State. He of most Israelis as blood-thirsty soldiers, who only want to kill
lives in the capital of Israel but is not an Israeli citizen, and or usurping settlers who only want to grab land. The master
therefore, lacks important civil rights (for details of the legal status narrative is repeated in his personal story and is expressed in his
of Jerusalem Palestinians see http://www.btselem.org/jerusalem/ occasional pulling-out of the peace organization of which he is a
legal_status). member. Furthermore, his narrative moves between ethnocentric
Although Imad had been involved in the organization for a monologue and IYou dialogue; at times he focuses solely on
number of years prior to the 10-day seminar, he had often threat- Palestinian understandings, and at others, reaches out warmly to an
ened to permanently leave the group (pulling out and coming back Israeli other.
a few times) because he felt that the Israelis did not come out The final quote comes from the personal narrative of an Israeli
strongly enough against the Occupation or disagreed with him on woman in her thirties who, at the time, was living in a kibbutz
political issues. While the Israelis preferred to focus efforts on civil located 15 km from the Gaza border. This narrative exemplifies the
society work and did not want to discuss political solutions, Imad role of embracing the other, while enmeshed in pain.
repeatedly demanded that the organization formulate stands con- In 2010, Hadar attended two 3-day seminars that brought to-
cerning issues such as national boundaries and the Palestinian gether 10 young adults half from Gaza and half from the Negev
refugee issue. region that is under rocket attack. Hadar, an educator, was very
The group consisted of 15 Israelis, Palestinians, and Germans, interested in joining this group and getting to know Palestinians
between the ages of 3570. Imads personal narrative was very who lived close to her home. Originally she had been from Sderot
emotional; his voice cracked a number of times and tears welled up (located one kilometer from the border), but she and her boyfriend
in his eyes. At one point, he actually threw his papers on the floor decided to move farther away since the constant rocket attacks had,
and stormed out, returning a few minutes later, apologizing for his in her words, made me crazy. When Hadar was asked to tell her
outburst. Imad spoke mainly about the injustices that had been story, this is part of what she shared:
done to him and his students by Israeli soldiers and policemen who The day that broke me happened in early 2008 when there were days
often came into his neighborhood to harass innocent people. on end with 50, 60, and 70 rockets fired from Gaza onto Sderot. I
Here are some of Imads words: remember it like it was yesterday. The tzeva adom (red alert siren)
PERSONAL NARRATIVES IN RESEARCH AND PEACE-BUILDING 483

went off time after time after time. I was at home because I was call for a resistance to the two master narratives that proclaim
terrified to leave the house and go to work. I made my boyfriend stay Israelis and Palestinians are doomed to be enemies.
home as well. I didnt want to be caught outside when the rockets fell. Hadars narrative was met with great support from the Pales-
I remember that I didnt know where to hide; our apartment had no tinians. During the break, they came up to her and shook her hand
safe room. At one point I crawled into the kitchen and laid down on warmly, telling her that they understood what she had been living
the floor. All I could do was lay there in a fetal position, next to the
through. They said that her words gave them hope, because they
refrigerator, like a baby in his mothers womb. I was shaking and
saw partners for peace in the same room.
crying and afraid to stand up. I said to my boyfriend: I cant take this
anymore. We have to get out of here and move somewhere safe. I just
want it to stop. About 2 weeks later we moved to a kibbutz, which Conclusions and Thoughts for Future Study
is in the Negev, but out of rocket range. I began to breathe again.
Wheras this article presented examples of personal narratives of
When one of the Palestinians asked her why she came to the massive social trauma connected to the IsraeliPalestinian context,
seminar, Hadar answered: it is hoped that the proposed categorization will have relevance for
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

I come because I believe in peace and believe that most Gazans do as


other peoples engaged in intractable conflicts, because the use of
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well. It is the extremists on both sides that terrorize us, not the personal narratives in peace-building/reconciliation efforts is far
ordinary people. Even as I was lying on that floor and sobbing, I knew from a unique Middle Eastern phenomenon. For example, Amstutz
that there were people on your side doing the same. I think this is (2006) in Rwanda, Corntassel and Tlakwadzi (2009) in Canada,
insane and inhumane for all of us. I cant live like this and I know that Ferguson, Burgess, and Hollywood (2010) in Northern Ireland,
you cant either. Also, my boyfriend was traumatized from his army Kelsall (2005) in Sierra Leone, and Nannelli (2009) in Timor-
service, and I know that we need peace so that we can heal. We are Leste report findings of such work.
all humans and deserve the same rights. You should be able to live It is clear that much more research needs to be undertaken on the
without fear and walls and restrictions and I should be able to live in ways in which different kinds of personal narratives of massive
peace in Sderot. I want to go back to Sderot and I want you to be free. social trauma can aid processes of reconciliation, or at the very
In this example, we see how Hadar moved from her narrative of least, help de-escalate the violence. What we can learn from the
personal suffering to words of human rights, common suffering, conceptualization and examples offered here, is that under group
and humanity. Hadar did not devaluate her own pain, but used her conditions that encourage sharing personal narratives (Chaitin,
story to emphasize to the other participants, and especially the 2004a), offer a safe space for people to be vulnerable (Chaitin,
2004b), and engage in dialogical communication (Buber, 1958;
Palestinians, that she believed that her pain and their pain were
Steinberg, 2004) that includes inner reflection as well as opportu-
interconnected and unbearable: Neither would have freedom and
nities to critically reconsider master narratives, stories of suffering
security if the other side was left wanting.
can become vehicles for peace-building on the microlevel. How-
Hadars outlook on the world differs significantly from the
ever, what we have yet to understand more fully is how to turn
others presented previously. Whereas both Hadar and Aaron
these small peace efforts into a wider social movement that will
recounted morbid details of life under existential threat, Hadar
move a society from war to peace.
expressed a wish to co-create peace with Palestinians from
It is easy to see how narratives of victimhood, confusion, and
Gaza, and not kill her enemy. Ahmeds narrative focused on
embracing the other can support peace-building efforts more read-
continual victimhood rooted in Israeli transgressions, while
ily than narratives of vengeance, if for no other reason than that
Hadars narrative broke out of victimhood to look for connec-
people who express a wish to harm their enemy will rarely, if ever,
tion. Imads uncertainty concerning Israelis commitment to agree to meet with them for dialogue. Therefore, one major ques-
peace keeps him vacillating about whether to remain or leave tion that arises concerning the ability to turn vengeance narratives
the peace NGO, whereas Hadar believes that Israelis and into narratives that can aid peace-building endeavors is what can
Gazans must work together to overcome the brutality of their peace builders do to convince people who feel this way to agree to
lives, even though her ideas make her vulnerable to hatred of come into the room? Whereas classical psychosocial research has
other Israelis who do not agree with her. Hadar has known shown ways to bring together people who hold prejudices for
much pain in life along the border, but she speaks about Israelis one-on-one meetings (e.g., Allport, 1954), much more work is
and Palestinians whose rights are being trampled by extremists. needed on learning how to bring together victims of massive social
She is empathetic toward Palestinian pain, and embraces build- trauma, who are locked into narratives of vengeance, to begin a
ing IYou relationships with Palestinians without diminishing peace-building dialogue process.
the fear and pain that at times overwhelm her. Whereas this article proposes that it is inadvisable to introduce
In Hadars story, the Israeli master narrative that focuses on vengeance and victimhood narratives into peace-building efforts
Israeli victimhood and Palestinian terrorists rarely appeared. Her without first making sure that facilitators have sufficiently pre-
story highlighted her belief in the need for ordinary people from pared a group setting that will be conducive for sharing and
the two sides to work together to achieve normality and peace. reflection, systematic research in different group contexts is nec-
Perhaps Hadar was able to tell a narrative of embracing even as she essary. We also need to closely examine different communication
remains in pain because of her openness to cultivating and deep- settings to be able to better match personal narrative types with
ening friendship with Palestinians. Perhaps her prior connections specific peace-building activities. For example, for groups that
with Palestinians from the West Bank, who she knew from human have experience in sharing personal stories and listening to the
rights work, and her exposure to her boyfriends trauma from his story of the enemy, narratives of victimhood should be less
army service, made it possible for Hadar to question and ultimately threatening and invoke less defense mechanisms than for groups
484 CHAITIN

that are hearing difficult stories for the first time. Additionally, we Amstutz, M. R. (2006). Is reconciliation possible after genocide? The case
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There are at least five issues that should be further explored that Israel and Palestine. Portland, OR: Arnica.
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(Ed.), Narratology beyond literary criticism (pp. 213237). Berlin,
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narratives and written ones of massive social trauma? Can both be Bar-On, D., & Kassem, F. (2004). Storytelling as a way to work through
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